Assessment of Language Endangerment in Tanzania: a Case of Matengo in Mbinga District

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Humanities Master Dissertations

2016 Assessment of language endangerment in Tanzania: A case of Matengo in Mbinga district

Mkilima, Fokas X.

The University of Dodoma

Mkilima, F. X. (2016). Assessment of language endangerment in Tanzania: A case of Matengo in Mbinga district. Dodoma: The University of Dodoma http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12661/1124 Downloaded from UDOM Institutional Repository at The University of Dodoma, an open access institutional repository.

ASSESSMENT OF LANGUAGE ENDANGERMENT IN TANZANIA: A CASE OF

MATENGO IN MBINGA DISTRICT

FOKAS XAVERY MKILIMA

A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts in Linguistics of the University of Dodoma

The University of Dodoma

October, 2016 CERTIFICATION

The undersigned certifies that she has read and hereby recommends for acceptance by the

University of Dodoma a dissertation entitled: “Assessment of Language Endangerment in

Tanzania: A Case of Matengo Language in Mbinga District” in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Linguistics of the University of Dodoma.

…………………………………

Dr. Rehema Stephano

SUPERVISOR

DATE ……………………………

DECLARATION

AND

I, Fokas Xavery Mkilima, declare that this dissertation is my own original work and that it has not been presented and will not be presented to any other University for a similar or any other degree award.

Signature………………………………………

No part of this dissertation may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the author or the University of Dodoma.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The success of this work is the result of tireless assistance, encouragement and support from many individuals whom I am, deeply, indebted.

Firstly, I thank God for his great protection against physical and healthily problems which could act as obstacles towards the accomplishment of this work.

Secondly, I extend my sincere appreciation to my parents, Mr and Mrs Mkilima, for their tireless role of guiding and bringing me up. They invested their time, especially, during my childhood.

They offered me their moral and material support during my studies to ensure that I completed this course. Also, I appreciate my brothers and sister for their courage and material support.

Thirdly, I am, particularly, grateful to Dr. Rehema Stephano, my supervisor. With a great effort, she worked hard to ensure that I succeeded well in my study. Her excellent guidance, caring, patience together with theoretical and practical orientations have a great contribution towards the production of this work. Sincerely and heartily say thank you!

Fourthly, I give special thanks to Mr Andrew Benjamin Swai, for his great patient and effort to ensure that I completed this work. He accompanied me during the whole period of its preparation to the final stage and provided me with moral and material support. I will remember him not as a friend but as my blood brother. God bless you!

Fifthly, I extend my heartfelt appreciation to my friends and other classmates. Together, we joined hands through discussion and advice. They contributed, positively, to the production of this work. Really, our almighty God will repay them more.

Last but not least, I give special thanks to my spouse, Mary for her unreserved courage and endless prayers for me since the beginning of this study. My special gratitude, also, goes to my children Stanley and Stella; who had to tolerate during the whole period of my study. As their father, I admit that they missed a lot of what they were required to get from the father. However, their sufferings had a positive influence on my study. May God bless you richly by brightening your future.

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DEDICATION

This research work is dedicated to my beloved children Stanley and Stella.

ABSTRACT

This study assessed language endangerment in Tanzania with a focus on Matengo language, an

Ethnic Minority Languages spoken in Mbinga District in Ruvuma region. The research used qualitative approach and both ethnographic and phenomenological research designs. Also, the research employed interview and observation methods in the data collection. The study had three objectives which were to: identify patterns of Matengo endangerment, to analyse causes of

Matengo endangerment and examine the effects of Matengo endangerment. The assessment was rated against UNESCO‟s factors for Language Vitality and Endangerment Assessment

Guideline.

The findings, from this study, revealed that Matengo language is unsafe. It has been endangered because of its contact with Kiswahili, lack of intergenerational language transmission, shifts in domains, speaker‟s negative attitude towards Matengo, urbanisation, lack of governmental and institutional support, lack of materials for language education and literacy, lack of documentation, failure to respond to new domain and media and decreasing number of its speakers.

In addition, the findings showed that Matengo endangerment has effects on environment, social- economic and cultural aspect of the community. Following these findings, therefore, it has been suggested that speakers should cultivate positive attitude towards the Matengo language.

Likewise, the government should lay policies which will protect Matengo and other ethnic minority languages (EMLs) in Tanzania. Similarly, linguists should document the language.

Otherwise, the survival of such languages is threatened. v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CERTIFICATION ...... i

DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT...... i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... ii

DEDICATION ...... iv

ABSTRACT ...... v

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vi

LIST OF TABLES ...... x

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... xi

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

1.0 Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Background to the Problem ...... 1

1.2 Statement of the Problem ...... 5

1.3 Research Objectives ...... 5

1.3.1 General Objective ...... 5

1.3.2 Specific Objectives ...... 5

1.4 Research Questions ...... 6

1.5 Significance of the Study ...... 6

1.6 The Scope of the Study ...... 7

CHAPTER TWO ...... 8

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 8

2.1 Introduction ...... 8

2.2 Theoretical Framework ...... 8

2.2.1 Factor 1: Intergenerational Language Transmission ...... 8

2.2.2 Factor 2: Absolute Number of Speakers ...... 9

2.2.3 Factor 3: Proportion of Speakers within the Total Population ...... 9

2.2.4 Factor 4: Shifts in Domains of Language Use ...... 10

2.2.5 Factor 5: Response to New Domains and Media ...... 11

2.2.6 Factor 6: Materials for Language Education and Literacy ...... 12

2.2.7 Factor 7: Governmental and Institutional Language Attitudes and Policies, Including Official Status and Use ...... 13

2.2.8 Factor 8: Community Members‟ Attitudes towards Their Own Language ...... 14

2.2.9 Factor 9: Type and Quality of Documentation ...... 15

2.3 Literature Review ...... 17

2.3.1 Importance of Languages ...... 17

2.3.2 Indicators of Language Endangerment ...... 20

2.3.3 Areas of Language Endangerment ...... 21

2.3.4 Causes of Language Endangerment ...... 27

2.3.5 The Effects of Language Endangerment ...... 34

2.3.6 Research Gap ...... 37

CHAPTER THREE ...... 38

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY...... 38

3.1 Introduction ...... 38

3.2 Research Approach ...... 38

3.3 Research Design ...... 39

3.4 Area of the Study...... 40

3.5 Population of the Study ...... 40

3.6 Sampling of Respondents and Sample Size ...... 40

3.6.1 Probability Sampling ...... 41 vii

3.6.2 Non-probability Sampling ...... 41

3.7 Methods of Data Collection ...... 41

3.7.1 Interview ...... 42

3.7.2 Observation ...... 42

3.8 Tools of Data Collection ...... 42

3.8.1 Observation Guiding Questions...... 43

3.8.3 Note Book and Pens ...... 43

3.8.4 Audio Recorder...... 44

3.8.5 Computer ...... 44

The computer was used for data typing, storage and analysis...... 44

3.9 Data Analysis and Presentation ...... 44

3.10 Research Ethics ...... 44

3.11 Reliability and Validity of Data...... 45

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ...... 47

4.0 Introduction ...... 47

4.1 Patterns of Matengo Endangerment ...... 47

4.1.1 Kiswahili Influence on the Phonology of Matengo Language ...... 47

4.1.2 Kiswahili Influence on the Morphology of Matengo Language ...... 52

4.1.3 Structural Changes ...... 61

4.2 The Causes of Matengo Endangerment ...... 63

4.2.1 The Contact between Matengo and Kiswahili ...... 64

4.2.2 Shifts in Domains of Language Use ...... 65

4.2.3 Negative Attitude of Matengo Speakers towards Their Language ...... 76

4.2.4 Lack of Stable Intergenerational Language Transmission ...... 80

viii

4.2.5 Influence from Urbanisation and Mobility of People ...... 84

4.2.6 Lack of Positive Governmental and Institutional Language Attitudes and Favourable Policies, including Official Status and Use of Matengo language ...... 85

4.2.7 Lack of Documentation and Materials for Language Education and Literacy ...... 87

4.2.8 The Failure of Matengo to Respond to New Domains and Media ...... 88

4.2.9 Decreasing Number of Matengo Speakers ...... 89

4.3 Effects of Matengo Language Endangerment ...... 90

4.3.2 Loss of Knowledge Accumulated from the Past ...... 92

4.3.3 Socialization Breakdown ...... 93

4.3.4 Poor Socio-Economic Development ...... 95

4.3.5 Loss of Matengo Community Culture ...... 95

4.4 Chapter Conclusion ...... 98

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 99

5.0 Introduction ...... 99

5.1 Summary of the Study ...... 99

5.3 Conclusion ...... 105

5.3.1 Recommendations ...... 105

(b) Recommendations for Further Researches...... 108

REFERENCES ...... 110

APPENDICES ...... 115

APPENDIX A: OBSERVATIONAL GUIDELINES ...... 115

APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW GUIDE QUESTIONS FOR YOUTH AND ELDERS ...... 116

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Intergenerational Language Transmission ...... 9

Table 2: Proportional Number of Speakers within the Total Population...... 10

Table 3: Shifts in Domains of Language Use ...... 11

Table 4: Response to New Domains and Media ...... 12

Table 5: Material for Language Education and Literacy ...... 13

Table 6: Governmental and Institutional Language Attitudes and Policies ...... 14

Table 7: Community Members‟ Attitudes towards Their Own Language ...... 15

Table 8: Types and Quality of Documentation ...... 16

Table 9: Kiswahili Influence on Matengo Vowels ...... 48

Table 10: Kiswahili Influence on Matengo Consonant Sounds...... 49

Table 11: Consonant Cluster Accommodation in Matengo ...... 51

Table 12: Cultural Borrowings ...... 55

Table 13 Core Borrowings ...... 57

Table 14: Semantic Narrowing in Matengo ...... 60

Table 15: Domains of Language Used by Youth and Elders ...... 66

Table 16: Domains of Language Used by Pupils ...... 66

Table 17: Language Preference in Relation with Age ...... 77

Table 18: Language Acquired Before School ...... 81

Table 19: Language Proficiency in Matengo ...... 82

Table 20: Language Used by Peers ...... 83

Table 21: Effects of Matengo Endangerment ...... 90

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

EMLs Ethnic Minority Languages

ECLs Ethnic Community Languages

L1 First Language

L2 Second Language

CV Consonant and Vowel

LVEAG Language Vitality and Endangerment Assessment Guideline

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

URT United Republic of Tanzania

GME Gaelic Medium of Education

MoI Medium of Instruction

LoI Language of Instruction

MoEST Ministry of Education, Science and Technology

GIDS Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION 1.0 Introduction

This chapter presents the background of the problem, statement of the problem, objectives of the study, research questions, significance of the study, scope of the study, literature review and research gap.

1.1 Background to the Problem

Matengo tribe is found in the South-western part of Tanzania, East of Lake Nyasa. The Matengo people speak Matengo as their ethnic language. This language belongs to Bantu group classified in zone N.13 (Guthrie, 1971).

Language is described as a system of communication, a medium for thought, a vehicle for literary expression, a social institution, a matter for political controversy and a catalyst for nation building (O‟Glady, 1996). Also, language can be defined as the system of arbitrary sounds that are used for communication among members of a particular community (Massamba, 2009).

Like other people, Matengo people use language to communicate ideas, thoughts, behaviours and other social realities that exist in societies. Through the power of language(s), people can be identified as part of a certain society and how they function in relation to social-economic development. It is through a language that one‟s feelings, emotions, ideas and demands are

expressed, recognised, implemented and, sometimes, stored for the development of the individuals and of the community in general (Wa Mberia, 2014).

Despite their importance in the society, most of the world languages are in a danger of disappearing. However, the most endangered languages are the minority languages. An endangered language is a language that is threatened by extinction (Batibo, 2005). Language endangerment is a matter of degree. At one end of the scale, are languages that are vigorous but existing under the shadow of a more dominant language. At the other end, are languages that are on the verge of extinction (Lewis et al, 2014).

UNESCO (2003), Krauss (2007), and Bamgbose (2011) argue that a language is in danger when, its speakers fail to use it, a number of communicative domains are reduced, and stop transmiting the language to the next generation. Other scholars, also, argue that it may be the result of external forces such as military, economic, religious, cultural or educational suppression, or it may be caused by internal forces, such as a community‟s negative attitude towards its own language, urbanization, lack of intergenerational language transmission and colonialism (Crystal, 2000; Nettle & Romaine, 2000; Ohiri-Aniche, 2006; Emenanjo, 2010;

Karanja, 2012 and Wa Mberia, 2014).

When a language is endangered, the effects cannot, only, be seen in its functional role; but, also, its linguistic areas such as phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics and stylistics are affected

(Yoneda, 2010). The extinction of each language results in the irreversible loss of unique cultural, historical and ecological knowledge. Each language is a unique expression of the human

experience of the world. Therefore, the knowledge embedded in every language may be essential for the future (Wa Mberia, 2014) as cited in UNESCO (2003) and Woodburg (2010).

Studies on language endangerment show that there are reasons as to why endangered languages should be maintained. Languages are means of storing cultural wisdom. The death of any language diminishes our ability to think in different ways (Crawford, 1996). Theoretical linguists need to study the greatest possible variety of human languages. However, language diversity, also, includes the knowledge of the world that is embedded in every language which we cannot afford to lose (Batibo, 2005). Each language has its own beauty. The world would be a less beautiful and less interesting place if we had fewer languages (Hoffmann, 2009). As languages die, established systems of learning and knowledge exchange can break down (Woodburg, 2010 and Turin, 2012).

According to the predictions of Krauss (1992), by the beginning of the next century, the world will see „the death or doom of 90% of mankind‟s languages‟. According to this prediction, therefore, by the year 2100, the world will have only about 650 of the present 6528 languages

(Grimes, 2000). It is, also, estimated that 3,000 of the existing 6,000 languages, will perish in the coming century. Another 2,400 will come to near extinction leaving only 600 languages in the safe category (Batibo, 2005) as cited in Grenoble & Whaley (1998).

Scholars agree that language endangerment is a problem which needs an urgent solution.

UNESCO calls for a need to have clear information about the condition of minority language throughout the world, as one of the efforts to support those languages (UNESCO, 2003).

Language endangerment has influenced some scholars from different parts of the world to conduct studies on the status and state of some languages. For example, Nettle & Romaine

(2000) studied language endangerment in Australia, and their study shows that the extinction of indigenous languages has been more seen in Australia than in Papua even though both were colonised by United Kingdom. Pandharipande (2002) studied the status of minority languages in

India. She used the concept of functional load as a factor that determines the high or low status of minority languages. Batibo (2005) argues that, in Africa, even communities with more than

200,000 number of spekers, such as Kizaramo and Kibondei in Tanzania, are, highly, threatened by Kiswahili. Hu (2010), studied language endangerment in China and found that urban members prefer to communicate in Chinese, adults do not speak Yi for communication and children can not speak Yi. Agbedo (2013) claims that in Nigeria, Etulo language is, critically, endangered and requires urgent deliberate efforts in reviving and saving it from total extinction.

Although previous researchers have dealt with the problem of language endangerment, the problem is still existing. This problem still existing because the former researchers such as

Legere (2002), Strom (2009), Gabriel (2014) and Mgimba (2014) used not more than three factors to assess language vitality and endangerment instead of the nine proposed by UNESCO

(2003) and very few studies about language endangerment has been done in Tanzania. However, in this study, eight factors for assessing language vitality and endangerment proposed by

UNESCO (2003) were considered. Only one factor, proportional number of speakers within the group was not considered as the study was limited to two wards; hence, it was hard to get the exact number of Matengo speakers.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

The extinction of any language is a threat to human life and other living organisms because it results into the loss of unique cultural, historical and ecological knowledge and identity. Previous researchers have studied language endengerment inside and outside Tanzania and came up with causes of language endangerment, effects of language endangerment and solutions for the problem but still the problem exists among Tanzanian minority languages. However, there are not enough researches which have been conducted on the assessment of language endangerment in Tanzania; hence, this study aimed at assessing the extent of Matengo language endangerment.

1.3 Research Objectives

This study was guided by one general objective and three specific objectives.

1.3.1 General Objective

This study aimed at assessing the extent of Matengo language endangerment.

1.3.2 Specific Objectives

In order to assess the extent of Matengo language endangerment, the following specific objectives were used:

i. To identify patterns of Matengo language which has been endangered;

ii. To analyse the causes of Matengo language endangerment and;

iii. To examine the effects of Matengo language endangerment.

1.4 Research Questions

This study was guided by the following research questions:

i. What are linguistic patterns of Matengo language being endangered?

ii. What are the causes of Matengo language endangerment?

iii. What are the effects brought by Matengo language endangerment?

1.5 Significance of the Study

The results from this study are expected to have the following significance: first, to identify areas of Matengo language endengerment. Second, to raise awareness of Matengo people and other ethnic minority language groups in Tanzania, on the adverse effects of losing ethnic languages.

This awareness is expected to help those speakers develop positive attitude towards their language and take action to rescue those threaten languages. Third, to help language policy makers and planners to recognize the role of minority languages and allocate them with areas of use. Fourth, to be a catalyist to other linguists to work on theories that will result into protection of the minority languages. Lastly, to add knowledge of research to the researcher as well as to motivate other researchers to study other EMLs.

1.6 The Scope of the Study

The current study was conducted at Mbinga rural area in Ruvuma region. In this area, there are the ancestral Matengo inhabitants and it is the area in which the pure Matengo speakers are found. The study assessed Matengo language endangerment by focusing on its linguistic patterns, causes and the effects of the endangerment.

CHAPTER TWO

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

This chapter surveys theoretical framework and relevant literature for this study. The first part presents the theory that guided this study with specific reference to Language Vitality and

Endangerment Assessment Guidelines (LVEAG). The second part gives overview of the literature review. This helped to find out what others have written about the assessment of language endangerment and; therefore, to explore the gaps which the present study dealt with.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

This study was guided by LVEAG, the framework of 2003 which was proposed by UNESCO‟s

Ad Hoc Expert Group on Endangered Languages. LVEAG is a framework for assessing language vitality. This framework provides nine factors for assessing a language. The framework sets up six degrees (grades) in each factor (0 - 5), except factor two for assessing vitality of a language. Stage 5, the language is safe, stage 4, 3 and 2, the language is in the endangerment situation and stage 0, the language is regarded as dead.

2.2.1 Factor 1: Intergenerational Language Transmission

Intergenerational language transmission is the commonly used factor among other factors in assessing the vitality of a language (Fishman, 1991) as cited in Strom (2009).

Table 1: Intergenerational Language Transmission

Degree of Endangerment Grade Speaker Population Safe 5 The language is used by all age groups, including children. Unsafe 4 The language is used by some children in all domains; it is used by all children in limited domains. Definitely, endangered 3 The language is used, mostly, by the parental generation and upwards. Severely, endangered 2 The language is used, mostly, by the grand-parental generation and upwards. Critically, endangered 1 The language is known to very few speakers, of great- grandparental generation. Extinct 0 There is no speaker left. Source: UNESCO (2003).

2.2.2 Factor 2: Absolute Number of Speakers

Small language communities are, always, at risk. A speech community with a small number of speakers is less resistant to demolition, for example, by disease, warfare or natural disaster than a speech community with a big population. A small language group may, also, easily, be assimilated into merging with a neighbouring group and hence abandon its own language and culture (UNESCO, 2003).

2.2.3 Factor 3: Proportion of Speakers within the Total Population

The relation between the number of speakers of the community language and the total population of an ethno-linguistic group is a significant indicator of assessing language vitality. The language 9

is safe if it is spoken by all members of the community and it is in danger if the number of speakers is reduced. The following scale can be used to appraise degrees of endangerment

(UNESCO, 2003).

Table 2: Proportional Number of Speakers within the Total Population

Degree of Endangerment Grade Proportion of Speakers within the Total Population Safe 5 All speak the language. Unsafe 4 Nearly all speak the language. Definitely, endangered 3 A majority speak the language. Severely, endangered 2 A minority speak the language. Critically, endangered 1 Very few speak the language. Extinct 0 None speak the language. Source: UNESCO (2003).

2.2.4 Factor 4: Shifts in Domains of Language Use

Contexts, social groups and the range of topics speakers can address by using the language is an indicator of whether the language can be transmitted to the next generation. The language vitality is high when it maintains all domains in the community and it is at risk when those domains are occupied by another code (UNESCO, 2003).

Table 3: Shifts in Domains of Language Use

Degree of Grade Domains and Functions Endangerment Universal use 5 The language is used in all domains and for all functions. Multilingual 4 Two or more languages may be used in most social domains and parity for most functions; the ancestral language, usually, is rare in the public domain. Dwindling 3 The ancestral language is used in home domains and for many domain functions, but the dominant language begins to penetrate home domains. Limited or 2 The language is used in limited social domains and for several formal domains functions. Highly, limited 1 The language is used only in very restricted domains and for a domains very few functions. Extinct 0 The language is not used in any domain at all. Source: UNESCO (2003).

2.2.5 Factor 5: Response to New Domains and Media

Community development may result into the emergence of new areas for language use such as technology, business, education, local newspapers, radio stations and television. While some language communities are capable of expanding their own language into the new domain, most do not. The more the language expands its domains, the more powerful the language it is

(UNESCO, 2003).

Table 4: Response to New Domains and Media Degree of Endangerment Grade New Domains and Media Accepted by the Endangered Language Dynamic 5 The language is used in all new domains. Robust/active 4 The language is used in most new domains. Receptive 3 The language is used in many domains. Coping 2 The language is used in some new domains. Minimal 1 The language is used in only few new domains. Inactive 0 The language is not used in any new domains. Source: UNESCO (2003).

2.2.6 Factor 6: Materials for Language Education and Literacy

Using the language in education is essential for language vitality. Some language communites are not proud of their language to be written. However, in other communities, literacy is a source of pride. The greater materials in the language used in education, the stronger the language is

(UNESCO, 2003).

Table 5: Material for Language Education and Literacy

Grade Accessibility of Written Materials

5 There is an established orthography and literacy tradition with fiction and non- fiction and everyday media. The language is used in administration and education. 4 Written materials exist and at school children are developing literacy in the language. The language is not used in written form in the administration. 3 Written materials exist and children may be exposed to the written form at school. Literacy is not promoted through print media. 2 Written materials exist but they may be useful only for some members of the community; for others, they may have a symbolic significance. Literacy education in the language is not a part of the school curriculum. 1 A practical orthography is known to the community and some material is being written. 0 No orthography is available to the community. Source: UNESCO (2003).

2.2.7 Factor 7: Governmental and Institutional Language Attitudes and Policies, Including

Official Status and Use

The survival or extinction of the minority languages depends on the dominant linguistic culture within the entire community or nation. The linguistic policies of a state may motivate and insist the linguistic minorities towards the maintenance of their languages, or may pose restrictions to them. These linguistic attitudes can be a powerful force both for promotion and loss of their languages (UNESCO, 2003).

Table 6: Governmental and Institutional Language Attitudes and Policies

Degree of Support Grade Official Attitudes towards Language Equal Support 5 All languages are protected. Differentiated 4 Non-dominant languages are protected, primarily, as the Support language of the private domain. The use of the non-dominant language is prestigious. Passive 3 No explicit policy exists for minority languages; the dominant Assimilation language prevails in the public domain. Active 2 Government encourages assimilation to the dominant language. Assimilation There is no protection for minority languages. Forced 1 The dominant language is the sole official language, while non- assimilation dominant languages are neither recognized nor protected. Prohibition 0 Minority languages are prohibited. Source: UNESCO (2003).

2.2.8 Factor 8: Community Members’ Attitudes towards Their Own Language

Members of a speech community are not, usually, neutral towards their own language. They may see it as essential to their community and identity and hence promote it; they may use it without promoting it; they may be ashamed of it and, therefore, not promote it; or they may see it as a nuisance and therefore, actively, avoid using it. As members‟ attitudes towards their language are very positive, as the vitality of the language become stronger (UNESCO, 2003).

Table 7: Community Member's Attitudes towards Their Own Language

Grade Community Members’ Attitudes towards Language 5 All members value their language and wish to see it promoted. 4 Most members support language maintenance. 3 Many members support language maintenance; many others are indifferent or may even support language shift. 2 Some members support language maintenance; some are indifferent or may even support language shift. 1 Only, few members support language maintenance; many are indifferent or support language shift. 0 No one cares if the language is given up; all prefer to use a dominant language. Source: UNESCO (2003).

2.2.9 Factor 9: Type and Quality of Documentation

Written texts, including transcribed, translated and annotated audio visual recordings of natural speech are of central importance. Such information is important in helping members of the language community formulate specific tasks, and it enables linguists to design research projects in collaboration with members of the language community. A well-documented language has a high vitality than undocumented one (UNESCO, 2003).

Table 8: Types and Quality of Documentation

Nature of Documentation Grade Language Documentation Superlative 5 There are comprehensive grammars and dictionaries, extensive texts and a constant flow of language materials. Abundant annotated high-quality audio and video recordings exist. Good 4 There is at least one good grammar, few dictionaries, texts, literature, and everyday media; adequate annotated high-quality audio and video recordings. Fair 3 There may be an adequate grammar, some dictionaries, and texts, but no everyday media; audio and video recordings may exist in varying quality or degree of annotation. Fragmentary 2 There are some grammatical sketches, wordlists, and texts useful for limited linguistic research but with inadequate coverage. Audio and video recordings may exist in varying quality, with or without any annotation. Inadequate 1 Only, few grammatical sketches, short wordlists, and fragmentary texts exist. Audio and video recordings do not exist, are of unusable quality, or are completely un- annotated. Undocumented 0 No material exists Source: UNESCO (2003).

The vitality of languages varies widely depending on different situations of speech communities.

Therefore, language cannot be assessed by, simply, relying on the above quantification; instead the factors given should be examined according to the purpose of the assessment (UNESCO,

2003).

With regard to the current study, eight factors were considered. As UNESCO insists that no single factor can be used in assessing vitality of a language, these factors helped the researcher to assess the extent of Matengo endangerment in a broad area to achieve the purpose of this study.

2.3 Literature Review

This part presents literature review related to the objectives of the current study which are: importance of languages, indicators of language endangerment, areas of language endangerment, causes of language endangerment, effects of language endangerment and research.

2.3.1 Importance of Languages

Languages are one of the cultural elements that can be defined as, a socially, shared and rule- governed code of arbitrary symbols that are accepted by the members of the particular community as a tool for representing thought and communication. It is only through the use of language, that a human being can make reasoning, hypothesis and planning (Pearson Education,

2011). Crystal (2000) argues that the importance of the languages of the world is reflected through the functions performed by each language to its speech community. These functions are discussed here below.

(a) Language is a Tool for Cultural Transmission

Languages facilitate the transmission of culture. This function serves as a vehicle through which cultural experiences are accumulated, stored and passed on from one generation to another. In

African societies, this function is expressed through cultural experiences accumulated from the past and which have been developed into customs and cultural knowledge which is embedded in their languages. This cultural knowledge is, mostly, transmitted through oral traditions (Batibo,

2005).

(b) Language is for Social Identity

Language is very crucial in marking individuals, groups, social class, region, occupation and gender. For instance, in Kenya, during 2007 - 8 post-election violence, language was, effectively, used to identify in-groups "colleagues" and out-groups "enemies". In this case, a victim was identified as a one who was not able to respond, fluently, in the language of the interviewer and was perceived to belong to the enemy‟s side (Wamalwa, 2013). A speaker from Zanzibar for example, can be identified by the use of words such as moya instead of moja for „one‟ and mtanga instead of mchanga for „sand‟ (Batibo, 2005).

Man has a natural desire to socialize with another man. Just through a language, man can fulfil that desire. In Africa, normally, we acknowledge the presence of others through a greeting.

Societal values and order are passed down through the use of language. Likewise, languages foster group solidarity and cohesion (Batibo, 2005).

(d) Minority Languages are Resources for Lingua Franca

Minority community languages are a resource for the development of the indigenous dominant languages. URT (1967) acknowledges minority languages as a source of vocabulary for the development of Kiswahili language. Minority languages are used to enrich Kiswahili, especially, when one is looking for a new vocabulary instead of taking it from foreign languages. Karanja

(2012) holds the position that the Kiswahili dialects are vital for the development of standard

Kiswahili and, therefore, their endangerment is the endangerment of standard Kiswahili.

(e) Minority Languages is a Tool for Social and Economic Development

UNESCO‟s website states that Cultural diversity is a driving force of development in terms of economic, intellectual, emotional, moral and spiritual life. Languages, with their complex implications for identity, communication, social integration, education and development, are of strategic importance for people and the planet. When languages fade, so do the world‟s opportunities, traditions, memory, unique modes of thinking and expression, which are valuable resources for ensuring a better future are, also, lost (Harrison, 2007).

(f) Languages are the Base of Science and Linguistic Studies

Linguists have, also, argued for the preservation of languages not just for cultural diversity but also for science and linguistic study‟s sake. For instance, Austin & Simpson (2007) in Wamalwa

(2013) argued that the loss of linguistic diversity is social and cultural loss to humanity and science in general. To a linguist, the loss of linguistic diversity is a loss to scholarship and science. One of the major goals of linguistics is to define universal grammar. This goal cannot be

achieved in the absence of linguistic diversity.

African languages show an extensive wealth of linguistic phenomena ranging from unique features of the sound systems to special rules of sentence formation. Many of the sounds which are used in African languages are either unique or rare in other human languages. The most characteristic is the set of click sounds found in the Khoesan languages (Batibo, 2005).

2.3.2 Indicators of Language Endangerment

An endangered language is one that is at a risk of falling out of use. If a language loses all its native speakers, it becomes a dead language and is, likely, to disappear within a short period of time. Many languages fall out of use as they are being replaced by dominant languages used in the region or country. Unless these threats are reversed, these endangered languages will disappear in the next century (UNESCO, 2003).

Normally, the process of language endangerment is very slow to the extent that speakers of the language concerned cannot be aware of the changes and condition of their language. There are several indicators of an endangered language. These indicators are categorized into attitude- related factors in which the speakers of a language develop a negative attitudes to it; as the result, they hesitate to pass it to their children. The second category is that of language use related in which the language is used in very few domains, especially, home domain. Furthermore, the number of speakers is, increasingly, reduced as they shift into the dominant language. Another category is that of language structured related in which the language becomes, considerably,

limited in its stylistic variation and its structure is, drastically, eroded and simplified. At the same time, there is substantial lexical reduction so that the language can no longer be used effectively in any discourse (Bobaljik, 1996).

However, a caution is given on the factors used as indicators of an endangered language. It is important to note that these factors do not operate independent of each other. Rather, they function one with the other, at least two or more factors may, together, account for the endangerment of a particular language (UNESCO, 2003). The exception, however, is, as in the case of genocide, where a whole ethnic group could be wiped out and so their language

(Wamalwa, 2013).

2.3.3 Areas of Language Endangerment

Language endangerment is a phenomenon that can be witnessed in phonology, morphology and syntax (Yoneda, 2010). When a language is in contact with another, the system of one may be influenced by another. As a result, the patterns of one language can be replaced, gradually, by another, a socially more powerful code with a minimum of phonological, morphological and structural change (Bernander, 2012). Each area of language endangerment is discussed more in the following part.

(a) Phonological System of an Endangered Language

The dominance of Kiswahili language over minority languages in Tanzania has a great influence on the sound system of these minority languages (Yoneda, 2010). This is supported by Stephen

(2012) who claims that language endangerment has affected the phonology of Sukuma. 21

Kisukuma has seven short vowels (/i/, /I/, /e/, /u/, /o/, /a/ and /ʊ/) and seven long vowels (/ii/, /II/,

/ee/, /uu/, /oo/, /aa/ and /ʊʊ/) as cited from Muhdher (2006). However, Kiswahili has made some of the Sukuma vowel sounds to shift to the Swahili‟s five vowels for example the word

“masaangu” a cooked corn, is pronounced with a short vowel “masangu” and a word “keenda” which means “nine” is pronounced with a short vowel kenda. So, the vowel aa becomes a and ee becomes e (Stephen, 2012).

The Matengo phonological system has 14 vowels, where 7 are short and 7 are long. In giving example of the swahilization of Matengo, Yoneda (2010) claims that, nowadays, Matengo speakers no longer make distinction between the short and long vowels. He claims that most of the Matengo speakers use only 7 vowels; moreover, young people speak Matengo with only 5 vowels. Matengo vowels are:-

1. Short vowels 2. Long vowels

i u iː (ii) uː (uu)

e (e) o (o) eː (ee) oː (oo)

ε (e) ɔ (o) εː (ee) ɔː (oo)

a aː (aa)

Source: Yoneda (2010:140)

It was seen that when Swahili words come into Matengo, the pronunciations of those words changes to conform to the Matengo phonological system. The alternation of these sounds is,

currently, not common to young people; instead, the Swahili sound is realized in Matengo pronunciation.

Swahili Matengo

∫ (sh) → s sheria > selia “law” t∫ (ch) → s kuchoka > kusoka “to be tired” z → s kazi > kasi “work”

ð (dh) → s adhabu > asabu “punishment” f → p safi > sapi “clean”

Source: Yoneda (2010:145)

From the examples above, one can see the influence of Kiswahili language on ethnic languages.

It is clear that Kiswahili influence has changed the phonological system of Matengo.

(b) Morphological Changes of an Endangered Language

The morphological aspect of an endangered language is the most affected part as the endangered language continues to borrow lexical items from the dominant language which is Kiswahili in this case. This phenomenon can be, also, seen in Bena where about 23% of the Bena vocabulary originated from Swahili. This includes the numerals higher than five; for example, sita “six”, saba “seven” nane “eight”, tisa “nine”, kumi “ten” etc which have, entirely, been replaced with

Swahili terminologies. The main reason for adopting words is found on a functional approach rather than a prestige-based one (Bernander, 2012). The same phenomenon is reported by

Kileng‟a (2012), who asserts that Chasu has borrowed numerals higher than five from Kiswahili

a situation which referred to as cultural or non-core borrowing. The borrowed items are, quickly, integrated into the grammar of the receiving language as the borrowed materials are introduced by influential members of the speech community and, promptly, are captured by all speakers as there are no other alternatives for the new expressions (Sebonde, 2009).

Matengo has many loan words from Kiswahili. Some loan words are used as a result of unconscious code-mixing. These loan words can be grouped as loanwords representing, completely, new objects and concepts; loanwords describing objects or concepts that may not be, completely, new, but providing new expressions and loanwords coexisting and synonymous with

Matengo words (Yoneda, 2010).

Loanwords for new objects or concepts are being introduced into the Matengo community in order to express new objects and concepts. In the following examples, the borrowed Swahili words are shown in parentheses.

ligaseti (

sule (

ligali (

ndoa (

Source: Yoneda (2010:141)

Loanwords for new expressions are used to describe concepts or objects. For example, even though Matengo has words for the concept of sweeping and wiping, there is no general term for

cleaning. Therefore, the word kusapisa “to clean” has been borrowed from the Swahili word kusafisha. Another example is for the general word mponga, a word for “rice”, which formaly used to refer to rice plants, rice grain and cooked rice. However, Now, Swahili loanwords nsele for “rice grains,” and hwali for “cooked rice,” are used.

Another example of the loanwords is those Swahili words that are used, synonymously, with

Matengo words. These borrowed words do not replace Matengo words but function in complementary relation. These borrowed words are, mostly, used by young people (Yoneda,

2010). For example;

Kutonda/kusoka (

Kuhotola/kuhwesa (

ling‟ahi/asabu (

Source: Yoneda (2010:143)

Myers -Scotton (2006) argues that content words are the most borrowed items in most cases of language contact. The obvious fact with the Matengo language is that it does not, only, borrow content words but, also, the functional words such as prepositions, conjunctions and adverbs; for example;

kabula (

tangu (

mpaka (

alapu (

Source: Yoneda (2010:144)

Xu (2009) observed the English language‟s influence on Hong Kong Chinese language grammar where by Chinese language syntax has borrowed the English syntax, that is, the structure of sentences which are long and complex. There are phenomena where nouns could be used as adjectives. Nouns, nouns phrases and adjectives could be transformed into verbs. An attribute can be put at the end of a sentence, which is so different from normal Chinese. Examples of nouns that could be used as adjectives or verbs are;

(a). Wo bi xu dui shi min you cheng dan (to have a commitment).

(b). Jue ce zhe xu yao te bie ju you min gan (tension is rising). cheng dan in example (a) above, is from to have a commitment (“dan” is a noun); min gan in example (b) is translated as tension is rising (“gan” is a verb).

Source: Xu (2009:122)

Like what the English language has influenced the Hong Kong Chinese language grammar,

Kiswahili has influence in the grammar of Matengo. Basically, Matengo had no passive construction. Due to borrowing, now, the Matengo language now has their own passive sentences as shown in the following examples (Yoneda, 2010).

Original Matengo Construction

Mundu ju-m-teg-iti Kapenga.

Someone he-him-curse-perfect Mr. Kapenga

“Someone has cursed Mr. Kapenga.”

New Matengo Construction, Using the Swahili Loanword

Kapenga ju-tend-iti ku-teg-w-a.

Mr. Kapenga he-do-perfect INF-curse-passive-F

“Mr. Kapenga has been cursed.” (<“He has done to be cursed.”)

Swahili Sentence

Kinunda a-me-teg-w-a.

Mr. Kinunda he-perfect-trap-passive-F

“Mr. Kinunda has been trapped.”

Source: Yoneda (2010:144)

The examples given from the above studies show, exactly, that the dominance of Kiswahili over minority ethnic languages has a great influence on phonology, morphology and structure. In assessing the endangerment of Matengo language, the same language pattern will be counterchecked, deeply, while looking, also, at other areas which might be affected in the same or different way.

2.3.4 Causes of Language Endangerment

Most of the scholars agreed that language endangerment can be due to: language contact, lack of intergenerational language transmission, loss of the domains of language use, migrations and development of urban centres, negative attitude of the community towards their language,

colonialism, intermarriage and influence from media and technology. These factors are explained here below.

(a) Language Contact Results into Language Endangerment

Language contact is the use of more than one language at the same place at the same time. It is due to prolonged social interaction between members from different social backgrounds

(Thomason, 2011). Thomason (ibid) adds that, language contact may be through sacred books and texts regardless of the location of the speakers. For example, a Holy Bible helped in the spread of Latin Language. Also, people acquired Arabic language through Quran and others have come into contact with English through watching movies. In this case, the monolingual speakers, gradually, develop into bilingual community.

Bilingual speakers have a tendency of borrowing some items from the language of high status and then incorporate the borrowed items in their language. Intensive borrowing results into lexical loss which is one of the most obvious characteristics of a dying language. Agbedo (2013) on his study on problems of multilingual nations in Nigeria, argues that Etulo language is endangered due to its contact with powerful dominant languages. The assimilation of Khoisan,

Cushitic and Nilotic languages with Bantu languages was due to language contact (Batibo,

2005). The contact of Kiswahili and EMLs has a great effect on the status and linguistic sphere of the ethnic minority languages.

(b) Lack of Intergenerational Language Transmission

Languages are endangered because they lack informal intergenerational transmission and informal daily life support even though they are not being taught in schools or lack official status

(Fishman, 1997). Krauss (2007) says that without transmission of the language to a new generation, for instance, if children do not learn the language in 100 years, then, the language is endangerd. UNESCO (2003) argues that a language is in danger when its speakers cease to use it; when they reduce the number of communicative domains, and cease to pass it on from one generation to the next. That is over time, there are no new speakers, either adults or children. If a language loses all its native speakers, it becomes a dead language. In the study on the situation of

Ndengeleko, Strom (2009) claims that there is no much intergenerational language transfer in

Ndengeleko. This claim is supported by the study on the assessment of the vitality of Kiamu and

Kimvita by Karanja (2012). Karanja argues that, in Kenya, Kiamu and Kimvita languages which are endangered because there is no much intergenerational transfer is taking place.

Irish language was revived by making it functional in most of the public domains. Languages are endangered or die when their functional load is reduced and they are maintained when their functional load is retained or increased (Fishman, 1991). In the study of the status of minority languages in India, Pandharipande (2002) argued that a language with a higher functional load shows a higher degree of maintenance than a language with a lower degree of functional load.

For example, the regional languages in India dominate more domains than the tribal languages.

While regional languages are maintained, tribal languages face attrition, leading to death.

Derhemi (2002) studied factors that contributed to the decline of Abresh language in Italy. The results show that loss of domain of language use has decreased the vitality of Abresh. Within

African continent languages are in danger of extinction because European languages dominate, almost, all important domains. The use of European languages in the formal domains in Africa, denies African languages the opportunity to be modernized for today‟s technological world

(Bamgbose, 2011).

(d) Migrations and Development of Urban Centres

Urbanization is an aspect that has been ruining African minority languages. This is because, in these urban centres, it is only European languages and the more dominant African languages that are used (Wa Mberia, 2014). Shulist (2013), as cited in Peters & Andersen (2013), argues that it is difficult to transport indigenous culture into urban area. Children born in urban are facing high concentration of cultural and linguistic diversity, since the cultural knowledge is acquired out of its local setting. Such children cannot call themselves indigenous. Mesthrie (2004), as cited in

Thomason (1990) and Paulsen (1990), argues that the death of Scottish Highland was due to migration of people in search of work in English speaking area for example, the case of the

Ferring Dialect of Frisian spoken on the North Sea Island of Fohr and Amrum. In this case, boys and immigrants were to learn Ferring so as to find employment in the new Dutch‟s overseas shipping companies. Legere (2007) argues that migration of Vidunda speakers to other areas have contributed on the endangerment Vidunda language.

The co-existence of different ethno-linguistic groups in a particular area for whatever reasons paves the way for the relation between the languages these groups speak often result into 30

language endangerment and other sociolinguistic implications. For example, Government relocation of Somali pastoralists in Southern Somalia, severely, influenced the culture of the city as these newcomers had no connection to Brava and no knowledge of Chimwiini. Given that most Bravanese were bilingual in Somali, this, inevitably, led to greater use of the Somali language in public contexts hence shifts away from Chimwiini (Karanja, 2012). Bongom is one of the extinct Kenyan languages whose speakers migrated into the Bukusu who speak Lubukusu.

The two communities have lived together for many generations; as a result, Lubukusu replaced

Bongom in all domains (Wa Mberia, 2014).

(e) Community Member’s Negative Attitude towards Their Language

Speaker‟s negative attitudes towards their language and low government support have exposed some minority languages to danger. Likewise, the tendency of African governments to neglect minority languages has affected those languages negatively. In Kenya, for example, the colonial government required children to learn in Lubukusu rather than Bongom. Today Bongom is, practically, dead (Wa Mberia, 2014). Ohiri-Aniche (2006) claims that marginalization of

Nigerian languages in schools is a path to the loss and their eventual extinction. Children are forced to abandon their mother tongues since they are not used for knowledge acquisition.

Sarrwatt (2013) argues that negative attitude of Gorowa speakers towards their language has contributed much towards the dominance of Kiswahili in most of the social domains of language use. Wa Mberia (2014), as cited in Bourdieu (1991), comments that experience suggests that linguistic behaviour is profit-driven. That is speakers would like to invest in a language that is beneficial to them.

Negative attitude towards a certain language is a result of low status placed to that particular language. In South America, for example, minority languages are not used in any major public domains of prestige. People belonging to these have fewer opportunities to use their language

(Crystal, 2000). Historically, the United States government suppressed the Native American communities‟ languages. These Native children were taught English and were, physically, punished for speaking in a native language. Up to 1990s, most Americans knew English very well (Pecore, 2012).

(f) Colonialism

Colonisation is a political, social, cultural and economic domination of one population by another. This form of control is, often, associated with military power which is based on human history. This has been made more, obvious, by the European colonisation of the world over the past four centuries, at least, until the independence of African and Asian countries in the mid- twentieth century. Counceller (2010), as cited in Drabek (2009), gives an example that the

Alutiiq language on Kodiak Island (Alaska) has been, severely, threatened since it has remained with only 37 resident speakers as a result of the domination of United States. Linguists claim that the loss of ancestral languages and cultures, especially, among populations colonised by

Europeans was a result of colonialism (Mestrie, 2004).

Nettle & Romaine (2000) propose that the world‟s indigenous people and their languages are dying out or being assimilated into modern civilization because their habitants are being destroyed. Also, Emenanjo (2010) posits that all living phenomena: human beings, animals, plants and languages become endangered when their original natural, indigenous habitats,

ecologies or environmental become hostile, unfriendly, uncomfortable, or spent. Colonial conquest, imperialism and globalisation have established a hierarchy of standard languages, which mirrors the power relations on the planet. The overall effect of this is the extinction of minority languages (Slimane, 2008).

(g) Intermarriage

Intermarriage with other ethnic groups has a major impact on social interaction, and, principally, on language and culture. Sukuma dialects have, strongly, been influenced by Kiswahili as a result of intermarriage between Sukuma and other ethnic groups. In these families, Kiswahili is a language of communication in all domains including the home (Stephen, 2012). For example the speaker from the Wanano language group which is spoken in Colombia and Brazil marries a speaker of another language comes to interact in home using, only, Portuguese because they don‟t understand one another in everyday conversation in the mother tongue and the children are born speaking, only, Portuguese, thus, ending up unable to understand or express themselves in their parents‟ languages, and still less able to read or write in their languages. These parents witnesses their peoples‟ languages and the traditional knowledge being, completely, forgotten

(Shulist, 2013).

(h) Negative Influence from Media and Technology

Technology is another factor that has been seen, primarily, as a challenge for indigenous languages, since children and youth use much of their time on the internet and watching television in which foreign languages are used. These young people develop their attitude from the outside world (Galla, 2009). There are visible cultural impacts of television and video

cassette recorders among Native Americans. Increase in power supply and satellite dishes have made easier to Indian children to watch television and play games, none of which makes any use of their native language. Such development of media has displaced oral traditions which was the best way of passing down their culture with passive forms of entertainment (Crawford, 1996).

Studies on language endangerment have been conducted in different parts of the world.

Generaly, the causes for the problem are known but still many languages are in danger of disappearing. Therefore, there is a need to study more causes of language endangerment of each individual minority language as languages differ in terms of typology and geographical location.

2.3.5 The Effects of Language Endangerment

Scholars agree that loss of any language has a negative impact to the speech community and the world in general. Some of these impacts of language endangerment are shown here below.

First, the death of a language is not, simply, about words, syntax, and grammar but it also includes the cultural aspect of the community. Languages convey unique forms of cultural knowledge. In many communities around the world, the transmission of oral literature and performative traditions from generation to generation still lies at the heart of cultural practice. As languages die, established systems of learning and knowledge exchange can break down

(Woodburg, 2010 and Turin, 2012). Language is more than a store for religious and spiritual beliefs; in many societies the language itself is sacred and cannot be separated from religious beliefs and practices (Grenoble, 2006);

Second, the extinction of each language results in the irrecoverable loss of unique cultural, historical and ecological knowledge. Each language is a unique expression of the human experience of the world. Thus, the knowledge of any single language may be the key to answering fundamental questions of the future. Speakers of these languages may experience the loss of their language as a loss of their original ethnic and cultural identity (Mestrie, 2004) as cited from Bernard (1992) & Hale (1998). Disappearence of undocumented languages will loose cultural wealth and knowledge of the society concerned (UNESCO, 2003);

Third, studying languages is a window through which we see how the human mind works. By losing a language, we might lose clues on how to solve current or future human problems. In a nutshell, we should, wherever and whenever possible, always, strive to save any language in danger of death. Smeets (2006) adds that languages do not, merely, convey messages; they, also, express emotions, intentions and values, confirm social relations and transmit cultural and social expressions and practices. In spoken or written form, or through gesture, languages are vehicles of memories, traditions, knowledge and skills. The loss of these languages results in the loss of community wealth (Wa Mberia, 2014);

Fourth, theoretical linguists need to study the greatest possible variety of human languages.

However, language diversity includes, also, the knowledge of the world that is embedded in every language which we cannot afford to lose. Languages contain traditional wisdom. Diversity, also, includes the fact that each language has a different way of seeing the world in its grammar.

The death of any language diminishes our ability to think in different ways (Crawford, 1996);

Fifth, endangered languages are, also, the storehouses of information that is valuable not only to linguists but to other academics as well (Hoffmann, 2009). Nettle & Romaine (2000) claim that many Hawaiians have now forgotten more of that local knowledge accumulated and handed down orally over the past 2,000 years than western scientists will ever learn. Because this information was communicated orally, it has been forgotten along with the language. Wamalwa

(2013), in his study on language preservation in Kenya, argues that without immediate efforts towards the preservation of endangered languages in Africa, a good number of them will have ceased to exist before they are described; as a result, important data that would be necessary for description and documentation will have been lost;

Sixth, failure to use minority languages in Africa has a negative effect on the development of

African states. The use of the former colonial languages does not allow majority of the citizens to participate, fully, in contributing or expressing their opinions. Speakers of minority languages, in most African countries, are excluded from national participation due to the use of an ex- colonial language or of a dominant indigenous language. In this manner, the ex-colonial languages are acting as barriers towards the development of our countries. Therefore, people‟s contribution to development can, only, be realized when the communication barriers are removed. A common language can be used as an integrating force and a means by which participation is facilitated (Batibo, 2005). Matengo language, being in the same category with other minority languages with a low status in Tanzania, perhaps, has similar or different effects.

2.3.6 Research Gap

From the discussion above, it is known that language endangerment is a problem which needs urgent solutions. Most of the scholars that have conducted studies in assessing language vitality and endangerment and came up with causes, effects of language endangerment and solutions to eradicate the problem. Most of these studies have been done outside Tanzania and few researches have been conducted in Tanzania. This number of studies conducted in Tanzania is very small compared with the number of languages found in Tanzania. Therefore, more studies are needed to be conducted to the rest EMLs.

UNESCO (2003) emphasizes on the need of information about the state and situation of languages in all countries. The situation of most minority languages in Tanzania, Matengo in particular, is not clear as most of them are unstudied languages. There are not enough studies that have been conducted in Matengo language. Also, most of the researchers who did their studies on the assessment of language endangerment, in Tanzania, used not more than three factors out of nine factors of assessing language vitality and endangerment proposed by UNESCO (2003); as the result, the problem still exists. Therefore, to bridge the gap, this study assessed the endangerment of Matengo language. The research employed eight out of nine factors of assessing language vitality and endangerment guidelines proposed by UNESCO (2003) which are: intergenerational language transmission, absolute number of speakers, shifts in domains of language use, response to new domains and media, materials for language education and literacy, governmental and institutional language attitude and policies including official status and use, community members attitudes towards their own language and type and quality of documentation. 37

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

This chapter presents methods and procedures that were used in collecting data for the assessment of Matengo endangerment. It explains the research approach, research designs, area of the study, population, sampling techniques and the sample size, methods of data collection, tools for data collection, data analysis and presentation, research ethics and validity and reliability of data.

3.2 Research Approach

This study employed qualitative research approach. Berg (2001) argues that qualitative research refers to the meanings, concepts, definitions, characteristics, metaphors, symbols and descriptions of things. It is an approach for exploring and understanding social or human problem. In addition, qualitative research is a naturalistic approach concerned with understanding the meaning people give to the phenomena within their social setting. It has the following attributes: it is the approach which provides a deeper understanding of the social world; it is based on a small scale sample; it uses interactive data collection methods such as interviews; it allows new issues and concepts to be explored (Williams, 2007) cited in Snape &

Spencer (2003). So, this approach was suitable for this study in the sense that, the researcher was able to explore issues related to speakers‟ attitude, opinions and their understanding of the current phenomenon about Matengo language.

3.3 Research Design

This study applied two research designs; phenomenological design and ethnographic design.

Phenomenological research allows the researcher to identify the essence of human experiences about a phenomenon, as described by participants in the study (Creswell, 2003). The procedure involves studying a small number of subjects through extensive and prolonged engagement to develop patterns and relationships of meaning (Creswell, 2003) cited Moustakas (1994).

Ethnographic research is a design in which the researcher studies a complete cultural group in a natural setting over a prolonged period of time by collecting, primarily, observational data. The focus is on everyday behaviours aimed to identify norms, beliefs, social structures, and other factors. Ethnography studies, usually, try to understand the changes in the group‟s culture over time (Creswell, 2003). The data are collected from participant observations and from interviewing several key informants. If the interviews are lengthy, the researcher gathers documentation by using audiotapes or videotapes media (Creswell, 1998, 2003). These two designs were relevant to the present study due to two main reasons. The former, helped the researcher to study issues related to areas of Matengo endangerment, causes of Matengo endangerment and effects of Matengo endangerment through Matengo indigenous experiences, especially, those who were used in this study. Likewise, the later helped the researcher to study language use related to domains and age groups of Matengo speakers. Also, it allowed the researcher to explore beliefs of Matengo speakers concerning their language and how far they value this language.

3.4 Area of the Study

This study was conducted in Mbinga District in Ruvuma Region. It was, specifically, conducted in two wards found in rural areas. The researcher decided to choose this area because it comprises of the largest population of Matengo speakers and it is where the original Matengo speakers are found.

3.5 Population of the Study

The targeted population for this study were Matengo native speakers. These include; school pupils, youth and elders who are Matengo in origin and speak Matengo as their first language

(L1) and living in Mbinga.

3.6 Sampling of Respondents and Sample Size

This study involved respondents from different age groups: primary school pupils from two different schools. Likewise, youths and elders from two wards were included in this study. This sample size estimation was enough for this study. It is argued that, sample sizes, in qualitative research, should not be too large that it is, difficult to extract thick, rich data or too small that it becomes difficult to achieve data saturation. Choice of sample size is an important consideration for the researcher to make generalizations (Onwuegbuzie, 2007). In getting sample size, the researcher was guided by the information gathered. Sampling ended whenever the point of saturation was reached. Elmusharaf (2012) comments that the general rule in qualitative research is that, you continue to sample until you are not getting any new information or no longer

gaining new insights. The decision that data saturation has been reached is done by making comparison of data (Tuckett, 2004). The researcher applied probability sampling and non- probability sampling techniques to get these respondents.

3.6.1 Probability Sampling

This sampling technique was used to get pupils from two primary schools. Probability sampling provides an equal chance to every member of the population to be included in the sample. It is, also, known as „random sampling‟ (Kothari, 2009). The researcher used this sampling technique to get respondents from primary pupils.

3.6.2 Non-probability Sampling

Non-probability sampling is that sampling procedure which selects respondents on the bases that they have the needed information for the study and they are true representatives of the whole universe (Kothari, 2009). This sampling technique was used to get youth and elders who had rich information for the current study. Respondents for this study were obtained by using the researcher‟s experience of the area, as he was born and grew up in the same community.

3.7 Methods of Data Collection

This study used two methods of data collection which are interview and observation.

3.7.1 Interview

The interview method was used in this qualitative research to get sensitive information related to age and type of marriage, speaker‟s opinions and attitude. In using this method, the researcher interviewed primary pupils, youth and elders. For the case of primary pupils, the interview was conducted with the assistance of their teachers. Pupils were interviewed one after the other.

3.7.2 Observation

Both participant and non-participant observations were employed in order to get information from the natural setting which was about patterns of Matengo endangerment, causes of Matengo endangerment and effects of such endangerment. In using this method, the researcher attended different social gatherings such as meetings, church, informal meetings and conversations at home and market.

3.8 Tools of Data Collection

In order to get the intended data for the current study, the researcher used observation guiding questions, interview guiding questions, note books, pens, audio recorder and computer (See appendices A - C).

3.8.1 Observation Guiding Questions

Observation guiding questions had a total of six questions. The researcher used this guide to observe the use of Matengo language in the natural context. The target was to capture information related to domains of language use, language use in relation to age and linguistic materials related to phonology, morphology and syntax (See appendix A).

3.8.2 Interview Guiding Questions

Interview guiding questions were of two types: interview guide questions for pupils and for youth and elders. Interview guide for pupils had 15 questions. The questions were simple and they were prepared by considering the cognitive ability of the respondents. The content of the questions focused on language acquisition, language use and attitude which are part of the causes of language endangerment. Interview guide for youth and elders contained 15 questions. The questions covered issues related to language use, domains of language use, importance of

Matengo language, causes of Matengo endangerment, effects of Matengo endangerment and the attitude of respondents towards Matengo language (See appendices B & C).

3.8.3 Note Book and Pens

Note book and pens were used to write down responses from informants during observation and interview. They were, also, used in recording information during data analysis and data organisation.

3.8.4 Audio Recorder

Audio recorder was used for recording interview oral responses and natural conversation during observation. By using audio recorder, the researcher was able to record and use more of the given information given since the recorded information could be replayed to listen whenever needed.

3.8.5 Computer

The computer was used for data typing, storage and analysis.

3.9 Data Analysis and Presentation

Data from each method (observation and interview) were grouped according to contents, research objectives and questions. Then, the required data were analysed and presented, qualitatively, by using explanations. To enrich the explanations, direct quotations from informants were presented. Finally, information from interview was combined with that from observation in order to cross check and complete the responses of the objectives and research questions.

3.10 Research Ethics

Before going to the field, the researcher got an introduction letter from the Directorate of

Postgraduate Studies at the University of Dodoma. He presented the letter to the District

Executive Director‟s office where the researcher was given a research permit. Then, the research permit was handled to the ward executive officers of the areas where data were collected.

The researcher made appointment with informants and sought their consent to be involved in the study. Also, the respondents were informed about the importance of the study to their community and to the researcher. In addition, the researcher asked permission from the respondents to be recorded. Besides, the researcher asked respondents to participate, willingly, in the study. Apart from that, informants were assured of the confidentiality of the data they had provided, that the information given would be used for the purpose of this study and not otherwise. Likewise, the researcher got permission from teachers to involve pupils in the study in their respective schools.

3.11 Reliability and Validity of Data

Reliability and validity of data were guaranteed by conducting a pilot study before the main research. The aim of this pilot study was to test research objectives, research questions, guide questions for data collection and audio recorder before commencement of the actual research.

The pilot study helped the researcher to modify some questions which did not provide the required information in accordance with the objectives of this study. It, also, ensured the researcher that the methodology, theory, objectives and audio recorder were effective. Similarly, the same data were collected by using more than one method of data collection (interview and observation). Likewise, informants had prior information about the study for them to provide the required information. Finally, since the respondents were assured with confidentiality of the data

provided, then, were free to offer the required information. Therefore, as far as all these issues were observed, justification that the data were valid and reliable could be made.

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

4.0 Introduction

This chapter presents, analyses and discusses data on the assessment of Matengo endangerment.

The findings of each objective are presented, analysed and discussed, separately, in the following subsections.

4.1 Patterns of Matengo Endangerment

The first objective of this study was to identify the patterns of Matengo endangerment. The findings of the study identified four areas: phonology, morphology, structure (syntax) and semantics. The data for each area are presented in the following subsections.

4.1.1 Kiswahili Influence on the Phonology of Matengo Language

Phonological aspect of a language deals with sound system of natural languages. Each natural language has its own sound system upon which words of that language are built (Massamba,

2010). In this study, it was observed that Kiswahili phonology has influence on Matengo vowels, consonant and syllable structure as presented below.

(a) Kiswahili Influence on Vowels

It was observed that Matengo language had fourteen vowels: seven were long which are /i: /, /e:

/, /ε: /, /ɔ: /, /a: /, /u: / and /o: / and the other seven were short which are /i/, /e/, /ε/, /ɔ/, /a/, /u/ and

/o/. Due to the influence of Kiswahili, Matengo has started losing its long vowels. Most speakers, especially the youth, were observed to use short vowels which, also, were diminished in their number to five vowels which are /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/ and /u/. The information gathered from respondents is presented in the following table.

Table 9: Kiswahili Influence on Matengo Vowels

Old Matengo Long Vowels Modern Matengo Short Vowels Gloss Mabooku oo Maboku o Hands Mabeega ee Mabega e Shoulders Magoolu oo Magolu o Legs Kibeenda ee Kibenda e Waist Imbaau aa Imbau a Ribs Makuutu uu Makutu u Ears Luliimi ii Lulimi i a tongue Source: Field Data, 2016

From the respondents, it was observed that some elders pronounced most of words with a long vowel sound such as mabooku, mabeega and makuutu but the young people pronounced the same words with short vowels like maboku, mabega and makutu as shown in table 9 above.

These result are similar to those obtained by Yoneda (2010) who claimed that some Matengo speakers were pronouncing words with short (five) vowels. This study, also, revealed that most of Matengo speakers use short vowels whereby five vowels (/i/, /e/, /a/, /o/ and /u/) are, 48

commonly, used in Matengo nowadays. This change of vowels has got an effect on pronunciation of words. Likewise, this influence of Kiswahili in Matengo vowels is in line with

Stephen (2012) who claimed that Kiswahili has influenced changes in Kinang‟weeli vowels that is from long to short vowels as presented in part 2.3.3 above.

(b) Kiswahili Influence on Consonant Sounds

The long contact between Kiswahili and Matengo language has influenced changes on the

Matengo consonant system. Through observation, it was noted that Matengo has accommodated some consonants due to borrowing from Kiswahili. Such consonants are /f/, /v/, /t∫/, /∫/, /ð/, /θ/ and /z/. These sounds can be heard in such words like those included in table 10 below.

Table 10: Kiswahili Influence on Matengo Consonant Sounds

Old Matengo Consonant Modern Matengo Consonant Gloss Asali /s/ Athari /th/ (Ɵ) Effect(s) Samba /s/ Dhambi /dh/ (ð) Sin(s) Pumilia /p/ Vumilia /v/ Tolerate Pulaha /P/ Furaha /f/,/r/ Joy Sule /s/ Shule /sh/ (∫) School Sama /s/ Chama /ch/ (t∫) Party Samani /s/ Zamani /z/ Past time Source: Field Data, 2016

Regarding the data from the table 10 above, it was observed that there were new consonants in

Matengo as a result of Kiswahili influence. It was noted that the tendency of Matengo language to borrow words from Kiswahili has enriched it with new consonants. Akidah (2013) argues that when a word is borrowed into another language, the loanword undergoes certain modifications to fit into the phonological system of the recipient language. These modifications may result in either „adaptation‟ (where the phonological composition of the loanword is modified) or

„adoption‟ (where loanwords get assimilated into the recipient language while preserving their original form and pronunciation in the donor language). It was revealed that Most of the

Matengo borrowed words have been assimilated into Matengo while preserving their original form from Kiswahili.

Yoneda (2010) argues that, formerly, borrowed words were assimilated into Matengo phonological system. However, Today‟s Matengo do not make any changes of those borrowed sounds. Instead, they use them like Kiswahili sounds. The results of this study relate with those by Yoneda in the sense that formerly, /t∫/, /∫/, /ð/, /θ/ and /z/ from Kiswahili were pronounced as

/s/ while /f/ and /v/ were pronounced as /p/ when borrowed into Matengo. Today‟s Matengo maintain pronunciations of those sounds as they are pronounced in Kiswahili language.

Kiswahili influence on the Phonology of Matengo was witnessed in the syllabic structure of

Matengo words. Matengo, like other Bantu languages, is, traditionally, averse to consonant

clusters because of its dominant CV (consonant + vowel) syllable structure. However, Matengo accommodate consonant clusters, especially, in words borrowed from Kiswahili which are, also, non Bantu in origin. Such words are presented in table 11 below.

Table 11: Consonant Cluster Accommodation in Matengo

Borrowed Old Form Consonant Accommodated Consonant Gloss Word Structure Form Structure Sponji Siponji CVCVCCV Sponji CCVCCV Sponge Bluu Buluu CVCVV Bluu CCVV Blue Kliniki Kiliniki CVCVCV Kliniki CCVCVCV Clinic Kreti Kereti CVCVCV Kreti CCVCV Crate Daftari Dafutari CVCVCVCV Daftari CVCCVCV Exercise books Kabla Kabula CVCVCV Kabla CVCCV Before Source: Field Data, 2016

With regard to the data presented in table 11 above, it is shown that there are some changes in the syllabic structure of Matengo. Matengo used to have CV syllabic structure. When words with different syllabic structure were borrowed, those syllables were inserted with a vowel between the consonant clusters for example, kabla “before” became kabula. The vowel /u/ was inserted between /b/ and /l/ in order to break the consonant cluster. Currently, Matengo accommodates the consonant cluster from the borrowed words, especially, those borrowed from Kiswahili example the word bluu “blue” became bluu. This influence of Kiswahili into Matengo syllables is in line with the influence of Arabic words in Kiswahili. Akidah (2013) demonstrates that

Kiswahili accommodates Arabic consonant cluster different from CV structure. Such Arabic words are imla “dictation”, ardhi “land” and amri “command”. These words allow the following

consonant clusters; imla (VCCV) and ardhi (VCCCV). This situation relates to the current study as consonant clusters are, also, witnessed in Matengo in words like kreti “crate” which has

(CCVCV) and kabla which has (CVCCV). These changes are occurring in Matengo syllable structure as a result of phonological borrowing.

4.1.2 Kiswahili Influence on the Morphology of Matengo Language

The influence of Kiswahili language was, also, seen in the morphology of Matengo language.

During the interview and observation, the researcher noted that Kiswahili has influenced the morphology of Matengo. This influence in Matengo is a result of intensive borrowing and code switching.

4.1.2.1 Code Switching

Code switching is the use of two language varieties in the same conversation (Myers-Scotton,

2006). The researcher noted that Matengo speakers were code switching between Kiswahili and

Matengo language. The switching materials, mostly, range from a word, phrase and sentence.

The following quotations were taken, directly, from the speakers.

Speaker A: quotation 1

“Kugoolu kone kutakiwa kupelamiu. Ntela gwe ngasegutosaleka. Dawaje enu kungojea la Mungu tu. Taifodi kajika jake ngindiki myaka nsesi. Anganiki kula ngondi. Haitoshi, sasa, nakula. Potelee…yote tuombe kwa Mungu …”

“The case of my leg should be reported to Peramiho hospital as the medicine I used has no effect. The, only, solution is just to wait for Gods’ decision. For four years, I have tried to get treatment for typhoid where I was also stopped to eat

beans, all of these are nothing. Now, I eat. Whatever let it be... all we should do is pray to God ...” (Researcher‟s Translation)

This quotation was taken from an old speaker whose age ranged between 71 - 80 years. During the conversation, the researcher asked her about her health with an intention of knowing whether old speakers were still maintaining the pure Matengo in their speech. Also, it was the means to check pronunciation of words. The speaker code switched from Matengo to Kiswahili and the vice versa. Also, the same speaker was quoted when she was explaining the tendency of some

Christians to ignore some important churches‟ doctrines:

“…Samani bandu asalila hoti sala jamajutu, kuungama ndiu nukukomunika lakini enu masoba, bandu apoke dominika nga nukuungama.”

“…previously, people said the confessional prayers, then, confessed and received communion but, nowadays, they receive communion without confession…” (Researcher‟s Translation)

The bolded parts in the quotation above are Kiswahili words. It was seen that, sometimes, the code switched materials were attached with Matengo morphemes as justified in words like ja- majuto and nu-kuungama.

The researcher observed another speaker during a normal conversation at an informal meeting.

The speaker was explaining the way he was transporting timber from Mbinga to Songea. Most of the code switched materials were vocabularies which expressed new concepts.

Speaker C:

“...nisapilisa imbau kujenda kusongea. Bandu ambege simu nu kundumi hela ya jumla halafu bombi alendee nsigu. Ina maana, nikitoka hapa, napita Mbinga

Maliasili. Kila sindu nijomo pala. Kisha, napitia mzani. Nikikaa sasa kwenye gari…”

“… I transport timber to Songea. People phone and send me the total amount of money needed. Then, they wait for the timber. That means, from here, I report to Mbinga Natural Resources Office and I clear everything there. Then, I weigh the load. Then, once I start my journey…” (Researcher‟s Translation)

In the above text, the speaker used the following words: simu “phone”, hela “money”, maliasili

“natural resource”, gari “car” and mzani “weighbridge”. These words are from Kiswahili and they express new concept in Matengo community. Stephen (2012) argued that code switching has been, frequently, occurring among the native speakers of Kinang‟weeli dialect where by the

Sukuma have been switching within a sentence and between sentences example “Nalina nuumba nhale sana.” “I have a very big house”. The word sana “very” is from Kiswahili and it is code switched within a sentence. The similar incidence is found in Matengo whereby people code switch between sentences such as in the quotation from speaker C above, kisha, napitia mzani

“then, I weigh the load.” This is a complete sentence. Also, another example of inter-sentential code switching is like “nukundumi hela ya jumla” “they send me total amount of money”.

Nowadays, code switching in Matengo is very common to both youth and elders.

4.1.2.2 Borrowing

Borrowing is the process of taking in words from another language (Myers-Scotton, 2006). The long contact between Kiswahili and Matengo was observed to have a great influence in the

Matengo morphology. Matengo language has kept on borrowing words from Kiswahili to the

extent that it now looks like a hybrid of Kiswahili and Matengo. Both cultural and core borrowing are witnessed in Matengo.

(a) Cultural Borrowing

Myers-Scotton (2006) defines cultural borrowing as the incorporation of vocabularies from one language into another language. Those borrowed words refer to new concepts or objects in the community. Through observation, the researcher observed that the Matengo language has borrowed many words from Kiswahili for cultural reasons. Those borrowed words are used to refer to new objects or concepts of which there are no other alternative words in the community.

Some of the cultural words are related to technology, religion and time as shown below.

Table 12: Cultural Borrowings Technology Religion Time Mzani “weighbrigde” Sadaka “sacrifice” Mwakajana, “last year” Pancha “puncture” Komunyo “holy communion” asubuhi, “morning” Ushuru “tax” Misa “holy mass” mchana, “noon” Gari “a car” Kanisa “church” jioni, “evening” Simu “a phone” Kitubio “repentance” Jumatatu “Monday” Source: Field Data, 2016

The data presented in table 12 above, show cultural words which have been borrowed from

Kiswahili. Moreover, it was observed that these words are borrowed because there is no other way to explain those new concepts and objects in the Matengo community. 55

The researcher, also, made conversation with one respondent about a local dance called Mganda which is, normally, played by men. In this conversation, the informant claimed to have songs which are sung in Kiswahili and which were common then. The following song was given by one of the informants:

“Ahee ahee! Wananchi Tanzania, tumkumbuke Nyerere, (kwa maana) alisisitiza, tufanye kazi kwa bidii, tujenge uchumi wetu. Zaidi ya yote, umoja ndio siri ya mafanikio yetu … x2” “We Tanzanian citizens let’s remember Nyerere as he insisted on hard working in order to build our economy. After all, our unity is the secret of success … x2” (Researcher’s Translation)

The above part of the song is used in the Matengo local dance is in Kiswahili. The informant reported that Kiswahili songs accommodate even other people who were not Matengo. Hall-Lew

(2002) argues that English language has influence on Chinese language. Chinese was exposed to

Western science and technology. As a result, it has borrowed words such as kafei for “coffee” and shafa for “sofa”. The reason for borrowing such words into Chinese language is similar to

Matengo. It was observed that those words were borrowed in order to express new culture in

Chines. The same was the case in Matengo community.

(b) Core Borrowing

Core borrowings are words that duplicate elements that the recipient language already has in its word inventory (Myers-Scotton, 2006). It was, also, observed that some Matengo speakers were using Kiswahili words which had been borrowed from Kiswahili despite the fact that there were words for the same concept or object in Matengo. Speakers were using those borrowed words,

interchangeably, with Matengo words. For example n‟hasa/kaka and anienga/sangasi are used interchangeably.

It was, also, witnessed that some of the borrowed words from Kiswahili were used in Matengo as euphemisms. Also, some informants claimed that family names that show relations among the members had been replaced with Kiswahili terminologies. It is now very rare to hear the

Matengo names. Respondents reported that the Swahili names looked simple, formal and modern. Speakers were proud of using those words borrowed from Kiswahili. The observed items are presented below.

Table 13: Core Borrowings

Aspect Original Kiswahili Modern Matengo English Gloss Matengo Family related names N‟dombu Dada Dada “Sister” N‟hasa Kaka Kaka “Brother” Nienga Shangazi Sangasi/shangazi “Aunt” Nijaja Mjomba Mjomba “Uncle” Euphemism Kubeleka Kujifungua Kujipungua “Give birth” Kutunda Kujisaidia Kujisaidia Short/long call Kununga Kupumua Kupomua “Smelling” Object Mbaali Sahani Sahani “Plates” Ntui Maiti Maiti “Corpse” Lukobu Kijiko Kijiko “Spoon” Komisi Kikombe Kikombe “a cup” Source: Field Data, 2016

The data presented in table 13 above, reveal that most of the Matengo speakers do not use proto

Matengo terminologies in expressing both old and new concepts, expressing euphemistic expressions and family related names. This situation is similar to the study on the influence of

English language on Chinese grammar. Hall-Lew (2002) claimed that economic development in

China has increased choices in language use. The modern fashion is to prefer English basi for

“bus” rather than the Chinese word gonggonggiche “public shared automobile” and English word baibai for “bye-bye” over Chinese word zaijian “see you again”. Such kind of borrowings in Chinese is similar to Matengo. Matengo has borrowed Kiswahili words like sahani “plate” while there is a word mbaali in the same language. Respondents claimed to use such borrowed words because they were used in Kiswahili and it was a prestige to use them.

4.1.2.3 Matengo Lexical Loss

Lexical loss is the situation in which certain words are no longer used in the particular speech community and there is no replacement for the extinct items (Ruimy, 2003) cited Saussure

(1916). It was observed that modernisation in Matengo has resulted into loss of some vocabularies. In this study, it was noted that there were particular words in Matengo which were not known to the young generation because those words had been replaced by Kiswahili vocabularies and the replaced words were, rarely, used since objects expressed by those items had been replaced by new technology. Some of the lexical items which were then not used in

Matengo, are presented below.

Lost items English Gloss Lwala Grinding stones Kindandali A four legged basket made from bamboo poles used for fermenting local beer 58

Kineneku A tray like substance made of grass Luagi A very small pot for storing medicine, specifically, used for babies Kiloki A cup like substance used for drinking alcohol Kianza A special place for drying and storing crops Source: Field Data, 2016

Most of the lexical loss, as data presented above revealed, was observed on words referring to objects. It is seen that modernization in Matengo has influenced changes in most of the objects used in the community such as lwala which has been replaced by milling machine, kineneku has been replaced by a basin, luagi has been replaced by iron pot, kiloki has been replaced by a plastic can, kianza has been replaced by a storage room (store) and kindandali has been replaced by plastic tanks. Being in line with the present study, Ruimy (2003), citing in Saussure (1916)‟ describes that words are lost when the speakers cease to use them or new words enter the lexicon when new concepts arise; be it that they are borrowed from other languages or created from native materials via different morphological process. Also, Batibo (2005) argues that lexical loss is one of the most obvious characteristics of dying languages. This is a result of intensive borrowing that takes place in long-term language contact situations with widespread bilingualism. Language contact results into disappearing of certain languages due to the absorption or elimination of speakers by the contact group; for example, the assimilation of

Khoisan, Cushitic and Nilotic languages due to the contact with Bantu languages. Matengo has borrowed more words from Kiswahili to the extent of replacing some of the Matengo proto words. In this case, Matengo is likely to undergo deterioration.

4.1.2.4 Semantic Narrowing

Semantic narrowing refers to a situation where a term acquires a narrower meaning (Akidah,

2013). In English, for instance, the word „meat‟ which was derived from the Middle English word „mete‟, initially, referred to „food‟ in general, but is now restricted to „processed animal flesh‟. Similarly, the word „flesh‟ has narrowed its meaning to refer to „human flesh‟ only

(Akidah, 2013). Likewise, semantic narrowing was exhibited in Matengo. The researcher observed that some borrowed words had a semantic narrowing.

Table 14: Semantic Narrowing in Matengo

Kiswahili Meaning Matengo Meaning Word Word Dawa medicine or a solution for a problem Dawa a solution for a problem Miti all types of trees Miti only artificial trees Mkaa all sorts of charcoal Mkaa Charcoal prepared as a source of energy Nyimbo all types of songs Nyembu religious songs or songs special for mourning Source: Field Data, 2016

With respect to the data presented in table 14 above, it was observed that some of the borrowed words from Kiswahili changed meaning when used in Matengo. This is similar to the study done by Akidah (2013) about semantic narrowing in Kiswahili for the words borrowed from Arabic. It was revealed from this study that the word aya “verse” in Arabic means; verse, sign, mark and

paragraph, but these meanings have been narrowed to verse and paragraph in Kiswahili respectively.

4.1.3 Structural Changes

The influence of Kiswahili on Matengo was not, only, observed in phonology, morphology and semantics but, also, in syntax. The original Matengo construction used plural forms attached to the verb and object in order to show respect when someone is speaking to an elder, a stranger or someone who s/he respects. During observation, the researcher discovered that due to borrowing of vocabularies, especially nouns, from Kiswahili, those forms were, rarely, used, instead singular forms were used the same as Kiswahili constructions. This structural change is explained by Bernander (2012), cited Winford (2003), that heavy borrowing is the cause of structural changes and there is no structural borrowing without lexical borrowing. Examples:

(i) Original Matengo Constructions

(a) Anijaja n‟-zenda kusamba?

“Anijaja/ n‟/zenda/ ku/samba

Uncle/ 2nd person plural/root – going/ inf. - to/ farm”

“Are you going to the farm uncle?” (Plural)

(b) Akoano bane ajumwiki.

Akoano/ bane/ /a/jumwiki.

“In-law/ my/ 3rd person plural/root - fine”

“My in-law is fine” (Plural)

Ahokomundu/ aba/ a/pendale /ku/tama/ pa/longi/

“Old man/ aba/ this/ 3rd person plural/root-like inf- to/sit seat/ locative- of/front”

“This old man likes to sit at the front.”(Plural)

(d) Anienga abutuki kwako?

Anienga/ a/butuk/i kwako/?

“Aunt/ 3rd person plural/root-run/applicative where/?”

“Where is aunt running to?” (Plural)

Verbs from the above constructions are in plural forms as the verbs have prefixes n’- and a- which express plurality. Prefix (n-) is for second person plural and (a-) for third person plural but, each of them, expresses an action done by a single person. The bolded words show Matengo nouns which have been replaced by Kiswahili words.

(ii) Modern Matengo Constructions

(a) Mjomba gujenda kushamba?

Mjomba/ gu/jenda ku/shamba?

“Uncle/ 2nd person singular/root - going inf - to/farm”

“Are you going to the farm uncle?” (Singular)

(b) Mukwi jwane jujumwiki.

Mukwi/ jwane/ ju/jumwiki.

“In-law/ my/ 3rd person plural/root - fine”

“My in-law is fine” (singular) 62

Mzee/ ajo/ ju/pendale ku/tama pa/longi.

“Elder/ this/ 3rd person singular/root-like inf – to/sit seat/ locative- of/front” “This elder used to sit at the front.” (Singular)

(d) Shangasi gubutuki kwako?

Shangasi/ gu/butuk/i kwako/?

“Aunt/ 2nd person plural/root-run/applicative where/?” “Where are you running to aunt?”(Singular)

The above constructions are in singular form as the subject is formed by nouns borrowed from

Kiswahili. The verb prefix (ju-) refers to third person singular and verb prefix (gu-) refers to a second person singular. Formerly, those sentences were to be written in a plural form as shown in (i) above. This study is similar to that of Xu (2009) who observed the English influence on

Hong Kong Chinese language grammar. Chinese has borrowed the English syntax, especially, the long sentence structure. Also, Yoneda (2010) demonstrates that Matengo constructions have borrowed passive forms from Kiswahili. The original Matengo had no passive form. These arguments have been realised in this study that due to borrowing of nouns from Kiswahili, some

Matengo speakers do not use those plural construction when referring to a single person.

4.2 The Causes of Matengo Endangerment

The second objective of this study was to analyse the causes of Matengo endangerment. The findings, from this study, revealed that Matengo has been endangered due to the contact with

Kiswahili, lack of intergenerational language transmission, shifts in domains of language use, speakers negative attitude towards Matengo, urbanisation, lack of governmental and institutional support, lack of materials for language education and literacy, lack of documentation, failure to respond to new domains and media and decreasing number of speakers. These factors are discussed below.

4.2.1 The Contact between Matengo and Kiswahili

The contact between Matengo and Kiswahili has paved a way towards the development of bilingual Matengo. Matengo came into contact with Kiswahili through education, religion, trade and administration. In this study, it was observed that, nowadays, Matengo speakers use both

Kiswahili and Matengo in their daily life. Young people and adults, mostly, speak Kiswahili.

Elders use both Kiswahili and Matengo. Speakers were observed speaking Matengo or Kiswahili depending on experiences of each other in both languages.

Education has contributed much towards the contact between Matengo and Kiswahili. Kiswahili language is used as a language of instruction in primary school level and it is taught as a subject in tertiary level. Many participants in this study were primary school leavers. At this level, they were observed to have mastered Kiswahili very well and; thus, use it in day to day conversation.

However, some elders and some women maintained the use of Matengo, especially, at home.

Matengo original speakers who had higher education, commonly, use Kiswahili. In this study, 4

(25%) of the participants were teachers who were Matengo in origin and they were claimed to

speak Kiswahili at home. Most of the Matengo official workers spoke Kiswahili at work and at home. One among the speakers in the study area was quoted saying that:

“Mimi nazungumza Kiswahili niwapo kazini hata hapa nyumbani naongea Kiswahili. Watoto wangu na hawa wajukuu wananielewa ila ninapoongea na huyu mama yangu ninajitahidi kutumia Kimatengo.”

“I speak Kiswahili at work and at home. My children and these grandchildren understand me well but I maintain Matengo when speaking to my mother.” (Researcher‟s Translation)

With regard to the quotation above, it was seen that some Matengo official workers were speaking Kiswahili at work and at home. This tendency of using Kiswahili at home with children weakens the transmission of Matengo to children. This situation as it was observed in Matengo is similar to the study conducted on Bena by Bernander (2012) who reports that Bena has been replaced of most of its domain by Kiswahili. The contact between Matengo and Kiswahili was intensified when Kiswahili was given higher national status than other minority languages in the country.

4.2.2 Shifts in Domains of Language Use

In the present study, it was observed that Matengo and Kiswahili were used in different domains.

The researcher observed the language used in churches/mosques, schools, hospitals, markets, shops, traditional rituals, informal social gatherings and visiting neighbours and relatives. When a community uses two or more languages, there is a tendency of speakers to choose which language to be used in which context (Batibo, 2005). From these domains, Kiswahili was seen 65

to dominate, almost, all domains except at home where most families maintained the use of

Matengo. Table 15 indicates language use in different domains.

Table 15: Domains of Language Used by Youth and Elders

Domain Matengo Kiswahili Matengo & Kiswahili Total Home 8 (50.0%) 5 (31.3%) 3 (18.8%) 16 (100%) Church/mosque 0 (0.0%) 16 (100%) 0 (0.0%) 16 (100%) Hospital 0 (0.0%) 16 (100%) 0 (0.0%) 16 (100%) With friends 1 (6.3%) 9 (56.3%) 6 (35.5%) 16 (100%) With children 4 (25.0%) 4 (25.0%) 8 (50.0%) 16 (100%) Village meetings 0 (0.0%) 11 (68.8%) 5 (31.3%) 16 (100%) Traditional rituals 3 (18.8%) 5 (31.3%) 8 (50.0%) 16 (100%) At the market 0 (0.0%) 16 (100%) 0 (0.0%) 16 (100%) Source: Field Data, 2016

Apart from the above information on domains of language use, as it was observed from youth and elders, the researcher also observed domains of language used by pupils. Information gathered from pupils is presented in the following table.

Table 16: Domains of Language Used by Pupils

Domain Matengo Kiswahili Matengo & Kiswahili Total Home 9 (22.5%) 26 (65.0%) 5 (12.5%) 40 (100%) With parents 6 (15.0%) 29 (72.5%) 5 (12.5%) 40 (100%) With friends 0 (0.0%) 36 (90.0%) 4 (10.0%) 40 (100%) At school 1(2.5%) 39 (97.5%) 0 (0.0%) 40 (100%) Source: Field Data, 2016

With regard to the home domain, data from table 15 show that 8 (50.0%) of the population were using Matengo, 5 (31.3%) were using Kiswahili and 3 (18.8%) were using both Matengo and

Kiswahili. In table 16 above, 9 (22.5%) of the pupils were using Matengo, 26 (65.0%) were using Kiswahili and 5 (12.5%) were using both Matengo and Kiswahili. From the data, it is clear that Matengo is still used at home to a large extent even though there is high penetration of

Kiswahili in the home domain. Dorian (1981) argues that the home is the last stronghold of the minority language in competition with a dominant official language and when this domain is invaded, the language is at risk. With reference to this claim, there is no doubt to comment that

Matengo language is at risk as the home domain has been invaded by Kiswahili.

It was observed that in Matengo community, the competition between Matengo language and

Kiswahili has been facilitated by development in the education sector. The opening of kindergarten schools in which children at the age of 3 - 5 years attend those schools, has contributed to the penetration of Kiswahili in the home domain. The primary school education is offered by using Kiswahili and it is now common for the secondary students to communicate in

Kiswahili. These students use Kiswahili for their identity that they are learned persons and, also, for prestige. In this case, schools have paved the way for Kiswahili to be used at home. Data from table 16 indicate that about 26 (65.0%) of the pupils were using Kiswahili at home and only

9 (22.5%) were using Matengo. This is a great shift because the difference is big.

With regard to the language used in the religious institutions, the data in table 15 justify that the

Matengo use Kiswahili in the holy mass for 100%. The study area was dominated by Christianity religion, especially, Roman Catholic Church. Through participant observation, the researcher 67

observed that the Bible, Catechism and Church Hymns used during the service were written in

Kiswahili. Also, through a response given by one of the Christians when the researcher wanted to know if there was a Bible written in the Matengo; it was realised that there was no Matengo

Bible. These followers claimed that they were using Kiswahili for the priests were not Matengo speakers and they also believed that during the service, there might be other people who are not the Matengo. Thus, the use of Matengo would deny them the chance to capture the message.

In several services which were observed, it was noticed that only one day the church leader used

Matengo during the final announcements in the church just for emphasis as quoted below.

“Wakristo wote mnatangaziwa kuleta majina ya watoto wa ubatizo hapa kanisani jumapili ijayo. Mimi nitawasilisha parokiani siku ya jumatano. Atakayeshindwa kuleta atapeleka yeye parokiani. Maana pamba patali kupalukia kumbipi”

“All Christians are informed to bring here the names of the children to be baptised on the next Sunday. Those names are to be submitted to the Parish on Wednesday. Failure to do so, one will have to submit it individually. That means here we are is far and the distance to the Parish is very short.” (Researcher‟s Translation)

In the above quotation, the bolded part (…pamba patali kupalukia kumbipi) is a code switched material from Matengo language. Apart from this, it was also observed that all songs sung during the service were in Kiswahili and they were in missal of the believers, not locally composed.

This is to say, in Matengo community, the church language is Kiswahili. The usage of Kiswahili during the service in Matengo relates to the study on Gorowa by Sarrwatt (2013). In his study on language shift from Gorowa to Kiswahili, Sarrwat presents that the only language that was used in the church and mosque was Kiswahili. Gorowa could only be heard from people‟s normal 68

conversation outside the church or mosque. The same situation was experienced in Matengo speech community. Matengo language had no room in the church domain just like in Gorowa.

Concerning the language used in health institutions, table 15 above shows that 16 (100%) of the participants were using Kiswahili in hospital. Matengo had no role to play in this domain.

Through participant observation in health institutions, it was observed that people who attended health services were using Kiswahili. Also, the researcher observed that some Matengo speakers were using Matengo when whispering to each other but Kiswahili was used in the provision of the service. It was also noted that most of the clinical officers were not Matengo. So, they spoke

Kiswahili but even those who were Matengo in origin, still, used Kiswahili. Likewise, there were posters and flyers in Kiswahili. During the interview, one of the respondents said Kiswahili was the best language to explain one‟s serious cases. This is because it sounded polite than Matengo.

Also, some of the doctors were not Matengo. Therefore, they could communicate, only, by using

Kiswahili. This study has similar results with the study in Bena by Mgimba (2014) who argues that about 76.7% of the Bena used Kiswahili in hospital for getting health services and some use a mixture of Kiswahili and Bena. When we compare this situation in the use of Bena with

Matengo with regard to hospital domain, we find that Bena and Matengo share the same experience.

With respect to language used at the markets, table 15 illustrates that 16 (100%) of the respondents were using Kiswahili in the markets. From this domain, it was observed that

Matengo language was not used in the market. This is the most of Matengo do not engage in business; they are peasants who produce coffee for cash. Recently, however, they have witnessed people from other areas such as Bena, Kinga and their neighbours from Nyasa doing business in 69

their area. These new comers do not speak Matengo including those who have been in the area for long time as well as a few Matengo. This trend of speaking Kiswahili, especially, during conducting business has influenced Matengo to use Kiswahili in shops and Markets. In one situation, the researcher observed an old woman who was used to speak Matengo language and never spoke Kiswahili. At first time, she was seen speaking Kiswahili with difficulties during the bargaining session with a merchant who was selling pots to her. This old woman was never seen to speak Kiswahili. However, due to the need of having a pot, she was twisted to use Kiswahili.

Through participant observation, the researcher observed the language used by a group of women who were selling green vegetables, tomatoes, fruits and groundnuts. In this area,

Matengo language was used together with Kiswahili. Therefore, the use of Kiswahili in the local markets and shops has been reducing the role of Matengo language in the community. The trend of using Kiswahili in the markets among Matengo is, also, seen in Chasu community. Kileng‟a

(2012) says that apart from official workers families, individuals who run businesses combine

Chasu and Kiswahili even if their access to education was limited to primary education. This combination is, eventually, carried at home. What takes place in Chasu is, also, witnessed in

Matengo. Matengo business men and women use Kiswahili in their business which, also, influences the customers. In this case, Kiswahili does not end at the market place; it is introduced at home by the Matengo regardless of access to education they might have. They are doing like what is done with Chasu.

Also, when we look at the information about the language used with friends, table 15 shows that

1 (6.3%) of the informants were using Matengo, 9 (56.3%) were using Kiswahili and 6 (35.5%) 70

were using both Matengo and Kiswahili. From this presentation, Kiswahili was found to be dominant in the conversation with friends followed by those who were using both Matengo and

Kiswahili. In this case, Matengo was used by very few friends. During the interview, the researcher asked those informants who were claiming to use Kiswahili and those who were using both Matengo and Kiswahili: Why don‟t you use Matengo? Some responded that:

Speaker D:

“Ni vigumu kutumia Kimatengo pekee. Tunajikuta tukichanganya Kimatengo na Kiswahili.”

“It is difficult to speak Matengo language without mixing it with Kiswahili. We just find ourselves switching to Kiswahili.” (Researcher‟s Translation)

Speaker N:

“Nazungumza Kiswahili na marafiki na watu wengine. Nina marafiki wengi. Baadhi yao sio Wamatengo. Tunapokutana tunatumia Kiswahili.”

“I speak Kiswahili to my friends and other people, I have many friends and some of them are not Matengo so, when I meet them Kiswahili is the only language we use.” (Researcher‟s Translation)

The above quoted information, justifies that most of the Matengo use a mixture of Kiswahili and

Matengo or use Kiswahili most of the time. This situation of using Kiswahili among friends in

Matengo is, also, witnessed in Chasu. Kileng‟a (2012) argues that Kiswahili or a combination of

Kiswahili and Chasu is preferred by a large number of informants (62.0%). This, he claims, is mostly, observed from businessmen and women as well as students who code switch between

Kiswahili and Chasu with friends whom they encounter regularly. In Matengo, this situation was observed from youth, official workers, educated men and business dealers.

During the interview with school pupils, the researcher wanted to know the language used by pupils with their friends. Table 16 indicates that 36 (90.0%) of pupils were using Kiswahili, 4

(10.0%) of pupils were using both Kiswahili and Matengo and none were using Matengo. So, school children were seen to speak Kiswahili to a large extent than they did for Matengo.

Concerning language used by parents to their children and children to their parents, table 15 illustrates that 4 (25.0%) of the parents were using Matengo, 4 (25.0%) were using Kiswahili and

8 (50.0%) were using both Matengo and Kiswahili when speaking with their children. Data from children, in table 16, indicate that 6 (15.0%) of the children were using Matengo, 29 (72.5%) were using Kiswahili and 5 (12.5%) of the children were using both Kiswahili and Matengo when speaking with their parents. Data from this presentation show that children were seen to prefer using Kiswahili at the expense of Matengo. One parent was quoted when answering the question which required him to explain efforts that had been used to make these children speak

Kiswahili to this extent:

“… nimekuwa nikiwasemesha kwa Kiswahili tangu wakiwa wadogo. Shuleni nako wanafundishwa Kiswahili. Hivyo, wao wenyewe wamejikuta kuwa ni sheria kutumia Kiswahili popote pale ingawa Kimatengo wanakijua …”

“… I have been speaking Kiswahili to them since they were very young. At school, they are being taught in Kiswahili. So, they find it a rule to speak Kiswahili everywhere even though they know Matengo …” (Researcher‟s Translation)

In this case, it can be said that parents have been creating an environment for their children to master Kiswahili since when they are very young. To most of the Matengo parents, it is a great pride to have a child who speaks Kiswahili. The reason for the good command of Kiswahili in 72

the tender age among the Matengo is associated with intelligence. This phenomenon of the

Matengo speakers to use Kiswahili rather than their mother tongue is not experienced in

Makonde as reported by Francis (2014) who, in her study on the sociolinguistic factors for the maintenance of Chimakonde, argues that Makonde have maintained their language because it is spoken by all children, youth and elders. This is contrary to Matengo. Matengo parents cooperate with their children in building the mastery of Kiswahili at the expense of Matengo language.

This situation has been resulting in the endangerment of Matengo.

With reference to the language use in village meetings, table 15 indicates that 0 (0.0%) of the informants were using Matengo, 11 (68.8%) were using Kiswahili and 5 (31.3%) were using both Matengo and Kiswahili. The informants claimed that village meetings involved people from other communities and, sometimes, leaders from the District office. Also, the villagers were comprised of those official workers and other educated people. All these devoted themselves to the use of Kiswahili. Most of people who would attend those meetings were youth, elders and few old people. These groups are used to speaking Kiswahili. Matengo, to some extent, is used in collaboration with Kiswahili by an old person or when one wants to put emphasis to a point. This study on language use in village meetings was, also, observed in Kisukuma by Stephen (2012) who argues that about 81.3% of the Sukuma use Kiswahili in village meetings rather than their mother tongue. This situation which is happening in Sukuma relates with Matengo language to a large extent. The Matengo were seen to prefer Kiswahili or a mixture of Kiswahili and Matengo

(code switching) in village meetings. What is true is that most of the ethnic minority languages

in Tanzania are not used in any formal domain like village meetings. The omission of Matengo from this domain puts the language at risk.

Concerning the language used in school, data from table 16 signals that 1 (2.5%) of the pupil were using Matengo and 39 (97.5%) were using Kiswahili. Kiswahili is an official language in

Tanzania. It is taught as a subject and a medium of instruction (MoI) in primary schools.

Through non-participant observation, the researcher observed pupils from two schools in their areas around the school. He noted that these pupils were using Kiswahili wherever they were.

During the interview, pupils responded that they were using Kiswahili in the class, outside the class and at the play grounds. These Pupils, also, claimed that they were not allowed to use

Matengo at school. The researcher had conversation with one of their teachers. In this conversation, the teacher was asked how it felt like to have pupils with good command of

Kiswahili. The teacher claimed that, with good command of Kiswahili, her task of teaching was easy and even the performance of their pupils was generally good. The dominance of Kiswahili over Matengo language is described by Legere and Wedin. Legère (2007) argues that second language (L2) competence and proficiency are, especially, spread by the formal education system which operates several primary schools where L2 is the MoI and an important subject. In addition, it is, widely, spoken outside the classroom in the school yard. Also, Wedin (2004) argued that even though the first language (L1) transmission takes place, the competence building stagnates or erodes as the result of L2 imposition on formal education. These two studies are, also, reflected in Matengo in the sense that Kiswahili is the only language used in education for primary school; and pupils are prohibited from using Matengo at school; as a result, their competence in Kiswahili is higher than Matengo.

On the language used in traditional functions, information in table 15 illustrates that 3 (18.8%) of the respondents were using Matengo, 5 (31.3%) were using Kiswahili and 8 (50.0%) were using both Matengo and Kiswahili. The data presented show that Matengo speakers were using both

Matengo and Kiswahili in the traditional functions such as marriage ceremonies, funeral ceremonies, local dances and rituals. During the interview session, respondents explained that when conducting most of these functions, the two languages were used. In the funeral for example, there priest who would lead the burial mass in Kiswahili, announcements and the deceased biography would be read in Kiswahili and most of the songs would be in Kiswahili.

The reason behind this is a desire to accommodate other people who are not Matengo. In the marriage ceremony, things would be done in the same way as during the funeral. Currently, modern music is played by the youth; and most of the songs are in Kiswahili. It is, only, elders who prefer the local dance called lindeku. This local dance has songs both in Kiswahili and

Matengo. Local dances like lindeku, chioda, mhambo and mganda, nowadays, use songs that are in Kiswahili. One elder explained why they were using more Kiswahili rather than Matengo in those local dances. It was said that if they used Matengo, other people would consider them as old fashioned and would have no interest to watch them. It was added that Kiswahili was used in order to accommodate people from other ethnic groups who attended the same event.

It was learnt some Matengo still had a culture of communicating with their ancestors because they believed that they have a great contribution for their development. In this case, most of the social events were preceded by rituals conducted by special elders in collaboration with other people. For example, before actual marriage is conducted, there is a ritual function in which ancestors have to be informed about the marriage. In addition, they cooperate with each other as

members of the particular family. In performing those rituals, it is only, the Matengo language that is used. An elderly man explained on the use of Matengo in this activity. It was reported that using Matengo was a great respect to their ancestors. This Matengo phenomenon was also revealed in Bena. Mgimba (2014) claimed that about 96.7% of the Bena were using Kibena in traditional rituals and 3.3% a mixture of Kiswahili and Bena. Bena is a dominant language in this domain when compared with Kiswahili. Bena and Matengo are in a similar situation with regard to this domain.

It was also reported that Matengo were using a mixture of Kiswahili and Matengo in marriage ceremonies and funerals. Matengo language was, commonly, used in performing rituals.

However, with the penetration of Kiswahili to the traditional domain, Matengo is in danger. The situation of Matengo is, closely, related to degree 3 of UNESCO‟s factor 4, with regard to shifts in domains of language use. The language is used in home domains and for many functions, but the dominant language begins to penetrate even home domains.

4.2.3 Negative Attitude of Matengo Speakers towards Their Language

Community member‟s attitude towards their own language was very essential in the assessment of the extent to which Matengo language is endangered. Information on attitude was categorised into language preference and language maintenance. The intention was to see whether the speaker‟s feelings, beliefs and experience concerning Matengo language had to do with language maintenance or language endangerment. The data for these categories are presented below.

Concerning speaker‟s language preference, 56 (100%) respondents were asked to choose the language of their preference between Kiswahili and Matengo. The presentation of the responses for these questions was categorised into three groups; pupils, youth and elders. The aim was to check language preference in relation to age.

Table 17: Language Preference in Relation to Age

Age Groups Matengo Kiswahili Matengo & Kiswahili Total Pupils 10 - 15 0 (0%) 5 (8.9%) 35 (62.5%) 40 (71.4%) Youth 20 - 40 1 (1.8%) 3 (5.4%) 4 (7.1%) 8 (14.3%) Elders 41- 80 5 (8.9%) 1 (1.8%) 2 (3.6%) 8 (14.3%) Total 6 (10.7%) 9 (16.1%) 41 (73.2%) 56 (100%) Source: Field Data, 2016

With regard to the data presented in table 17 above, it was revealed that out of 56 (100%) respondents, 41 (73.2%) preferred both Matengo and Kiswahili, 9 (16.1%) preferred Kiswahili and 6 (10.7%) preferred Matengo. These data imply that most of the Matengo speakers had a preference of using Matengo and Kiswahili. In respect to age, children (10 - 15 years) it was seen that they were highly influenced with Kiswahili. Also, the youth aged (20 - 40 years) were seen to prefer more Kiswahili than Matengo. Most of the respondents in this group were parents who, also, supported the use of Kiswahili to their children. They believed that Kiswahili would help their children in school and elsewhere. Elders were observed to be the best users of Matengo since they have not been much affected by modernisation. About 31 (56.3%) of the respondents

claimed that they have felt no proud in using Matengo. They believe that people from other tribes will never understand if they speak Matengo. One respondent argued in Kiswahili:

“… Kwa sasa, lugha ya Kimatengo haina maana. Watu wa makabila mengine hawawezi kukuelewa kama unaongea Kimatengo. Lugha ya pamoja lazima itumike.”

“…currently, Matengo language is not that important.People from other ethnic groups cannot understand if you speak Matengo. A majority language must be used.” (Researcher’s Translation)

Matengo speakers do not find their language to have any value and status in the modern world.

However, a negative attitude towards one‟s language has adverse impact on the language as

Strom (2009) comments that Ndengeleko has been endangered because of the negative attitude from this speakers who find that their language does not bring any socio-economic advantages to them. This is similar to the current study that has revealed that the Matengo have negative attitude towards their language to the extent that the language is a hindrance to the future of their children. Due to this negative attitude placed on it, the position of Matengo language has been occupied by Kiswahili in most of the domains such as village meetings, hospital, market, religion and schools.

Despite the negative attitude of some Matengo speakers towards their own language, 25 (44.6%) respondents revealed to have pride in using Matengo. These respondents showed a positive attitude towards this language. They supported it by showing that it was their identity since the days of their ancestors and it is the language spoken in their area. One respondent said that, “My child has to learn my language before learning other languages just like what my parents did to me. I was taught Matengo language by my parents before I learnt Kiswahili at school.” With

regard to a study on Kimbu by Gabriel (2014), it was reported that Kimbu language was regarded by some speakers as important, but in daily life Swahili language was preferred rather than Kimbu. Other speakers viewed their language as a hindrance to economic mobility and integrations into the mainstream society and therefore, they were undecided. As a result, those speakers developed negative attitude towards Kimbu. The comments given by Gabriel (2014) relate to the data of this study. It was revealed that Matengo were undecided as some wished to teach Matengo language to their children while others devoted much time and energy so that their children should have good mastery of Kiswahili. Generally, Matengo indigenous people use

Kiswahili in daily life rather than Matengo. This contradiction has adverse effect on Matengo.

Pertaining to the desire to promote the Matengo language, the researcher asked youth and elders if they could support Matengo language to be used in education as a means to support EMLs.

The researcher‟s intention for this question was to see the attitude of Matengo speakers, whether they could be proud of or not. The result revealed that 56 (100%) of the respondents did not support Matengo for that porpuse. On the other side, 40 pupils were asked how they could feel suppose the government changes MoI from Swahili to Matengo. About 14 (35.0%) of the respondents claimed that they would feel good while about 26 (65.0%) of the respondents claimed to feel bad. From these responses, one can see that Matengo have varied conception regarding attitude towards their language. That is some supported language maintenance while others did not.

Strom (2009) argues that a language that will not bring socio-economic advantages is seen as wastage of time to learn or to maintain it. Hence, parents would not make an effort to teach their

children this language but rather encourage them to learn the L2 right from the start. With reference to the current study, it was observed that most of the Matengo parents were insisting their children to learn Kiswahili because of education and its wider use in formal domains. This tendency has been affecting intergenerational transmission of Matengo. With regard to UNESCO factor 8, Community members‟ attitudes towards their own language, Matengo is in grade 2.

That is, some members were seen to support language maintenance, whereas others were indifferent to it, some may even support language loss.

4.2.4 Lack of Stable Intergenerational Language Transmission

Intergenerational language transmission can be useful in making language alive and active because people get old, die and others come in (Fishman, 1991). In the present study, the researcher assessed the intergenerational language transmission in Matengo community, especially, school pupils. The intention was to see a language acquired before school. The language they were using with friends and their proficiency in Matengo. Data from this group could help to conclude whether parents were teaching Matengo language to their children or not.

Concerning the language acquired before school, the respondents were asked to name the language acquired at home before joining the school and the language acquired after joining school. Information from the respondents is presented in table 18 below.

Table 18: Language Acquired Before School

Language Acquired Before School Total Percentage Kiswahili 32 80.0% Matengo 8 20.0% Total 40 100% Source: Field Data, 2016

From the data presented in table 18 above, it is revealed that 32 (80.0%) of children acquired

Kiswahili at home as L1. Being the young group, children were learning Kiswahili from their parents and kinsmen before joining a school and it became consolidated during schooling time.

The parental age (20 - 40) were observed using Kiswahili in most of the time. During the interview, 8 (100%) of the respondents made a choice on Kiswahili to be a best language for their children. One parent said in Kiswahili:

“Watoto lazima wajifunze Kiswahili kwa kuwa kinatumika shuleni. Hawa watoto wanatembelea maeneo mbalimbali. Dunia ya sasa imebadilika …”

“Children should learn Kiswahili for it is used at school. Also, they should learn and use it in different contexts since they are exposed to different places. The current world has changed …” (Researcher‟s Translation)

With regard to the above comments, parents in Matengo community believed that their children would be safe if they learnt and interact with others by using Kiswahili. Some parents make a great effort to ensure that their children were conversant with Kiswahili than Matengo. Children from such families were seen to learn Matengo in a very limited way. This situation is more described by Obadan (2015) who asserts that languages die when their speakers give them up. 81

Speakers are bound to use other languages that offer practical or material advantages for example, being integrated in a mainstream society, finding a good job, and getting opportunities for socioeconomic development. Often, speakers speak, only, the more advantageous language.

When more and more speakers adopt this behaviour and, only, the older generations speak it, such languages fall into attrition. Similar to Matengo language, Matengo parents view their language as hindrance to socioeconomic development. Transmitting it to their children is seen as if giving them a burden in their future. This implies that due to the tendency of some parents to encourage their children to have more mastery of Kiswahili than Matengo, with time, probably,

Matengo language will have no speakers.

Also, the researcher examined the proficiency of school pupils in Matengo language. The intention was to check, perhaps, there was influence of Kiswahili whether it was the L1 or L2 to them. Responses are presented in the table 19 below.

Table 19: Language Proficiency in Matengo

Language Proficiency in Matengo Total Percentage Good 19 47.5% Very good 6 15.0% Bad 14 35.0% Very bad 1 2.5% Total 40 100% Source: Field Data, 2016

The results from table 19 above, illustrate that out of 40 (100%) pupils, 25 (62.5%) could communicate well while 15 (37.5%) could not communicate well in Matengo since they lacked proficiency. This means, 15 (37.5%) of the pupils cannot communicate well by using Matengo and the only language that made them confortable was Kiswahili.

Language proficiency, to these pupils, was, also, assessed by looking at the language used by peers. This aimed at checking whether their proficiency in Kiswahili was influenced by pressure from teachers and parents. Perhaps, these pupils had made different language choice when they are with peers. Data are summarised in the table 20 below.

Table 20: Language Used by Peers Language Used with Peers Total Per cent Matengo 0 0.0% Kiswahili 36 90.0% Matengo & Kiswahili 4 10.0% Total 40 100% Source: Field Data, 2016

As regards information about language used by peers as presented in table 20 above, the data revealed that, out of 40 (100%) respondents, 36 (90.0%) were using Kiswahili, 4 (10.0%) were using both Kiswahili and Matengo. There were no peers who opted to use Matengo language.

This implies that the transmission of Matengo in peers was very minor as the influence from

Kiswahili was very high. Gabriel (2014) commented about the situation concerning Kimbu language that children learn the language in a very limited way. Almost, all children learn

Swahili at a very early stage as this is a language for communication in Kimbu area. As the

result, those children are not good in their mother tongue. In Matengo, children learn Matengo in a limited way as they keep on using Kiswahili both at home and at school. Comparing this situation to UNESCO‟s factor 1, intergenerational language transmission, Matengo is positioned in grade 4. This is unsafe since the language is used by many children in all domains; it is used by all children in limited domains.

4.2.5 Influence from Urbanisation and Mobility of People

It was observed that development of towns and trading centres was a factor for the penetration of

Kiswahili into the Matengo community. The growth of towns such as Maguu, Langiro, Litembo and Nyoni went together with the development of trading activities. These areas are settled by people from different ethnic groups; as a result, Kiswahili is viewed as a formal language to be used. During the interview, one respondent said that Kiswahili was the common language used in those areas and even children were not aware of the Matengo language.

Also, it was reported that changes on the life of the Matengo has made most of them move to other places such as Tingi, Songea and Nyasa in search of areas for cultivation or to find jobs like constructing buildings, working in farms and brick making so as to earn money. This movement of people is a result of over cultivation in Matengo land which a result has led to poor production. The most mobile group is that of young people. In these movements, Matengo meet people from other ethnic groups who do not understand Matengo language. In this case,

Kiswahili is used. So, when the Matengo come back to their motherland, they speak Kiswahili in most of their time; as a result, the role of Matengo is diminished.

Vidunda is endangered because of seasonal work in other places, migration, sale of surplus products and visits to relatives. People‟s mobility consolidates their L2 competence and proficiency since those who stay outside Vidunda Ward for a short or longer period are, definitely, exposed to a L2 speaking environment (Legère, 2007). This situation is, also, revealed by Sarrwatt (2013) in his study about Gorowa language. He comments that migration of Gorowa people has negative impacts on their language. Gorowa migrated from their areas to other area due to the fear from colonial officers who captured them for schooling and government work.

Also, there was immigration of people into Gorowa land in search for food and opportunities. All these have affected Gorowa language vitality.

The experience shown by Vidunda and Gorowa relates with the tendency of Matengo who move from their area to other places like mining centres and at low concentrated areas in search for land. Also, there are people from Bena, Kinga and Nyasa who are conducting business in

Matengo land. So, emigration and immigration contribute to the instability of Matengo because the results of the contact between Matengo and other ethnic groups in those urban areas facilitate the use of Kiswahili rather than Matengo language.

4.2.6 Lack of Positive Governmental and Institutional Language Attitudes and Favourable

Policies, including Official Status and Use of Matengo language

By using interview, the researcher asked the respondents if there was any government support on the use of Matengo language. Respondents claimed that there was no much support from the 85

government in using Matengo language. About 12 (75.0%) of the respondents argued that the language was not used, for instance, in the formal domain like in village meetings. The exclusion of Matengo language from formal domain has made it inactive and useless.

Tanzanian Language Policy of 1967 favours English language and Kiswahili. EMLs have been given a very low status with no official role to play. The Language Policy Document of 1967 shows that Kiswahili was chosen to be the national official language and a language of instruction (LoI) in primary schools. In 1984, Kiswahili was promoted to be the language of social and political spheres as well as primary education and adult education. English is a language of secondary, university and technical education and high courts (Biswalo, 2010).

The cultural Policy of 1997 recognises the importance of developing all languages in Tanzania.

However, Ethnic Community Languages (ECLs) remain banned for use in the mass media. It was not allowed to publish the newspapers or to broadcast in ECLs. In this policy, minority languages are recognised as an asset to the country. These languages are taken as sources for enriching Kiswahili vocabularies. However, despite this recognition, the government makes no support to protect minority languages; instead Kiswahili is encouraged to be used in all public offices including governmental official documents (Stephen, 2012) as cited in Rubagumya

(2008).

In 2007, the Cultural Act was passed. It stated about protection and enduring of the use of the vernaculars (Legère, 2007). However, no institutionalized support or implementation followed in

its path (ibid). Following this policy, Matengo language being one of the minority languages in

Tanzania is used at home domain and there is no clear policy to protect the language. Comparing this situation to UNESCO‟s factor 7, Governmental and Institutional Language Attitudes and

Policies, including Official Status and Use, the situation in Matengo comes close to degree 2, there is active assimilation: Government encourages assimilation to the dominant language.

There is no protection for minority languages.

4.2.7 Lack of Documentation and Materials for Language Education and Literacy

Following the Tanzanian Language Policy in Education (1967), Kiswahili has been used in primary schools and English in secondary schools and the higher learning institutions. However, there is no room for the minority languages to be used in education; as a result, there are no materials for language education and literacy in minority languages. The researcher asked respondents whether there were materials for language education. About 16 (100%) of the respondents reported that Matengo is not used in education and there are no materials for teaching the language. However, it was reported that, sometimes, pre-primary pupils were reported to have been instructed by using Matengo for those who could not understand Kiswahili very well. Despite the fact that one may try to write by using Matengo however such a reader will face more problems and may fail to capture the message as the Kiswahili orthography is used in writing Matengo. Following this situation, it was, also, observed that Matengo language was not documented. This situation about the Matengo language is in line with the argument of

Batibo (2005). He argues that most of the indigenous African languages have not been, sufficiently, described or codified. A systematic description and codification of the indigenous

languages would empower these languages for public use, preserve them for future generation as well as give them more utilitarian value. This study relates with the study about the decline of

Arbresh as studied by Derhemi (2002). Derhemi argues that Arbresh is not written and has never been, systematically, taught at school. As a result, Italian has replaced it in a wide range of areas that require a more formal language. Also, Legère (2006) adds that the complete exclusion of L1 from education contributes, heavily, to language decline. The development of L1 competence among the children who have learned this language in early childhood is brought to an end after entering school. These three studies correspond to the Matengo situation. This is because the language has no grammar books, publications, orthography and is not taught in school.

Therefore, it is reasonable to regard the documentation of the language and availability of educational materials in it as 0 when one compares it with UNESCO factor 8 and 9.

4.2.8 The Failure of Matengo to Respond to New Domains and Media

Language vitality can be assessed by looking at the power of a language to capture new domains of use as they emerge in the community. The researcher observed that Matengo language was not used in any official activity, technology and mass media. There was no local newspaper or local radio station in the area. Likewise, those mass media, at national level, did not use Matengo. It is hard to explain issues such as those related to technology in Matengo instead borrowing was used. Strom (2009) affirms that new areas that, continuously, emerge in today‟s global life require new vocabulary and ways of expressing things from the language. If a minority language does not meet these challenges of modernity, it becomes, increasingly, irrelevant and stigmatized. Matengo experiences the same situation as said by Strom (ibid). this is because it

has vocabularies borrowed from Kiswahili language. Those vocabularies refer to new technology, business and communication as presented in part 4.1.2.2. Matengo language is inactive, in this respect, which is degree 0. It is not used in any new domain.

4.2.9 Decreasing Number of Matengo Speakers

The total number of speakers in Matengo community is not clear as such information could be found in the national population census. Unfortunately, this information is not included in those statistics. Through researcher‟s observation, there were very few people who were conservative, rather, elders were using Kiswahili and Matengo interchangeably, youth and children, mostly, were using Kiswahili and code switched with Matengo as discussed in part 4.1.2.1 above.

Yoneda (2010) upholds that it may be true that Kiswahili is not used as a daily tongue in the villages neither what could be called proper Matengo. Although Kiswahili has not yet, fully, replaced Matengo, still it has been undergoing significant changes. Most of the changes are experienced with the youth not the elders. Therefore, even though Matengo is still spoken at home, the tendency of code switching and preference of Kiswahili has been decreasing the number of speakers and diminishing speaker‟s competency in the language. With the decrease of the number of its speakers and diminished competence, Matengo language may be out of use in few generations to come.

4.3 Effects of Matengo Language Endangerment

Wa Mberia (2014) argues that world languages, apart from being means of communication in the particular society, also, play a great role in stabilizing the human society in all spheres of life.

When any language becomes endangered, most of the benefits associated with it are, also, in danger. The researcher asked about the negative effects which Matengo might get once they lost their language. The responses are summarised in table 21 below followed by a discussion of each effect.

Table 21: Effects of Matengo Endangerment

Effects Agree Per cent Disagree Per cent Loss of social identity 13 81.3% 3 18.8% Failure to socialize 10 62.5% 5 37.5% Loss of culture 12 75.0% 4 25.0% Underdevelopment 12 75.0% 4 25.0% Loss of knowledge 13 81.3% 3 18.8% accumulated from the past Source: Field Data, 2016

4.3.1 Loss of Social Identity

Language has been used as a marker for social and group identity (Batibo, 2005). In Tanzania, most people can be easily identified by their language group where they come from just through the dialect they speak (Batibo, ibid). For instance, Matengo were identified by using the Matengo

language. Therefore, it is wise to say that no one has an identity as belonging to Matengo ethnic group without the Matengo language.

During the interview, 13 (81.3%) of the respondents agreed that if they lost Matengo, their identity, also, would be lost. The other 3 (18.8%) claimed that even if Matengo language were to disappear, there would be another way of identifying themselves as Matengo. Regarding the data from respondents, most of the Matengo hold that their language is important for their identity.

Even though this is true, they do not take any initiatives to ensure the vitality of their language.

One old man claimed that the failure to identify other Matengo speakers, has led to marriage of people who are related. This is because, nowadays, people do not use their surnames such as

Hyera, Mapunda, Komba, Kapinga to mention a few. Instead, one uses other names while excluding the clan name. Such people once they meet outside their region it is hard to know whether one comes from Matengo or they are blood relatives hence they are likely to marry each other.

This tendency of losing identity in Matengo was, also, revealed in the study of language shift from Gorowa to Kiswahili done by Sarrwatt (2013) who asserts that the shifting of Gorowa speakers from their language to Kiswahili was resulted into the loss of identity since language is an important factors that identifies someone. People of Gorowa were identified by names such as

Slaa which means bush, a name given to a male child born in the bush and Qutay means thin, a name given to male/female child born with a slim body. Such names are reported to have now

been abandoned in Gorowa. The cultural changes in Gorowa that have led to loss of identity closely relate to the current changes which are happening in Matengo. This process has a negative effect towards the identity of the Matengo. This being the case, Matengo identity may, probably, be lost over time.

4.3.2 Loss of Knowledge Accumulated from the Past

Batibo (2005) argues that, in Africa, each society has its cultural Knowledge concerning life and people‟s total environment which have been accumulated from the past. Such knowledge was transmitted to each new generation through tales and through day to day activities. However, due to language endangerment, the social system of learning has been broken (Wa Mberia, 2014).

In Matengo, such knowledge is, rarely or partially, given nowadays. Such a role is under the formal schools which provide knowledge by using Kiswahili. In schools, the knowledge given follows a formal curriculum which does not reflect most of the Matengo culture. About 13

(81.3%) of the respondents agreed that failure to use Matengo language by associating it with negative attitude. With regard to cultural Knowledge as discussed in 4.2.3 above, has contributed to the loss of such knowledge. It was only 3 (18.8%) of the respondents was praised on the modernization of Matengo. These found that such changes are important in today‟s life.

One elder claimed that formerly the Matengo, for example, had knowledge of medicinal plants.

Each clan had a role to teach their children about those plants such as the way to make medicine concoctions and the diseases a given medicine believed to cure. People were not allowed to cut

down such kind of trees for any other purpose. However, with modernization in education and technology, people do not value most of their cultural knowledge; instead, they, only, criticize and at best ignore it. Natural herbs are not used as much as hospital medicine. Also, those trees once valued for medicine are, now rarely, found since deforestation is ruining the society.

According to Selin (2003), cited in Unasho (2013), environment and language may be seen as parts of the same whole because, overtime, human communicate, closely, with the environment, modifying it as they adapt it, and as they acquire knowledge from it. This knowledge was formerly encoded and transmitted through the vocabularies of the local languages which, were, symbolically, brought into the sphere of human communication. However, the current situation in Matengo land is quite different from the above observation. This is because most of the

Matengo do not pass that knowledge about biodiversity to the young generation. As a result, young people lack morale for environmental conservation including planting trees. Again children are not interested in old stories which otherwise are essential for the transmission of such knowledge.

4.3.3 Socialization Breakdown

Batibo (2005) argues that language serves as a means of socialisation. Human being use language to chat with another human or exchange news between them. It is hard for people to keep silent all the time without speaking because they are human beings. According to Batibo

(ibid), this helps them relieve tension or to overcome loneliness. On this regard, about 10

(62.5%) of the respondents informed that Matengo language was a means of their socialization.

It was reported that, nowadays, Matengo were using a mixture of Kiswahili and Matengo

language, sometimes, it was, only, Kiswahili was used. One respondent said that, in most cases, young people and elders were socializing by using Matengo but some of the children did not know the Matengo language even if you speak to them the best they would do, would be to look at the person speaking.

It was, also, observed that negative attitude of some parents towards Matengo and the efforts of some parents towards teaching Kiswahili to their children plus the use of Kiswahili in schools have created an environment for those children to communicate in Kiswahili rather than

Matengo. As the result, some of the children cannot understand and speak the Matengo language; hence, they cannot socialize with people who know only Matengo. This situation relates with what happened in Gaelic community. Will (2012) argues that in Gaelic community, pupils were mixing up the Gaelic and English language. When pupils were required to label objects in

Gaelic, some of them used English words. The community started using Gaelic Medium of

Education (GME) in schools. In order to reverse this trend, parents and teachers started to socialize the children in Gaelic only; as a result, those children had a mastery of Gaelic and were able to make demarcation between Gaelic vocabularies and those of English. This situation, before Gaelic revitalization efforts got implemented is similar to Matengo in the sense that some of the school children cannot socialize in Matengo language. Without deliberate effort towards revitalizing the language, the situation might be more than worse in few years to come.

4.3.4 Poor Socio-Economic Development

The political, cultural, social and economic development of the community is attained through involving all members either in decision making or in the implementation process (Batibo,

2005). Batibo (ibid), also, argues that poor development achieved by African states is contributed by the use of ex-colonial language in decision making while it is true that those languages are not known to all members in those states. This tendency denies other citizens of the right to participate in building their nation.

In this study, 12 (75.0%) of the respondents claimed that the use of Kiswahili in discussing important matters like in the village meetings was excluding those who were using only Matengo and did not know Kiswahili. They, further, argued that some people became mere listeners or did not even attend those meetings, completely, simply because they were not familiar with

Kiswahili which was used in those meetings. It was added that the most affected group due to the use of Kiswahili, in this domain, was that of elders as some of them, normally, maintained the use of Matengo only.

4.3.5 Loss of Matengo Community Culture

Culture is the expression of one‟s life. Social relations, group organisation and social economic activities undertaken in any society are executed through the use of language (Loh, 2014). In this study, it was observed that Matengo, like any other African society, had their culture. Those elements of culture, from the past, were transmitted through day to day activities and oral traditions. One respondent explained that elders were narrating stories which were valued as a

gift to children. Likewise, the local dances such as lindeku, lingoga, limbetembi (mhambo), mganda and chioda were good and part of cultural recreation. Songs had good messages for the benefit of individuals in the society. Such songs insisted people to work hard, to maintain peace and love in the community as well as to value their culture. One example of those songs is presented below.

“Ugwembi hunywaje mwibeka na paee, mitela jukulami bandu mwijelika pananee. Etutama hela tulimanya twabete, nangakuenga kasi mwipata ling’ae …”

“We should use most of our time for working rather than for enjoyments. As we live, we should be aware that without working, we will have many troubles…” (Researcher‟s Translation)

The above song insists people to use their time for productive work. Also, working is the, only, solution for most of our problems.

With reference to the data in table 21 above, 12 (75.0%) of the respondents claimed that with the use of Kiswahili, some cultural elements had been replaced by Kiswahili even though 4 (25.0%) of the respondents claimed that those replacements were just improvements rather than loss. It was reported that children were reading stories from books at school and most of the youth preferred modern music rather than the local dances. In the conversation with one of the respondents concerning these changes in Matengo culture, she said that most of the songs played, nowadays, in those local dances were sung in Kiswahili with a reason of accommodating all people from other ethnic groups. The researcher noted another song played in Kiswahili as presented below.

“Kaka Jose alipokwenda machimboni, nia yake atarudi salama, siku ya kwanza, siku ya pili jaman eee! Siku ya tatu akarudi maitiiii …”

“When Jose went to the mining he had an idea to come home alive but the first day and the second day past. In the third day, he was brought back dead …” (Researcher‟s Translation)

With regard to the quotation above, the song is in Kiswahili rather than Matengo. Such replacements have affected Matengo since they make them lose their identity and cultural knowledge because such a song for instance is not specific to Matengo people. It is not hard to predict that in few years to come, most part of the Matengo culture will have been changed due to the influence of Kiswahili. It was argued that many Gaelic learners were uninterested in many aspects of the Hebridean lifestyle and culture and they were, highly, critical of them and, actively, questioned about what constituted Gaelic culture, the meaning of the Gaelic community and the significance of the Gaelic language itself (Hornsby, 2009). The cultural change in Gaelic is similar to Matengo. Matengo speakers are interested in modern culture expressed by the

Kiswahili language. Culture as an opium of the society, the Matengo has continued losing their culture one item in a while such as storytelling, especially during the evening time where, formerly it was practiced. Other aspects are such as playing local dances, local medicine, clan names, and inherited names. Instead these are not nowadays being used, rather the Matengo people, especially, young people speak only Kiswahili most of the time.

4.4 Chapter Conclusion

This chapter has assessed the extent of Matengo endangerment based on UNESCO‟s nine factors for assessing language vitality and endangerment. The assessment was based on three objectives: identification of the patterns of Matengo endangerment, analysis of the causes of Matengo endangerment and the examination of the effects of Matengo endangerment. The findings revealed that Kiswahili has influenced Matengo language in its phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics. With the use of these UNESCO‟s guidelines, the researcher was able to put

Matengo language in its respective degree of endangerment that it is unsafe. Also, the findings revealed that apart from the dominance of Kiswahili in the Matengo community, speakers‟ negative attitude towards Matengo plays a great contribution towards Matengo language endangerment. This endangerment has negative impacts on social, cultural and economic life of the Matengo. The next chapter summarizes the study and give recommendations for EMLs maintenance and recommendations for further researches.

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.0 Introduction

This chapter provides the summary and conclusion of the study. It, also, gives suggestions for

Matengo and other minority languages maintenance and recommendations for further researches.

5.1 Summary of the Study

This study assessed language endangerment in Tanzania with a focus on Matengo language. The study had three research objectives. UNESCO‟s nine factors for Language Vitality and

Assessment Guideline framework was used in the assessment of the extent of Matengo language endangerment.

An extensive literature review related to the objectives of the study described the causes for language endangerment. Where the most cause of language endangerment was identified to the language contacts. Furthermore, the literature shows that language endangerment contributes to the loss of community culture, socialisation breakdown, loss of identity, loss of cultural knowledge and social economic development.

This research was conducted in Mbinga District, the area where original Matengo speakers live.

The researcher employed observation and interview method in data collection.

In order to assess the extent of Matengo endangerment, the following objectives were used.

i. To identify patterns of Matengo language which have been endangered;

ii. To analyse causes of Matengo language endangerment and;

iii. To examine the effects of Matengo language endangerment.

The findings from the first objective show that Matengo language has been endangered in its phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics. It was observed that, Matengo phonology has been influenced by Kiswahili to the extent that most of youth and children were noted using, mostly, five vowels similar to those of Kiswahili. These vowels are /i/, /e/, /ε/, /ɔ/, /a/, /u/ and /o/.

Also, Kiswahili has enriched Matengo with consonants like /f/, /v/, /t∫/, /∫/, /ð/, /θ/ and /z/.

Likewise, the CV syllabic structure of Matengo has been extended to consonant cluster as discussed in section 4.1.1 above.

Also, the findings showed that Matengo has been influenced, by Kiswahili, in morphology. The tendency of borrowing more words from Kiswahili has replaced most of the vocabularies in

Matengo as speakers prefer to use the borrowed items than the proto Matengo. Apart from borrowing, it was noted that the incidence of code switching in Matengo is very common. It was observed, further, that both youth and elders code switch between Matengo and Kiswahili in their conversations.

Moreover, the study showed that Matengo language has Kiswahili constructions which maintain its agreement form depending on the form of the subject. It was further revealed that Matengo

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had constructions which were in plural form while referring to a single person as a means of showing respect. It was observed that, nowadays, such constructions in Matengo are, rarely, used as shown in 4.1.3 about structural changes of Matengo language.

Semantically, some of the borrowed words from Kiswahili were observed to have been used with a slight change in meaning. Some of these words have undergone semantic narrowing. Such words had a wide range of meanings in Kiswahili, but when borrowed in Matengo, their meanings were narrowed as discussed in 4.1.4 above about semantic narrowing. Generally, it was noted that some borrowed words from Kiswahili receive semantic changes when used in

Matengo.

In the analysis of the causes of Matengo endangerment, the results show that Matengo language has been endangered due to the following factors.

First, the findings revealed that the long contact between Kiswahili and Matengo has transformed

Matengo into bilingual society. This situation, together with the dominance of Kiswahili in most of the areas of language use, has made some Matengo speakers prefer Kiswahili more than

Matengo; as the result, Matengo is unsafe;

Second, it was seen that urbanisation in some areas and migration of Matengo speakers to other areas has contributed towards the dominance of Kiswahili in the Matengo community. It was realized that intruders from other ethnic groups who visit Matengo for business or other official works have played a great role on the use of Kiswahili than Matengo. In turn, Kiswahili has

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found a way into tradition and home domain while dominating the rest of domains in the community;

Third, the study showed that some Matengo speakers do not teach the language to their children.

In most cases, it was observed that parents were using Kiswahili or a mixture of Matengo and

Kiswahili when speaking to their children; as the result, intergenerational language transmission of Matengo is not stable. Children do not learn the language properly. Possibly, with time, there will be no Matengo language;

Fourth, it was noted that decreasing number of Matengo speakers has been contributing towards

Matengo endangerment. Through researcher‟s observation, it was found that elders were using

Kiswahili and Matengo while the youth and children used, mostly, Kiswahili and code switched to Matengo. It was reported that the tendency of code switching and preference of Kiswahili have been decreasing the number of speakers and diminishing speaker‟s competency in the language. The decreasing number of speakers within Matengo community was, also, seen as a factor for the loss of Matengo vitality;

Fifth, the findings revealed that Matengo was used in less domains following the low status and the lack of incentives to use the language. In Matengo community, Kiswahili was found to be used in most of the formal domains as well as the traditional and home domains. Loss of domains has contributed to the endangerment of Matengo language;

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Sixth, it was realised that Matengo language does not respond to new domains and media. New areas that, continuously, emerge in today‟s global life such as new technology, business and information technology use Kiswahili rather than Matengo. It was, further, observed that when

Matengo was to be used in those domains, code switching to Kiswahili was applied. Failure to use Matengo in new domains has made it lose its functional role;

Seventh, it was found that Matengo language is not used in education. The Tanzanian Language

Policy in Education has given chance for the use of Kiswahili and English. No efforts have been made to include ethnic minority languages in education. The results showed that there are no materials for language education and literacy in Matengo. Lack of material for language education and literacy has decreased Matengo‟s vitality;

Eighth, the study revealed that the government has promoted Kiswahili to be used in all formal domains at the expense of EMLs. Also, it was noted that the government does not provide any support and protection for minority languages. In this case, the survival of Matengo language was seen to be in a great danger;

Ninth, it was observed that Matengo people are ambivalent when it comes to their language and identity. Some speakers regarded their language to be still important while, in practice, they were using Kiswahili and some members support language maintenance while others were indifferent or even supported language loss. Therefore, negative attitude of Matengo speakers towards their

Matengo language was seen to be as a contributing factor towards its endangerment;

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Tenth, it was, also, noted that Matengo language lacks orthography, grammatical sketch and any other publications. The findings, further, revealed that the language is undocumented and there are no materials in existence about it. Lack of documentation of Matengo was seen to be a factor behind Matengo languauge‟s endangerment;

This study revealed that Matengo endangerment has effects on identity, socialization, culture, knowledge and socio-economic development.

It was noted that through speaking and using Matengo language, most of the time, Matengo speakers could be identified clearly by other ethnic communities. It was, additionally, noted that the Kiswahili influence has made the Matengo people develop negative attitude towards their language. Their preference of Kiswahili has nothing to do with their identity;

Also, it was observed that some children were not communicating in Matengo. Since some elders know only Matengo language, therefore, the two groups cannot socialize;

It was, likewise, reported that the use of Kiswahili in village meetings was excluding some elders who could speak only Matengo. Such situation denies elders‟ right to participate in socio- economic development of the community through contributing their views in decision making;

In addition, it was noted that Matengo has continued to lose its original culture bits by bits. This is because, speakers do not conduct storytelling in Matengo, sing songs in Matengo and speak

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Matengo most of the time. Traditionally storytelling and songs have great contributions towards the development of the community. This is because, through them people are insisting to be hard working, maintain peace and love as well as valuing their culture.

Lastly, Formal education, in connection with the use of Kiswahili in education, has made

Matengo to have no place to inseminate the accumulated cultural knowledge to the young generation.

5.3 Conclusion

This study on the assessment of Matengo endangerment revealed that Matengo has been endangered because of several factors. The most contributing factor is the language contact between Matengo and Kiswahili. In addition, the results of the present study showed that the endangerment has cultural, social and economic effects. To conclude, various recommendations to rescue Matengo and other EMLs are given hereunder.

5.3.1 Recommendations

The findings of the present study showed that Matengo language is unsafe. Following these study findings, recommendations of two kinds are made: that is recommendations for language maintenance and for further researches.

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(a) Recommendations for Language Maintenance

In order to maintain linguistic diversity in Tanzania, there should be deliberate efforts towards maintaining ethnic minority languages, including, Matengo. To achieve this goal, it is recommended that:

First, ethnic minority language speakers should be encouraged to have proud of their languages and have positive attitude towards them. This will help those speakers to value their languages and use them in different domains; hence, increasing language vitality;

Second, minority languages should be taught to children. Parents should ensure that their children are conversant with their mother tongues by speaking with them and use the mother tongues throughout the time, especially, when they are at home. By so doing, each group in the particular community will have similar language proficiency; hence, strong intergenerational language transmission;

Third, there is a need for linguists to work on documenting minority languages. Linguists should describe their orthographies and write their grammar. As well, the documentation should consider preparation of materials for languages teaching and learning. By documenting the languages, people will be able to learn them, especially, in schools. This will help much in raising language vitality;

Fourth, the government, through the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (MoEST), should raise awareness of speakers about the importance of EMLs to the community and the

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nation. This can be done by having a special day for EMLs as, internationally; mother tongue day is on 21st, March, just like the way we celebrate other events such as Women Day and

Environmental Day;

Also, MoEST should design a curriculum that involves minority languages in teaching and learning process, especially, at primary level. This will help teachers to work more, effectively, with students belonging to minority languages. Likewise, cultural games and sports should use minority languages and students should be encouraged to make speeches, songs, debate and stories in those languages. Such initiatives will increase motivation of using EMLs to the speakers;

Fifth, MoEST, through policy makers, should design a language policy that will enable EMLs to be used in most of the formal domains such as schools, village meetings, dispensaries and markets. By increasing the domains of language use, then, their status will rise hence, increasing language vitality;

Sixth, EMLs speakers should struggle to use their language in new domains whenever they emerge in their community. Using such languages, in new domains, will increase their functional role which is one of the requirements for language maintenance;

Seventh, EMLs with small number of speakers should strive to increase the number of speakers by ensuring that each member in the community can speak the language. EMLs should, also,

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increase the number of speakers by teaching them to immigrants. Increasing the number of speakers will help the group not to be assimilated by a big group in contact;

Eighth, each speech community should accept changes in the use of its language, in any case of language contact, urbanisation or migration, but not at the expense of their language. Speakers should value their language. By valuing their language, it will not be easy for it to be replaced by another language in contact.

(b) Recommendations for Further Researches

Apart from the areas of language endangerment focused by the current study, there are other important areas about language endangerment which were not studied. Therefore, it is recommended that other researches should be done on the following areas:

First, it is recommended that other studies should be done on other patterns of language endangerment such as stylistics, idioms, proverbs and riddles;

Second, in order to have a clear picture concerning the minority languages, assessment of EMLs should be done by using other theories apart from LEVAG such as Graded Intergenerational

Disruption Scale (GIDS), Landweer‟s Indicators of Ethnolinguistic Vitality and Expanded

Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS);

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Third, there should be done other studies, on the assessment of language endangerment, by considering the relationship between neighbouring EMLs apart from the dominance of

Kiswahili;

Fourth, researches should be done on how a community can develop equal bilingual situation.

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A: OBSERVATIONAL GUIDELINES

These observation guiding questions were aimed at gathering information on language use from

Matengo speakers by observing them in the natural setting.

1. Which language is commonly used by Matengo speakers between Kiswahili and

Matengo?

2. Which domains are dominated by Kiswahili and which are dominated by Matengo?

3. Which language is always spoken by young people, adults and grandparents?

4. Which language is used when: a child speaks to a parent, a parent speaks to a child,

elders speak to a child and a child speaks to the elders?

5. What are the education levels and their occupation of those who, always, speak Kiswahili

or Matengo?

6. What changes are on the phonology, morphology and syntax of the Matengo language

those have influence from Kiswahili?

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APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW GUIDE QUESTIONS FOR YOUTH AND ELDERS

The following interview questions were used during the interview with Matengo youth and elders in order to get information on the extent to which Matengo is endangered.

A: Background Information

1. Name …………………………

2. Ward ……………………..

3. Marital Status ………………………..

4. Age below 40 …………….. Above 40 ………………

5. Type of marriage exogamous or single tribe marriage (endogamous) ………………….

B: Information about Language Use

6. Which language do you prefer, mostly, to use between Kiswahili and Matengo? ………..

7. Give reasons for your choice in number six (6) above ………………………………….

8. Give reasons why you don‟t like to use the other language that you didn‟t choose in

number six (6) above ……………………………..

9. Which language do you like your children to learn between Kiswahili and Matengo?

……… Give reasons for your choice.

10. Why do you think the following are the importance of using Matengo language?

a. Social identity …………..

b. Socialization …………….

c. It fosters unity ……….……

d. A tool for socio-economic development ……………

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e. Cultural transmission ………………….

11. Suppose we lose Matengo language completely, what problems do you think might

happen among the following?

a. Loss of social identity …………..

b. poor socio-economic development ……..

c. Failure to socialize ……………………..

d. Loss of cultural values ………………..

e. Failure to transmit knowledge ...………..

12. Which language do you use in the following areas? (Choose one).

S/N Place/ speaker Matengo Kiswahili Matengo and Kiswahili 1 At home 2 in the church/Mosque 3 Hospital 4 With a friend 5 With children 6 Traditional rituals 7 Village meetings 8 At the market

13. Are you proud of using Matengo language? Give reason for your response ………………

14. How do you think language choice between Matengo and Kiswahili in relation to the following factors might affect the survival of Matengo?

Work ………

Education ……..

Intermarriage ………..

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Urbanisation ………….

Mass media …………….

Lack of language transmission ……..

Negative attitude of speakers ………..

Loss of domains ………….

Lack of government support ………..

Lack of materials for education ………..

Lack of documenting the language …………….

Number of speakers …………..

15. How and why will you support if the Matengo language has to be used in education? ......

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APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW GUIDE QUESTIONS FOR SCHOOL PUPILS

These interview questions for school pupils were used to gather information related to the nature of intergenerational language transmission and language proficiency among Matengo children.

A: Background Information

1. Name ………….

2. Ward ………………..

4. Age …………………

5. Class …………………….

6. Your mother‟s tribe is ……………………………

7. Your father‟s tribe is ……………………………….

B: Information about Language Use

8. Which language do you speak Matengo, Kiswahili or both? ………………………

9. Which language do you like to speak? ……………..

10. Which language does your mother speak to you? ...... , ………………….

11. Which language does your father speak to you? ...... , ……………………

12. Where did you learn Kiswahili? At home ……, at school …………….. Both …………..

13. When did you start using Kiswahili before or after joining a school? ………

14. Which language do you use among the following? (Put a tick where necessary).

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Place/ speaker Matengo Kiswahili Matengo and Kiswahili At home In the class Outside the class With a friend With a parent At the playground

15. How can you rate your language proficiency in Matengo?

(a) Very Good ……., (b) Good …... (c) Bad ………, (d) Very bad ……….

16. Suppose the government changes the medium of instruction from Swahili to Matengo,

how will you feel? Good ……………….. bad ……………………………

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