Subjectivity and the English Civil War
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Marchamont Nedham and Mystery of State
Marchamont Nedham and mystery of state Book or Report Section Published Version Foxley, R. (2013) Marchamont Nedham and mystery of state. In: Mahlberg, G. and Wiemann, D. (eds.) European contexts for English republicanism. Politics and Culture in Europe, 1650–1750. Ashgate, Farnham, pp. 49-62. ISBN 9781409455561 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/29473/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . Publisher: Ashgate All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online Marchamont Nedham and Mystery of State It is some measure of the extraordinary qualities of Marchamont Nedham that he managed to serve virtually all of the political causes and regimes of two of the most unstable decades of English history, and lived to fight another day. Having served both Parliament and king in the Civil Wars of the 1640s, and charted a precarious but profitable path through the shifting regimes and factions of the 1650s, he turned again after monarchy was restored, and just before his death in the later 1670s was accepting pay for his attacks on Shaftesbury. © Copyrighted Material limits of his current political masters with audacious and provocative journalism was apparently matched only by his aptitude for slipping across political divides to serve new masters when circumstances – personal and national – demanded it. -
English Radicalism and the Struggle for Reform
English Radicalism and the Struggle for Reform The Library of Sir Geoffrey Bindman, QC. Part I. BERNARD QUARITCH LTD MMXX BERNARD QUARITCH LTD 36 Bedford Row, London, WC1R 4JH tel.: +44 (0)20 7297 4888 fax: +44 (0)20 7297 4866 email: [email protected] / [email protected] web: www.quaritch.com Bankers: Barclays Bank PLC 1 Churchill Place London E14 5HP Sort code: 20-65-90 Account number: 10511722 Swift code: BUKBGB22 Sterling account: IBAN: GB71 BUKB 2065 9010 5117 22 Euro account: IBAN: GB03 BUKB 2065 9045 4470 11 U.S. Dollar account: IBAN: GB19 BUKB 2065 9063 9924 44 VAT number: GB 322 4543 31 Front cover: from item 106 (Gillray) Rear cover: from item 281 (Peterloo Massacre) Opposite: from item 276 (‘Martial’) List 2020/1 Introduction My father qualified in medicine at Durham University in 1926 and practised in Gateshead on Tyne for the next 43 years – excluding 6 years absence on war service from 1939 to 1945. From his student days he had been an avid book collector. He formed relationships with antiquarian booksellers throughout the north of England. His interests were eclectic but focused on English literature of the 17th and 18th centuries. Several of my father’s books have survived in the present collection. During childhood I paid little attention to his books but in later years I too became a collector. During the war I was evacuated to the Lake District and my school in Keswick incorporated Greta Hall, where Coleridge lived with Robert Southey and his family. So from an early age the Lake Poets were a significant part of my life and a focus of my book collecting. -
The Levellers' Conception of Legitimate Authority
Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades ISSN: 1575-6823 ISSN: 2340-2199 [email protected] Universidad de Sevilla España The Levellers’ Conception of Legitimate Authority Ostrensky, Eunice The Levellers’ Conception of Legitimate Authority Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades, vol. 20, no. 39, 2018 Universidad de Sevilla, España Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=28264625008 This work is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 International. PDF generated from XML JATS4R by Redalyc Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative e Levellers’ Conception of Legitimate Authority A Concepção de Autoridade Legítima dos Levellers Eunice Ostrensky [email protected] Universidade de São Paulo, Brasil Abstract: is article examines the Levellers’ doctrine of legitimate authority, by showing how it emerged as a critique of theories of absolute sovereignty. For the Levellers, any arbitrary power is tyrannical, insofar as it reduces human beings to an unnatural condition. Legitimate authority is necessarily founded on the people, who creates the constitutional order and remains the locus of political power. e Levellers also contend that parliamentary representation is not the only mechanism by which the people may acquire a political being; rather the people outside Parliament are the collective agent able to transform and control institutions and policies. In this sense, the Levellers hold that a highly participative community should exert sovereignty, and that decentralized government is a means to achieve that goal. Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Keywords: Limited Sovereignty, Constitution, People, Law, Rights. Filosofía, Política y Humanidades, vol. Resumo: Este artigo analisa como os Levellers desenvolveram uma doutrina da 20, no. -
Part I the ENGLISH COMMONWEALTHMEN
Cambridge University Press 0521851874 - Machiavelli’s Liberal Republican Legacy Edited by Paul A. Rahe Excerpt More information part i THE ENGLISH COMMONWEALTHMEN or more than a century subsequent to his death in 1527, Niccolo` Machiavelli F was known to the larger world as a counselor of princes, as an enemy to morality and the Christian religion, and as an inspiration to the advocates of raison d’etat´ . It was not until after the execution of Charles I in January 1649 that he would become almost equally famous also as an advocate for republican rule. There is no great mystery in this. Machiavelli’s Prince is, at least on the surface, a much more accessible book than his Discourses on Livy. It is shorter, pithier, and more vigorous, and it enjoyed a grand succes` de scandale from the very first. In contrast, the Discourses on Livy is long, subtle, complex, and difficult to decipher. In short, the work in which republicanism looms large is as unattractive to the casual reader as The Prince is alluring. Even now, the longer book is much more rarely read. Of course, from the outset, there were those who argued that Machiavelli revealed his true opinions only in his Discourses on Livy. Within six years of the appearance of the Florentine’s two great masterpieces in printed form, an inquisitive and well-connected English visitor to Florence named Reginald Pole was told by one or more of Machiavelli’s compatriots that the author of the Discourses on Livy had written The Prince solely in order to trip up the Medici and bring about their demise. -
The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
Medical History, 1995, 39: 197-218 The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries WILLIAM BIRKEN* In England, medicine has always been something of a refuge for individuals whose lives have been dislocated by religious and political strife. This was particularly true in the seventeenth century when changes in Church and State were occurring at a blinding speed. In his book The experience of defeat, Christopher Hill has described the erratic careers of a number of radical clergy and intellectuals who studied and practised medicine in times of dislocation. A list pulled together from Hill's book would include: John Pordage, Samuel Pordage, Henry Stubbe, John Webster, John Rogers, Abiezer Coppe, William Walwyn and Marchamont Nedham.1 Medicine as a practical option for a lost career, or to supplement and subsidize uncertain careers, can also be found among Royalists and Anglicans when their lives were similarly disrupted during the Interregnum. Among these were the brilliant Vaughan twins, Thomas, the Hermetic philosopher, and Henry, the metaphysical poet and clergyman; the poet, Abraham Cowley; and the mercurial Nedham, who was dislocated both as a republican and as a royalist. The Anglicans Ralph Bathurst and Mathew Robinson were forced to abandon temporarily their clerical careers for medicine, only to return to the Church when times were more propitious. In the middle of the eighteenth century the political and religious disabilities of non-juring Anglicanism were still potent enough to impel Sir Richard Jebb to a successful medical career. But by and large the greatest impact on medicine came from the much larger group of the displaced, the English Dissenters, whose combination of religion and medicine were nothing short of remarkable. -
Canterbury Christ Church University's Repository of Research Outputs Http
Canterbury Christ Church University’s repository of research outputs http://create.canterbury.ac.uk Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. Heron, J. (2013) The trial of John Lilburne October 1649: a new perspective. M.A. thesis, Canterbury Christ Church University. Contact: [email protected] The Trial of John Lilburne October 1649. A new perspective. By John Heron Canterbury Christchurch University Thesis submitted for the Degree of M.A. by Research September 2013 John Heron Contents: Abstract: ii Abbreviations: iii Acknowledgements: iv Introduction: p 1 Chapter 1: John Lilburne biographical detail p 6 Chapter 2: The path to trial p 24 Chapter 3: The Trial p 39 John Heron Chapter 4: Conclusion p 71 Bibliography: p 77 John Heron Abstract The trial of John Lilburne for treasonable, seditious libel that took place at the Guildhall in London on the 24th,25th and 26th of October 1649 has held a clear and unambiguous place in the consciousness of the majority of those that have written on the subject. -
THE CAREER of EDWARD SEXBY, 1647-1657 by DEAN FORD
‘UPON A DANGEROUS DESIGN’ THE CAREER OF EDWARD SEXBY, 1647-1657 by DEAN FORD LAWSON JOHN BEELER, COMMITTEE CO-CHAIR MICHAEL MENDLE, COMMITTEE CO-CHAIR DANIEL RICHES HAROLD SELESKY PATRICIA MCELROY A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2016 Copyright Dean Ford Lawson 2016 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT Perhaps no figure of England’s Civil Wars and Interregnum (1642-1660) is more deserving of study than Edward Sexby (c. 1616 – d. 1658). From April 1647 to July 1657 Sexby was, in succession, an ‘agitator’ (or agent) put forward from the Long Parliament’s New Model Army to communicate soldierly grievances, and larger concerns over England’s future; an intermediary between Oliver Cromwell and John Lilburne in the forging of a New Model and Leveller alliance directed against Charles I; an army officer and intelligencer for the English Republic or Commonwealth; and lastly, a conspirator against Oliver Cromwell’s Protectorate. Scholars of England’s 1640s and 1650s have long commented on parts of Sexby’s story, but few scholars have examined his work from beginning to end as a career and considered its impact. This dissertation seeks to fill that important historiographical gap. The chapters of this study provide a narrative and an analysis of a career that is shown to have been consequential, inasmuch as Sexby was a figure behind some of the momentous events that occurred in England between the spring of 1647 and the spring of 1657. -
On William Walwyn's Demurre to the Bill for Preventing
ON WILLIAM WALWYN’S DEMURRE TO THE BILL FOR PREVENTING THE GROWTH AND SPREADING OF HERESIE by Andrew LeClair A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Dorothy F. Schmidt College of Arts and Letters in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Florida Atlantic University Boca Raton, FL December 2018 Copyright 2018 by Andrew LeClair ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to express sincere gratitude to his committee members, Dr. John Leeds, Dr. Emily Stockard, and Dr. Tom Martin for all of their guidance and support, and special thanks to my advisor for his persistence, patience, and encouragement during the writing of this manuscript. iv ABSTRACT Author: Andrew LeClair Title: On William Walwyn’s Demurre to the Bill for Preventing the Growth and Spreading of Heresie Institution: Florida Atlantic University Thesis Advisor: Dr. John Leeds Degree: Master of Arts Year: 2018 During the English Revolution of the seventeenth century, writers like William Walwyn produced documents contesting the restriction of their liberties. This thesis is a critical edition of Walwyn’s Demurre to the Bill for Preventing the Growth and Spreading of Heresie, unedited since its original publication in 1646. In this text Walwyn advocates for man’s right to question religious orthodoxy in his search for Truth and urges Parliament not to pass a proposed Bill for the harsh punishment of religious sectarians. Prior to a transcription of the text is an introduction to Walwyn and an attempt to situate the reader in the context of his time. Following that is a style and rhetorical analysis, which concludes that despite his rejection of rhetorical practices, Walwyn’s own use of them is effective. -
The Ideology of Jury Law-Finding in the Interregnum
Conscience and the True Law: 5 The Ideology of Jury Law-Finding in the Interregnum The government that tried and condemned Charles I in January, 1649, found later the same year that it was unable to have its way with John Lilburne. As leader of the Levellers, the most imposing of the groups that clashed with the Cromwellian regime, Lilburne appealed to his jurors, in a celebrated phrase, "as judges of law as well as fact. " 1 When the jury acquitted him of treason, this claim to a "jury right"-a right of the jury to decide the law-brought the criminal trial jury for the first time into the forefront of English constitutional and political debate.2 The emergence of a theory of the jury's right to decide the law was not in any simple way a reaction to the transformation of criminal process in early modern England. On the one hand, much of what the radical reformers attacked predated the Tudor period; on the other, much of their program was inspired by the political crisis that accompanied the struggle against the Stuart monarchy .3 Nevertheless, the Leveller attack on the judiciary in criminal cases was a response to the power and behavior of the bench, and that power and behavior were largely owing to new forms of criminal procedure. 1. See below, text at nn. 67-77. On the Levellers see e.g. H. N. Brailsford, The Levellers and the English Revolution (London, 1961); Joseph Frank, The Levellers (Cambridge, Mass., 1955); G. E. Aylmer, ed., The Levellers in the English Revolution (London, 1975), pp. -
Radical Republicanism in England, America, and the Imperial Atlantic, 1624-1661
RADICAL REPUBLICANISM IN ENGLAND, AMERICA, AND THE IMPERIAL ATLANTIC, 1624-1661 by John Donoghue B.A., Westminster College, New Wilmington, PA, 1993 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1999 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2006 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH Faculty of Arts and Sciences This dissertation was presented by John Donoghue It was defended on December 2, 2005 and approved by William Fusfield, Associate Professor, Department of Communication Janelle Greenberg, Professor, Department of History Jonathan Scott, Professor, Department of History Dissertation Director: Marcus Rediker, Professor, Department of History ii Copyright by John Donoghue 2006 iii RADICAL REPUBLICANISM IN ENGLAND, AMERICA, AND THE IMPERIAL ATLANTIC, 1624-1661 John Donoghue, Ph.D. University of Pittsburgh, April 30, 2006 This dissertation links the radical politics of the English Revolution to the history of puritan New England. It argues that antinomians, by rejecting traditional concepts of social authority, created divisive political factions within the godly party while it waged war against King Charles I. At the same time in New England, antinomians organized a political movement that called for a democratic commonwealth to limit the power of ministers and magistrates in religious and civil affairs. When this program collapsed in Massachusetts, hundreds of colonists returned to an Old England engulfed by civil war. Joining English antinomians, they became lay preachers in London, New Model Army soldiers, and influential supporters of the republican Levellers. This dissertation also connects the study of republican political thought to the labor history of the first British Empire. -
The Latin-English Bilingualism of Seventeenth Century English Poetry Remains Barely Explored, And, with the Exceptio
1 ANDREW MARVELL AND PAYNE FISHER Abstract: The Latin-English bilingualism of seventeenth century English poetry remains barely explored, and, with the exception of studies of Milton, almost no work has attempted to map the interaction between major English and Latin poems of the period, even when such works were produced in close temporal and geographical proximity and on the same events. This article explores the significance of such interactions through an examination of the relationship between Andrew Marvell's English political poetry of the 1650s and the work of Payne Fisher, Cromwell's poet, who produced a stream of major Latin works in that decade, issued in fine editions several of which were sent abroad to solicit international support for the Commonwealth and Protectorate. With the work of David Norbrook, Nigel Smith, Blair Worden, Nicholas McDowell, James Loxley, Paul Davis and others, the intertextual connections of Marvell's verse has been particularly well explored; but where Fisher's work has been mentioned in passing in relation to Marvell, comment has almost always depended upon Thomas Manley's workmanlike 1652 translation of just one of Fisher's works, not upon Fisher's Latin itself, and has depicted Fisher as the secondary poet, dependent upon or imitative of Marvell. The evidence suggests that the influence ran mostly in the other direction. Marvell and Fisher were both drawing on, and contributing to, a distinctive political poetry of the Protectorate, and our appreciation of both poets is improved by reading them -
Milton's Case for a Free Commonwealth
Milton’s Case for a Free Commonwealth Frank Lovett Washington University in St. Louis This article will examine the development of John Milton’s arguments for democracy as against monarchy and other sorts of autocratic rule. These arguments are interesting both in their own right and insofar as they shed light on historiographical debates concerning the classical republican tradition. Milton is shown to hold a negative conception of liberty, as opposed to a positive or participatory conception, which lends support to the neo-roman interpretation of that tradition, associated with QuentinSkinnerandPhilipPettit.However,itisfurthershownthatSinnerandPettitmisunderstandtheclassicalrepublicans’ case for democracy, attributing to them a conceptual argument in place of an empirical one. A better understanding of Milton’s political theory contributes to a better understanding of this dilemma, and perhaps suggests a solution. his article will examine the development of “justly and magnanimously abolished” (VII, 409).3 This John Milton’s arguments for a “self-governing shift is particularly striking given the obvious inevitability Tdemocratie or Commonwealth” (VII, 427)1 as of restoration when the latter tract was written, and the against monarchy and other sorts of autocratic rule. These possibility that publishing such a vehemently antimonar- arguments are interesting both in their own right (Milton chical tract might therefore expose Milton to personal is often underestimated as a political thinker),2 and also danger. Would not a more suitable time to express such insofar as they shed light on continuing historiographical sentiments have been during his tenure as Secretary of debates concerning the classical republican tradition to Foreign Tongues for the Commonwealth government in which hebelongs.