The Power of Interests in Early-Modern English Political Thought
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Marchamont Nedham and Mystery of State
Marchamont Nedham and mystery of state Book or Report Section Published Version Foxley, R. (2013) Marchamont Nedham and mystery of state. In: Mahlberg, G. and Wiemann, D. (eds.) European contexts for English republicanism. Politics and Culture in Europe, 1650–1750. Ashgate, Farnham, pp. 49-62. ISBN 9781409455561 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/29473/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . Publisher: Ashgate All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online Marchamont Nedham and Mystery of State It is some measure of the extraordinary qualities of Marchamont Nedham that he managed to serve virtually all of the political causes and regimes of two of the most unstable decades of English history, and lived to fight another day. Having served both Parliament and king in the Civil Wars of the 1640s, and charted a precarious but profitable path through the shifting regimes and factions of the 1650s, he turned again after monarchy was restored, and just before his death in the later 1670s was accepting pay for his attacks on Shaftesbury. © Copyrighted Material limits of his current political masters with audacious and provocative journalism was apparently matched only by his aptitude for slipping across political divides to serve new masters when circumstances – personal and national – demanded it. -
Birthright Democracy: Nationhood and Constitutional Self-Government in History
BIRTHRIGHT DEMOCRACY: NATIONHOOD AND CONSTITUTIONAL SELF-GOVERNMENT IN HISTORY By Ethan Alexander-Davey A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON 2013 Date of final oral examination: 8/16/13 The dissertation is approved by the following members of the Final Oral Committee: Richard Avramenko, Political Science Daniel Kapust, Political Science James Klausen, Political Science Howard Schweber, Political Science Johann Sommerville, History i Abstract How did constitutionally limited government and democracy emerge in the West? Many scholars from many different perspectives have attempted to answer this question. I identify the emergence of these forms of self-government with early modern nationalism. Broadly speaking, nationalism of the right sort provides indispensable resources both for united popular resistance against autocratic rule, and for the formation and legitimation of national systems self- governance. Resistance and self-government both require a national consciousness that includes a myth of national origin, a national language, a common faith, and, crucially, native traditions of self-government, and stories of heroic ancestors who successfully defended those traditions against usurpers and tyrants. It is through national consciousness that abstract theories of resistance and self-government become concrete and tenable. It is though national fellowship that the idea of a political nation, possessing the right to make rulers accountable to its will, comes into existence and is sustained over time. My arguments basically fall under two headings, historical and theoretical. By an examination of the nationalist political thought of early modern European countries, I intend to establish important historical connections between the rise of nationalism and the emergence of self-government. -
1 Republicanism Martin Dzelzainis Republicans and Regicides Thomas
Dzelzainis, ‘Republicanism’ 1 Republicanism Martin Dzelzainis Republicans and regicides Thomas Hobbes signs off the Review and Conclusion appended to Leviathan by invoking a superstition of exactly the kind that the work was intended to dispel. He fears that the moment of Leviathan’s publication – late April or early May 1651 – is inauspicious since ‘in the revolution of States, there can be no very good Constellation for Truths of this nature to be born under, (as having an angry aspect from the dissolvers of an old Government, and seeing but the backs of them that erect a new;)’. Just as Leviathan literally enters the world under the sign of Gemini in the spring of 1651, so metaphorically the birth of the English republic is a time when politics faces two different ways. To dismiss the metaphor as merely an ironic flourish, however, would be to overlook the fact that Hobbes had surveyed ‘divers English Books lately printed’ before concluding that ‘much of that Doctrine, which serveth to the establishing of a new Government, must needs be contrary to that which conduced to the dissolution of the old’ (Hobbes 1996: 484, 489, 491. Modern scholars have often followed Hobbes’s lead in assuming a fundamental difference of outlook between the regicides and the republicans. For them too it seems that gazing upon the ‘angry aspect’ of the regicides means only seeing the back of the republicans, while looking the republicans in the face means occluding their view of the regicides. Thus John Morrill insists that ‘the English revolution saw a violent act carried out by a fairly isolated band of well-placed soldiers and civilians, mainly driven by religious fanaticism (the regicides) which gave rise to a political programme supported by a wider and more pragmatic group (the republicans)’ (Morrill: 23). -
Part I the ENGLISH COMMONWEALTHMEN
Cambridge University Press 0521851874 - Machiavelli’s Liberal Republican Legacy Edited by Paul A. Rahe Excerpt More information part i THE ENGLISH COMMONWEALTHMEN or more than a century subsequent to his death in 1527, Niccolo` Machiavelli F was known to the larger world as a counselor of princes, as an enemy to morality and the Christian religion, and as an inspiration to the advocates of raison d’etat´ . It was not until after the execution of Charles I in January 1649 that he would become almost equally famous also as an advocate for republican rule. There is no great mystery in this. Machiavelli’s Prince is, at least on the surface, a much more accessible book than his Discourses on Livy. It is shorter, pithier, and more vigorous, and it enjoyed a grand succes` de scandale from the very first. In contrast, the Discourses on Livy is long, subtle, complex, and difficult to decipher. In short, the work in which republicanism looms large is as unattractive to the casual reader as The Prince is alluring. Even now, the longer book is much more rarely read. Of course, from the outset, there were those who argued that Machiavelli revealed his true opinions only in his Discourses on Livy. Within six years of the appearance of the Florentine’s two great masterpieces in printed form, an inquisitive and well-connected English visitor to Florence named Reginald Pole was told by one or more of Machiavelli’s compatriots that the author of the Discourses on Livy had written The Prince solely in order to trip up the Medici and bring about their demise. -
The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
Medical History, 1995, 39: 197-218 The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries WILLIAM BIRKEN* In England, medicine has always been something of a refuge for individuals whose lives have been dislocated by religious and political strife. This was particularly true in the seventeenth century when changes in Church and State were occurring at a blinding speed. In his book The experience of defeat, Christopher Hill has described the erratic careers of a number of radical clergy and intellectuals who studied and practised medicine in times of dislocation. A list pulled together from Hill's book would include: John Pordage, Samuel Pordage, Henry Stubbe, John Webster, John Rogers, Abiezer Coppe, William Walwyn and Marchamont Nedham.1 Medicine as a practical option for a lost career, or to supplement and subsidize uncertain careers, can also be found among Royalists and Anglicans when their lives were similarly disrupted during the Interregnum. Among these were the brilliant Vaughan twins, Thomas, the Hermetic philosopher, and Henry, the metaphysical poet and clergyman; the poet, Abraham Cowley; and the mercurial Nedham, who was dislocated both as a republican and as a royalist. The Anglicans Ralph Bathurst and Mathew Robinson were forced to abandon temporarily their clerical careers for medicine, only to return to the Church when times were more propitious. In the middle of the eighteenth century the political and religious disabilities of non-juring Anglicanism were still potent enough to impel Sir Richard Jebb to a successful medical career. But by and large the greatest impact on medicine came from the much larger group of the displaced, the English Dissenters, whose combination of religion and medicine were nothing short of remarkable. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses Virtue, liberty, and justice: `original principles' in Algernon Sidney's political thought exploration of context and intellectual foundations of the discourses concerning government Lenk, Martin How to cite: Lenk, Martin (2002) Virtue, liberty, and justice: `original principles' in Algernon Sidney's political thought exploration of context and intellectual foundations of the discourses concerning government, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4142/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. VIRTUE, LIBERTY, AND JUSTICE: 'ORIGINAL PRINCIPLES' IN ALGERNON SIDNEY'S POLITICAL THOUGHT EXPLORATION OF CONTEXT AND INTELLECTUAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE DISCOURSES CONCERNING GOVERNMENT A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts Martin Lenk Centre for Seventeenth-Century Studies Durham University i OCT nm 2002 Martin Lenk, Virtue, Liberty, and Justice: 'Original principles' in Algernon Sidney's political thought. -
Radical Republicanism in England, America, and the Imperial Atlantic, 1624-1661
RADICAL REPUBLICANISM IN ENGLAND, AMERICA, AND THE IMPERIAL ATLANTIC, 1624-1661 by John Donoghue B.A., Westminster College, New Wilmington, PA, 1993 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1999 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2006 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH Faculty of Arts and Sciences This dissertation was presented by John Donoghue It was defended on December 2, 2005 and approved by William Fusfield, Associate Professor, Department of Communication Janelle Greenberg, Professor, Department of History Jonathan Scott, Professor, Department of History Dissertation Director: Marcus Rediker, Professor, Department of History ii Copyright by John Donoghue 2006 iii RADICAL REPUBLICANISM IN ENGLAND, AMERICA, AND THE IMPERIAL ATLANTIC, 1624-1661 John Donoghue, Ph.D. University of Pittsburgh, April 30, 2006 This dissertation links the radical politics of the English Revolution to the history of puritan New England. It argues that antinomians, by rejecting traditional concepts of social authority, created divisive political factions within the godly party while it waged war against King Charles I. At the same time in New England, antinomians organized a political movement that called for a democratic commonwealth to limit the power of ministers and magistrates in religious and civil affairs. When this program collapsed in Massachusetts, hundreds of colonists returned to an Old England engulfed by civil war. Joining English antinomians, they became lay preachers in London, New Model Army soldiers, and influential supporters of the republican Levellers. This dissertation also connects the study of republican political thought to the labor history of the first British Empire. -
The Latin-English Bilingualism of Seventeenth Century English Poetry Remains Barely Explored, And, with the Exceptio
1 ANDREW MARVELL AND PAYNE FISHER Abstract: The Latin-English bilingualism of seventeenth century English poetry remains barely explored, and, with the exception of studies of Milton, almost no work has attempted to map the interaction between major English and Latin poems of the period, even when such works were produced in close temporal and geographical proximity and on the same events. This article explores the significance of such interactions through an examination of the relationship between Andrew Marvell's English political poetry of the 1650s and the work of Payne Fisher, Cromwell's poet, who produced a stream of major Latin works in that decade, issued in fine editions several of which were sent abroad to solicit international support for the Commonwealth and Protectorate. With the work of David Norbrook, Nigel Smith, Blair Worden, Nicholas McDowell, James Loxley, Paul Davis and others, the intertextual connections of Marvell's verse has been particularly well explored; but where Fisher's work has been mentioned in passing in relation to Marvell, comment has almost always depended upon Thomas Manley's workmanlike 1652 translation of just one of Fisher's works, not upon Fisher's Latin itself, and has depicted Fisher as the secondary poet, dependent upon or imitative of Marvell. The evidence suggests that the influence ran mostly in the other direction. Marvell and Fisher were both drawing on, and contributing to, a distinctive political poetry of the Protectorate, and our appreciation of both poets is improved by reading them -
Milton's Case for a Free Commonwealth
Milton’s Case for a Free Commonwealth Frank Lovett Washington University in St. Louis This article will examine the development of John Milton’s arguments for democracy as against monarchy and other sorts of autocratic rule. These arguments are interesting both in their own right and insofar as they shed light on historiographical debates concerning the classical republican tradition. Milton is shown to hold a negative conception of liberty, as opposed to a positive or participatory conception, which lends support to the neo-roman interpretation of that tradition, associated with QuentinSkinnerandPhilipPettit.However,itisfurthershownthatSinnerandPettitmisunderstandtheclassicalrepublicans’ case for democracy, attributing to them a conceptual argument in place of an empirical one. A better understanding of Milton’s political theory contributes to a better understanding of this dilemma, and perhaps suggests a solution. his article will examine the development of “justly and magnanimously abolished” (VII, 409).3 This John Milton’s arguments for a “self-governing shift is particularly striking given the obvious inevitability Tdemocratie or Commonwealth” (VII, 427)1 as of restoration when the latter tract was written, and the against monarchy and other sorts of autocratic rule. These possibility that publishing such a vehemently antimonar- arguments are interesting both in their own right (Milton chical tract might therefore expose Milton to personal is often underestimated as a political thinker),2 and also danger. Would not a more suitable time to express such insofar as they shed light on continuing historiographical sentiments have been during his tenure as Secretary of debates concerning the classical republican tradition to Foreign Tongues for the Commonwealth government in which hebelongs. -
Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the Formation of a Liberal Republicanism in England
P1: GCO/GKJ P2: GVh Aggregation-FM.xml Sullivan December 30, 2003 12:2 Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the Formation of a Liberal Republicanism in England VICKIE B. SULLIVAN Tufts University iii P1: GCO/GKJ P2: GVh Aggregation-FM.xml Sullivan December 30, 2003 12:2 published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru, uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, usa 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, vic 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcon´ 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org C Vickie B. Sullivan 2004 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2004 Printed in the United States of America Typeface Sabon 10/12 pt. System LATEX 2ε [tb] A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data Sullivan, Vickie B. Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the formation of a liberal republicanism in England / Vickie B. Sullivan. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-521-83361-2 1. Political science – Great Britain – History – 17th century. 2. Political science – Great Britain – History – 18th century. 3. Republicanism – Great Britain – History – 17th century. 4. Republicanism – Great Britain – History – 18th century. 5. Liberalism – Great Britain – History – 17th century. 6. Liberalism – Great Britain – History – 18th century. -
Martyna Mirecka Phd Thesis
"MONARCHY AS IT SHOULD BE"? BRITISH PERCEPTIONS OF POLAND-LITHUANIA IN THE LONG SEVENTEENTH CENTURY Martyna Mirecka A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2014 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6044 This item is protected by original copyright “Monarchy as it should be”? British perceptions of Poland-Lithuania in the long seventeenth century by Martyna Mirecka Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of History University of St Andrews September 2013 Abstract Early modern Poland-Lithuania figured significantly in the political perceptions of Europeans in the long seventeenth century – not only due to its considerable size and enormous commercial and military resources, but also, and just as importantly, due to its exceptional religious and political situation. This interest in Poland-Lithuania was shared by many Britons. However, a detailed examination of how Britons perceived Poland-Lithuania at that time and how they treated Poland-Lithuania in their political debates has never been undertaken. This thesis utilises a wide range of the previously neglected source material and considers the patterns of transmission of information to determine Britons’ awareness of Poland-Lithuania and their employment of the Polish-Lithuanian example in the British political discourse during the seventeenth century. It looks at a variety of geographical and historical information, English and Latin descriptions of Poland-Lithuania’s physical topography and boundaries, and its ethnic and cultural make-up presented in histories, atlases and maps, to establish what, where and who Poland-Lithuania was for Britons. -
Extended Notes for Toward Democracy
NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 1 EXTENDED NOTES FOR TOWARD DEMOCRACY Note to Readers The following notes, prepared with the help of Abigail Modaff of Harvard University, contain fuller documentation for James T. Kloppenberg, Toward Democracy: The Struggle for Self-Rule in European and American Thought, published by Oxford University Press in June, 2016. Page references within these notes refer to the print version of the book. As is indicated on p. 711 of that edition, many of the notes in this document contain a greater range of references and commentary than are available in the book. Readers will, however, find that a few of the notes that are followed by an asterisk in the print version do not differ from the notes in this document; those asterisks will be removed, and typographical errors corrected, in later printings of Toward Democracy. Introduction 1. See the UNESCO report edited by Richard McKeon, Democracy in a World of Tensions (Chicago, 1951), 522. Influential assessments of the universality of democracy at the turn of the twenty-first century include Amartya Sen, “Democracy as a Universal Value,” Journal of Democracy 10 (1999): 3–17; and the widely circulated report by Freedom House, Democracy’s Century: A Survey of Political Change in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1999), which reported that the number of democratic nations had mushroomed from a mere handful in 1900 to over 60 percent by the end of the century. Although those nations contained less than 40 percent of the world’s population, the report confidently predicted that the further expansion of democracy, now praised if not NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 2 yet practiced everywhere, was only a matter of time.