On William Walwyn's Demurre to the Bill for Preventing
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English Radicalism and the Struggle for Reform
English Radicalism and the Struggle for Reform The Library of Sir Geoffrey Bindman, QC. Part I. BERNARD QUARITCH LTD MMXX BERNARD QUARITCH LTD 36 Bedford Row, London, WC1R 4JH tel.: +44 (0)20 7297 4888 fax: +44 (0)20 7297 4866 email: [email protected] / [email protected] web: www.quaritch.com Bankers: Barclays Bank PLC 1 Churchill Place London E14 5HP Sort code: 20-65-90 Account number: 10511722 Swift code: BUKBGB22 Sterling account: IBAN: GB71 BUKB 2065 9010 5117 22 Euro account: IBAN: GB03 BUKB 2065 9045 4470 11 U.S. Dollar account: IBAN: GB19 BUKB 2065 9063 9924 44 VAT number: GB 322 4543 31 Front cover: from item 106 (Gillray) Rear cover: from item 281 (Peterloo Massacre) Opposite: from item 276 (‘Martial’) List 2020/1 Introduction My father qualified in medicine at Durham University in 1926 and practised in Gateshead on Tyne for the next 43 years – excluding 6 years absence on war service from 1939 to 1945. From his student days he had been an avid book collector. He formed relationships with antiquarian booksellers throughout the north of England. His interests were eclectic but focused on English literature of the 17th and 18th centuries. Several of my father’s books have survived in the present collection. During childhood I paid little attention to his books but in later years I too became a collector. During the war I was evacuated to the Lake District and my school in Keswick incorporated Greta Hall, where Coleridge lived with Robert Southey and his family. So from an early age the Lake Poets were a significant part of my life and a focus of my book collecting. -
The Social Impact of the Revolution
THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE REVOLUTION AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE'S DISTINGUISHED LECTURE SERIES Robert Nisbet, historical sociologist and intellectual historian, is Albert Schweitzer professor-elect o[ the humanities at Columbia University. ROBERTA. NISBET THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE REVOLUTION Distinguished Lecture Series on the Bicentennial This lecture is one in a series sponsored by the American Enterprise Institute in celebration of the Bicentennial of the United States. The views expressed are those of the lecturers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff,officers or trustees of AEI. All of the lectures in this series will be collected later in a single volume. revolution · continuity · promise ROBERTA. NISBET THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF THE REVOLUTION Delivered in Gaston Hall, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C. on December 13, 1973 American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research Washington, D.C. © 1974 by American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C. ISBN 0-8447-1303-1 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number L.C. 74-77313 Printed in the United States of America as there in fact an American Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century? I mean a revolu tion involving sudden, decisive, and irreversible changes in social institutions, groups, and traditions, in addition to the war of libera tion from England that we are more likely to celebrate. Clearly, this is a question that generates much controversy. There are scholars whose answer to the question is strongly nega tive, and others whose affirmativeanswer is equally strong. Indeed, ever since Edmund Burke's time there have been students to de clare that revolution in any precise sense of the word did not take place-that in substance the American Revolution was no more than a group of Englishmen fighting on distant shores for tradi tionally English political rights against a government that had sought to exploit and tyrannize. -
The Levellers' Conception of Legitimate Authority
Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades ISSN: 1575-6823 ISSN: 2340-2199 [email protected] Universidad de Sevilla España The Levellers’ Conception of Legitimate Authority Ostrensky, Eunice The Levellers’ Conception of Legitimate Authority Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política y Humanidades, vol. 20, no. 39, 2018 Universidad de Sevilla, España Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=28264625008 This work is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 International. PDF generated from XML JATS4R by Redalyc Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative e Levellers’ Conception of Legitimate Authority A Concepção de Autoridade Legítima dos Levellers Eunice Ostrensky [email protected] Universidade de São Paulo, Brasil Abstract: is article examines the Levellers’ doctrine of legitimate authority, by showing how it emerged as a critique of theories of absolute sovereignty. For the Levellers, any arbitrary power is tyrannical, insofar as it reduces human beings to an unnatural condition. Legitimate authority is necessarily founded on the people, who creates the constitutional order and remains the locus of political power. e Levellers also contend that parliamentary representation is not the only mechanism by which the people may acquire a political being; rather the people outside Parliament are the collective agent able to transform and control institutions and policies. In this sense, the Levellers hold that a highly participative community should exert sovereignty, and that decentralized government is a means to achieve that goal. Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Keywords: Limited Sovereignty, Constitution, People, Law, Rights. Filosofía, Política y Humanidades, vol. Resumo: Este artigo analisa como os Levellers desenvolveram uma doutrina da 20, no. -
The Return of the King (1658±1660)
1 The Return of the King (1658±1660) 1 The Fall of the Protectorate (September 1658±April 1659)1 `All Men wondred to see all so quiet, in so dangerous a time' wrote the Puritan minister Richard Baxter of the autumn of 1658.The death of Oliver Cromwell on 3 September signalled no discernible quickening of either royalist or repub- lican pulses.There was no sudden or general upsurge of public opinion either against the Protectorate or for a return to monarchy: `Contrary to all expec- tation both at home and abroad, this earthquake was attended with no signal alteration', recalled Charles II's Chancellor, Edward Hyde, afterwards Earl of Clarendon.2 Nor, though `all the commonwealth party' may have `cried out upon [Richard's] assuming the protectorship, as a high usurpation', was there any concerted attempt by republicans to undo what they saw as the perversion of the Good Old Cause into the tyranny of rule by a single person: `There is not a dogge that waggs his tongue, soe great a calm are wee in', observed John Thurloe, Oliver's, and now Richard's, Secretary of State.3 The Humble Petition and Advice, the Protectorate's constitution since 1657, empowered Cromwell to name his successor, but this was managed `so sleightly, as some doubt whether he did it at all' reported John Barwick, future Dean of St Paul's, in a letter to Charles II.Nevertheless, despite the want of any formal or written nomination, Richard Cromwell's succession was generally accepted not only without opposition but with signs of positive relief.The proclamation of his -
Canterbury Christ Church University's Repository of Research Outputs Http
Canterbury Christ Church University’s repository of research outputs http://create.canterbury.ac.uk Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. Heron, J. (2013) The trial of John Lilburne October 1649: a new perspective. M.A. thesis, Canterbury Christ Church University. Contact: [email protected] The Trial of John Lilburne October 1649. A new perspective. By John Heron Canterbury Christchurch University Thesis submitted for the Degree of M.A. by Research September 2013 John Heron Contents: Abstract: ii Abbreviations: iii Acknowledgements: iv Introduction: p 1 Chapter 1: John Lilburne biographical detail p 6 Chapter 2: The path to trial p 24 Chapter 3: The Trial p 39 John Heron Chapter 4: Conclusion p 71 Bibliography: p 77 John Heron Abstract The trial of John Lilburne for treasonable, seditious libel that took place at the Guildhall in London on the 24th,25th and 26th of October 1649 has held a clear and unambiguous place in the consciousness of the majority of those that have written on the subject. -
A True Account of the New Model Army
Paul Z. Simons A True Account of the New Model Army 1995 Contents The Set Up . 3 The New Model Army . 4 What They Believed . 5 What They Did . 7 Where They Went . 9 Conclusion . 10 2 Revolutions have generally required some form of military activity; and mili- tary activity, in turn, generally implies an army or something like one. Armies, however, have traditionally been the offspring of the revolution, impinging little on the revolutionary politics that animate them. History provides numerous examples of this, but perhaps the most poignant is the exception that proves the rule. Recall the extreme violence with which rebellious Kronstadt was snuffed out by Bolshevism’s Finest, the Red Guards. The lesson in the massacre of the sailors and soldiers is plain, armies that defy the “institutional revolution” can expect nothing but butchery. The above statements, however, are generalizable solely to modernity, that is to say, only to the relatively contemporary era wherein the as- sumption that armies derive their mandate from the nation-state; and the nation- state in turn derives its mandate from “the people.” Prior to the hegemony of such assumptions, however, there is a stark and glaring example of an army that to a great degree was the revolution. Specifically an army that pushed the revolution as far as it could, an army that was the forum for the political development of the revolution, an army that sincerely believed that it could realize heaven on earth. Not a revolutionary army by any means, rather an army of revolutionaries, regicides, fanatics and visionaries. -
THE CAREER of EDWARD SEXBY, 1647-1657 by DEAN FORD
‘UPON A DANGEROUS DESIGN’ THE CAREER OF EDWARD SEXBY, 1647-1657 by DEAN FORD LAWSON JOHN BEELER, COMMITTEE CO-CHAIR MICHAEL MENDLE, COMMITTEE CO-CHAIR DANIEL RICHES HAROLD SELESKY PATRICIA MCELROY A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2016 Copyright Dean Ford Lawson 2016 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT Perhaps no figure of England’s Civil Wars and Interregnum (1642-1660) is more deserving of study than Edward Sexby (c. 1616 – d. 1658). From April 1647 to July 1657 Sexby was, in succession, an ‘agitator’ (or agent) put forward from the Long Parliament’s New Model Army to communicate soldierly grievances, and larger concerns over England’s future; an intermediary between Oliver Cromwell and John Lilburne in the forging of a New Model and Leveller alliance directed against Charles I; an army officer and intelligencer for the English Republic or Commonwealth; and lastly, a conspirator against Oliver Cromwell’s Protectorate. Scholars of England’s 1640s and 1650s have long commented on parts of Sexby’s story, but few scholars have examined his work from beginning to end as a career and considered its impact. This dissertation seeks to fill that important historiographical gap. The chapters of this study provide a narrative and an analysis of a career that is shown to have been consequential, inasmuch as Sexby was a figure behind some of the momentous events that occurred in England between the spring of 1647 and the spring of 1657. -
6Th Form Text.Pdf
THE PUTNEY DEBATES EXHIBITION ST MARY’S CHURCH PUTNEY THE LEVELLERS social rank, driven by principle rather than personal material grievance. Lilburne, in particular, had been an active campaigner for a decade. In 1637, he had been flogged, pilloried, and imprisoned for publishing pamphlets critical of the bishops; nine years later, he was imprisoned by the House of Lords on various charges of seditious conduct (and indeed was still in the Tower at the time of the Putney Debates.) Lilburne argued that true sovereignty derived from the people. Popular sovereignty, he maintained, was an inalienable right, which had only been subverted after the Norman Conquest by the new landowning class as it developed institutions and The Putney Debates are an important practices which consolidated its own landmark in English political history. power. Following the Civil War, it was At St Mary’s Church, Putney, in the not enough to replace monarchical autumn of 1647, leading members of tyranny with a system which the Army Council, which then perpetuated the power of the effectively controlled England in the landowners represented in parliament. aftermath of Charles I’s defeat in the As Lilburne told the Lords at his trial Civil War, deliberated on proposals for in 1646, “all you intended when you a radical overhaul of the constitution. set us a - fighting was merely to These proposals, which for their time unhorse and dismount our old riders were breathtaking in their and tyrants, so that you might get up revolutionary boldness, anticipated and ride in their stead.” What was many of the ideological fault lines of needed was a system which reflected the next three to four centuries. -
The Levellers Movement and Had Been Amongst the Leaders of a Mutiny Against Cromwell, Whom They Accused of Betraying the Ideals of the ‘Civil War ’
Levellers Day book cover_Levellers Day book cover 04/05/2015 08:33 Page 1 Written by PETA STEEL T H E L E THE V Published in May 2 01 5 by SERTUC E Congress House, Great Russell Street L L London WC1B 3LS E R LEVELLERS MOVEMENT 020 7467 1220 [email protected] S M O V AN ACCOUNT OF PERHAPS THE FIRST POLITICAL MOVEMENT E M TO REPRESENT THE ORDINARY PEOPLE E N T Additional sponsorship from Including THE DIGGERS AND RANTERS, ASLEF, Unison South East Region, and Unite OLIVER CROMWELL, THE AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE and MAGNA CARTA South East S E R T U C Printed by Upstream PUBLISHED BY SERTUC 020 7358 1344 [email protected] £2 Levellers Day book cover_Levellers Day book cover 04/05/2015 08:33 Page 2 CONTENTS THE LEVELLERS 1 THE DIGGERS AND THE RANTERS 11 THE CIVIL WARS 15 THE NEW MODEL ARMY 19 AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE 23 THE PUTNEY DEBATES 27 THOMAS RAINSBOROUGH 31 PETITIONS 34 THE BISHOPSGATE MUTINY 37 THE BANBURY MUTINY 38 THE MAGNA CARTA 40 OLIVER CROMWELL 43 JOHN LILBURNE 49 GERRARD WINSTANLEY 55 RICHARD OVERTON 58 KATHERINE CHIDLEY 60 KING CHARLES I 63 THE STAR CHAMBER 66 JOHN MILTON 68 Levellers Day book new_Levellers book new to print 04/05/2015 09:07 Page 1 FOREWORD THERE’S little to disagree with the Levellers over: “they wanted a democracy where there was no King, and a reformed House of Commons that represented the people, and not the vested interests of the ruling classes ”. -
The English Civil War: the Declaration of 14Th June 1647 And
History 7A, Merritt College, Instructor John Holmes The English Civil War: The Declaration of 14th June 1647 and the Putney Debates “We were not a mere mercenary Army, hired to serve any arbitrary power of a state, but called forth and conjured by the several declarations of Parliament, to the defence of our own and the people’s just rights and liberties. And so we took up arms in judgment and conscience … and are resolved … to assert and vindicate the just power and rights of this kingdom in Parliament, for those common ends premised, against all arbitrary power, violence and oppression.” So the Army justified its intervention in politics.… The soldiers were citizens in uniform, who had regained the rights of freeborn Englishmen. Christopher Hill, The Century of Revolution, 1603-1714, W. W. Norton & Company, New York, 1982, page 110. The Declaration was issued by the Army Council of Oliver Cromwell’s New Model Army. The New Model Army had just won the Civil War, defeating the royalist forces. The Army Council was an historically unprecedented body, because it was elected. Officers and rank and file soldiers were represented together. It was formed after the Army, in defiance of the majority of Parliament which wanted to disband the Army and restore the King, marched on London and seized Charles I’s royal person. The Declaration further called for a purge of Parliament, its dissolution, and new elections. Many historians regard this Declaration as the commencement of modern politics founded on popular sovereignty. The English Civil War, its impact on the American colonies, and the relationship between it and modern concepts of freedom and democracy are discussed in your textbook on pages 81-86. -
The Ideology of Jury Law-Finding in the Interregnum
Conscience and the True Law: 5 The Ideology of Jury Law-Finding in the Interregnum The government that tried and condemned Charles I in January, 1649, found later the same year that it was unable to have its way with John Lilburne. As leader of the Levellers, the most imposing of the groups that clashed with the Cromwellian regime, Lilburne appealed to his jurors, in a celebrated phrase, "as judges of law as well as fact. " 1 When the jury acquitted him of treason, this claim to a "jury right"-a right of the jury to decide the law-brought the criminal trial jury for the first time into the forefront of English constitutional and political debate.2 The emergence of a theory of the jury's right to decide the law was not in any simple way a reaction to the transformation of criminal process in early modern England. On the one hand, much of what the radical reformers attacked predated the Tudor period; on the other, much of their program was inspired by the political crisis that accompanied the struggle against the Stuart monarchy .3 Nevertheless, the Leveller attack on the judiciary in criminal cases was a response to the power and behavior of the bench, and that power and behavior were largely owing to new forms of criminal procedure. 1. See below, text at nn. 67-77. On the Levellers see e.g. H. N. Brailsford, The Levellers and the English Revolution (London, 1961); Joseph Frank, The Levellers (Cambridge, Mass., 1955); G. E. Aylmer, ed., The Levellers in the English Revolution (London, 1975), pp. -
University of Southampton Research Repository Eprints Soton
University of Southampton Research Repository ePrints Soton Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", University of Southampton, name of the University School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination http://eprints.soton.ac.uk i ii UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF LAW, ARTS & SOCIAL SCIENCES SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Doctor of Philosophy MILITARY INTELLIGENCE OPERATIONS IN THE FIRST ENGLISH CIVIL WAR 1642 – 1646 By John Edward Kirkham Ellis This thesis sets out to correct the current widely held perception that military intelligence operations played a minor part in determining the outcome of the English Civil War. In spite of the warnings of Sir Charles Firth and, more recently, Ronald Hutton, many historical assessments of the role played by intelligence-gathering continue to rely upon the pronouncements made by the great Royalist historian Sir Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon, in his History of the Rebellion. Yet the overwhelming evidence of the contemporary sources shows clearly that intelligence information did, in fact, play a major part in deciding the outcome of the key battles that determined the outcome of the Civil War itself.