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Historical Study on the Relation Between Ancient Chinese Cuju and Modern Football
2018 4th International Conference on Innovative Development of E-commerce and Logistics (ICIDEL 2018) Historical Study on the Relation between Ancient Chinese Cuju and Modern Football Xiaoxue Liu1, Yanfen Zhang2, and Xuezhi Ma3 1Department of Physical Education, China University of Geosciences, Xueyuan Road, Haidian District, Beijing, P. R. China 2Department of Life Sciences; Xinxiang University, Xinxiang Henan Province, Eastern Section of Hua Lan Road, Hongqi District, Xinxiang City, Henan, China 3Beijing Sport University Wushu School, Information Road, Haidian District, Beijing, China [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Keywords: Ancient Chinese Cuju, Modern Football, Relationship, Development, The Same Origin Abstract: This paper studies on the origin and development of Chinese Cuju through document retrieval. Born in the period of Dongyi civilization, Chinese Cuju began to take shape during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States Period, and gradually flourished during the Qin, Han, Tang and Song dynasties. Through the economic and cultural exchange between China and the West in the past ages, Cuju was introduced into Europe when Mongol expedited westward in Yuan Dynasty. Finally, it has become the modern football, which originated from ancient Chinese Cuju and developed from European competition rules and now is widely accepted and popular in the world. 1. The Cultural Background of the Study On July 15th, 2004, Mr. Blatter, the president of FIFA (Fédération Internationale de Football Association) officially announced in the 3rd session of Soccerex Fair, that football originated in Zibo, the capital of Qi State during the Spring and Autumn Period of ancient China. Cuju (ancient football game) began in China, while modern football (eleven -player game) originated in England. -
Volume 19 (2012), Article 2
Volume 19 (2012), Article 2 http://chinajapan.org/articles/19/2 Fogel, Joshua A. “On Saeki Arikiyo’s Monumental Study of the ‘Treatise on the People of Wa’” Sino-Japanese Studies 19 (2012), article 2. Abstract: Saeki Ariyiko was one of the world’s premier historians of ancient Japanese and East Asian history. His knowledge of texts and his ability to use them in creative ways and thus bring antiquity to life were virtually unmatched. One of his last works was a reading of the single most commented upon text in Sino-Japanese historical and cultural relations, the Treatise on the People of Wa in the Chronicle of the Kingdom of Wei (known in Japan as Gishi Wajinden). Saeki’s book, entitled Gishi Wajingden o yomu 魏 志倭人伝を読む (Reading the Treatise on the People of Wa in the Chronicle of the Kingdom of Wei), appeared in two volumes (over 450 pages in total) and was published by Yoshikawa kōbunkan in 2000. To give a flavor of the work, I offer a translation of the introductions to each of the volumes. Sino-Japanese Studies http://chinajapan.org/articles/19/2 On Saeki Arikiyo’s Monumental Study of the “Treatise on the People of Wa” Joshua A. Fogel Saeki Ariyiko 佐伯有清 (1925-2005) was one of the world’s premier historians of ancient Japanese and East Asian history. His knowledge of texts and his ability to use them in creative ways and thus bring antiquity to life were virtually unmatched. Although I never had the honor to study with or even meet him, I have long been an admirer of his scholarship both for his approach and product. -
Bamboo Annals and Its Relation to Three Dynasties Chronology
CONTROVERSY OVER THE “MODERN TEXT” BAMBOO ANNALS AND ITS RELATION TO THREE DYNASTIES CHRONOLOGY BY SHAO DONGFANG ⴳቺᅞ (Fo Guang University and Stanford University) Abstract In the ongoing effort to defi ne the exact nature of the Bamboo Annals and its relation to ancient Chinese chronology, scholars both Chinese and Western have debated the authenticity of this chronicle. The purpose of this paper is to present some of the ideas generated in an ongoing study of the Bamboo Annals by David Nivison and myself in the context of its textual history and dating information. The paper will begin with an ac- count of recent scholarship on the “Modern Text” and an introduction to new directions of research, and recent discoveries and controversies relative to this work. While many Chinese scholars have basically treated the “Modern Text” as a forgery, new studies by American scholars suggest that these Chinese scholars may have neglected intriguing aspects of the “Modern Text.” The thorough studies of the “Modern Text” by Chinese scholars have been supplemented by Nivison and Shaughnessy, whose fi ndings require the reconsideration of the importance of the “Modern Text.” Such studies allow claims for a close relationship between the two-chapter “Modern Text”—often held to be inauthentic—and the various collections of fragments known as the “ancient text” and that the “Modern Text” can actually give us important information for reconstructing chronologies of ancient China. This suggests a need to reconsider prevailing views of the “Modern Text.” The paper concludes with an assessment of the need for future work on the analysis of the Bamboo Annals. -
Archaeological Perspectives on the Early Relations of the Korean Peninsula with the Eurasian Steppe
SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 301 May, 2020 Archaeological Perspectives on the Early Relations of the Korean Peninsula with the Eurasian Steppe by Kang, In Uk Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS FOUNDED 1986 Editor-in-Chief VICTOR H. MAIR Associate Editors PAULA ROBERTS MARK SWOFFORD ISSN 2157-9679 (print) 2157-9687 (online) SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series dedicated to making available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor-in-chief actively encourages younger, not yet well established scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including romanized modern standard Mandarin and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino-Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. Submissions are regularly sent out for peer review, and extensive editorial suggestions for revision may be offered. Sino-Platonic Papers emphasizes substance over form. -
Ceramic's Influence on Chinese Bronze Development
Ceramic’s Influence on Chinese Bronze Development Behzad Bavarian and Lisa Reiner Dept. of MSEM College of Engineering and Computer Science September 2007 Photos on cover page Jue from late Shang period decorated with Painted clay gang with bird, fish and axe whorl and thunder patterns and taotie design from the Neolithic Yangshao creatures, H: 20.3 cm [34]. culture, H: 47 cm [14]. Flat-based jue from early Shang culture Pou vessel from late Shang period decorated decorated with taotie beasts. This vessel with taotie creatures and thunder patterns, H: is characteristic of the Erligang period, 24.5 cm [34]. H: 14 cm [34]. ii Table of Contents Abstract Approximate timeline 1 Introduction 2 Map of Chinese Provinces 3 Neolithic culture 4 Bronze Development 10 Clay Mold Production at Houma Foundry 15 Coins 16 Mining and Smelting at Tonglushan 18 China’s First Emperor 19 Conclusion 21 References 22 iii The transition from the Neolithic pottery making to the emergence of metalworking around 2000 BC held significant importance for the Chinese metal workers. Chinese techniques sharply contrasted with the Middle Eastern and European bronze development that relied on annealing, cold working and hammering. The bronze alloys were difficult to shape by hammering due to the alloy combination of the natural ores found in China. Furthermore, China had an abundance of clay and loess materials and the Chinese had spent the Neolithic period working with and mastering clay, to the point that it has been said that bronze casting was made possible only because the bronze makers had access to superior ceramic technology. -
Social Complexity in North China During the Early Bronze Age: a Comparative Study of the Erlitou and Lower Xiajiadian Cultures
Social Complexity in North China during the Early Bronze Age: A Comparative Study of the Erlitou and Lower Xiajiadian Cultures GIDEON SHELACH ACCORDING TO TRADITIONAL Chinese historiography, the earliest Chinese state was the Xia dynasty (twenty-first-seventeenth centuries B.C.), which was lo cated in the Zhongyuan area (the Central Plain). The traditional viewpoint also relates that, over the next two millennia, complex societies emerged in other parts of present-day China through the process of political expansion and cul tural diffusion from the Zhongyuan. Some scholars recently have challenged this model because it is unilinear and does not allow for significant contributions to the emergence of social compleXity from areas outside the Zhongyuan. Recent syntheses usually view the archaeological landscape of the late Neolithic Period (the second half of the third millennium B.C.) as a mosaic of cultures of compar able social complexity that interacted and influenced each other (Chang 1986; Tong 1981). Nevertheless, when dealing with the Early Bronze Age, the period identified with the Xia dynasty, most archaeologists still accept the main premises of the traditional model. They regard the culture or cultures of the Zhongyuan as the most developed and see intercultural interaction as occurring, if at all, only within the boundaries of that area. One of the most heated debates among Chinese archaeologists in recent years has been over the archaeological identification of the Xia dynasty. The partici pants in this debate accept the authenticity of the historical documents, most of which were written more than a thousand years after the events, and try to cor relate names of historical places and peoples to known archaeological sites and cultures. -
Originally, the Descendants of Hua Xia Were Not the Descendants of Yan Huang
E-Leader Brno 2019 Originally, the Descendants of Hua Xia were not the Descendants of Yan Huang Soleilmavis Liu, Activist Peacepink, Yantai, Shandong, China Many Chinese people claimed that they are descendants of Yan Huang, while claiming that they are descendants of Hua Xia. (Yan refers to Yan Di, Huang refers to Huang Di and Xia refers to the Xia Dynasty). Are these true or false? We will find out from Shanhaijing ’s records and modern archaeological discoveries. Abstract Shanhaijing (Classic of Mountains and Seas ) records many ancient groups of people in Neolithic China. The five biggest were: Yan Di, Huang Di, Zhuan Xu, Di Jun and Shao Hao. These were not only the names of groups, but also the names of individuals, who were regarded by many groups as common male ancestors. These groups first lived in the Pamirs Plateau, soon gathered in the north of the Tibetan Plateau and west of the Qinghai Lake and learned from each other advanced sciences and technologies, later spread out to other places of China and built their unique ancient cultures during the Neolithic Age. The Yan Di’s offspring spread out to the west of the Taklamakan Desert;The Huang Di’s offspring spread out to the north of the Chishui River, Tianshan Mountains and further northern and northeastern areas;The Di Jun’s and Shao Hao’s offspring spread out to the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River, where the Di Jun’s offspring lived in the west of the Shao Hao’s territories, which were near the sea or in the Shandong Peninsula.Modern archaeological discoveries have revealed the authenticity of Shanhaijing ’s records. -
Sunrise and Sunset Azimuths in the Planning of Ancient Chinese Towns Amelia Carolina Sparavigna
Sunrise and Sunset Azimuths in the Planning of Ancient Chinese Towns Amelia Carolina Sparavigna To cite this version: Amelia Carolina Sparavigna. Sunrise and Sunset Azimuths in the Planning of Ancient Chinese Towns. International Journal of Sciences, Alkhaer, UK, 2013, 2 (11), pp.52-59. 10.18483/ijSci.334. hal- 02264434 HAL Id: hal-02264434 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02264434 Submitted on 8 Aug 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 1Department of Applied Science and Technology, Politecnico di Torino, Italy Abstract: In the planning of some Chinese towns we can see an evident orientation with the cardinal direction north-south. However, other features reveal a possible orientation with the directions of sunrise and sunset on solstices too, as in the case of Shangdu (Xanadu), the summer capital of Kublai Khan. Here we discuss some other examples of a possible solar orientation in the planning of ancient towns. We will analyse the plans of Xi’an, Khanbalik and Dali. Keywords: Satellite Imagery, Orientation, Archaeoastronomy, China 1. Introduction different from a solar orientation with sunrise and Recently we have discussed a possible solar sunset directions. -
Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents)
饒宗頤國學院院刊 第五期 417 2018 年 5 月 頁 417– 445 Origins of Chinese Political Philosophy: Studies in the Composition and Thought of the Shangshu (Classic of Documents). Edited by Martin KERN and Dirk MEYER. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017. Pp. vi+508. Edward L. SHAUGHNESSY East Asian Languages and Civilizations, The University of Chicago The publication of a major English-language book on the Shang shu 尚書 (Elevated documents) or Shu jing 書經 (Classic of documents), the second of the Chinese classics, should surely count as a major milestone in the Western study of early China. As the editors note in their Introduction, the Shang shu has inspired all aspects of Chinese political philosophy for over two thousand years now. Yet, as they also say, “In some kind of reverse—and bizarre— Book Reviews correlation, the Shangshu is as important to the Chinese political tradition as it is neglected in Western scholarship” (p. 2). Their claim just above this that “major Western works on the Shangshu can be counted on two hands, with fingers to spare” is only a bit exaggerated.1 In this volume we now have fourteen studies in just over 500 pages, that directly address at least fourteen different chapters of the Shang shu, not to mention two chapters of the 1 True, I count only eight or nine such studies listed in the various bibliographies attached at the end of each chapter, but they do not even include mention of such classic studies as Paul Pelliot, “Le Chou King en caractères anciens et le Chang Chou che wen,” Mémoires concernant l’Asie Orientale 2 (1916): 123–77, or Benjamin Elman, “Philosophy (I-Li) versus Philology (K’ao-cheng): The Jen-hsin tao-hsin Debate,” T’oung Pao 2nd ser. -
The Rituals of Zhou in East Asian History
STATECRAFT AND CLASSICAL LEARNING: THE RITUALS OF ZHOU IN EAST ASIAN HISTORY Edited by Benjamin A. Elman and Martin Kern CHAPTER FOUR CENTERING THE REALM: WANG MANG, THE ZHOULI, AND EARLY CHINESE STATECRAFT Michael Puett, Harvard University In this chapter I address a basic problem: why would a text like the Rituals of Zhou (Zhouli !"), which purports to describe the adminis- trative structure of the Western Zhou ! dynasty (ca. 1050–771 BCE), come to be employed by Wang Mang #$ (45 BCE–23 CE) and, later, Wang Anshi #%& (1021–1086) in projects of strong state cen- tralization? Answering this question for the case of Wang Mang, how- ever, is no easy task. In contrast to what we have later for Wang Anshi, there are almost no sources to help us understand precisely how Wang Mang used, appropriated, and presented the Zhouli. We are told in the History of the [Western] Han (Hanshu '() that Wang Mang em- ployed the Zhouli, but we possess no commentaries on the text by ei- ther Wang Mang or one of his associates. In fact, we have no full commentary until Zheng Xuan )* (127–200 CE), who was far re- moved from the events of Wang Mang’s time and was concerned with different issues. Even the statements in the Hanshu about the uses of the Zhouli— referred to as the Offices of Zhou (Zhouguan !+) by Wang Mang— are brief. We are told that Wang Mang changed the ritual system of the time to follow that of the Zhouguan,1 that he used the Zhouguan for the taxation system,2 and that he used the Zhouguan, along with the “The Regulations of the King” (“Wangzhi” #,) chapter of the Records of Ritual (Liji "-), to organize state offices.3 I propose to tackle this problem in a way that is admittedly highly speculative. -
The Rise of Agricultural Civilization in China: the Disparity Between Archeological Discovery and the Documentary Record and Its Explanation
SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 175 December, 2006 The Rise of Agricultural Civilization in China: The Disparity between Archeological Discovery and the Documentary Record and Its Explanation by Zhou Jixu Center for East Asian Studies, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Chinese Department, Sichuan Normal University, Chengdu, Sichuan Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series edited by Victor H. Mair. The purpose of the series is to make available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor actively encourages younger, not yet well established, scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including Romanized Modern Standard Mandarin (MSM) and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino-Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. The only style-sheet we honor is that of consistency. Where possible, we prefer the usages of the Journal of Asian Studies. -
Food Ethics in Ancient China: a Confucian Perspective
27 Food Ethics in Ancient China: A Confucian Perspective Chun-chieh HUANG* 1. Introduction Food ethics in ancient China was a complex of ideas that emerged from the Chinese view of life and attitude toward the elderly. They can be seen as the manifestation of the Confucian political ideal of the “kingly way,” and in particular, the related idea of “humane governance.” Food ethics in ancient China was also linked to the everyday practice of eating, especially in the context of rural life. In this paper, I will attempt to parse this thesis, focusing on Mencius’ saying that “those who are seventy can eat meat.” In his conversation with King Hui of Liang (梁惠王, r.319‒301 BCE), Mencius (孟子, 372‒289 BCE) expounded his ideal of the “kingly way” of governance. He stated:1 If the mulberry is planted in every homestead of fi ve mu of land, then those who are fi fty can wear silk; if chickens, pigs and dogs do not miss their breeding season, then those who are seventy can eat meat; if each lot of a hundred mu is not deprived of labour during the busy seasons, then families with several mouths to feed will not go hungry. Exercise due care over the education provided by the village schools, and disci- pline the people by teaching them the duties proper to sons and younger brothers, and those whose heads have turned hoary will not be carrying loads on the roads. When those who are seventy wear silk and eat meat and the masses are neither cold nor hungry, it is impossible for their prince not to be a true King.