WORKING PAPER

CECILIA GINGERICH TOWARDS LIBERATION

May 2017

IntroDuctIon: the necessIty oF system chanGe

We are in a time of deepening systemic crisis. Throughout the world, we see staggering levels of economic inequality, unchecked extractive behavior by corporate-dominated industries, overt attacks on civil rights, massive and ongoing violence against women and people of color, deteriorating democracy, heightened militarization, endless wars, rapidly advancing climate change—and the list goes on.

Unfortunately, the system that has produced this crisis isn’t “broken.” In fact, the mounting challenges we face are to a large degree its natural byproducts and intended outcomes. Therefore, we cannot simply wait for the system to correct itself, or hope that by working at the margins for piecemeal reforms we will alter its fundamental outcomes. Instead we must think deeply about what we want to replace the current system with, and then work to establish the THE NEXT SYSTEM PROJECT: WORKING PAPER

new institutions, practices, and customs community and place-based strategies, required to make this vision a reality. and feminist postwork theories.

The following working paper focuses on Finding none of the current approaches gender-based oppression, since it is both fully adequate to the challenge of a next one of the fundamental characteristics of system based on , the the current system and one that must be paper concludes by calling for further eliminated from any desirable alternative work in this regard, and presents some of future system. In the first section it at- the key questions and areas for explora- tempts to provide working definitions for tion emerging from this study that will be key terms—a challenging task in an evolv- necessary for achieving gender liberation ing subject area in which it is important through system change. to capture and preserve nuance. A brief outline of some of the pertinent recent his- DEFINITIONS toric struggles for gender equality follows, Establishing precise definitions can be leading to a more detailed overview of the difficult, especially for terms like “gender” many ways in which gender oppression is whose meanings are largely, if not entirely, occurring within the current system. socially constructed. Indeed, it is precisely when terms reflect social constructions In the second half, the paper turns to that definitions become most important, visions for the future. I argue that system since older, “traditional” definitions often models—that is, models that operate at support unacknowledged existing preju- the level of the system as a whole and dices and power structures, while newer consider all of its layers—are important definitions are often used as tools to both for clarifying exactly what we want, reveal and combat those same structures. and for determining how we might get The following section will attempt to cap- there by identifying plausible transitional ture the modern, more complete but still steps towards a next system. Although evolving definition of the term “gender”— there are very few (if any) systemic and also consider what is meant here by models that prioritize achieving gender “the system” in a bit more depth. equality, the paper will go on to consider and critique the few models—and Gender components of models—that do. Among A person’s is typically assigned these are social democratic reforms, at birth and restricted to either

2 CECILIA GINGERICH: TOWARDS GENDER LIBERATION THE NEXT SYSTEM PROJECT: WORKING PAPER The History of Gender as Nonbinary It would—as with all norms—be a mistake to “male” or “.” While it is argued assume that the current dominant gender that the assignment is based on the norms have existed for all of history and in all parts of the world. Indeed, seeing gender as anatomy of an individual’s genitalia a binary has its own history, and did not exist and chromosomal composition, even in many past societies. This included among those whose anatomy or chromosomal many peoples in the Americas, including the Olmec, Aztec, Inca and Maya, who all composition falls outside of the medical recognized at least a . In addition, definition of “male” and “female”—such there are many modern societies that retain as individuals—are typically still a tradition of nonbinary gender, including many South Asian nations that officially have assigned to one of the two categories. a third gender category. Similarly, the Muxe of the Zapotec indigenous society in Mexico In contrast, gender refers to the socially have also historically recognized gender as constructed roles assigned to, and/ nonbinary, and continue to do so today. or characteristics attributed to, each sex. “Gender” is often also used as an abbreviation for , which trans masculine, genderqueer, bigender, is an individual’s personal perception of third gender, genderfuck, gender fluid, his, her, or their own gender.1 If a per- genderless, MtF, FtM, Two Spirit, non- son’s gender identity aligns with the sex binary, androgynous, and masculine of they were assigned at birth, that person center (MOC).2 is . If a person’s gender identity is not the same as the sex they were is a term used to assigned, they are . It is also describe the external appearance of an important to note that a person’s gender individual’s gender, which is typically identity can change over time. expressed through “behavior, clothing, haircut or voice, and which may or may Furthermore, people who identify as not conform to socially defined behaviors transgender do not necessarily identify and characteristics typically associated as male or female. Indeed, there are with being either masculine or feminine.”3 many gender identities outside the A person’s gender expression also may binary that non-cisgender people may or may not match their gender identity, identify as. The term trans* has arisen and like one’s gender identity, can be flu- to reflect this multitude of possibilities. id. It is also important to remember that Some of the gender identities that it many trans* people do not feel that they represents are: transgender, , can match their gender expression to trans , trans , trans feminine, their gender identity at all times (or even

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at any time) due to the very real threat of believe to be natural and desirable to violence that they often face. each; men, for example, are thought to be more intelligent, less emotional, and Gender and physically stronger than women. Women, Although sometimes conflated, gender on the other hand, are thought to be less and sexual orientation are separate intelligent, more emotional, and physical- aspects of a person’s identity. Sexual ly weaker than men. Additional charac- orientation refers to one’s emotional, teristics assigned to traditional notions of romantic, or sexual attraction to other what it is to be a “man” or “woman” only people.4 Like , there are many add to this trend of portraying women as sexual orientations, including: hetero- inferior to men. sexual, homosexual, bisexual, asexual, pansexual, polysexual, , non-hetero- Women’s status as an inferior class has, sexual, androphilia, and gynephilia. Like at least for the last few millennia, includ- gender identity and gender expression, ed a gendered division of labor in which a person’s sexual orientation can also women perform most of the care work change over time. in society. Even today, most care work remains unpaid, and that which is paid is Evolving Definitions often poorly compensated. (For more on As mentioned at the beginning of this women and paid and unpaid work today, section, the commonly recognized see the section “Gender and Work” be- definition of “gender” has changed low.) In addition, women’s inferior status substantially over time. While it is difficult has been maintained and reinforced to guess how gender was conceptual- through significant oppression, including, ized in earlier periods of human history, often, the lack of basic rights. (For more so-called “traditional” definitions have on women’s rights today, see the section dominated many cultures around the “Rights and Representation” below.) The world for at least the last few millennia. enforcement of the traditional, binary As this definition is still dominant, it definition of gender has thus contributed remains familiar: based on the appear- to the perpetuation of patriarchal sys- ance of genitalia at birth, persons are tems, in which men’s dominant position considered either “men” or “women,” in society is reinforced materially and and thus to possess particular physical, ideologically. emotional, and intellectual traits that are

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The Current System relations and culture that support it. It might be even more difficult to arrive These include the well-documented at a definition for the current system class structure of capitalism, in which than it is for the term “gender.” In gen- most people are forced to work (or sell eral, a system is a series of interrelated their labor power) in order to survive. parts (people, processes, institutions, However, it also includes the particular etc.) that exist as a functioning whole. versions of racism, , , Examples of familiar systems include xenophobia, ableism, and other forms of ecosystems (tropical rainforest, desert, institutionalized oppression that we see tundra, etc.), political systems (democ- today. And of course, the current system racy, monarchy, oligarchy, etc.), and is also patriarchal, with men continuing economic systems (traditional, market, to hold a disproportionately dominant planned, etc.). position in society.

Although particular systems must have The particular versions of imperialism boundaries, they can also overlap with and militarism that we see today—which other systems, including systems of the enforce current social relations through same “type.” For example, while feudal- violence and terror—are also part of ism and capitalism are both considered the current system. (See “The Effects distinct political-economic systems, of Imperialism” below.) In addition, the they did, for a time, coexist. Today, impact that the current political-economic capitalism has spread throughout most system has on our environment, including of the world, and in a sense its particular anthropogenic climate change, is also part modern-day form is what we are talking of “the system” itself. Many of the under- about when we say “the system.” Howev- lying economic mechanisms of the cur- er, while “capitalism” is commonly used rent system—including the profit motive, to refer exclusively to certain economic the process of capital accumulation, and practices (private ownership of the the limited way that value is perceived means of production, competitive mar- and measured—have directly impacted kets, etc.), the system referred to in this not only the development of climate paper—and generally in the work of The change as a phenomenon, but also its Next System Project—certainly extends perpetuation. The current political system, beyond these, to the political economy which legitimates and is itself funded as a whole, and particularly to the social and sustained by these mechanisms, is

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also culpable, as are the broader cultural a number of signifi cant movements and practices, such as mass consumerism, periods of thought and action from the that stem from such mechanisms. recent past that have made an important contribution to shaping what gender a brIeF hIstory oF means today. Among these are what recent struGGLes have been termed “waves of feminism.” For GenDer Scholars typically identify three such eQuaLIty “waves”—although some have also sug- gested that we are currently moving into As the defi nitions above suggest, consid- a distinct fourth wave. It should be noted erable progress has been made in recent that the waves occurred in many—but not years to break down the all—areas of the world, and that their spe- and build a more representative vocab- cifi cs varied substantially across different ulary around gender. Of course, there geographic locations, populations, etc. is still a long way to go. Nevertheless, it is useful to review some of the events, The so-called fi rst wave of feminism movements, and theories that have led was perhaps at its height in the late us to where we are today. nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Strong social movements formed that Th e “Waves of Feminism” focused primarily on gaining political The history of the struggle for gender rights for women, and many women equality stretches for several millennia, at gained the right to vote and own prop- very least. It would certainly be impossible erty during this period. However, the to relay all of it here. However, there are rights obtained were rarely universal,

6 CECILIA GINGERICH: TOWARDS GENDER LIBERATION THE NEXT SYSTEM PROJECT: WORKING PAPER Wages for Housework Campaign The Wages for Housework Campaign fi rst and often excluded poor women and formed in Italy in the early 1970s, and was led by Selma James and the International women of color. For example, the Nine- Feminist Collective. Soon after, Silvia teenth Amendment to the United States Federici, one of the founding members of the Collective, brought the campaign to Constitution, which was ratifi ed in 1920, the United States, establishing a Wages for technically prohibited any citizen from Housework Committee in Brooklyn, New being denied the right to vote due to York. As the name implies, the primary goal of the campaign was to fi ght for paid their sex; however, many poor women compensation for domestic work. However, and women of color continued to be its broader purpose was to draw attention to the critical role women’s unpaid labor plays in effectively barred from voting due to vio- reproducing capitalism. An original pamphlet lence, intimidation, and policies like literacy for the Brooklyn branch of the Wages for tests and poll taxes, designed to disenfran- Housework Committee can be found here. chise the poor and the non-white.5

While the struggle for full political rights continued, by the middle of the twentieth second wave, which emphasized the century women also began to organize intersection between class and gender, around workplace, family, and repro- as well as the role women played in the ductive rights. Some of their specifi c reproduction of capitalism through their demands included equal pay for equal performance of care work and other work, access to birth control and abortion, types of unpaid labor central to social access to childcare, and stronger protec- reproduction. One of the movement’s tions against violence and sexual assault taglines was “the personal is political,” in both the workplace and the home. As which suggested that many issues that during the fi rst wave, this second wave of had previously been perceived as “per- feminism gave rise to strong social move- sonal”—like domestic violence and street ments, peaking in the period between harassment—actually stem from systemic the 1960s and 1980s, and gaining power oppression, and thus are political in through linkages to many of the other nature. There was also a focus on wom- social movements of the era—including en-only spaces and organizations during the Anti Vietnam War Movement. this time, as well as an offshoot known as “ecofeminism” which claimed that In addition to the “equal opportunity” amplifying the “feminine instinct” was strand, there was also a growth in so- necessary for healing the rift between cialist and Marxist feminism during the nature and human societies.

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Although sometimes criticized as being Gender Intersects” below), it shunned the a middle class white women’s movement, communal identity of the second wave, there was also a strong radical Black which may account (in part) for the feminist movement in the United States widely perceived decline in overt political during the second wave, as well as links activism during this phase. between the women’s movement and the Civil Rights Movement and Chicano Although many scholars maintain that Rights Movement.6 Similarly, while the we are still in the third wave of femi- term “second wave feminism” is often as- nism—or in some type of lull after the sociated with the movements and schol- third wave—recent developments have arship that were happening in the United led many to suggest that we are actually States, struggles for similar rights soon entering a distinct fourth wave. The con- developed around the world, making the fusion may arise, in part, from the fact “wave” global. that many of the characteristics of the fourth wave are syntheses of elements The third wave of feminism overlapped of the second and third waves; namely, to some degree with the tail end of the the fourth wave seems to combine the second, and was perhaps at its height action-oriented agenda, class analysis, in the late 1980s and the 1990s. Unlike and (sometimes) the communal identity the first two waves it did not focus of the second wave with the intersec- primarily on gaining greater legal rights, tionality and non-binary gender under- economic power, or equal opportunity standings of the third.8 for women, and did not inspire strong social movements. Instead, much of this Relatedly, many academic departments wave occurred in the academic sphere, studying such issues have recently where it made important contributions changed their names from “women’s to our understanding of gender as a studies” to “gender and sexuality stud- social construct, in the process helping ies.” The notional fourth wave is also break down the gender binary. Draw- strongly associated with the use of the ing on postcolonial and postmodern internet in activism, and particularly thought, the third wave worked to de- social media platforms like Tumblr. construct received notions of sexuality Regardless of what it is called and and .7 While this wave whether it constitutes another wave, the embraced intersectionality (see “Where current moment is important because

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the analysis it provides inherently points in lower Manhattan after police raided towards systemic change, and the tools the , a bar frequented by it employs (including the internet) trans* people. Though such raids were suggest that its message could spread not uncommon, in this instance the local far, and quickly. LGBTQ community responded with a series of demonstrations, during which Queer and Trans* Rights violence broke out between the police Running in parallel to the above move- and protesters. The events raised aware- ments, which focused primarily on the ness about the daily violence and injus- system’s oppression against women tices experienced by queer people, and (with the exception of the fourth wave), sparked the Liberation Movement in have been the struggles of trans* people the United States, which lasted into the against gender oppression. Most of the 1980s, and inspired similar movements in organized movements for trans* rights other countries. were part of broader LGBTQ move- ments, which focused on combating Through these organizing efforts, many oppression against all queer people. of the laws that criminalized homosex- (“Queer” is an umbrella term which re- uality were repealed, including sodomy fers to all people who are not heterosex- laws across the United States, the ual or cisgender.) Such organizing was military’s “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy, difficult due to laws in many countries and, through a 2015 U.S. Supreme Court that criminalized and any ruling, state bans on same-sex marriage. person who was not (or was not per- Still, there is a long way to go, partic- ceived to be) cisgender; yet despite the ularly in the realm of rights for trans* risk, queer rights groups (which often people. Sex is still typically assigned used the term “homophile” until the mid at birth, and though in some countries twentieth century) existed in a number it is possible to have one’s legal sex of European nations and the United changed later in life, the process is States by the mid twentieth century. often very difficult. Furthermore, only a very few countries (including at present A strong LGBTQ movement was able Nepal, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Ger- to form in the social movement-friendly many, Australia, and New Zealand) offer environment of 1960s America. In 1969, a legal third gender category for those the famous Stonewall uprising occurred who identify outside of the gender

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binary. This lack of legal representation makes protecting trans* people from serious threats—like workplace discrim- ination and hate crimes—much more diffi cult.

Men and Toxic Masculinity Cisgender men have also participated in the struggle against gender oppression as allies, and many have understood that a patriarchal, sexist system also ultimately harms them at the same time it harms the gendered other. The term “toxic masculinity” refers to certain char- acteristics of the socially-constructed masculine that are harmful both to the individual who is expected to perform them, as well as to society as a whole. These characteristics include GenDer proclivities towards violence, sexual oppressIon In the aggression, control, and the suppres- current system sion of emotion. As traditional gender As previously mentioned, one signifi cant roles and the gender binary continue characteristic of the current system is to be challenged and interrogated in that it oppresses anyone who is not the fourth wave, discussions on the perceived to be male and cisgender. harmfulness of toxic masculinity have The following section will elaborate on increased. This is not to say, of course, some of the specifi c ways that women that masculinity more generally is being and trans* people experience oppression attacked (as some inevitably argue); within the current system. While these indeed, as gender roles become less are broad categories and not exhaustive, rigidly enforced by society, more women they represent many of the arenas in and trans* people are able to openly which gender oppression exists and must embrace masculinity. be overcome.

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Where Gender Intersects xenophobia, ableism, ageism, etc.) over- Drawing on the critiques advanced in lap to create a new type of oppression. the 1960s and 70s by feminists of color, For the purpose of this paper, attention the term intersectionality was coined by will be focused on the places where prominent critical race theorist Kimberlé sexism (prejudice or discrimination based Williams Crenshaw in her 1989 essay on one’s sex or gender, typically experi- “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race enced by women and trans* people) in- and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of An- tersects with other forms of oppression. ti-discrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theo- ry and Antiracist Politics,” to describe the As Crenshaw and many others have particular form of discrimination faced by noted, women and trans* people of Black women. She writes: color experience a very particular type of oppression in the current system. For To bring this back to a non-metaphorical example, the oft-quoted statistic that in level, I am suggesting that Black women 2013 women workers in the United States can experience discrimination in ways earned an average of 78 percent of the that are both similar to and different from earnings of men obscures the fact that those experienced by white women and many women of color earned far less. Black men. Black women sometimes Indeed, when compared to the earnings experience discrimination in ways similar of white, non-Hispanic men, the wage to white women’s experiences; sometimes gap for women of color was signifi cantly they share very similar experiences with higher, and Black women earned only 65 Black men. Yet often they experience dou- cents—and Hispanic or Latino women ble-discrimination—the combined effects only 54 cents—for every dollar earned by of practices which discriminate on the a white, non-Hispanic man.10 basis of race, and on the basis of sex. And sometimes, they experience discrimination Women and trans* people of color are as Black women—not the sum of race and also signifi cantly more likely to experi- sex discrimination, but as Black women.9 ence violence. According to Domestic Abuse Intervention Services (DAIS) statis- From this starting point, intersectional- tics on domestic violence, African Amer- ity has been used to understand many ican women are three times more likely other places where different types of to be murdered by a current or former oppression (sexism, racism, homophobia, intimate partner, and Hispanic women are

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more likely than non-Hispanic women to a particular form of oppression within the be raped by a current or former intimate current system. While non-heterosexual partner.11 Unfortunately, such statistics are men also experience discrimination, we only examples of a much larger pattern of can apply Crenshaw’s lens of intersection- systemic oppression. ality to see that only sometimes is the dis- crimination that non-heterosexual women Women and trans* people who do not and trans* people face similar. At other identify as heterosexual also experience times, the type of discrimination the latter

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groups face is unique, because it is layered Since there are so many different forms with misogyny and/or . of discrimination that can affect women and trans* people, it would be difficult to Similarly, women and trans* people with list all of them here. However, attention disabilities and older women and trans* will be called to one more specific form, people can face unique forms of discrim- since it is so prevalent in the current ination due to the combined impact of system: the way that misogyny and/or ableism or ageism and misogyny and/or transphobia is experienced by the poor transphobia. This is certainly notable in and working class. Statistics have shown the workforce, where each of these forms year after year that women are still more of discrimination (individually) has been likely than men to live in poverty in the well documented.12 Some studies have United States (16% to 13% in 2014).14 also confirmed the existence of “double Trans* people are nearly four times more discrimination” in the workplace, such as likely than the general population to have the tendency of the wage gap (between a household income under $10,000 per women and men) to be larger between year.15 The full effects of living under or older workers than younger workers.13 near the poverty line hardly need re- This is a clearly yet another example of hearsing, but among them are decreased intersectionality at play in the workforce. nutrition, poorer overall health, substan- dard housing or homelessness, and lower It is important to note that intersection- educational levels. ality has come to denote more than just “double discrimination,” or the unique In sum, intersectionality means that effect caused by two forms of discrimi- different women and trans* people ex- nation overlapping; it also encompasses perience gender oppression differently, the notion of more than two layers of because of the interconnections be- discrimination coming together at once. tween gender and other identities (race, For example, there is also a unique form class, sexual orientation, etc.). This also of discrimination experienced by older means that, in practice, organizing against Black women, and by non-heterosexual gender oppression must include organiz- trans* people of color. And there are as ing against the other forms of oppression many forms of discrimination as there are that women and trans* people face, and combinations of all the individual forms that the organizing itself must be anti-rac- of discrimination. ist, anti-classist, anti-homophobic, etc.

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Gender and Work S&P 500 currently held by women.19 The Women, and particularly women of most common occupation for women color, have long been part of the paid today also remains the typically low- workforce in the United States. How- er-paid secretary and/or administrative ever, the percentage of women in the assistant, which is the same as it was workforce has increased substantially in 1970. This is discouraging, and offers in the last half-century, following new only the merest glimpse into the deeply legislation (such as the Civil Rights Act gendered nature of many occupations. of 1965 and the creation of the Equal Perhaps the most obvious and significant Employment Opportunity Commission), of these is paid care work, which includes and the advent of a new, neoliberal paid childcare and eldercare workers, era that caused wage stagnation and teachers, nurses, and paid domestic forced more working- and middle-class workers, among others, and which tends women into the workforce.16 Women now to be disproportionately performed by constitute around forty-seven percent women, and often for lower wages and of the labor force.17 Also notable during with more precarity than work in other, this period has been the growth of male-dominated sectors. women employed in typically higher-paid occupations, including as dentists, Meanwhile, the vast majority of care work veterinarians, physicians, and surgeons. remains unpaid, and women continue Still, men remain better paid in these and disproportionately to perform this work nearly every other occupation, with little as well—spending anywhere from two to being done to close the gender pay gap ten times more time on unpaid care work mentioned in the previous section, which than men.20 Unpaid care work includes exists not only on a national but also on a caring for children, the elderly, and/or global scale.18 people with disabilities (without compen- sation), as well as doing unpaid domestic Similarly, a growth of women in top-pay- work (cooking, cleaning, laundry, etc.). In ing occupations has not meant a change order to fully understand the particular in the overall gendered nature of work. burden that this type of work places on Women continue to find it difficult to women today, it is important to remember move up the pay ladder in their organi- the increased number of women doing zations and corporations, with only 14.2% paid work, as well as the fact that in many of the top five leadership positions in the countries, including the United States, the

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number of women raising children on their A final subdivision of women’s unpaid own has also increased.21 Similarly, the work is the work of emotions, which growing elderly population in many parts scholars have broken down into two of the world has increased—and with it the related categories: “emotional labor” and need for elder care.22 “emotion work.” “Emotional labor” refers to the component of many jobs that This unpaid work that occurs within the requires the employee to either convey domestic—or “private”—sphere is some- a particular emotion (such as a flight times referred to as “reproductive labor,” attendant being asked to behave cheer- because it is necessary in order for the fully), or to produce a particular emotion system to be reproduced. In addition, in others (such as a server who is asked women also physically reproduce the to make customers feel happy).24 While next generation of the species through many jobs require this type of labor, childbearing. Though obviously critical the jobs that require more of it tend to to the reproduction of the system in the be done primarily by women. Similarly, most fundamental sense, most countries “emotion work”—which refers to the grant mothers only a relatively short same type of work when it is performed period of paid maternity leave after they in the “private” sphere—is also largely have given birth, and the United States done by women, particularly within gives none at all.23 Access to childcare families and romantic relationships. is also often unavailable or restricted, in part because it is typically left to the To this point, this section has focused capitalist marketplace, without any social largely on the discrimination and controls on its cost. Furthermore, many oppression of women. However, it is countries further multiply the burdens important to point out once again the of care work by also restricting women’s discrimination that trans* people face at access to reproductive heath care—par- work due to their gender. According to ticularly to contraception and abortion— the , one in five which inhibits women’s ability to control transgender people report experiencing when or how often they have children. some kind of workplace discrimination, What all of these policies have in com- such as being denied a promotion, being mon is that they restrict women’s agency harassed, or even being fired.25 With re- and power in the system; or, put another gards to unpaid labor, it can be assumed way, such polices aid oppression. that the characterization of reproductive

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labor as “feminine” work negatively 2. The state has a critical interest in the impacts any person who identifies as, or development of future citizens. is perceived to be, feminine, in the same 3. The division of labor in traditional fam- way that it negative impacts people who ilies constrains women’s opportunities identify as women. and freedoms in the wider society.26

Space, Safety, and Security In terms of concrete space, the family There are also many ways in which the and domestic sphere has been asso- physical spaces in which we live and ciated with the home, or the physical interact contribute to gender oppression place in which families reside. Under the in the current system. As mentioned current system, which privileges a par- above, much reproductive labor—which ticular familial form—namely, the nuclear is disproportionately performed by wom- family—this has meant the proliferation en—occurs within the domestic sphere. of single-family homes. As structures, Traditionally, this sphere is considered single-family homes—whether apart- to be “private” because it relates to the ments or houses, rented or owned—have family. However, feminist scholars have helped to reinforce the conception of the convincingly argued for decades that the family as private, and largely unregulated family is a political institution that should by the state. While this has obvious neg- be subject to the principles of justice. In ative effects on the visibility of domestic her entry for the Stanford Encyclopedia abuse, it also obscures other oppressive of Philosophy on “Feminist Perspectives elements of the family, including the on Reproduction and the Family,” unequal distribution of domestic work Professor Debra Satz summarizes the and emotion work. three main arguments scholars and activists have used as follows: Unfortunately, it is not only through the structure of the home that space is used 1. Families are not “natural” orderings, to uphold the patriarchal nature of the but social institutions backed up by current system. Indeed, modern cities laws. For example, marriage is a social and towns are also organized in ways institution. Therefore, the state cannot that reinforce gender oppression. In the choose not to intervene in families: United States, housing and transporta- the only question is how it should tion represent the two largest financial intervene and on what basis. costs for most households.27 This means

16 CECILIA GINGERICH: TOWARDS GENDER LIBERATION THE NEXT SYSTEM PROJECT: WORKING PAPER Violence in the Home Since the home is perceived as the “private” that they are particularly burdensome domain of the family, it is unfortunately often the site of violence against children, as for poorer households that have less well as violence against intimate partners. disposable income, and thus for women This latter type of violence—which includes physical, sexual, emotional, economic, and and trans* people who tend to be poorer. psychological abuse and is also known In addition, women who are working the as “domestic violence”—is disturbingly so-called “double shift” of managing a common. While men are also often victims of it, women are most likely to experience paid job and performing most (or all) of it. Current data reveals that in the United a household’s care work and domestic States, 1 in 3 women will experience some form of physical violence from an intimate chores are disproportionately effected partner during their lifetime, and 1 and 5 will by the additional time and transportation experience severe physical violence. The costs associated with traveling to and statistics are much the same worldwide, when sexual violence by a non-partner is also from care facilities (for child, disability, accounted for. and elder care), and stores where house- hold goods can be purchased. For more information on intimate partner violence in the United States, see: ncadv.org. For more on the global dimensions of the However, this is not to suggest that wom- problem, see who.int. en are more mobile than men overall. Indeed, as the authors of the book Cities and Gender note in their chapter on “Migration, movement and mobility,” men in the Global North tend to travel longer job should spend more time commuting. distances and spend more time traveling But, as explained earlier, such a partner on a daily basis.28 Yet in many ways this is more likely to be a man due to the fact also points to . gender wage gap. First, the time men spend traveling is less likely to overlap with reproductive labor In the Global South, the realities of urban in the way that some of women’s daily space also reflect gender oppression, travel (mentioned above) does. In addi- although sometimes in slightly different tion, since men tend to be less responsi- ways. Women are similarly forced to ble for care work in general, they are able travel in order to perform reproductive to spend more time traveling to jobs that labor, although the overall distance pay more. Of course, cohabiting partners involved may be less. For example, the with children may also collectively decide UN estimates that in Africa women do that the partner with a higher paying 90% of the work of gathering water and

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wood for household use and food prepa- As might be expected, this type of ration.29 Moreover, at the same time that violence is one of the many factors that women are forced to travel in order to lead women and trans* people to par- perform reproductive labor, their mobility ticipate in long-distance movement in is also being restricted in many parts the form of migration. There are many of the world due to sexist beliefs about different forms of migration—including driving abilities—an extreme example temporary, permanent, legal, illegal, being the oft-cited effective de facto ban labor, and conflict-induced—and many on women driving in Saudi Arabia. (It is different reasons why each type of a common misconception that women in migration occurs.32 Unfortunately, most Saudi Arabia are prevented from driving of the literature on migration still focuses either under religious or state laws. While on men, and/or on family units, which this is not the case, most women still can obscure the experiences of women do not drive due to pressure from their and trans* people, who, in addition to family and/or communities.) having to deal with the same “macro” factors that may lead to the desire to Throughout the world, women’s migrate (such as the state of the national movement is further restricted by the economy), also face unique “micro” persistent violence they face in public factors, including the gender relations spaces, which ranges from unsolicited and hierarchies in their country of origin comments and bodily contact to rape or particular family.33 and femicide.30 This violence can make even the most basic movements from Migration due to climate change is place to place—such as running out to the becoming ever more common, and this grocery store—an anxiety-inducing ac- too appears to disproportionately impact tivity for women, particularly in countries women. In particular, the widespread where the law does not criminalize such food insecurity that has emerged in violence. The constant threat of violence in recent years, driven by rising tempera- public spaces also impacts trans* people tures and erratic weather patterns, has throughout the world, including in the placed significant strain on women in the United States, where there has been grow- Global South, who often rely on agricul- ing awareness in recent years about the ture both for their personal nutritional daily harassment, physical assaults, and needs and as their only source of income. murder of trans* people in public spaces.31 When harvests fail, many women have no

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choice but to migrate. In fact, the United itself. This is certainly true in the United Nations estimates that about two-thirds States, where it is becoming increasingly of the female labor force in developing difficult to access reproductive health- countries—and ninety percent in Africa— care due to the defunding of Planned is in agriculture, making present climate Parenthood, restrictive state laws, and predictions especially frightening from a misinformation campaigns.35 gender perspective.34 Undoubtedly contributing to the lack Rights and Representation of women’s and trans* people’s rights One of the reasons that many women worldwide is their lack of political par- and trans* people choose or are forced ticipation and representation. In the to migrate is that their rights (and, con- United States, women constitute less sequently, their opportunities) are limited than twenty percent of all members of in the country in which they live. While Congress, with only 64 women of color there is, of course, a wide range in the having ever served in Congress. There severity of laws tied to gender oppres- has never been an openly trans* member sion, nearly every country in the world of either the House or the Senate.36 The continues to maintain some such laws on number of women and trans* people the books, including the United States. elected to state and local office is also abysmally low. For example, only 24.6 One of the areas in which this is partic- percent of US state legislators are wom- ularly evident is reproductive rights: the en.37 Worldwide, the numbers are much rights related to control over when and the same, with only 22.8 percent of all na- if people have children. These include tional parliamentarians being women, as the right to legal and accessible con- of June 2016.38 And while these and other traception, abortion, and obstetric and similar indicators have begun to change prenatal care. In many countries, all or in a positive direction over the years, this some of these rights—contraception and change has been glacially slow. abortion in particular—remain illegal. In addition, the exercise of these rights is Accurate and complete representation of inextricably tied to access to quality re- women’s work in most economic ac- productive healthcare. Such care is often counting is also more or less completely inaccessible due to its cost to the patient missing. Since a significant amount of the and/or a lack of funding for the care care work done by women is unpaid, it is

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absent from most metrics—including the is particularly evident in the distribution most important economic measurement of land ownership, which men continue to of all in the present system, Gross Domes- dominate even in countries where women tic Product (or GDP). Not only does this do far more of the agricultural labor.39 reinforce the narrative that care work is some type of “labor of love” rather than Unfortunately, politics and the economy “real work,” it also suggests that unpaid are certainly not the only areas in which care work is a less important endeavor, women and trans* people suffer from since metrics like GDP are touted as a lack of representation in the current indicating the overall health of an econ- system. Indeed, the problem is so perva- omy. Thus you could have a crisis of care sive that it would be nearly impossible to work—such as that which is currently list all of the areas in which it is operative being experienced in many developed na- here. However, it is important to highlight tions due to increasing elder populations— the lack of representation women and that is not reflected in formal metrics, so trans* people have in the media, since this long as people (most often women) step exclusion directly feeds into wider cultural in to perform the additional work. These trends of oppression. In 2010, a United Na- additional work burdens, along with the tions study on gender and the media that pain experienced by members of society looked at over 100 countries found that who simply cannot afford the care they only twenty-four percent of the people need and have no one to step in to pro- “heard or read about in print, radio and vide it for them, remain outside the formal television news” are women.40 The same metrics of the economy. study also found that forty-six percent of news stories in print, radio, and television Related to both legal rights and economic uphold gender stereotypes.41 While there representation is the matter of the long is less statistical data on the represen- history of denial of property rights to tation of trans* people in the media, it is women. While the past century has, in clear that they are rarely visible in tradi- most areas of the world, seen significant tional media throughout the world, and improvements in women’s ability to acquire that the gender stereotypes mentioned and inherit property, the legacy of such above that harm women and men are also laws and the continuation of gendered harmful to them, since such stereotypes customs around property have meant that promote the binary gender construction. men continue to own more property. This

20 CECILIA GINGERICH: TOWARDS GENDER LIBERATION THE NEXT SYSTEM PROJECT: WORKING PAPER Postcolonial Posing an important challenge to and critique of the echo chamber of white, Western-centric The Effects of Imperialism mainstream feminism, postcolonial feminists Even after the collapse of most of the argue that women should not be viewed as colonial occupations of the eighteenth, a single group or monolithic identity. Instead, they emphasize the many other identities that nineteenth, and early twentieth cen- women hold—and are often discriminated turies, certain countries continue to against on the basis of—including race, exhibit patterns of domination over ethnicity, sexual orientation, and class. They also centralize the history of colonialism, and other nations, primarily through exertion the differences between women in colonizer of their economic and military power. and colonized (and formerly colonized) nations. Through focusing on the intersections between This process, also known as imperialism, gender and other identities and the history of is another key feature of the current colonialism, postcolonial feminists have added system. Its effects are far reaching, and some necessary depth and geographical breadth to feminist discussions. often include long-term poverty, political and economic underdevelopment, and exposure to violence for those living in subjugated countries and regions. Such Women and girls are uniquely impacted violence can sometimes come directly by imperialism. Since they are more likely from military actions taken by imperialist to live in poverty, they are also more nations trying to preserve their eco- likely to suffer in poor or unstable eco- nomic or political interests. A common nomic conditions. In addition, they often example of this would be a powerful experience state violence differently than country backing a coup in a foreign men, and are more likely to experience nation to make sure a government favor- certain types of violence, including sex- able to its economic interests remains in ual violence. For example, after the US or comes into power (examples include helped to overthrow Salvador Allende in US and British support for the 1953 Chile in 1973, the new military regime of overthrow of Mohammad Mosaddegh in Augusto Pinochet persecuted opponents Iran, the US planned 1954 overthrow of and perceived opponents, torturing tens Jacob Árbenz in Guatemala, and the US of thousands. Many were targeted within backed 1973 overthrow and assassina- the first few months of the regime as tion of Salvador Allende in Chile). How- it attempted to consolidate power, and ever, it is more common that imperialist while sexual violence was used against nations use their influence to persuade both women and men during this time, or intimidate states into protecting their many reports state that nearly all women interests. prisoners experienced it.42

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Though perhaps more subtle, it is also For example, many countries have con- important to consider the effects that scription policies that apply only to men imperialism (and globalization, more (or only to cisgender, heterosexual men), broadly) has on cultural norms and which reinforces a dominant position for practices that infl uence women, girls, a certain type of masculinity (physically and trans* people—like the imposition strong, aggressive, etc.). of certain gender roles and the perpet- uation of unequal social and economic As explored in the above section, gender outcomes along gender lines. Many oppression is an essential characteristic historians, social scientists, and theorists of the current system. From its organi- have considered this effect, with some zation of paid and unpaid work, to its linking policies that support men’s dom- design of physical space, allocation of inance and women’s subordination to legal rights and political representation, what they call “hegemonic masculinity.”43 and imperialist nature, women and trans* While the term may appear to be sug- people experience daily injustice. How- gesting that there is a universal mascu- ever, the struggle against this oppression linity, it is instead proposing that there continues, and the next section will are practices that support a certain form consider some of the ways that people of masculinity that is often employed to are currently working to lessen it through keep certain men dominant in a society. either restructuring the system, or work- ing to construct a new one entirely.

Where are We GoInG? transItIonaL steps anD VIsIons oF the Future

Given the scale and complexity of the issues outlined above, how might we conceive of—and take steps to begin transitioning to—a next system free from gender oppression? There have been many proposals and on-the-ground

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experiments that offer elements of a new years. Moreover, this interest has been system, and some of these will be ex- advanced from a variety of political and plored later in the section. However, few ideological standpoints, causing some to proposals detail what a new system that praise it as a nonpartisan solution or one properly eliminates gender oppression with potentially broad popular appeal. might look like in its entirety. Although some argue that such “blueprints” of Yet this very fact ought to give us pause, alternative systems are not useful, it is and reason to review carefully and crit- the contention of this paper that they are ically the details of each universal basic necessary—even if they remain some- income proposal. Right-wing libertarian what underdetermined—in part because proponents like Charles Murray argue they help clarify where the individual for an income that would a) be less than steps that could make up a transitional a living wage (the suggestion being program can and should lead. $10,000 for everyone over 21 in 2011) and b) replace all other social welfare The case of universal basic income— programs.46 Many liberal and even left which is being increasingly widely wing supporters also advocate for a debated in a number of contexts and limited income (versus one that would venues, including by scholars and policy be sufficient to live on), but typically do makers pursuing gender equality—nicely not support cutting other social assis- illustrates this point. Universal basic tance programs (like Medicaid, Social income, which is sometimes also called Security, SNAP, etc.). Some left-wing an “unconditional basic income” (U.B.I.), proponents have argued for an entirely or “basic income guarantee” (B.I.G.), may sufficient basic income that could, when be defined as “an income unconditionally implemented in conjunction with several granted to all on an individual basis, with- other changes that will be discussed out means test or work requirement.”44 In later in this paper, help the transition to a most cases, this is a governmental policy postwork society. (See, for instance, the that only benefits citizens or residents discussion of the work of Kathi Weeks of a particular country, although a few in section “Possibilities of a Postwork proposals are more expansive.45 In the World” below.) United States, the potential for a univer- sal basic income has received significant The obvious—though rarely explic- and growing attention over the past few it—reason for these wide differences in

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substantive content of the various policy Stay-at-home parents would have money proposals is the difference in preferred in the bank, more clout in the family, and endpoint of each camp. Simplistically the respect that comes from undertaking put, the libertarian ideal system is one in an enterprise with measurable value. And which the “free market” is as unregulated we’d have established the principle that as possible, and the government simply the work of love is not priceless at all, but exists to maintain “law and order” (i.e. to worth paying for.48 enforce economic contracts). In contrast, many liberal and left-leaning supporters Postwork visionaries similarly consider view a universal basic income as one the effect that a universal basic income of the many reforms that could lessen could have on offsetting the gendered inequality and move the United States nature of unpaid care work, while also towards a Nordic-style social democracy. holding that its main benefit would be to And, as previously mentioned, some of lessen our dependence on waged work.49 the more radical left-wing supporters Libertarians do not generally discuss the see it as a stepping-stone to a postwork policy’s impact on gender oppression, society and world.47 and so it can be assumed that address- ing this is not one of their major goals in The various ideological perspectives in advocating the policy.50 support of a universal basic income in the United States also vary in their view As the case of universal basic income of how a basic income would impact demonstrates, visions for the far future gender oppression. Social democratic do matter, not only because they in- basic income advocates often cite the fluence which transitional policies and policy’s potential benefits to those who structures are chosen for implementa- perform unpaid care work. For example, tion, but also because they impact the in an op-ed for the New York Times, particular details of those policies and Judith Shulevitz wrote: structures arrived at in a given proposal. The U.B.I. would also edge us toward a With this general point in mind, the more gender-equal world. The extra cash next section will consider proposals and would make it easier for a dad to become on-the-ground experiments aimed at the primary caregiver if he wanted to. A combating gender oppression with two mom with a job could write checks for distinct endpoints in mind: either a social child care and keep her earnings, too. democratic system, or a decentralized

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system based on community-level version is, and will be, different. This is organizing. The potential of each will certainly true of the Nordic countries, be examined, as well as their flaws and which, though widely considered all to limitations—both of which can be helpful be social democracies, each have differ- in further developing criteria for a system ent laws, governmental structures, etc.52 design that would truly address and Still, all of the Scandinavian countries eliminate gender oppression. rank high in international comparisons of gender equality.53 Thus their policies Social Democracy are often looked to both as examples for The first system “endpoint” that will be legislation, and as inspiration for similar considered is social democracy, which legislation that could help other coun- Lane Kenworthy recently described as tries (including the United States) transi- “market capitalism plus generous and tion to a social democratic-type system. employment-friendly social policy.”51 The first aspect of this model that should be Some of the specific laws and reforms emphasized is that a version of it already related to gender oppression most often exists in the world (and has existed in discussed are: even stronger forms in the recent past). • Paid maternity, paternity, and parental This is widely acknowledged by pro- leave ponents of the system, and the Nordic • Paid home care model that developed in the postwar • Universal child care (and, theoretical- period is often upheld as a near ideal. ly, universal elder care) This is undoubtedly one of the reasons • Quotas for women in political offices that the system is so popular: since its • Legislation for equal pay “final form” is clear, the types of laws and • Access to reproductive healthcare reforms that are needed to achieve the (including free abortion, potentially system are also clear. Thus social de- through universal healthcare) mocracy is not seen as utopian, but as a • An extended social security program highly realistic and achievable alternative. that covers caregivers (or universal public pension plan) Of course, the specific laws and reforms • A universal basic income that exist in a social democratic system are not predetermined, since the term re- There are a number of “real world” fers to an ideal type, and every real world examples that illustrate what some of

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the above look like in practice, especially world’s best, and with a strong public in the Nordic countries, which were, component, it can help to increase the unsurprisingly, some of the first to imple- standard of living for people who per- ment many of these reforms. While it is formed a significant amount of unpaid not always easy to compare maternity, care work—but little paid work—earlier in paternity, and parental leave due to life.57 Finland has even launched a two- variations in the specific policies (some year universal basic income pilot that countries offer additional leave at a re- began in 2017 and will offer a monthly duced percentage of pay, for example), it tax-free wage of 560 euros to 2,000 is clear from all rankings that the Nordic unemployed, working-age adults.58 countries are consistently judged to be among the world’s best in this regard. Many other countries have also followed Finland, for example, ranks high for the the Nordic nations’ lead with similar laws amount of paid parental and home care and reforms, even if they are not consid- leave available to mothers, while Norway ered to be fully (or even nearly) “social has implemented father-specific leave democratic.” The Canadian province of that a recent study found contributed to Quebec, for instance, has established a a more equal division of work (both paid subsidized universal childcare program and unpaid) between parents.54 In Swe- that is administered by elected boards den, “same sex” and adoptive parents are comprised of unionized workers and also eligible for parental leave benefits.55 parents.59 In 2012, Uruguay passed new abortion laws that are similar to those The Nordic nations have also passed a found in much of Europe and the United number of other laws and reforms that States, with no legal restrictions for target gender inequality. In Sweden, abortion in the first twelve weeks of ges- years of promoting women’s political tation. Rwanda even now ranks alongside representation has led to some note- most of the Nordic countries on gender worthy gains, including the fact that the equality (and even outranks Denmark), top governmental agencies in 2015 were according to the 2016 Global Gender Gap headed up by eighty-two women and Index, and was ranked first for its ratio of ninety men—a significantly better ratio women in parliament.60 for appointees than in most other coun- tries.56 Denmark’s pension plan has been The Global Gender Gap Index is an ranked as one of (and sometimes the) example of how metrics can be useful

26 CECILIA GINGERICH: TOWARDS GENDER LIBERATION THE NEXT SYSTEM PROJECT: WORKING PAPER Gender Mainstreaming in Vienna Since the 1990s, the Austrian capital of Vienna in improving gender equality. The Index has been involved in a gender equity strategy they term “gender mainstreaming,” which seeks looks at categories such as “Economic to “contribute towards a gender-sensitive Participation and Opportunity,” “Educa- society where solidarity, opportunities, and responsibilities are shared by women and men tional Attainment,” “Health and Survival,” in equal measure.” The strategy stresses both and “Political Empowerment.” While “small changes”—like changes to language being able to compare countries on this and preparing statistical data by gender and age—and “big changes,” including redesigning basis is very useful, there are several public spaces to better serve women and feminist theorists who, with the endpoint girls. This includes adding brighter pathway lighting, pedestrian-friendly streets and of social democracy in mind, argue for intersections, and parks designed with girls adjusting our more prominent economic in mind, since studies suggested that girls metrics (including GDP). These include were using parks far less than boys. Many of these changes reflect the need to make public proposals by Riane Eisler and the Center spaces safer so that they are desirable to, for Partnership Studies for Social Wealth and more usable by, women and girls, who Economic Indicators (SWEIs), which seek frequently experience harassment and other forms of violence in public spaces. For more on to increase the formal value of care work gender mainstreaming in Vienna, see Gender and a healthy environment, and eliminate Mainstreaming in Urban Planning and Urban Development. any “value” granted to activities that cause harm to people or the planet.61

Although few others have created a mechanisms—like the process of capital full alternative metric, many have also accumulation, the ascendancy of the discussed achieving gender equality profit motive, etc.—appear to still exist in through changing what is counted in the such visions. formal economy, and how much value is afforded to different elements. A good This is true of all visions that have a example of this is Mary Riley’s Feminist systemic endpoint of social democracy Political Economy, in which the foun- in mind, since social democracy is still a dational value is “human well-being,” form of capitalism. This presents severe to which “gender equality is central.”62 limitations not only on what has been However, it is important to note that accomplished in existing examples but most of these models seek to alter also on how much we could ever expect what is valued in the formal economy, such models to accomplish, including but not the structure of the formal in terms of gender equality. The Nordic economy itself. Capitalist markets and countries help to illustrate this point.

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Despite implementing the laws and Decentralized Place-based Systems reforms under discussion—often many While those who have set their sights decades ago—they still have a long on social democracy certainly have a way to go. (Indeed, in some cases their point that for most nations it would overall performance has been eroded represent an improvement on the status as social democratic accomplishments quo, others have argued that we can, have been undone in the neoliberal and should, push much further. Noting era, with economic inequality in Swe- that the mechanisms of capitalism—even den—which has grown at the fastest when they are regulated—are themselves rate in the OECD in recent decades—a harmful, many have developed theories dramatic case in point). A clear example and on-the-ground experiments de- related to gender is the rate of violence signed to supplant these mechanisms. against women in the region—the Nordic countries have recently ranked Most of these visions focus on develop- as having some of the highest rates ing alternative institutions and structures in the Europe. While the comparative that are not capitalist in nature, but statistics may be skewed due to incon- which operate alongside the current sistent reporting (women in the Nordic system. While these alternative struc- countries may now be more likely to tures are often at the local level and report violence, for instance), the rates therefore relatively modest in scope and of violence within the countries are scale, proponents believe that—collec- themselves disturbing. A 2014 study, for tively, and over time—they could replace instance, found that the 52% of women the current system. Practitioners and respondents in Denmark, 47% in Finland, theorists associated with this group also and 46% in Sweden reported having often stress the democratic nature of this been physically or sexually abused since “bottom-up” approach, and its ability to the age of 15.63 work in many different circumstances. The worldwide “solidarity economy” All in all, while social democratic coun- movement is a preeminent example of tries have achieved real progress on this approach. gender equality in some areas, operat- ing within what is still a capitalist system The solidarity economy has generated poses real limits to the realization of many institutions and structures that gender liberation. relate directly to reducing current

28 CECILIA GINGERICH: TOWARDS GENDER LIBERATION THE NEXT SYSTEM PROJECT: WORKING PAPER Rojava A recent example of an attempt to establish gender inequality, a few of which will be a complete alternative system of gender equality within a region is Rojava (Western highlighted in what follows. The first is Kurdistan), the de facto autonomous region the emergence of time banks, which are of northern Syria. Since declaring autonomy in 2013, Rojava has attempted to establish a community-based service exchanges system of democratic confederalism (inspired in which members exchange time for in part by the anarchist thinker Murray services. Typically, credits are earned by Bookchin), with a constitution grounded in principles of direct democracy, sustainability, providing a service for a certain length and gender equality. In December 2014, an of time. For example, if a member pro- academic delegation visited Rojava and the public statement that they released vided one hour of childcare for another upon their return paid homage to the member, that member might earn one accomplishments in terms of gender equality: unit of credit, which could then be In Rojava, we believe, genuinely democratic exchanged for an hour of any number structures have indeed been established. Not only is the system of government of different services (gardening, a ride accountable to the people, but it springs somewhere, etc.). Time banks help to out of new structures that make direct provide compensation for unpaid care democracy possible: popular assemblies and democratic councils. Women work in a way that the formal economy participate on an equal footing with does not, and can also help to spread men at every level and also organize in autonomous councils, assemblies, and the burden of care work more equally committees to address their specific across the community.64 concerns. The women we met embodied the empowerment, self-confidence, and pride recently gained by the women of A particularly interesting example of Rojava. We saw banners and slogans that this is the Japanese mutual aid network read: “The Rojavan revolution is a women’s revolution.” It really is.67 Fureai Kippu, which provides care for While only time will reveal how much the seniors throughout Japan via a form of region’s aspirations for gender equality time banking. Participants of all ages will develop, reports from Rojavan women can earn credits by providing care, seem to overwhelming support that they do, indeed, feel empowered, and hopeful about which can then be used either for care the future.68 for themselves (now or in the future), or for senior relatives or family members, even if the person requiring care resides in a different community. The network than opting for monetary compensation, exists outside of the formal Japanese outside of the formal economy as well. healthcare system, and, to the extent There are even branches now in Los that participants use vouchers rather Angeles, Switzerland, and London.65

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Another non-capitalist way some com- than 160 cohousing communities in the munities have chosen to deal with unpaid U.S., which are located in urban, rural, and child and elder care is through forming semi-rural locations, and are usually com- care cooperatives. In the United States, posed of a mixture of individuals, couples, childcare cooperatives typically involve and adults with children.66 However, while parents and guardians taking turns to an interesting model, most cohousing ar- watch each other’s children. Many aim for raignments require members to purchase an equal share of the work, and it seems a home in the community, which makes that often no one is paid. Unfortunately, them unattainable to many, if not most, there is not a lot of data on these types people with lower incomes. of unpaid cooperatives, because they tend to be informal—since they are not By definition, the solidarity economy is technically legal in all states. There are pluralistic in form and elements of it—like also likely many elder care cooperatives time banks, care cooperatives, and co- of this sort existing outside the formal housing—can exist within a capitalist sys- economy in the U.S. Although incorpo- tem. However, its supporters argue that rated into the formal economy, there are if enough of those alternative institutions also many worker-owned care coopera- and structures are developed in concen- tives in the US, such as the Beyond Care tration in a particular geographical area, Cooperative in Brooklyn, New York. that area may begin to operate under an entirely different system. In addition, they The practice of cohousing—which involves contend that such pockets of systemic residents of homes that are near or adja- alternatives could eventually link togeth- cent to one another establishing commu- er to replace capitalism entirely. nal spaces (such as a kitchen and dining area, laundry, and/or outdoor space), and This theory of change is particularly collectively owning certain household limited because it appears to suggest a items—has also emerged in many com- very slow process of system change. With munities. Members of these communities global crises like rapidly unfolding climate often also share domestic chores, such catastrophe or the likelihood of another as cooking, cleaning, and childcare, and major financial meltdown hovering in partake in consensus decision-making. the very near future, the process seems According to the Cohousing Association not only too slow, but likely to either fail of the United States, there are now more entirely or see its limited gains subsumed

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by wider and more powerful forces and set out her proposal most notably in trends. This is not to say, however, that her 2011 book The Problem with Work: building alternatives at the local level and Feminism, Marxism, Antiwork Poli- from the bottom up isn’t important; such tics, and Postwork Imaginaries.69 In it, changes raise awareness of the problems Weeks outlines a few of the transitional with the current system and offer partial steps that she believes would move us relief and the possibility of belief in a tan- towards such a society, including: the gible alternative to many, including with reduction of the workweek; a universal regards to gender liberation. Still, if we basic income that is at least equivalent want to achieve full gender equality within to a living wage, in order to lessen a reasonable time frame, we must consid- dependence on waged work; and bold, er the timeline for reaching a new system “utopian” demands that advance the and the scalability of the transitional steps conversation about what type of world to that new system given looming chal- we desire to live in. She emphasizes lenges and crises in the present system. that even the steps that address waged work could have an impact on unwaged Possibilities of a Postwork World work and gender equality. Reducing the As mentioned previously, there are few workweek would allow more time for complete visions of a post-capitalist so- many men to do care work, for example, ciety that address gender equity directly. and providing a living-wage basic in- A notable exception is feminist postwork come would enable more types of family theory. Like all postwork theorists, fem- relationships and choices. inists writing in this area believe that we should target and dismantle the activity While the more-complete vision of the of work in order to dismantle the current future that feminist postwork theorists system. However, such theorists consider present appears to have a great deal of unpaid work (particularly unpaid care potential for further development, the work) to be just as in need of reform as theories are fairly new, and few “real paid work, and focus on the potential world” experiments towards achieving of a postwork world to value such work them have taken place. They are, none- without commodifying it. theless, noteworthy and should be kept in view by anyone looking to imagine a next Perhaps the leading theorist of this type system based on gender equality and a of postwork vision is Kathi Weeks, who systematic end to gender oppression.

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concLusIon public space, or in every home? In which The oppression of women and trans* gender oppression no longer is layered people has existed for millennia—certain- upon other forms of systemic oppres- ly long before the existence of the cur- sion, institutionalized by laws, codifi ed rent system, which is widely regarded as into the spatial organization of our having its origins in the sixteenth century. communities, and cemented by cultural Still, the system we live under has been norms and the media? And in which built upon that longer patriarchal history, women and trans* people no longer live and has developed particular forms of under the constant threat of violence oppression all its own, some of which and even death? have been discussed in this paper. Gen- der oppression is so deeply embedded Answering these questions in detail, and within the current system that if we truly also building out at the level of theory want to overthrow it, we will need to the other components of a full-scale replace the system itself. alternative system model—including all of its political, economic, and social struc- But what is it, exactly, that we would like tures—is necessary not only because it to see instead? What would a world look gives us a hopeful vision to aspire to and like in which an oppressive narrative be guided by, but also because it will of a gender binary no longer exists? In clarify the transitional steps, models, and which sexism is not lurking on every policies we need to adopt in order to street corner, in every workplace and begin moving towards that system.

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Social democratic reforms and include all of the gender-focused experi- non-capitalist, place-based strategies ments and theories that currently exist— aimed at lessening gender inequal- social-democratic, place-based, and post- ity can provide partial examples of work—and demands a serious endeavor what some transitional steps could of collaborative inquiry and exploration be, if they are oriented towards longer- to develop, project, and extend far more term more thoroughgoing systemic complete alternative system models that change. However, social democratic consciously incorporate gender equality and decentralized place-based system and are capable of instituting it both models in their entirety are not suffi cient as an essential, incontestable political to achieve complete gender equality: demand and as an enduring systemic the former keep in place and preserve outcome and value. This paper is there- capitalist economic structures (and thus fore a call for precisely such a discussion capitalism’s inherent social inequality), and debate, which must inevitably be the while the second cannot realistically be work of many hands. scaled within a reasonable timeframe. Recent feminist postwork visions NOTES provide intriguing insights into what a 1 A note on pronouns: “his”, “her”, and more fully-fl edged alternative system “their” are included as singular pronouns here, since they are perhaps the most design might look like, but remain commonly used. However, there are a largely theoretical and require far number of other pronouns that some greater elaboration, debate, and on-the- people who identify outside the tradi- tional gender binary prefer, including the ground practical development. gender neutral “Ze” and “E.” For more see: http://web.mit.edu/trans/GenderNeu- tralPronouns.pdf. What we now require is a far more 2 Nash Jones, “Bridging The Gap – Trans*: wide-ranging, substantive, and focused What Does the Asterisk Mean and Why discussion around how to achieve gender Is It Used?”, Q Center, August 8, 2013, equality and what this requires in terms accessed September 28, 2016. http:// www.pdxqcenter.org/bridging-the-gap- of systemic change and the construction trans-what-does-the-asterisk-mean-and- of new political-economic institutions and why-is-it-used/. culture. The terrain on which to conduct 3 “Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Defi nitions,” Human Rights Campaign, such a debate, explored in a very initial accessed September 28, 2016. http:// and preliminary fashion in this paper, www.hrc.org/resources/sexual-orien- is becoming clear. This debate should tation-and-gender-identity-terminolo- gy-and-defi nitions.

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4 While many mainstream definitions of 10 “Women of Color and the Gender Wage sexual orientation describe it as “inher- Gap,” Milia Fisher, Center for Ameri- ent” or “immutable” (see, for example, can Progress, April 14, 2015, accessed see the Human Rights Campaign’s at September 28, 2016, https://www. http://www.hrc.org/resources/sexu- americanprogress.org/issues/women/ al-orientation-and-gender-identity-ter- report/2015/04/14/110962/women-of-col- minology-and-definitions), this is likely or-and-the-gender-wage-gap/. a reflection of our ridged legal systems, 11 “Domestic Violence Affects Us All,” which favor simple definitions. However, Domestic Abuse Interventions Services, as noted above, a person’s sexual orienta- accessed February 15, 2017, http://abu- tion may change any number of times. seintervention.org/sandbox77/wp-con- 5 For more on ways in which people were tent/uploads/2012/08/Fact-Sheet-Wom- kept from voting, particularly in the Jim en-of-Color-with-Citations.pdf. Crow South, see http://abhmuseum.org/ 12 “Discrimination Against Transgender voting-rights-for-blacks-and-poor-whites- Workers,” Human Rights Campaign, in-the-jim-crow-south/. accessed February 27, 2017, http:// 6 For more information about the history of www.hrc.org/resources/discrimina- the Black feminism movement in the Unit- tion-against-transgender-workers. ed States, see “But Some of Us Are Brave: 13 “The Simple Truth about the Gender A History of Black Feminism in the United Pay Gap (Spring 2017),” The American States,” The Thistle, Issue 9.01, accessed Association of University Women, 6 December 2016, http://www.mit.edu/ accessed March 1, 2017, Table “Median activities/thistle/v9/9.01/6blackf.html. Weekly Earnings, by Gender and Age, 7 Both postcolonialism and postmodernism 2015,” http://www.aauw.org/research/the- became major schools of thought in the simple-truth-about-the-gender-pay-gap/. mid to late twentieth century. Postmod- 14 “How does gender relate to poverty ernism questioned the validity of the status?” Center for Poverty Research, Uni- dominant societal narratives and ideolo- versity of California, Davis, 2014, accessed gies (in everything field from philosophy October 13 2016, http://poverty.ucdavis. to literature), and postcolonialism drew edu/faq/how-does-gender-relate-pover- on its methodology and many of its ty-status. insights to study the legacy of colonialism and imperialism. 15 “Understanding Issues Facing Transgen- der Americans,” Movement Advancement 8 It should be noted that while we are no Project, National Center for Transgender longer in the second wave, its “equal Equality, and , opportunity” aspect (i.e. anti-sex dis- 2015, http://www.lgbtmap.org/file/ crimination in the labor force) has been understanding-issues-facing-transgen- mainstreamed, and is thriving. der-americans.pdf. 9 Kimberle Crenshaw, “Demarginalizing the 16 Darek Seidman, “Dismantling the Low- Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Wage Economy,” Jacobin, September Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination 2, 2015, accessed December 20, 2016, Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/09/ Politics,” University of Chicago Legal mcdonalds-seiu-minimum-wage-strike/. Forum, 1989, no. 1 (1989): 149, http:// chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/view- 17 “Civilian labor force by sex, 1948-2015 content.cgi?article=1052&context=uclf. annual averages [Table],” United States Department of Labor, accessed October

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13 2016, https://www.dol.gov/wb/stats/ 25 Discrimination Against Transgender Civilian_labor_force_sex_48_15_txt.htm. Workers, Human Rights Campaign, accessed October 13 2016, http:// 18 “Gender wage gap [Table],” OECD, ac- www.hrc.org/resources/discrimina- cessed October 13, 2016, https://www.oecd. tion-against-transgender-workers. org/gender/data/genderwagegap.htm. 26 Debra Satz, “Feminist Perspectives on Re- 19 Matt Egan, “Still missing: female busi- production and the Family,” The Stanford ness leaders,” CNN Money, March 24 Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2013 2015, accessed October 13, 2016, http:// Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), http://pla- money.cnn.com/2015/03/24/investing/ to.stanford.edu/archives/win2013/entries/ female-ceo-pipeline-leadership/. feminism-family. 20 Gaëlle Ferrant, Luca Maria Pesando, and “Transportation and Housing Costs,” U.S. Keiko Nowacka,“Unpaid Care Work: The 27 Department of Transportation Federal missing link in the analysis of gender gaps Highway Administration, accessed Oc- in labour outcomes,” OECD Development tober 13, 2016, http://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ Centre, December 2014, accessed 20 livability/fact_sheets/transandhousing. December 2016, https://www.oecd.org/dev/ cfm. development-gender/Unpaid_care_work.pdf. 28 Helen Jarvis with Paula Kantor and Jona- 21 Aparna Mathur, Hao Fu, and Peter Han- than Clarke, Cities and Gender (New York: sen, “The Mysterious and Alarming Rise Routledge, 2009), 167. of Single Parenthood in America,” The Atlantic, September 3, 2013, accessed 29 “Water and Gender,” United Nations De- October 13, 2016, http://www.theatlantic. partment of Economic and Social Affairs com/business/archive/2013/09/the-mys- (UNDESA), accessed October 11, 2016, terious-and-alarming-rise-of-single-par- http://www.un.org/waterforlifedecade/ enthood-in-america/279203/. gender.shtml. 22 For information on the U.S. aging pop- 30 “Creating Safe Public Spaces,” UN Wom- ulation, see Jennifer M. Ortman, Victoria en, accessed 14 October 2016, http:// A. Velkoff, and Howard Hogan, An Aging www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/ Nation: The Older Population in the ending-violence-against-women/creat- United States, US Census Bureau, 2014, ing-safe-public-spaces. https://www.census.gov/prod/2014pubs/ 31 Zach Ford, “As 2015 Sees A Record p25-1140.pdf. The trend is also happening Number Of Documented Transgender worldwide (see “World Population Ageing Murders, A Glimmer Of Hope,” ThinkProg- 2015,” United Nations, 2015, http://www. ress, November 20 2015, accessed Oc- un.org/en/development/desa/population/ tober 14 2016, http://thinkprogress.org/ publications/pdf/ageing/WPA2015_Re- /2015/11/20/3724165/trans-day-of-re- port.pdf). membrance-police-reporting/. “EMP18_MAT: Length of Maternity 23 32 Monica Boyd and Elizabeth Grieco, Leave,” OECD.Stat, accessed February 28, “Women and Migration: Incorporating 2017, http://stats.oecd.org/. Gender into international Migration 24 For more on this definition of emotional Theory,” Migration Information Source, labor, see Arlie Russell Hochschild’s The March 1 2003, accessed October 16 2016, Managed Heart: the Commercialization http://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/ of Human Feeling (1983) and The Out- women-and-migration-incorporating-gen- sourced Self: Intimate Life in Market der-international-migration-theory. Times (2012).

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33 Boyd and Grieco, “Women and Migration.” Monitoring Project 2010, September, 2010, 9, http://cdn.agilitycms.com/who-makes- 34 “Women, Gender Equality and Climate Change,” Women Watch (United Nations), the-news/Imported/reports_2010/global/ accessed October 14 2016, http://www. gmmp_global_report_en.pdf. un.org/womenwatch/feature/climate_ 41 “Who Makes the News?,” 11. change/factsheet.html. 42 William Lewers, trans., Report of the 35 Accessible and affordable reproductive Chilean National Commission on Truth healthcare is facing new attacks in the and Reconciliation, United States Institute U.S. following the beginning of the Trump of Peace, October 4, 2002, accessed administration in early 2017. The right to February 24, 2017, https://www.usip.org/ safe and affordable abortion has been sites/default/files/resources/collections/ especially targeted, and the harm to poor truth_commissions/Chile90-Report/ and working class woman is multiplied Chile90-Report.pdf. when providers like Planned Parenthood 43 R. W. Connell and James W. Mess- are defunded, since these providers also erschmidt, “Hegemonic Masculinity: provide many other essential healthcare Rethinking the Concept,” Gender and services. For up-to-date information on Society 19, no. 6. (December 2005), the state of reproductive healthcare and http://xyonline.net/sites/default/files/ rights in the United States and around Connell,%20Hegemonic%20masculini- the world, see the work of The Center ty_0.pdf. for Reproductive Rights (www.repro- ductiverights.org) and The Guttmacher 44 “About Basic Income,” Basic Income Earth Institute (www.guttmacher.org). Network, accessed October 14 2016, http://www.basicincome.org/basic-in- 36 “Women in Government,” February 3 come/. 2016, accessed October 14 2016 http:// www.catalyst.org/knowledge/wom- 45 One example is the call for a global basic en-government; “History of Women of income, although a feasible income Color in U.S. Politics,” Center for American under such a plan could only offer a very Women and Politics, accessed January minimal amount, which would scarcity 10 2017, http://www.cawp.rutgers.edu/ be noticeable in wealthier countries. See: history-women-color-us-politics. http://www.globalincome.org/English/ Global-Basic-Income.html. 37 “Women in Government.” 46 Charles Murray, The Social Contract Re- 38 “Facts and Figures: Leadership and Polit- visited: Guaranteed Income as a Replace- ical Participation,” UN Women, accessed ment for the Welfare State, (Oxford: The October 14, 2016, http://www.unwomen. Foundation for Law, Justice and Society org/en/what-we-do/leadership-and-polit- and the Centre for Socio-Legal Studies, ical-participation/facts-and-figures. University of Oxford, 2008), http://www. 39 Eleanor Goldberg, “About Half The fljs.org/files/publications/Murray.pdf. World’s Farmers Are Women, But 47 There are also, of course, theorists who Many Don’t Have Land, Modern Tools. support each of these future systems Here’s Who’s Helping,” The Huffington but do not believe that a universal basic Post, March 11, 2015, accessed February income would help to achieve them. 27, 2017, http://www.huffingtonpost. Feminist economist Barbara Bergmann, com/2015/03/11/women-farmers-land- or instance, argued that implementing a rights_n_6833224.html. universal basic income is not the best way 40 “Who Makes the News?,” Global Media for the US to move towards Nordic-style

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social democracy, which she supported. 53 “Global Gender Gap Report 2015,” ac- See: http://www.pbs.org/newshour/ cessed October 13 2016, http://reports. making-sense/sweden-switzerland-ameri- weforum.org/global-gender-gap-re- cas-social-welfare-model/. port-2015/rankings/. 48 “It’s Payback Time for Women,” Judith 54 “OECD Family Database,” OECD, Febru- Shulevitz, The New York Times, Times ary 28, 2016, https://www.oecd.org/els/ published on January 6, 2016, http://www. soc/PF2_1_Parental_leave_systems.pdf; nytimes.com/2016/01/10/opinion/sunday/ Marit Rønsen and Ragni HegeKitterød, payback-time-for-women.html?_r=0. “Gender-Equalizing Family Policies and Mothers’ Entry into Paid Work: Recent 49 Kathi Weeks, “Beyond the Waged Evidence From Norway,” Statistics System,” November 9, 2015, accessed Norway Research Department, 2012, 3, October 14, 2016, https://www.dissent- https://www.ssb.no/a/publikasjoner/pdf/ magazine.org/online_articles/beyond- DP/dp702.pdf. wage-system-kathi-weeks-universal-ba- sic-income. 55 Linda Haas, Ann-Zofie Duvander, and C. Philip Hwang, “Sweden,” The International 50 While there may be some lesser-known Network on Leave Policies and Research, literature from the libertarian perspective accessed February 27, 2017, http://www. that considers the effect of a universal leavenetwork.org/fileadmin/Leavenet- basic income on gender inequality, all work/Country_notes/2016/Sweden.pdf. prominent proposals of this sort promote cutting social safety nets like Temporary 56 “Gender Equality in Sweden,” https://swe- Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), den.se/society/gender-equality-in-swe- Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Pro- den/. gram (SNAP), and Medicaid—which are 57 The Melbourne Mercer Global Pension all programs whose majority of recipients Index of 2015 ranked Denmark’s pen- are women. This suggests that, if anything, sion plan first, with a grade of “A”, and such proposals would disproportionately describing it as: “A first class and robust hurt women. See https://www.fns.usda. retirement income system that delivers gov/sites/default/files/ops/Characteris- good benefits, is sustainable and has a tics2013.pdf (page 59) for SNAP statistics high level of integrity.” See: http://www. (2013) on gender, and http://kff.org/ globalpensionindex.com/wp-content/ medicaid/state-indicator/medicaid-enroll- uploads/Melbourne-Mercer-Global-Pen- ment-by-gender/?currentTimeframe=0 for sion-Index-2015-Report-Web.pdf, p. 9. Medicaid enrollment by gender (2011). 58 Luke Graham, “Finland experiments 51 Lane Kenworthy, “Social Democracy,” with universal basic income scheme,” March 21, 2016, The Next System Project, CNBC, January 3, 2017, http://www.cnbc. http://www.thenextsystem.org/social-de- com/2017/01/03/finland-experiments-uni- mocracy/. versal-basic-income.html. It should also 52 The term “Nordic” refers to Denmark, Fin- be noted that the proposal came from land, Iceland, Sweden, Norway, and a center-right government, and that the the territories of the Aland Islands and experiment will be accompanied by cuts the Faroe Islands. For a comparison of to education, healthcare, and welfare gender equality outcomes across the provisions. Therefore, the UBI program Nordic countries see http://www.nikk.no/ may actually have the effect of eroding en/publications/nordic-gender-equali- Finland’s social democracy, rather than ty-in-figures-2015/. bolstering it. Still, a working group has

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been created to conduct a preliminary Co-operatives,” Yes Magazine, August 25, study of, among other things, the effect 2005, http://www.yesmagazine.org/is- of a basic income to different population sues/respecting-elders-becoming-elders/ groups. For more, see: http://www.ba- of-by-and-for-seniors-japanese-seniors- sicincome.org/news/2015/12/finland-ba- co-operatives. sic-income-experiment-what-we-know/. 66 Cohousing Association of the United 59 Johanna Brenner, “Caring in the City,” States, http://www.cohousing.org/. Jacobin, Fall 2014, accessed October 67 “Statement from the Academic Delega- 16 2016, https://www.jacobinmag. tion to Rojava,” Eirik Eiglad, January 15, com/2014/10/caring-in-the-city/. 2015, accessed October 16 2016, http:// 60 For Rwanda’s entry in the Gender Gap new-compass.net/articles/statement-aca- Index 2016 see: http://reports.weforum. demic-delegation-rojava. org/global-gender-gap-report-2016/ 68 Ruken Isik, “Kurdish Women Struggle economies/#economy=RWA. And for a Next System in Rojava,” The Next see: http://www.quotaproject.org/uid/ System Project, March 30, 2016, http:// countryview.cfm?CountryCode=RW for www.thenextsystem.org/kurdish-women- more on women in parliament in Rwanda. struggle-for-a-next-system-in-rojava- Currently, 64% of the seats in the coun- kurdistan-northern-syria/. try’s lower house and 38% of those in its upper house are held by women. 69 Kathi Weeks, “Beyond the Wage System,” Dissent, November 9, 2015, https://www. Cecilia Gingerich, interviewer, “Riane 61 dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/ Eisler on Changing the Whole System,” beyond-wage-system-kathi-weeks-uni- The Next System Project, March 26, 2016, versal-basic-income; Kathi Weeks, The http://thenextsystem.org/riane-eisler-on- Problem with Work: Feminism, Marxism, changing-the-whole-system/. For more Antiwork Politics, and Postwork Imaginaries on SWEIs, see: http://caringeconomy.org/ (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011). newindicators/. 62 “A Feminist Political Economic Frame- work,” Maria Riley/Center of Concern, March 2008, accessed October 16, 2016, https://www.coc.org/files/Riley%20-%20 FPE_0.pdf. 63 “Violence against women: An EU-wide survey; Main results,” European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2014, http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/ fra-2014-vaw-survey-main-results-apr14_ en.pdf. 64 “Time Banks,” http://timebanks.org/. 65 “Fureai Kippu,” Community Currency Knowledge Bank, http://communi- ty-currency.info/en/currencies/asia/ fureai-kippu/. For the the Koreikyo senior cooperative, another interesting example from Japan, see: Robert Marshall, “Of, By and For Seniors: Japanese Seniors

38 CECILIA GINGERICH: TOWARDS GENDER LIBERATION THE NEXT SYSTEM PROJECT: WORKING PAPER about the author CECILIA GINGERICH joined The Democracy Collaborative as a Research Associate with The Next System Project in 2014. She holds a B.A. and M.A. in Politics from New York University.

about the next system project The Next System Project is an ambitious multi-year initiative aimed at thinking boldly about what is required to deal with the systemic challenges the United States faces now and in coming decades. Responding to real hunger for a new way forward, and building on innovative thinking and practical experience with new economic institutions and approaches being developed in communities across the country and around the world, the goal is to put the central idea of system change, and that there can be a “next system,” on the map. Working with a broad group of researchers, theorists, and activists, we seek to launch a national debate on the nature of “the next system” using the best research, understanding, and strategic thinking, on the one hand, and on-the- ground organizing and development experience, on the other, to refine and publicize comprehensive alternative political-economic system models that are different in fun- damental ways from the failed systems of the past and capable of delivering superior social, economic, and ecological outcomes. By defining issues systemically, we believe we can begin to move the political conversation beyond current limits with the aim of catalyzing a substantive debate about the need for a radically different system and how we might go about its construction. Despite the scale of the difficulties, a cautious and paradoxical optimism is warranted. There are real alternatives. Arising from the unfor- giving logic of dead ends, the steadily building array of promising new proposals and alternative institutions and experiments, together with an explosion of ideas and new activism, offer a powerful basis for hope.

Design & typography by Kate Khatib / Owl Grammar Press.

CECILIA GINGERICH: TOWARDS GENDER LIBERATION 39 WWW.THENEXTSYSTEM.ORG