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Brett J. Kyle Dissertation
RECYCLING DICTATORS: EX-AUTHORITARIANS IN NEW DEMOCRACIES by Brett J. Kyle A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON 2013 Date of final oral examination: 08/26/13 The dissertation is approved by the following members of the Final Oral Committee: Christina Ewig, Associate Professor, Political Science Scott Straus, Professor, Political Science David Canon, Professor, Political Science Noam Lupu, Assistant Professor, Political Science Henry Dietz, Professor, Government © Copyright by Brett J. Kyle 2013 All Rights Reserved i To my parents, Linda Davis Kyle and J. Richard Kyle ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the support of my family, friends, and colleagues. In particular, I would like to thank my co-chairs, Christina Ewig and Scott Straus, for their guidance, feedback, and questions in the development and writing process; and my committee members—David Canon, Noam Lupu, and Henry Dietz—for their insights and attention to the project. I would also like to thank Leigh Payne for her direction and consistent interest in the dissertation. In addition, Andy Reiter has been a crucial guide throughout the process. The research for this project received financial support from the UW-Madison Latin American Caribbean and Iberian Studies Tinker/Nave Grant, the Vilas Travel Grant, and the Department of Political Science’s Summer Research Initiative. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, Linda Davis Kyle and Richard Kyle, and my brother, Brock Kyle, for always being there for me and for always seeing the value of my efforts. -
Mercosur: the Common Market of the Twenty-First Century?
GEORGIA JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AND COMPARATIVE LAW VOLUME 32 2004 NUMBER 1 MERCOSUR: THE COMMON MARKET OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY? Rafael A. Porrata-Doria,Jr. * I. INTRODUCTION MERCOSUR, the "Common Market of the Southern Cone," was created in March 1990 by the Treaty of Asunci6n and was meant to create a common market among its four signatories (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay) by December 31, 1994.' This common market would include the graduated elimination of all customs duties among its signatories,2 the creation of a common external tariff, the adoption of a common trade policy,3 and the harmonization of economic policies The Treaty of Asunci6n, and its * Professor of Law, Temple University. J.D. 1977, Yale University; M.A., University of Pennsylvania; B.A. 1974, University of Pennsylvania. This Article, based substantially on research materials not available in English, is the first comprehensive description and evaluation of MERCOSUR in the English language. The author is a former consultant to the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank) and was a mission participant and co- author of its study "Competition Policy and MERCOSUR" (1996). The author gratefully acknowledges the helpful comments of Marina Angel, Jeffrey Dunoff, and Henry Richardson. The author particularly appreciates the outstanding efforts of his principal research assistant, Julie Liebenberg, J.D. 2004, Temple University School of Law, and of his current research assistant, Suzette Sanders, J.D. expected 2005, Temple University School of Law. The information in this Article is current as of August 2003. ' Treaty of Asunci6n Establishing a Common Market among Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Mar. -
Chapter 2: What Went Wrong in Argentina
2 What Went Wrong in Argentina Several factors contributed to the remarkable deterioration of Argentina from an apparent paragon of economic reform and stabilization in 1997–98 to the tragedy now unfolding in that economy. If Argentina had a more flexible economic system, especially in its labor markets, its econ- omy would have been more able to adapt to the rigors of the Con- vertibility Plan; unemployment would have been lower; growth would have been stronger; fiscal deficits would have been smaller; and interest rates would have been lower because creditors would have had more confidence in the capacity of the Argentine government to service its obligations. Moreover, if the US dollar had not been so strong in recent years, Argentina would have had a more competitive exchange rate vis-à-vis its important European trading partners, contributing both to somewhat better growth and a better balance of payments. If Argentina had not suf- fered the external shock from the collapse of Brazil’s crawling-peg ex- change rate policy, one of the important causes of Argentina’s recession during the period 1999–2001 would have been removed; and this would have had favorable consequences in several important dimensions. Or if Argentina had decided in 1997 or 1998 that the Convertibility Plan had fulfilled its purpose and the time had come to shift to a more flexible regime for exchange rate and monetary policy, it might have been better able to manage the difficulties of 1999–2001. In sum, if things had broken more in Argentina’s favor, this surely would have helped to preserve the success and avoid the tragedy of Argentina’s stabilization efforts. -
Women's Rights and the Legacy of Lincoln
Women’s Rights and the Legacy of Lincoln: Explaining the Adoption of Legislative Gender Quotas in the Western Hemisphere Adriana Piatti-Crocker University of Illinois, at Springfield [email protected] Even though Abraham Lincoln’s views on women’s rights have not been thoroughly documented, President Lincoln’s legacy is closely connected to the women’s movement in the United States and beyond. First, there are Lincoln’s views on human rights and against slavery in the Confederate States, which were made evident by the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863. Indeed, his position on the liberation of slaves could be interpreted also to support a broader meaning of freedom, as applied to women. In addition, it is within Lincoln’s historical time that the “first wave” feminism became a force to be reckoned with. From North to South America, women in the western hemisphere began to mobilize for justice and equality; and they made critical yet, slow and gradual progress. However, it was not until the beginning of the 20th century and many decades thereafter that women gained the right to vote and the right to enjoy more or less equal civil rights with men in the western hemisphere. Yet, women remained widely underrepresented in politics. During the 1990s, a growing number of countries made significant efforts to help reduce the gender gap that had been so pervasive for women in politics. Among a number of institutional devices, gender quotas are one of the most popular and effective mechanisms for rapidly increasing the proportion of women in political positions of high-ranking. -
Argentina's Delegative Democracy: a Case Study
ARGENTINA’S DELEGATIVE DEMOCRACY: A CASE STUDY A dissertation presented by Florencia Inés Gabriele to The Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of Political Science Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts December 2013 1 ARGENTINA’S DELEGATIVE DEMOCRACY: A CASE STUDY by Florencia Ines Gabriele ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University December, 2013 2 ABSTRACT This study analyses why Argentina remained an immature and underdeveloped delegative democracy rather than a fully-liberal democratic polity. Following the work of Guillermo O’Donnell this work explores the quality of, and serious deficiencies in, Argentina’s democracy. This work pays special attention to presidential use and misuse of Decrees of Necessity and Urgency by as a means to govern alone, thus bypassing Congress and how there is no existing check and balances in the government in this regard. Observing delegative democracies, this work also examines the following: the use of economic restrictions, use of policies such as nationalizations, privatizations, management of the federal budget, international relations of the country, restriction on the media, behavior of the judiciary branch, changes in the national constitution, and decreasing role of the Vice President. This work analyzes the relationship between democracy, decrees of necessity and urgency, laws sanctioned by Congress and inflation using transfer function models. Democracy is measured using the Polity IV dataset. There is a causal relationship among the explanatory variables (inputs) —the numbers of laws passed by Congress, inflation, and number of DNU — and Democracy (output). -
Contemporary Civil-Military Relations in Brazil and Argentina : Bargaining for Political Reality
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1996 Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality. Carlos P. Baía University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Baía, Carlos P., "Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality." (1996). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2541. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2541 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. c CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS September 1996 Political Science © Copyright by Carlos Pereira Bafa 1996 All Rights Reserved CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Approved as to style and content by: Howard Wiarda, Chair Eric Einhorn, Member Eric Einhom, Department Head Political Science ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work would not have been possible without the invaluable contributions of Howard Wiarda, Eric Einhorn, Timothy Steingega, Anthony Spanakos, Moise Tirado, Tilo Stolz, Edgar Brignoni, Susan Iwanicki, and Larissa Ruiz. To them I express my sincere gratitude. I also owe special thanks to the United States Department of Education for granting me a Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship to complete this research. -
Argentina: the Anatomy of a Crisis
ZentrumfürEuropäischeIntegrationsforschung CenterforEuropeanIntegrationStudies RheinischeFriedrich-Wilhelms-UniversitätBonn JiriJonas ARGENTINA:THE ANATOMYOFACRISIS ISSN1436-6053 ZentrumfürEuropäischeIntegrationsforschung CenterforEuropeanIntegrationStudies RheinischeFriedrich-Wilhelms-UniversitätBonn Walter-Flex-Straße3 Tel.: +49-228-73-9218 D-53113Bonn Fax: +49-228-73-1809 B12 Germany http: //www.zei.de 2002 Argentina: the Anatomy of a Crisis Jiri Jonas 1 1. Introduction Argentina has a long history of political instability, financial crises and decline in relative economic level. At the beginning of the 20th century, Argentina's economic level, measured by GDP per capita, was not far behind Europe, Australia or Canada. However, after a long period of economic mismanagement, Argentina’s relative position in the world economy has fallen significantly. The beginning of the last decade of the 20th century brought a hope that Argentina has finally turned the corner, and that a period of economic prosperity lies ahead. Successful stabilization program based on the currency board arrangement (CBA) brought inflation quickly down, economic growth recovered sharply, and Argentina became a favorite destination for foreign capital. Yet problems lurked ahead. First came the Mexican crisis of late 1994. Argentina was hit hard by this so-called “tequila” crisis, but with the help of the central bank, its relatively strong banking sector survived the withdrawal of deposits and after one year of sharp decline, the economy grew again in 1996. But another shock followed in 1997, when a violent financial crisis erupted in Asia, followed in 1998 by the Russian crisis and in 1999 by crisis in Brazil, which floated its currency. Argentina has already suffered from turmoil caused by Asian and Russian crises and devaluation of the Brazilian currency added to its problems. -
Participation and Leadership in Latin America and the Caribbean: Gender Indicators
PARTICIPATION AND LEADERSHIP IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN: GENDER INDICATORS Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean Santiago, Chile, 1999 LC/L.1302 December 1999 The indicators were designed and the data collected by the Women and Development Unit of ECLAC in collaboration with FLACSO. The final report was produced by Teresa Valdés and Indira Palacios, who are consultants with the Women and Development Unit. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Organization. Design and typesetting by: María Eugenia Gilabert INDEX Introduction .................................................................................................................. 9 I. WOMEN’S SOCIO-POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND LEADERSHIP ON THE INTERNATIONAL AGENDA ................................... 13 II. STATISTICS AND INDICATORS OF SOCIO-POLITICAL PARTICIPATION ....................................................................... 19 A. Reference framework for indicators .............................................................. 21 B.The indicators selected ................................................................................... 23 C.The information presented .............................................................................. 25 III. WOMEN’S ACCESS TO CITIZENSHIP ............................................................... 27 IV. WOMEN IN THE STATE ....................................................................................... 35 1. The executive ................................................................................................ -
THE REFORMS of the NINETIES in ARGENTINA Rodolfo Díaz
The Reforms of the Nineties in Argentina By Rodolfo Diaz WCFIA Fellow - Harvard University THE REFORMS OF THE NINETIES IN ARGENTINA Rodolfo Díaz WCFIA Fellow Harvard University This book is published under the auspices of the Weatherhead Center For International Affairs of Harvard University 2 The Reforms of the Nineties in Argentina By Rodolfo Diaz WCFIA Fellow - Harvard University CONTENTS Introduction THE STARTING POINT (7) 1. The State: the "Bureaucratic Authoritarian Model".2. The Econ- omy: the "Assisted Capitalism". 3. The Means: Inflation. 4. The Ends: Transfers to the Private Sector. 5. The Starting Point: The Collapse of Assisted Capitalism Chapter I: Reforming the Economy I. ECONOMIC REFORM (33) 1. The Collapse of 1989. 2. The "Plan BB”. 3. Contents of the New Law. 4. The Approval. 5. Solutions to Problems. 6. Complementary Measures. 7. Enforcement of Economic Reform. 8. Information flows. 9. Effects. 10. Measuring the Reforms. 11. Two "Paces". II. MONETARY REFORM (61) 1. Crisis and Hyperinflation. 2. The Proposal. 3. Contents of the "Convertibility Law". 4. The Approval. 5. Implementation. 6. The "Impossible Trinity". 7. The Enforcement of Convertibility. 8. The Fixed Exchange Rate. 10. Effects. 11. Inflationary Effects of De- valuation. 12. Elimination of Devaluation as Monetary Policy In- strument. III. FISCAL REFORM (85) 1. Inflation: The Tax of Assisted Capitalism. 2. Fiscal Situation in 1989. 3. The Proposal. 4. Approval: Defeat and Debate. 5. The Contents of Law 24073. 6. Enforcement and Tax Collection. 7. Public Expenditure and Fiscal Deficit. 8. Budgetary Institutions. 9. The Fiscal Solvency Law. Chapter II: Reforming the Society I. EDUCATIONAL REFORM (117) 1. -
Executive Leadership and the Continuing Quest for Justice in Argentina
Executive Leadership and the Continuing Quest for Justice in Argentina Terence Roehrig Human Rights Quarterly, Volume 31, Number 3, August 2009, pp. 721-747 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/hrq.0.0097 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/hrq/summary/v031/31.3.roehrig.html Access Provided by Stetson University at 01/17/11 6:18PM GMT HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY Executive Leadership and the Continuing Quest for Justice in Argentina Terence Roehrig* ABSTRACT After Argentina transitioned from military rule to democracy, the new civilian government attempted to prosecute members of the former military regime for human rights abuses. However, military rebellions, pardons, and amnesty laws prevented all but a few from being held accountable for past crimes. In 2003, President Néstor Kirchner along with the Argentine legislature and Supreme Court opened the door for further prosecution. Though many contributed to the revival of these efforts to prosecute military personnel and police, it was the actions of President Kirchner that were most crucial in removing the obstacles necessary to resume judicial proceedings. * Terence Roehrig is an Associate Professor in the National Security Decision Making Depart- ment at the U.S. Naval War College. He is a co-author of a forthcoming book entitled South Korea since 1980: Democratization, Economic Struggle, and Nuclear Crisis (Cambridge University Press, 2010) with Uk Heo. In addition, he is the author of two books, From De- terrence to Engagement: The U.S. Defense Commitment to South Korea (Lexington Books, 2006) and The Prosecution of Former Military Leaders in Newly Democratic Nations: The Cases of Argentina, Greece, and South Korea (McFarland Press, 2002), and coeditor of Ko- rean Security in a Changing East Asia (Praeger, 2007). -
International Borrowing and Macroeconomic Performance in Argentina
This PDF is a selection from a published volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Capital Controls and Capital Flows in Emerging Economies: Policies, Practices and Consequences Volume Author/Editor: Sebastian Edwards, editor Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-18497-8 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/edwa06-1 Conference Date: December 16-18, 2004 Publication Date: May 2007 Title: International Borrowing and Macroeconomic Performance in Argentina Author: Kathryn M. E. Dominguez, Linda L. Tesar URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c0156 7 International Borrowing and Macroeconomic Performance in Argentina Kathryn M. E. Dominguez and Linda L. Tesar 7.1 Introduction In the early 1990s Argentina was the darling of international capital markets and viewed by many as a model of reform for emerging markets. Early in his presidency, Carlos Menem embarked on a bold set of economic policies, including the adoption of a currency board that pegged the Ar- gentine peso to the dollar, a sweeping privatization program for state- owned enterprises, an overhaul of the banking system, and privatization of the public pension system. The business press marveled over the rapid turnaround in the Argentine economy. Although there were some concerns about the appropriateness and sustainability of the dollar anchor and whether the fiscal reforms were more rhetoric than reality, the policies ap- peared to have conquered inflation and set the country on a course of steady economic growth. By the end of the 1990s, however, Argentina’s situation had dramatically changed. The country had weathered the financial crises in Mexico and Asia, and, despite the volatility of capital flows, Argentina’s currency board remained intact and forecasts of future growth were relatively posi- tive. -
Costs and Benefits of Dollarization
Costs and Benefits of Dollarization Myriam Quispe-Agnoli Latin America Research Group Research Department Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta [email protected] Paper prepared for the conference “Dollarization and Latin America: Quick Cure or Bad Medicine?” by Latin American and Caribbean Center, Summit of the Americas Center, Florida International University in March 4, 2002. July 2002 Costs and Benefits of Dollarization Myriam Quispe-Agnoli∗ 1. Introduction In the last few years, the idea of dollarization has surged to the forefront of monetary policy alternatives for Latin American countries. Several countries have already officially adopted the US dollar as legal tender. Panama adopted the dollar as its official currency in 1904, Ecuador dollarized in September 2000 and El Salvador followed suit in January 2001. By eliminating their national currencies and replacing them with the US dollar, countries considering dollarization hope to achieve economic stability and growth. Is dollarization a quick remedy for economic stability in Latin America? The answer is yes and no. Dollarization may promote economic stability in the short term, but structural and institutional problems must also be addressed if a dollarizing country is to achieve long-term economic growth and development. In addition to full dollarization, many Latin American countries have experienced a high degree of partial dollarization since the 1970s. Under partial, or unofficial, dollarization, individuals substitute domestic currency with foreign currency to make transactions and protect the purchasing power of their money income. However, the speed of the unofficial dollarization process will depend on the development of the financial system and the institutional regulations allowing domestic holding and circulation of foreign currency (Savastano 1996).