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MacDonald, Deborah M.
THE DERIVED IMAGE OF THE SUPERMARKET TABLOID
The Ohio Stale University Ph.D. 1984
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Copyright 1984 by MacDonald, Deborah M. All Rights Reserved
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University Microfilms International
THE DERIVED IMAGE OF THE SUPERMARKET TABLOID
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate
School of The Ohio Str:e University
By
Deborah M. MacDonald, B.A., M.A.
*****
The Ohio State University
1984
Reading Committee: Approved By
Dr. Thomas A. McCain
Dr. Donald J . Cegala Adviser Dr. Lee B. Becker Department of Communication COPYRIGHT
DEBORAH M. MACDONALD
1984 THE DERIVED IMAGE OF THE SUPERMARKET TABLOID
BY
Deborah M. MacDonald, Ph.D.
The Ohio State University, 1984
Dr. Thomas McCain, Adviser
Each week over 11 mi lion supermarket tabloids are sold in the
United States. These periodicals such as the National Enquirer have become a pervasive medium. The tabloids are a journalistic success story, yet critics feel that they represent yellow journalism at its worst. A libel judgement awarded to entertainer Carol Burnett has shown the public that the National Enquirer, at least, is capable of printing what it knows to be erroneous in order to produce a sensational story. This investigation was conducted in order to determine what perceptions people have formed regarding this relatively unstudied media form. Specifically, this study sought to determine the derived image of the tabloids, and to what extent tabloid readership is a function of level of image and low-taste orientation.
A random telephone survey was conducted which resulted in 363 completed interviews -- 179 from respondents who claimed to have read a tabloid in the last five years and 184 from respondents who had not.
ii The data revealed that overall, the derived image of the supermarket tabloids does not appear to be a very positive one, particularly in the areas of credibility, utility and perceived readership (in terms of why people read). Positive perceptions of the tabloids focused on their ability to pass time, their cheap price, upbeat quality and dynamism. Level and type of experience does seem to have an effect on the image that is held of the tabloids. Most notably, those respondents who had only indirect experience with the tabloids in the form of mass media and interpersonal messages (nonreaders), were most likely to hold negative tabloid perceptions. In terms of low-taste orientation, both regular and occasional tabloid readers seemed to exhibit more of a preference for low-taste media content than did nonreaders. The data also indicated that tabloid readers do not appear to be a homogeneous group, and probable reader segments include believers, light-hearted readers and readers who feel guilty about reading.
This study represents an attempt at better understanding some of the dynamics of the tabloid phenomenon. The findings of this study should prove useful for those researchers who choose to further explore this area where more exploration seems required. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my sincere appreciation to all of the people who assisted and supported me during this research project:
Maria Boiler, Brian Williams, Tom Battocletti and Dave Watson, for their assistance in interviewing, coding and data entry;
Anne Mattina, for her assistance in coding;
Anne Murray, for her assistance in coding and in the typing of my prospectus;
Linda Nolan, Scott Marshall, Larry Smith, Gary Pike, Anne
Mattina, Jean Dobos, Gloria Galanes, Nadine Koch and Kristan Endress, who acted as judges for the media taste sort;
The Spring 1984 class of Communication 626, who conducted the
interviewing for the general survey;
Jean Dobos and Nadine Koch, for the learned advice they so
freely gave;
Kim Pasi, who so professionally typed all of my tables;
Kathy Ouzts, a true friend, who spent long hours typing the text of this dissertation;
Dr. Lee Becker, for his insightful mind;
Dr. Donald Cegala, for his incredible patience and skills as an educator;
Dr. Thomas McCain, my advisor, who believed in me and in this research project, and without whom I would not be the scholar I am today;
And last, but not least, Keith Yeazel, for his love and understanding.
iv VITA
July 7, 1957 ...... Born - Prince Edward Island, Canada
1978 ...... B.A., University of Prince Edward Island, Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island, Canada
1979 ...... Teaching Associate, Department of Speech Communication and Theater Arts, Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, North Carolina
1980 ...... M.A., Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, North Carolina
1980-82 ...... Teaching Associate, Department of Communication, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1982-84 ...... Research Associate, Department of Communication, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
RESEARCH AREAS
Major Area: Audience Analysis Minor Areas: Media Policy and Regulation, Persuasion
v TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
ABSTRACT...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iv
VITA...... v
LIST OF TABLES...... viii
LIST OF FIGURES...... x
CHAPTER
I INTRODUCTION...... 1
PART I: OVERVIEW OF THE TABLOIDS...... 3 Early History ...... 3 The New E n q u ire r ...... 5 Competition Arrives ...... 7 Surviving and Prospering ...... 9 Some Reasons for the Enquirer's Popularity . 10 Elaborate Measures ...... 12 The Stereotypical ...... 13 Tabloid Content ...... 15 Tabloid Reporting ...... 18 Academic Research on Tabloids ...... 19 Tabloid Criticism ...... 22 Tabloids — The British Tradition ...... 26
PART II: THEORETICAL CONSTRUCTS UNDERLYING PERCEPTIONS AND USE OF LOW-TASTE MEDIA . . 27 The Image...... 29 Contextual Factors ...... 32 Connotations of "Tabloid" ...... 33 Low-Taste Media Content ...... 34 Identification of Concepts Linked to Image, Experience and Low-Taste Content ...... 39 Im age...... 39 Experience/Exposure ...... 42 General Purpose of This Research ...... 46 Research Questions ...... 46
vi TABLE OF CONTENTS (C o n tin u e d )
II METHODS...... 48
Preliminary Interviews ...... 48 P ilo t...... 49 P retest...... 51 Operationalization of the Research Variables 51 Im age...... 51 Experience/Exposure ...... 54 Orientation Toward Low-Taste Content. . 56 Demographics ...... 57 The General S urvey ...... 57 The Sample...... 57 Interviewing ...... 58 The Questionnaire ...... 58 Sex and Reader Q u o tas ...... 59 Data Analysis ...... 59
III RESULTS...... 67
PART I: THE DERIVED IMAGE OF THE SUPERMARKET TABLOID...... 67 Descriptive Results ...... 67 Interrelationships of Perceptions ...... 79
PART II: EXPERIENCE/EXPOSURE AND LOW-TASTE ORIENTATION. . ; ...... 87 Interrelationships of Perceptions ...... 104 Differentiating Between Sets of Perceptions. 109
IV DISCUSSION...... 114
The Image...... 114 Experience/Exposure ...... 117 Low-Taste Orientation ...... 120 Characterizing Reader Groups ...... 122 Theoretical Summary...... 124 Limitations...... 130 Conclusions...... 132 Recommendations for Further Research .... 136
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 138
APPENDIX
A Pilot Study Cover Letter and Questionnaire. . . . 143
B General Questionnaire ...... 150
C Media T itles Used to Determine Taste Scores . . . 165
D Intercorrelation Matrixes ...... 169
v i i L IS T OF TABLES
TABLE PAGE
1 Perceived Credibility Means and Standard Deviations 69
2 Perceived Tabloid Utility Means and Standard Deviations ...... 70
3 Perceived Tabloid Form vs. Content Means and Standard Deviations ...... 72
4 Perceived Tabloid Readership Means and Standard Deviations ...... 73
5 Frequencies and Proportions of Perceived Tabloid Content -- Story Type ...... 75
6 Frequencies and Proportions of Perceived Tabloid Content — Product Type ...... 78
7 Rotated Factor Pattern Matrix For Image Perceptions 80-83
8 Rotated Factor Pattern Matrixes For Credibility Perceptions ...... 86
9 Periodicals Classified as Tabloids by Respondents . 88
10 Perceived Knowledge and Information Source Means and Standard Deviations ...... 89
11 Cross-Tabulations of Tabloid Recall, Media Use, Education and Media Taste Score by Reader Level 92
12 Proportions of Perceived Tabloid Content Responses on the Basis of Readership —Story Type. . . . 93
13 Proportions of Perceived Tabloid Content Responses on the Basis of Readership — Product Type. . . 94
14 Summary of Respondents' Demographic Status ...... 96-97
15 Cross-Tabulations of Number of Tabloids Read, When F irst Read, Pass-on Rate of Purchasers, Tabloid Discussion Involvement and Cover Prompting Reading by ReaderLevel ...... 98
16 Leisure Activity Means and Standard Deviations. . . 102-103
v iii 17 Rotated Factor Matrix for Leisure Activity Items. . 106-107
18 Discriminant Analysis Function Coefficients .... 110
19 Final Variable Group Means ...... Ill
20 Discriminant Analysis Summary Table ...... 112
ix LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE PAGE
1 Tabloid Image Model 28
x CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The term "tabloid" is used in the newspaper industry to denote a
printed sheet that is smaller than the "broadsheet" used for most
daily papers (Engstrom, 1984, p.20). The term "tabloid" as i t is
used within the context of this study, applies only to that variety
of smaller-sized newspapers which inhabit the supermarket check-out
lines of America. The most popular of these tabloids is the National
Enquirer which claims a circulation of over five million copies per week and which has become the best-selling publication in America
after TV Guide. Circulation figures for two other popular tabloids,
the Star and the Globe are four million and two-and-a-half million
respectively (Engstrom, 1984). (According to the Standard Rate and
Data Service, the six-month average circulation figures for these
three tabloids for the latter half of 1983 were specifically:
National Enquirer, 4,706,165; Star, 3,689,337; and Globe, 1,908,676.)
Tabloid circulation figures are impressive — perhaps
surprisingly so, since the tabloids have been the object of some
rather strong criticism. The National Enquirer for instance, has been called a "disgrace to journalism" (Buckley, 1981, p. 508), "that piece of garbage" and one of the "tackiest newspapers in America"
(Schardt et al., 1980, p. 86). The tabloids do seem to have a
tendency to focus on bold and sensational content yet every week, millions of people read one or more of the tabloids to find potential money-making ideas, to have their faith restored in miraculous cures,
to find out the latest celebrity gossip, to read "good news," to find
information and to have fun (Lehnert & Perpich, 1982).
The tabloids then, can be characterized as rather provocative
periodicals which sell millions of copies each week, fulfill certain
needs for their readers and arouse the ire of critics. These
characteristics combine to form an intriguing phenomenon, but l i t t l e
is known as to what people think of the tabloids, or if they indeed
think about them at all. Considering that the tabloids are (1) a
pervasive medium, (2) have become a ubiquitous feature at almost
every supermarket, and (3) make wide use of television advertising,
it seems reasonable to assume that a sizable number of the population
knows something of these periodicals. What they think, however, and what accounts for their perceptions are the questions this study
attempted to answer.
Essentially this is a study of the derived image of the
supermarket tabloid; "image" being defined here as the perceptions people hold of a phenomenon. In attempting to determine what
accounts for this image certain factors seemed particularly pertinent. The first of these factors is the level of experience and/or exposure a person has had with the tabloids through both
interpersonal and media channels. The second factor is the general orientation a person has toward low-taste media content. People tend to display a general orientation toward a specific type of media content and because of their style and content the tabloids tend to be characterized as a low-taste medium. 3
In order to understand the range of perceptions people may hold toward the tabloid phenomenon, a description and discussion of the tabloids themselves as a media form was deemed important. Some background material on the tabloids was therefore compiled. Since i t was not the purpose of this study to examine any particular tabloid in depth or to examine the tabloid industry, secondary sources of information form the basis for this background m aterial. Academics, with few exceptions, have tended to ignore the tabloids thus far and the popular press has tended to focus its attention on the National
Enquirer, which is not surprising since this was the first supermarket tabloid and i t remains the market leader. Therefore, while much of the following section focuses on the National Enquirer this is out of necessity, in order to provide a representative overview of the tabloids.
PART I - OVERVIEW OF THE TABLOIDS
The National Enquirer
In front of the editorial offices of the National Enquirer in
Lantana, Florida, there is a sundial bearing a bronze plaque with an inscription:
"The National Enquirer newspaper, February 28, 1974. Buried here is a time capsule containing good news items of 1973. When opened on February 28, 2074, these items will prove that, despite the many crises of the year 1973, Americans still showed the courage, kindness and strength that made this country great." (Engstrom, 1984, p. 24)
EARLY HISTORY
Generoso Pope, the owner-publisher of the National Enquirer is the son of an Italian immigrant who arrived in New York City in the early 1900s. The elder Pope worked himself up from poverty to become the president of New York's leading sand and gravel business. He then bought II Progresso, the largest U.S. Italian-language newspaper, and radio station WHOM. The young Generoso was given charge of the newspaper at the age of 19, after graduation from MIT with an engineering degree. He ran the paper from 1947 until 1950 when his father died and his brothers edged him out. He then went to work as an intelligence officer in the CIA's psychological warfare unit. After a year, however, he was back in New York where he heard that a crime-saturated Sunday broadsheet was selling for $75,000
(Byrne, 1983).
The Enquirer was launched in 1926 by William Griffin, a former
Hearst advertising executive, as a full-size Sunday paper. Griffin's acquisition came on a loan from Hearst, however, and in return for the favor Hearst used the paper as a guinea pig for new ideas.
Hearst implemented the good ideas in his own papers but le ft the
Enquirer with the bad. Griffin was not a popular figure and during
World War II was indicted for undermining the morale of U.S. troops due to his opinions on U.S. involvement ("From Worse to Bad," 1969).
When Pope took the paper over in 1952, i t sold mainly because it had racing tips. The Enquirer ran on borrowed money and one full-tim e employee other than the owner. For six years Pope borrowed money to cover his losses and experimented with a variety of formats.
Then in 1958, he h it upon the formula of gore and the paper started to become popular. Pope credits that year's newspaper strike as a catalyst (Rudnitsky, 1978). In what has been likened to the worst excesses of British tabloids, the Enquirer began its reporting of mothers boiling babies and boyfriends cutting girlfriend's hearts out. Pope says he turned to gore when he noticed how auto accidents drew a crowd ("Goodbye to Gore," 1972).
In 1967, Pope moved the paper to Englewood C liffs, New Jersey and the circulation was up to one million. Circulation stalled here, however, and Pope observed that there were only "so many libertines and neurotics" ("From Worse to Bad," 1969). Others suggest that the
Supreme Court's relaxation of censorship had allowed a host of new competitors into the "smut" market where the Enquirer had reigned supreme (Peer & Schmidt, 1975). The main reason for stalled sales, however, was that many of the paper's distributors, newsstands and corner candy stores, were going out of business. Other distributors were put off by the Enquirer's gory tone (Byrne, 1983).
Pope saw only one place to go — America's 50,000 supermarkets.
Women's Day had already moved to the checkout counters and by cleaning up the Enquirer's contents he could appeal to that large group of consumers -- the middle class (Byrne, 1983). In 1969, Pope was able to say, "Every publication starts out being sensational. I intended to make it a quality paper all along" ("From Worse to Bad,"
1969, p. 79).
THE NEW ENQUIRER
Suddenly anything that had an inkling of sex or gore was banished from the Enquirer (Klaidman, 1975). Initially they lost a quarter million in circulation but six months later the numbers were back up at a million and kept growing. Pope says: 6
I went back and read some of the old Reader's Digests of the 1930s, when the Digest was having its greatest growth. Most of the stories were about triumphs over adversity, breakthroughs in medicine, UFOs and nutrition. The most important element was that most of i t was uplifting. (Rudnitsky, 1978, p. 78)
Thus the Reader's Digest formula was combined with catchy headlines, gossip about television, movie and society celebrities, consumer subjects, the occult and the extraterrestrial. The new
National Enquirer was born, and a paper that had once been bought almost furtively from newsstands by a predominantly male readership became the last item picked up by housewives doing the grocery shopping ("Goodbye to Gore," 1972).
To ensure that every shopper would have the opportunity to buy the National Enquirer, Pope b uilt a distribution system second to none. He hired an army of full and parttime field employees whose job consisted of making sure that the Enquirer was prominently displayed and the racks at open counters full (Rudnitsky, 1978).
They were to fight for shelf space and keep the merchandise moving.
Some supermarkets such as Winn-Dixie were originally skeptical about selling such a product in their stores but within three years Pope had the cooperation of all the major supermarket chains in the U.S.
Few complaints could be heard from the supermarkets as the National
Enquirer was to become one of the 10 most profitable items carried there. In 1983, for each issue sold at 65 cents, retailers earned 14 cents and wholesalers got about nine cents (Byrne, 1983).
In order to make the National Enquirer seem respectable to the female shopper, Pope decided to improve the paper's image. He started with his fellow newspeople by offering salaries ranging from
$18,500 to $50,000. A public relations firm and a vice president for corporate planning, William Hall, was hired. Hall's mission was to gain supermarket acceptance. He saw i t as a matter of everyone liking cornflakes and everyone being interested in what's in the
Enquirer ("From Worse to Bad," 1969).
At the end of 1970, circulation had risen to ju st under two million and in 1971 Pope moved the entire operation to Florida. His printing plant was set up in Pompano Beach and the editorial staff
(33 members at that time) and business division made Lantana (about
10 miles from Palm Beach) their home (Klaidman, 1975). At the end of the first half of 1975, circulation had jumped to just over four million and the trend was still up.
THE COMPETITION ARRIVES
In 1974, however, Pope was caught off guard by an Australian publisher named Rupert Murdoch. Murdoch, an astute businessman, decided that giving the National Enquirer a run for its money could turn a profit. He launched the four-color Star against the black-and-white Enquirer in 1974, with a million dollar advertising blitz. Murdoch poured $15 million into the attack on Pope and within three years the Star turned a profit (Byrne, 1983). By 1978 its circulation had risen to 3.3 million and a new competitor, the
Midnight Globe, was selling 1.7 million copies a week.
It took Pope a while to realize what a threat the competition could be, but when he caught on, he attacked the problem with considerable vigor. He came forward armed with survey results which had found ads run in the National Enquirer to be as credible as when they were run in the Reader's Digest or McCalls and began pouring money into advertising campaigns. In addition, Pope realized that its own policy for handling advertisers had to be changed. In 1972, the National Enquirer employed not a single ad salesman, and it received 40 percent more unsolicited advertising than it could accommodate. Pope, then insisted that he could turn a profit without any advertising revenues, thanks to high circulation and low overhead
("Goodybe to Gore," 1972). In 1975, the National Enquirer was the exact opposite of most conventional newspapers in that 80 percent of its revenues came from the sale of the paper, and only 20 percent was generated by advertising (Klaidman, 1975).
In 1978 (which can loosely be considered as the beginning of the supermarket tabloid war for shelfspace at the checkout counter), both the National Enquirer and the Star were earning less than 20 percent of their revenues from advertising. Pope realized the untapped potential of national advertisers for his publication and began to beat the bushes. In addition, when the National Enquirer went
"color" it was printed on better quality stock, and the size of the paper was decreased in an effort to attract advertisers. In terms of ensuring the quality of the content, Pope hired away the Star's managing editor. The salary for beginning reporters rose to $32,000
(1978) and lavish travel and expense accounts, plus even bigger salaries greeted those reporters whom Pope felt had done a good job
(Rudnitsky, 1978). SURVIVING AND PROSPERING
In 1982, however, circulation was falling and the National
Enquirer was also faced with a 1.6 million dollar libel judgement for a story it ran on entertainer Carol Burnett. Pope raised the price of the paper to 65 cents (20 cents more than the competition), and then put most of the additional revenue into a $30 million advertising campaign on national television. Circulation rose by 11 percent and 1982 became a very profitable year for the Enquirer
($14-$21 million pretax) (Byrne, 1983). In another marketing tactic
Pope purchased the Weekly World News. Pope used the old Enquirer printing plant and a tiny staff of 15 people to mainly rewrite previously printed stories for this cheap black-and-white tabloid which is reminiscent of the old National Enquirer. The paper is already out of the red and Pope says he expects circulation to rise to two million within the year. In addition, the enterprising
Generoso Pope hopes to launch a Spanish edition of the Enquirer for the Central and South American markets, and he plans for a third (as yet unspecified) tabloid (Byrne, 1983).
Generoso Pope's empire is estimated to be worth $130 million.
The National Enquirer's campus-like headquarters in Lantana, Florida, is modern and lavishly landscaped. Starting reporters in 1983 made
$44,079, and senior editors as much as $127,116. The National
Enquirer is available in more U.S. communities than any other publication and Pope likes to claim that it's for sale at every supermarket in the land. The Enquirer issue which covered the death of Princess Grace sold 6.64 million copies but even this was 20,000 10 short of the 1977 issue which featured Elvis Presley in his casket
(Corkery, 1981; Byrne, 1983).
SOME REASONS FOR THE ENQUIRER'S POPULARITY
If there is a National Enquirer philosophy, it should probably be found in the words and directives of Generoso Pope, who, "approves every comma, quotation mark, sentence and headline in the newspaper.
I t 's his whole life" (Byrne, 1983, p. 79). Pope essentially seems to believe (and there would seem to be something to this) that what is seen on the front page of the New York Times is not of interest to most people, but at the National Enquirer every story run must be of interest to more than 50 percent of the readers ("Goodbye to Gore,"
1972). The lead story is not what is considered to be editorially
"most important" but rather that which will sell the most. And according to Pope, the National Enquirer sells because i t is trying
"to give people some hope... to give them some sense that there are always ways out of all the problems that they are constantly bombarded with" (Klaidman, 1975, p. G2).
Readers report that the Enquirer doesn't leave them feeling depressed like other newspapers do, and this is exactly the kind of a ttitu d e th a t Pope has tr ie d to c u ltiv a te in Enqui re r readers
(Klaidman, 1975, p. G2). A reporter with the paper came up with the idea of doing a story on how to give a party but Pope would have nothing to do with the idea since people don't go to parties.
I (the reporter) was fascinated with the pronouncement. Of course, he knows people do go to parties, but he also knows that a sizable number of people are never invited to a party and would never want to give one. Instead, they're sitting in their kitchens at night, reading our 11
paper over coffee, or they're reclining in an easy chair, getting bombed and still trying to figure out the Kennedy assassination. The Boss [Pope] never wants the reader to feel bad about his or her life. The job of the paper, aside from getting people to buy i t each week, The Boss says, is to entertain. And to ameliorate. Never make our readers feel as if they're missing something. Like parties. With or without hats. (Corkery, 1981, p. 20)
Pope claims that the success of the Enquirer is the result of
inventive marketing — in this case, moving into the supermarkets.
Certainly, making the paper available at checkout counters was a
b rillia n t move, but more than th is, Pcpe seems to have been able "to
identify a need and ta ilo r the paper to fit" (Klaidman, 1975, p.G2).
Stewart Aledort, a Washington psychiatrist, feels that the National
Enquirer succeeds because:
Nothing is le ft hanging. There is no anxiety, no emotions are aroused. The Enquirer helps the reader to identify with a powerful Force -- i t could be Jackie Kennedy or something from outer space -- without having to do any work. People are made to feel privy to things. It's also very authoritarian. There's almost a religious quality about it. It leaves no doubt. An Enquirer story tells you that's the way it is and that s that. (Klaidman, 1975, p. G2)
Aledort may not have read his Enquirer as carefully as he
thought he did. In stating that "there is no anxiety, no emotions
aroused," Aledort seems to have missed the stories on corrupt
politicians who waste the taxpayer's money, horrible criminals who
are roaming the streets and lonely little children with incurable
diseases. Aledort does seem to have been able to zero in on at least part of the National Enquirer philosophy, however. As early as 1969,
Pope is quoted as predicting, "Business will be fine as long as Ted Kennedy is in the news" ("From Worse to Bad," 1969, p. 79). In a
way, this is a fairly accurate assessment of the kind of content that
seems to make the National Enquirer work. Because of the time
element (the National Enquirer like other supermarket tabloids, is
published weekly), the tabloids can't cover the fast-breaking news
story. Tabloid stories therefore, usually present different angles
to a basic news story. "We give our readers what they haven't heard
on radio, seen on television or read in other newspapers and
magazines," explained Haydon Cameron, Director of Communications in
1977 for the National Enquirer (Holden, 1977, p. 21). And the
tabloids, most notably the Enquirer, seem willing to go to tremendous
lengths to present that "different angle."
ELABORATE MEASURES
Pope admits a certain affection for the elaborate stunts of the
old Hearst-Pulitzer days and pays his writers up to $50,000 to dream
them up (Whetmore, 1982). When Elvis Presley died Pope sent a
chartered jet with a score of reporters to Memphis. The Enquirer
staff took over a boarding house and had private phone lines run in.
(Since the Enquirer is a major telephone user, i t "can get almost
anything i t needs from the Bell System" [Corkery, 1981, p. 20].)
This setup means not having to rely on hotel phones and switchboards,
and having private numbers makes it possible for reporters to assume
numerous identities that can't be checked by suspicious interviewees.
The Enquirer crew had been sent to Memphis to come up with a block
buster angle on the Presley death but they were stumped until someone
remembered that it was a custom in Brooklyn to take a photograph of 13 the deceased and reproduce it on a card as a souvenir of the funeral.
After some elaborate machinations, a number of photographs of Elvis lying in state were secured.
One was placed on the cover, and the paper sold out. Well over 5 million Americans bought that issue, a complete sellout. And a new Enquirer tradition was born: the dead celeb in his box on page one. When Bing Crosby died, the religion reporter disguised himself as a priest and helped get the picture of Bingo in his box. On the way out of the chapel, still dressed in clerical black, he granted an interview to Geraldo Rivera, cautioning the ABC reporter against intruding on the privacy of the mourning family. (Corkery, 1981, p. 21)
Certainly the elaborate measures taken by the Enquirer account for some of the "how" of the paper's success, but the more intriguing question seems to be the "why." In addition to the opinions of Pope and his own reporters and personnel, a variety of other sources, like the Washington psychiatrist, have attempted to illuminate this area.
Mano (1977), writing for the National Review, feels that the National
Enqui rer succeeds for the following reasons: (1) it's straight
Wallace social-conservatism; (2) i t is the woman's newspaper; (3) i t
is cheap and disposable; (4) i t accommodates rather than competes with television; and (5) National Enquirer articles are never continued on another page and therefore are suited to the average attention span.
THE STEREOTYPICAL
Whetmore (1982), noted that the world of the National Enquirer is one of "modest heros, brutal killers, brilliant astrologers, and sophisticated stars," and he stated that research shows that these are the stereotypes that most intrigue the consumers of supermarket journalism. "National Enquirer stories satisfy the hopes of their
readers and justify their view of the world" (p. 60). Whetmore also
saw the Enquirer as a deliverer of moral lessons that reflect popular myths and beliefs, including the dark side of modern life where criminals wreak havoc with the lives of good people and government officials waste and steal the taxpayer's money. Whetmore then, points to the National Enquirer as catering toward the popular stereotypes of modern living, which, for better or worse, are held by a lot of people who will gladly pay 65 cents to have them reconfirmed.
This notion of reporting the stereotypical has also been alluded to by Enquirer reporters themselves. Hunter S. Thompson (one of the original "new" journalists) was one of the many reporters who covered the sensational Pulitzer v. Pulitzer divorce trial in 1982. He noted that the Enquirer editors wanted no part of the trial, even though the paper's headquarters was only twelve minutes south of the courthouse. One day during the trial while the reporters huddled around in the closed circuit broadcast room, an Enquirer reporter came in but left quickly and never returned. Later he said that the paper didn't need i t because " it was too serious" (1983, p. 25).
Enquirer reporter Lee Torrey lived close to the courthouse, however, and his house became a drop-in center for other members of the press.
Thompson reports that he taunted Torrey constantly since the Enquirer had access to all the innermost and unpublished details in the
Pulitzer case, but refused to touch it. Torrey finally explained:
"It's too weird. Our readers couldn't handle it. They want black 15
and white. This one ju st has too many grey areas" (p. 25).
One note of caution should be expressed at this time. While a
number of highly entertaining National Enquirer anecdotes are to be
found, it's impossible to verify many of them. One reporter summed
it up thusly:
Iain Calder, the editor, refused an interview on the grounds that he didn't want the Enquirer mentioned in the same a rtic le , no, the same breath, as its competitors. "We're already losing our identity," he said, referring to the rival publications that surround the Enquirer like Byzantine icons in the supermarket shrines. Nobody else at the Enquirer would talk either. Those who would talk off the record were uptight. And no wonder, for incoming calls are tape recorded. Like any hugely successful institution, the National Enquirer is a creepily self-enclosed cosmos. (Engstrom, 1984, p. 24)
TABLOID CONTENT
Enquirer personnel admit that they follow a "programmed balance
sheet" (Klaidman, 1975, p. G2), where every story falls into a
distinct category. Larry Holden who has written hundreds of tabloid
stories has found that these distinct categories do exist, although
they may vary slightly from tabloid to tabloid. Holden (1977)
reviews each cateogry from a w riter's perspective.
(1) Celebrities - The Enquirer has made its front page photo of
a celebrity romance part of its winning formula.
Celebrity/personality articles should deal with the individuals
themselves and be quote-rich. Celebrity scandal is big news but
tabloid readers enjoy anything that makes the personality more human.
Typical stories: Sherman Hemsley ("The Jeffersons") remembers being a
dinosaur in a former life and Jessica Lange relates her being 16 battered by the massive mechanical hands of the new King Kong.
(2) Consumer Affairs/Government Waste - Saving the tax-payers money is a big concern of the tabloids. These stories provide consumers with advice, information and tips on new products and fighting inflation. Tabloids also are very big on exposing tales of government waste, and generally try and point to someone who is trying to right the wrong.
(3) Off-Beat Human Interest - Stories here focus on such subjects as unusual world records, historical oddities and bizarre occupations. Typical stories: a conversation with a talking dog and an interview with the world champion watermelon seed spitter.
(4) Rags to Riches - Stories concerning how someone like the average reader makes good are very popular. The riches in question must be achieved by hard work, however, and not chance. The stories should be inspiring and advise readers to work hard for their first million.
(5) Self-Help or How To - These stories tell you how to accomplish something, be i t analyzing your dreams, improving your appearance, overcoming shyness, or whatever makes you a better person. These stories are based on simple psychology and are most effective when the benefits of mastering a certain technique are pointed out.
(6) Strange Phenomena - One of the most enduringly popular categories, stories here appeal to the reader's fascination with the occult, ghosts, beings from outer space, and the unexplained in general. Predictions from famous astrologers or psychics are 17 extremely popular but so are accounts of the average person's experiences with a strange phenomenon.
(7) Current News With a Twist - As was earlier mentioned, the tabloids don't handle fast-breaking news, but rather provide some kind of explanation for why or how the event took place. For example, instead of writing that the United States had odd weather last winter, the tabloid story might examine how certain Soviet activ ities resulted in the unusual weather.
(8) Handicapped Overcoming Odds - The subjects should be as severely handicapped as possible, yet leading a "normal" life . These stories should be inspirational and can also be used to raise funds or start a letter-writing campaign for a particularly needy person.
(9) Volunteers - These stories focus on someone's almost unbelievable efforts to help others, or lead a worthy cause.
(10) Medical Discoveries - These stories are meant to offer new hope or actual relief to readers by reporting on medical breakthroughs, improvements and miracles.
(11) The Overall Category - All tabloids are interested in obtaining more stories of this kind. Generally these are called "gee whiz" stories, because the object here is to produce a story which will cause the reader to say "Gee Whiz! I never knew that!" (pp.
19-22).
At the National Enquirer, even better than obtaining a "gee whiz" story, is to come up with a "Hey, Martha" story. "A 'Hey,
Martha' is a story so astonishing and compelling it will make the readers stop in the middle, turn to his old lady and say, 'Hey, 18
Martha, did you see this thing in the Enquirer about...?" (Corkery,
1981, p. 20). A "Hey, Martha" has to be weird but compelling, like a
story about a body discovered with no wounds and an autopsy revealing
no human heart. To Generoso Pope, a "Hey, Martha" is the local
equivalent of winning a Pulitzer Prize.
TABLOID REPORTING
There are also some basic rules of thumb which must be observed
when writing for the tabloids. First of all, the tabloid lead must
be captivating, and secondly, a good tabloid article based on an
interview should be at least 80 per cent quotes. Crucial to
reporting for the National Enquirer is something called the "money
quote." The money quote is a quotation from an interviewee that
actually does the work of the story: it establishes and confirms the
premise of the story. Getting the money quote can be very d iffic u lt
since most people can't organize their thoughts very well, so the
reporter often has to figure out what quote is needed before going on
the interview. Getting someone to speak the quote, however, may take
some doing. For example, a Hollywood waiter was queried on whether
he had seen two Hollywood figures together, if everyone had seen
them, whether their feeling for each other were obvious from the way
he carried on, whether the waiter thought they were in love, and
whether the waiter was shocked by this behavior considering the man
in question had a wife and children. A set of affirmative responses
brought the waiter $100 for his time and provided the "money quote":
I saw i- and S here together. In public he, openly kissed her. They were very open about their feeling for one another. Everyone saw them, and I was shocked. He has a wife at home and 19
several small children. But he and S are clearly in love. (Corkery, 1981, p. 21)
Enquirer reporters have also been instructed by Pope to "prod, push and probe" the subjects in an effort to make readers "break down and cry" ("The Man from T.R.A.S.H.," 1975, p. 16). Pope also has asked reporters to pose leading questions like, "Do you ever go into the corner and cry?" ("Trashy Journalism," 1975, p. 106). Enquirer reporters are requied to tape record all interviews and the paper spends several million a year to verify their articles.
ACADEMIC RESEARCH ON TABLOIDS
Except for the comments by Whetmore, a ll of the preceding information on the National Enquirer and other tabloids comes from the "popular press" which reports and criticizes but which rarely delves into the social scientific examination of a subject. Not all aspects of popular culture become subjects of social scientific inquiry, but many do. Since the early 1900s the media have become popular subjects of academic research. This type of research often focuses on the harmful or negative effects a certain medium may be credited with. This is not surprising, in that as Wartella (1983) noted, "much of the motivation for [effects] research comes from social concerns about these new technologies [i.e., media forms] voiced by parents, educators, the clergy and social reform groups"
(p. 8). Much of the research in the area of media effects, then, can be seen as resulting from a public outcry concerning perceived effects. If Wartella is correct, then the tabloids have not yet 20
produced such an outcry, or those cries are only now assuming such
volume as to be heard. In terms of the actual research that has been
conducted on the subject of the supermarket tabloids to date, little
more than a casual mention of "a survey rep o rts..." can be found.
A 1973 article mentions a demographic study which shows the
prototypical National Enquirer reader to be a 25-49 year old woman with more than one child and an income under $10,000 a year
(Klaidman, 1975). There is no indication of how this description was
arrived upon, but this is not atypical of the popular press. This is
not a criticism of the popular press because they do not have to provide such information for their readers. Even the tabloids
themselves, do not seem to conduct much in the way of scientific
research. Recently (1982), a communications specialist for the
National Enquirer admitted that "we never really asked our readers what they like or dislike about the paper" (Lehnert & Perpich, 1982, p. 104). Generoso Pope has stated that this paper received over a million letters a year from its readers, and that the Enqui rer depends a great deal on this reader response to determine what goes in the paper.
At least one noticeable exception here, however, is the 1982 study the National Enquirer commissioned to evaluate reader reaction to identical ads in McCalls, National Enquirer, People and Reader1s
Digest. This study was conducted by the Simmons Agency and was designed to explore the credibility of Enquirer editorial and advertising content. On the basis of data collected through door-to-door interviews it was determined that Enquirer readers 21 expressed more belief in Enquirer editorial content than did nonreaders. The range of subjects' believability ratings went from a mean low of 1.7 to a mean high of 3.0 (1 = "not at all believable", 5
= "very believable"). The credibility of products advertised in any of the four publications used in this study, was, however, found to be comparable. Although it should be noted that this was a nonrandom, female-only study, Enquirer readers were found to be less well-educated and possessed a lower median income than the readers of any of the other periodicals examined here (Reader Reaction To
Identical Ads...," 1982).
A review of the literature revealed only one examination of supermarket tabloids by social scientists. This study focused on readers' attitudes about these tabloids. Specifically, respondents were asked why they read these periodicals (Lehnert & Perpich, 1982).
Lehnert and Perpich interviewed 10 tabloid readers in order to generate a wide range of opinions on why they read these newspapers.
From these interviews, attitude segments were pulled to form a
Q-universe of statements, which was pared down from 250 to 34 to form the actual Q-sort. Thirty-eight subjects were then identified through ads in shopper newspapers and asked to respond to 34 statements on an agree-disagree continuum. Based on their responses,
Lehnert and Perpich discovered three types of tabloid readers.
(1) Intent Diversion Seekers - These people read simply for fun.
They're skeptical of the articles, but are thrilled to get so much entertainment for so little money. They read for the latest gossip, 22 to find potential money-making ideas, or to have their faith restored in miraculous cures.
(2) Distracted Information Seekers - These people read primarily to gain information and they believe most of what they read. They know i t 's "good news" but they are concerned with what they can learn.
(3) Selfish Believers - This group finds everything credible and uses the information they gain from the tabloids. They are called selfish believers since they relate the information in the papers primarily to themselves. The up-beat quality of the news in the tabloids also impresses this group.
The size of the sample, and the fact that it was not randomly chosen, makes it impossible to generalize in terms of the general population. While Q-methodology is recognized for its capability to generate the general range of the public's sentiment on an issue, it does not indicate the representativeness of these statements.
TABLOID CRITICISM
Up until this point then, the tabloids have received little attention other than those articles which have focused on the success of these publications or their "odd" story content. Overall the tabloids have been characterized as bizarre but benign. A man turns to the woman next to him at the checkout counter and they laugh at this week's collection of tabloid covers. They are amazed when the checkout person tells them what a big business the tabloids have become. The woman says that someone must certainly enjoy reading them although she has never tried it herself. Such incidents have 23 become relatively common through the years but lately there has been a shift in tone.
These "benign" publications have become a force to be reckoned with and to criticize. The power of the tabloids to illicit a major audience response can be seen as far back as 10 years ago for the
National Enquirer. At that time, a heartrendering appeal on behalf of five needy or handicapped persons raised nearly $100,000, and an a rticle about a l i t t l e girl who wanted to receive Christman greetings drew 70,000 cards and a le tte r from Pat Nixon. Similar efforts on behalf of the National Enquirer to help the needy, cheer the lonely and sick, set up adoptions for retarded children and save a popular television series have become a regular feature of this tabloid
("Goodbye to Gore," 1972).
While i t would be hard for anyone to find fault with such worthy campaigns, the Enquirer has become less than popular with some of its other subjects, the show business celebrities. In 1976, the paper ran a story which alleged that comedienne Carol Burnett touched off a tipsy row with Henry Kissinger in a Washington, D.C. restaurant. She then supposedly made a spectacle of herself, offering to share her dessert with other diners, and even spilling wine on one person. Ms.
Burnett then launched her case against the National Enquirer. The paper later ran a brief retraction, but failed to get the case dismissed after two of the restaurant employees swore out affidavits saying they had told the paper that the story was not true before they published it (Schardt, Contreas & Smith, 1980). The Carol Burnett case became the first libel action against the
National Enquirer since Generoso Pope bought the paper in 1952,
although it should be noted that some celebrities have received
out-of-court settlements from the Enquirer prior to the Burnett case
(Perpich, 1984). Ms. Burnett's action triggered a number of other
suits from entertainers such as Paul Lynde, Ed McMahon, Richard Pryor
and Tom Selleck. After a 1980 story focusing on troubles on the set
of television's "Dallas," star Larry Hagman urged fellow actors to
start a war chest. Said Hagman, "Isn't it about time that we banded
together to rid of that piece of garbage?" (Schardt et a l., 1980, p.
86). Marty Ingels, who also sued said, "If there is a question placed on the credibility of its sources and its ways of gathering
news, maybe the Enquirer won't seem so titillating to its readership"
(p. 86).
Public figures traditionally have a tough time with libel cases,
since the law requires them to prove actual malice on the defendant's part. In 1981, however, Carol Burnett was awarded $1.6 million in damages. It was a popular victory. This decision and the other law suits which followed, however, do not seem to have deterred the
Enqui r e r . Reporters are supposedly now held to more s trin g e n t fact-finding requirements, and an attorney was retained to come into the office once a week to go over sensitive articles (the Enquirer has traditionally made extensive use of lawyers for conventional matters). But as one Enquirer editor put it: "As far as we're concerned the Carol Burnett decision essentially means that Carol
Burnett is now the only woman in America officially adjudicated as 25
'not the life of the party!'" (Corkery, 1981, p. 18). Earlier this
year actress Shirley Jones and her husband Marty Ingels announced a
settlement with the Enquirer of a $20 million libel lawsuit filed
over an article claiming the couple suffered marital and drinking
problems ("Shirley Jones wins case ...," 1984).
"The Untold Story of " continues to be a popular tabloid
feature which delves into the stars' private lives. Enquirer editors
boast that the paper is the "most accurate" (Schardt et al., 1980, p.
86) in America, and that elaborate and costly steps are taken to
ensure accuracy. In certain areas this appears to work. Two science
writers for the Enquirer report that in the six years they wrote for
the paper they never lost or embarrassed a source, nor were they ever
embarrassed by one of their sources (Woodress, 1977, p. 26). C ritics
of this tabloid, however, feel that when it comes to grabbing that
big celebrity story, the willingness of Enquirer reporters to pay as
much as $1,500 for tips may prompt a source to be somewhat creative
in his reply. Former staff members claim that the paper's more
aggressive reporters might feed a friendly source with material they
plan to use, then phone him back and tape the very quotes they ju st
provided, in order to adhere to the rule that all interviews must be
tape recorded (Schardt et a l., 1980).
Criticizing the tabloids has become a popular passtime now. The
National Enquirer which is still considered to be the epitome of
supermarket journalism, receives most mentions, but this may in part
be due to the name of the paper being used in an almost generic sense
to represent all of that ilk. "Critics" such as William F. Buckley were overjoyed with the Carol Burnett decision (Buckley, 1981) and public figures, who fear that they have been wronged or might be wronged by the tabloids, have become very vocal in asking the public to stop reading these publications. The problem with licking the tabloid habit, however, seems slightly akin to throwing the baby out with the bath water. As Hofstader (1982), writing in Scientific
American notes: "After all, not everything published in National
Enquirer is false. The subtle art is sensing when there is enough evidence" (p. 26). He concludes that in many cases it may be a matter of guilt by association, since many who scoff at headlines in the Enquirer also believe in UFOs, astrological prediction or miraculuous cures. But the Carol Burnett case, along with the various out-of-court settlements, has proved that the Enquirer is capable of printing what it knows to be an erroneous account of a well-known person's behavior.
TABLOIDS - THE BRITISH TRADITION
It should be noted, that the tabloid history as it has been presented here is limited to the North American tradition. Tabloid journalism has been practiced in other countries, most notably
Britain. The English support a half dozen national newspapers like the National Enquirer, and since the early 1970s the Enquirer has employed scores of British, Scottish and Australian tabloid journalists (Corkery, 1981). The British tabloid tradition has not been examined within the context of this study, however, due to the differences of journalistic philosophy which operate for Britain and the United States. 27
These differences are based primarily on expectation, and quality versus popular press. According to one journalist, the motto of the popular press is "Tell them what they want to hear" (Gourley,
1981, p. 35). The motto of quality press is "Tell them what they ought to hear" (p. 35). In Britain, television provides the major forum for the quality press. This leaves the majority of newspapers free to perform the duties of the popular press. In America, however, television is free to pursue the role of popular press.
This leaves the American print media in a slightly different position than that of their British counterparts, and they are left with much of the responsibility for providing quality press in this country.
On the intervening spectrum [of global journalism] most American dailies are quality-of-center. Most European dailies are popular-of-center. American TV news is popular, except for PBS. European TV news is quality. Quality news revenue comes from governments, philanthropists, or parent companies supported by popular journalism. Popular news revenue comes from circulation and advertising. Quality journalists don't pay their journalists as much as popular journals because i t is a great honor to be published in them. This is the reason American television reporters make more money than American daily newspaper reporters. (Gourley, 1981, p. 35)
Due to this difference in philosophy and expectation, examination of the British tabloid tradition seemed unwarranted.
PART II - THEORETICAL CONSTRUCTS UNDERLYING PERCEPTIONS AND USE OF
LOW-TASTE MEDIA
INTRODUCTION
In the preliminary stages of studying a media phenomenon, it seems extremely important to determine why people choose to be part of a particular audience and what they think about what they receive. 28 t With these questions in mind, this study focused on audience and
nonaudience perceptions of a particular form of low-taste content,
the supermarket tabloid. Part I of this chapter, in presenting background material on the tabloids, attempted to present the most central characteristics of these periodicals, as determined by those who have thus far examined this phenomenon. This section of Chapter
I focuses on the constructs which might best be used in determining how the tabloids are perceived. Part II of this chapter, then, examines the theoretical constructs underlying perceptions and the use of low-taste media. Figure I provides an overview of the constructs to be examined here, as well as their perceived i nterrelati onshi ps.
Image Experience/Exposure
Perceived Content Readership vs. Nonreadership
Perceived Utility Knowledge/Awareness
Trustworthines Information Source
Expertise
Dynami sm Low-Taste Orientation
Form vs. Content Other Low-Taste Media Use
Perceived Readership Perceived Credibility of Other Media Forms
Use and Opinions of Leisure A ctivities
Figure 1. Tabloid Image Model 29
THE IMAGE
Human beings have the unique capability of forming opinions and dispositions toward "events" with which they have little to no experience. This is actually quite a common occurrence (Lippman,
1936). Since a person can't know everything about the world, he/she must "imagine" what i t 's like. Only a few pieces of information seem to be required before an opinion is formulated. Kretch and
Crutchfield (1948) note:
As soon as we experience any facts, they will soon be perceived as organized into some sort of meaningful whole. This is a universal characteristic of the cognitive process and not a weakness of the impatient or prejudiced individual, (p. 241)
Somehow, then, a person's cumulative perceptions transpire to create an "image." The term image is used in everyday conversation to refer to a person or a public's impression or concept of a person, a product, an institution, etc. More specifically, images form the basis of each person's reality; they are what a person believes to be true. Boulding (1961) concurs with this definition, and calls the image subjective knowledge and states that there are no images of
"fact," rather they are all images of "values." Image is built up as a result of all past experience of the possessor of the image, and part of the image is the history of the image. Additional qualities of the image are th a t images can be a lte re d and th a t the image directs behavior (Boulding, 1961). Image can also be both source and receiver centered. In other words, there are always at least two images operating at any time — the one the source holds of itself and the one that others hold of the source. While the concept of "image" is most certainly a complex one, i t seems sufficient here to characterize image as what is believed to be true. This should not be perceived as an oversimplification of this term; this definition like all definitions of image, points out that the image is a function of the sum product of one's perceptions.
What accounts for these perceptions, however, is alluded to only in the most general terms, if at a ll. Perhaps this is because each situation brings with it its own unique set of characteristics and circumstances. Thus, in order to understand the dynamics of an individual image, it’ seems necessary to determine which characteristics and circumstances surrounding this particular image might play a particularly active role in determining which perceptions will be most salient.
Experience
In h is assessment of the image, jo u rn a lis t W alter Lippman
(1936), stated that he believed people act on the basis of pictures they carry around in th eir head, pictures of the way they think things are. Where do these pictures come from? Direct experience must account for some of these "pictures" but since it is impossible for a person to experience everything life has to offer, the large majority of these "pictures" must be derived from indirect or mediated experience. The term mediated is used synonomously with indirect experience since this information is supplied through some channel of communication. Direct experience may also be mediated however. Nimmo and Combs (1983) argue that the media of communication intervene even when we have direct experience. 31
Even when we are directly involved in things, we do not apprehend them directly. Instead, media of communication intervene, media in the form of language, customs, symbols, stories, and so forth. That very intervention is a process that creates and re-creates (constructs and reconstructs) our realities of the moment and over the proverbial long haul. Communication does more than report, describe, explain — it creates. In this sense, all realities — even those emerging out of direct, firsthand experience with things — are mediated.
One other point should be underscored: in any situation there is more than one reality, or version of reality, and some are contradictory. (p. 4)
This implies then, that "any means of communication that intervenes in human experience is a potential mediator of reality"
(Nimmo & Combs, 1983, p. 4) and indirect and direct experience can be seen as reality components. All forms of communication may mediate experience but certain forms will play larger roles in each individual situation.
Two forms of communication which tend to play a major role in mediating experience are group and mass conmunication. Groups of people frequently share similar perceptions and in an earlier era groups played a very important communication function in that most information was conveyed and reaffirmed by the groups. Groups still perform an important communication function, but today mass communication sometimes competes with and sometimes complements the role of groups (Nimmo & Combs, 1983). The mass media are credited with playing such a major role in shaping American understandings of the way things are that Altheide and Snow (1979) have stated:
"Social reality is constituted, recognized, and celebrated with the 32 media" (p. 12).
Reality, however, is not simply a matter of summing the direct
and indirect experience one holds on a particular subject. As Kretch and Crutchfield (1948) noted earlier, the mind takes what information
is available and embroiders upon it and organizes it so that a credible picture of the phenomenon evolves. Few people care to
survive in ambiguity and therefore a lot of things are taken for granted. If this were not the case, people might well spend most of their time in a constant state of confusion. As long as this
"picture" offers dramatic proof of one's expectations, however, it is unlikely that an individual will check their "reality" against alternative, perhaps contradictory realities (Nimmo & Combs, 1983).
This is the unfortunate price that is paid so that people may have a sense of closure, necessary though i t may be.
Experience, then, is a somewhat complicated concept: it may be direct or indirect; it is always mediated through some form or forms of communication; and the imagination and cognitive processes result in the information received through experience being reshaped into a credible reality for the receiver.
Contextual Factors
While "experience" is the concept which accounts for how information is received every situation brings with it certain contextual factors which may affect how the information received will be processed. For instance, if a person receives a piece of information on the present doings of Patty Hearst, it may be difficult for this person to process this information without 33
thinking about Ms. Hearst's days as a terrorist. In the case of the
supermarket tabloids, two contextual factors seem particularly
pertinent in examining the perceptions people may hold of these
periodicals. Both of these factors hinge on what might be termed
guilt by association.
Connotations of "Tabloid"
This first factor is largely historical in nature. Burke (1966)
refers to it as the "terministic screen," Tannenbaum (1955) calls it
"indexing," and cognitive psychologists have a variety of terms to
refer to the practice commonly called "labeling." Labels can be
either good, bad or indifferent, but they do have a tendency to
stick. In the case of the supermarket tabloids, the term "tabloid"
itself may be problematic.
Prior to 1968, the tabloids may not have had very many redeeming
features. They were dedicated to gore and perversion, and luridly and graphically told th eir gruesome tales. When the change was made to "squeaky clean sentiment" (Peer & Schmidt, 1975, p. 62) a clean break was made. When Sharon Tate was murdered in 1969, the story was
ignored by the Enquirer. "We would have leaped all over that story several years ago," admitted then-editor Nat Chrzan, "but now i t 's the kind of bloody sex slaying that we want to stay away from" ("From
Worse to Bad," 1969, p. 79). The tabloids have kept away from this kind of reporting since they moved to the supermarkets, and even an occasional glance at those provocative covers should confirm this.
Some people, however, may not be able to hear or see a reference to the tabloids without remembering the kind of stories these papers 34
once focused on. Boulding (1961) posits that the history of the
image contributes to the overall image, and so i t does not seem
unreasonable that at least some people have partially based and
maintained their image of the tabloids in light of what the tabloids
once were.
Low-Taste Media Content
DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1982) have proposed that the content of any given medium can be divided roughly into something like the
following three categories:
(1) Low-Taste Content: This is media content like daytime
serials or openly pornographic movies, which is widely distributed and attended to by the mass audience, but which has consistently
aroused the ire of critics. Such content has been charged with contributing to a lowering of taste, disruption of morals or
instigating socially unacceptable conduct.
(2) Nondebated Content: This is media content which is widely distributed and attended to, but the critics have little to say about
it. Examples would include "wholesome" movies and television weather
reports.
(3) High-Taste Content: This is media content which is
sometimes widely distributed but not necessarily widely attended to.
Examples include a rt films and serious drama, and such content is championed by critics as being the opposite of low-taste material, which they see as distinctly objectionable, (p. 173)
To which of these categories do the supermarket tabloids belong?
If c ritic s such as William F. Buckley and Keith Mano had the last 35 word in this decision there could be little doubt but that the tabloids would be designated as low-taste content. Based on the available background material on the tabloids, these periodicals do seem to best fit the specifications of the low-taste content category, as that category is defined by DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach
(1982). Surely more than one definition of "low-taste" should be examined here, however.
"Taste" is a term which is used quite freely in everyday conversation, but the term seems to be used in a variety of ways to mean a variety of things. Most people seem to accept this, just as they accept the way that the term "love" is used. Each person seems to have their own unique set of criteria which they use to determine who they love and what they think is in good taste. Why a person feels love or what constitutes good taste are usually rather d ifficu lt questions to answer, but not nearly so hard to answer as
"what is love?" or "what is taste?" These last two questions seem to have eluded almost everyone. Attempts have been made by social scientists, businessmen and others but no concrete answers have been forthcoming (Krugman & Hartly, 1960). Some degree of comfort can be taken in the words of Russell Lynes (1954) who wrote extensively on the subject of taste: "No one that I know of who talks about taste defines it, and one of the reasons is that... they cannot" (p. 339).
Lynes also added that he could not define taste either.
Within the context of this study no attempt was made to define the wholistic concept of taste, but it was necessary to explore the nature of how taste applies to media content. DeFleur and 36
Ball-Rokeach (1982) provide a rather generalized approach to this
subject by means of their category system. In discussing low-taste
content, however, they do not indicate why this form of media content
is so widely attended to, or why low-taste content leads to a
lowering of standards. The answer to both of these questions seems
to lie in the need to relax and be entertained without taxing the
mind or arousing unpleasant emotional feelings.
In other words, people seem to have a need for mindless fun, and
low-taste media seem to fulfill this need. Some critics, however,
feel that "fun" is too high of a price to pay for exposure to
low-taste media content.
A great deal of what appears in the mass media is dreadful tripe and treacle; inane in content, banal in style, muddy in reasoning, mawkish in sentiment, vulgar, naive, and offensive to men of learning or refinement. I am both depressed and distressed by the bombardment of our eyes, our ears, and our brains by meretricious material designed for a populace whose paramount preferences involve the narcotic pursuit of "fun". (Rosten, 1960, p.335)
Other c ritic s, such as Paul Klein, former head of programming at NBC,
take this one step further by stating that indulging in low-taste
content results in "a filthy little habit best not spoken of" (1971,
p. 74), and people lie to their friends and to themselves because
they cannot admit to their addiction.
In defense of criticism such as this, noted film critic Pauline
Kael offers her case for low-taste content.
Does trash corrupt? A nutty Puritanism still flourishes in the arts, not just in school teacher's approach of wanting art to be "worthwhile," but in the higher reaches of the academic life with those ideologues who denounce 37
us for enjoying trash... If we had to justify our triv ia l s illy pleasures, we'd have a hard tim e... But why should pleasure need justification? Can one demonstrate that trash desensitizes us, that i t prevents people from enjoying something better, that i t lim its our range of aesthetic response? Nobody I know of has provided such a demonstration. Do even Disney movies or Doris Day movies do us lasting harm? I've never known a person I thought harmed by them.... (1969, pp. 281-282)
The DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1982) definition of low-taste
content, then, does not appear to be inaccurate but it may be
somewhat incomplete. Trash may corrupt but it may also provide a
sense of fun or trivial pleasure. This author, like Pauline Kael,
would like to include the notion of trivial pleasure in exploring
low-taste content. Trivial pleasure may provide one explanation for
why low-taste content is so widely attended to.
An additional aspect of low-taste content which is not
considered by the DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1982) definition is that
of style, more specifically, is it the content, the presentational
format, or both, which result in labeling a form of media content as
low-taste. The importance of this aspect is well illustrated by the
following statement from a midwestern farm wife which appeared in TV
Guide in defense of low-taste content.
I rarely have time to watch the daytime serials but surely they are as true to life as Shakespeare's Portia passing as a man and, without training, winning a law case. Yet one is considered molodramatic [sic] trash, and the other culture. Why? (Moore, 1966, p. 243-244)
Mrs. Moore is quite astute in recognizing that Shakespeare's plays
often contained soap-opera-like plot devices, yet she does not see 38
any difference between the presentational formats employed, e.g.,
quality of writing. This is probably not an uncommon tendency for
many people. In the case of the supermarket tabloids for instance,
sensational and provocative content is presented in a sensational and
provocative manner — both in the look of the magazine (the types of
photographs and headlines used) and the actual promotional spots used
for the tabloids. Do form and content then, become synonymous in how
the tabloids are perceived, or are these elements perceived
separately?
Thus, it appears that the concept of low-taste media content is
best defined as media content which is widely distributed and
attended to by a mass audience due to the. fun or trivial pleasure it
provides, but which has consistently aroused the ire of critics on
the basis of its content, format or both. This definition does seem
to qualify the supermarket tabloids as a form of low-taste media, and
in doing so, may contribute to how the tabloids are perceived. Just
as the past history of the tabloids may be seen as affecting the way
in which incoming information on the tabloids is processed, the
tabloids' membership in the low-taste media group may affect the perceptions that are formed of the tabloids, and subsequently, the tabloid image.
Summary
This examination of perceptions and how they lead to the formation of images, indicates that in the case of the supermarket tabloids, experience, disposition toward low-taste media content, and the past history of the tabloids are all major factors which may play 39 a major role in shaping the tabloid image.
IDENTIFICATION OF CONCEPTS LINKED TO IMAGE, EXPERIENCE AND LOW-TASTE
CONTENT
Introduction
The preceding section of this chapter presented the major constructs of this study. This section of Chapter I attempts to isolate those concepts which will best represent these constructs in terms of the supermarket tabloids.
IMAGE
In attempting to determine the derived image of the supermarket tabloids, two questions seemed to best encompass the range of perceptions that might be held here: (1) What do people think of the tabloids? and (2) What do people think of tabloid readers? With these questions in mind the following concepts were selected for consideration.
Perceived Content. As was earlier noted, the tabloids shifted their editorial focus in the late 1960s, and although the tabloids seem to have gained notoriety for the celebrity and strange phenomena stories, Holden (1977) isolated 11 different story types which consistently appear in the tabloids. This factor, then, should influence the perceptions that are held of the tabloids.
Perceived Utility. The critics seem to think that exposure to low-taste media content may not be very healthy. The uses and gratifications research tradition has shown that certain bodies of content serve functions or that one media can better satisfy certain needs than can another (Katz, Blumler & Gurevitch, 1974), and i t has 40
been suggested here that the utility in "trash" is the trivial pleasure it can provide. The tabloids may be perceived as providing
some value other than trivial pleasure, and conversely, like many critics, people may see some inherent harm in tabloid reading.
Perceived C redibility. McCroskey and Jenson (1975) have noted:
"One thing the receiver brings to the situation (which much research suggests may be the single most important factor determining media impact) is a perception of the image of the particular media source"
(p. 169). What they refer to here as "image," has also been called ethos, charisma, or most frequently, source credibility. This concept is essentially defined as "the source's role in communication effectiveness" (Berio, Lemert & Mertz, 1970, p. 563). Credibility is generally recognized as a multidimensional concept, with "dimension" referring to the different ways in which a receiver may judge a source (Meyer, 1974, p. 48). Credibility then, is seen as a function of several factors, but researchers have not been able to reach a full consensus on what these factors are. This problem, however, seems to be mainly one of semantics. Most researchers in this area have been able to agree that the general concepts of expertise and trustworthiness are both highly important dimensions of credibility
(Meyer, 1974). It is not uncommon to refer to these concepts by other names, however, nor is i t common to see researchers employing other dimensions in studying source credibility. Research by
McCroskey, Scott and Young (1971) has indicated that we may not respond on the same psychological dimensions to all types of sources. 41
In examining the source credibility of mass media sources, the
factors of trustworthiness and expertise are consistently employed.
Dynamism has not always emerged as an independent factor, but
research does indicate that "perhaps for some sources in some
situtations, dynamism may be an important dimension of source judgement" (Meyer, 1974). Hovland, Jam’s and Kelley (1953) define expertness or expertise as the extent to which a communicator is perceived to be a source of valid assertions. Trustworthiness is
seen as the degree of confidence in the communicator's intent to communicate the assertions he considers most valid. Berio, Lemert and Mertz (1970) see dynamism as an evaluative dimension that could be referred to as "disposable energy;" i.e., the energy available to the source which can be used to emphasize, augment and implement his suggestions.
Research has indicated that the trustworthiness and expertise dimensions should be employed in determining media credibility, and the dynamism dimension also seems particularly relevant here in light of the tabloids' rather flamboyant marketing and advertising schemes, and their admitted tendency toward excess in capturing their readers' attention.
Form vs. Content. While no two media forms are the same, i t has been suggested by a PBS program ("Inside Story" - "Scandals at the
Checkout Counter," June 23, 1983) that periodicals such as People magazine and television programs such as "Real People" purvey a form of content that is similar to that of the tabloids. Each of these media forms, however, maintains its own distinct presentational 42 format, marketing strategy, etc.
Does the average person, however, have the capacity or the inclination to differentiate between a phenomenon's form and content?
Mrs. Moore (1966), in comparing Shakespeare to soap operas, illustrates just how problematic this separation of form and content may prove for some people. The tabloids present both distinctive content and a distinctive format, but are these two separate aspects of the total tabloid entity perceived separately? If the tabloids should have a credibility problem — as the derogatory comments of some c ritic s would suggest — is i t form, content, or both of these factors in combination which lead to a negative tabloid image?
Perceived Readership. As noted earlier in this chapter, very little descriptive information is available, regarding the tabloid audience. The tabloid audience, however, would seem to be as much a part of the tabloid image as the tabloids themselves and so perceptions of the audience seem particularly pertinent here. • * *1 EXPERIENCE/EXPOSURE
If as Walter Lippman (1936) suggested, people act on the basis of the pictures they carry around in their heads, and these pictures are the result of direct and indirect experience, then experience or exposure must in some way act as a predictor of image. Obviously, those people possessing direct experience would seem most likely to have a more thorough knowledge of the phenomenon at hand. I t should be noted, however, that level of experience is very important here.
In the case of the supermarket tabloids for instance, the hypothesis can be made that heavy readers (high level of direct experience) 43
might perceive the tabloids very differently than would occasional
readers (lower level of direct experience). Both of these groups,
however, could possess a very different set of perceptions when
compared to nonreaders of the tabloids, or those people who have only
indirect or second-hand experience with this phenomenon. I t should
also be noted that people who possess direct experience will most
likely be exposed to some degree of indirect experience as well. If
this indirect experience supplies information that contradicts what
has been perceived on the basis of direct experience, however, the
indirect information may well be rejected as a result of selective
perception.
Know!edge/Awareness. One of the most logical results of experience of any kind with the tabloids, would be an increased sense of knowledge and awareness.
Information Source. While direct experience can only be the result of reading the tabloids (or being a member of the tabloid industry),
indirect experience may take the form of interpersonal or mass communication. Interpersonal communication can also be further broken down to recognize the difference between tabloid readers and nontabloid readers as a source of information.
Low-Taste Orientation
Within the context of this study, the supermarket tabloids have been defined as a member of the low-taste media content category, and this membership would seem to have some implications as to of how the tabloids are perceived. It has been suggested here that one's experience with the tabloids may be predictive in terms of the tabloid image that one holds. This does not mean, however, that experience is the only predictor of image. The general attitudes that one holds toward a particular kind of content may also have predictive qualities. If the tabloids are low-taste content and if people do tend to have a general preference or orientation toward a specific type of media content, then it is possible that a person with no direct experience with the tabloids might hold very positive perceptions of these periodicals because they prefer low-taste content in general. It also seems probable that those people who have a general orientation toward low-taste content are more liable to be tabloid readers than those people who do not have this preference.
Perceived Credibility of Other Media Forms. Assessing the source credibility of the tabloids would hopefully result in a more complete notion of the tabloid image. Credibility is a relative concept, however, and so it would seem beneficial to contrast tabloid credibility with the credibility assigned to other low- and high-taste media content offerings.
Use and Opinions of Leisure Activities. Almost all audience studies try to establish a demographic profile of their respondents in order to better characterize these people and understand their responses. Since World War II, however, researchers have sensed the inadequacy of demographics in providing a comprehensive description of the audience. Wilensky (1964), writing two decades ago on his examination of mass society and mass culture, noted that for television, the most massified of the mass media, the usual 45 differences in media exposure and response among age, sex and class categories have almost disappeared. Similarly, Tigert (1974) noted that in many of the early studies which attempted to identify audience characteristics for individual media or groups of media, the analysis was limited to a brief description of demographic differences, and in many cases no demographic differences could be found.
This dissatisfaction with the straight demographic approach to analyzing an audience led to the consideration of alternative methods. One of the alternatives was "lifestyle" research, which was
"designed to account for unit of association (individual, family) differences in some kinds of behavior which cannot be acconted for by physiological demographic and socioeconomic characteristics" (Wind &
Green, 1974, p. 101). The proponents of lifesty le research see i t as an extremely useful approach to studying an "audience." Essentially they think that certain beliefs about a product can be explained by a person's experience with the product, or by contrasting lifestyles of believers versus nonbelievers. Similarly, the reason why one thing is preferred and not another can likely be found in examining one's lifesty le.
Lifestyle or psychographic research, depending upon the investigator's objectives, may focus on audience activities, interests, opinions, needs, values, attitudes, and personality traits
(Wells, 1975). Examples of the types of statements which were used to establish a lifestyle profile of heavy users of shotgun ammunition included: "I like to go camping;" "I love to eat;" "I would do 46 better than average in a fist fight;" and "I like war stories"
(Wells, 1975, p. 198).
If people do tend to display a general orientation toward a specific type of media content, then this orientation may also be evident in people's use and opinions of leisure-time activities.
GENERAL PURPOSE OF THIS RESEARCH
The purpose of this research was to enhance what is known of a relatively new media form, and the perceptions people hold of this phenomenon. The supermarket tabloids are carving out a new market, and this is not one that is well understood as of yet. This may be due in part to the nature of the criticism that has been directed at the tabloids. Much of this criticism has focused on the subject of taste. Unfortunately, taste is a question of value -- not fact — and researchers may have avoided the tabloids because of this.
Fortunately it is possible to collect facts on people's views of taste, and that is part of what this study tried to accomplish. In addition to these factors, the tabloids need to be more fully understood as they become like other media forms, a matter of social concern. This is not surprising in that as DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach
(1982) note, low-taste content is frequently charged with the disruption of morals or the instigating of socially unacceptable behavior.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The supermarket tabloids have become a pervasive medium, yet their relationship with both readers and nonreaders is still not completely understood. This study has attempted to add to the 47 literature on this subject by posing the following research questions:
1. What is the derived image of the supermarket tabloid? and
2. To what extent is tabloid readership a function of image and
low-taste orientation? CHAPTER II
METHODS
Preliminary Interviews
Nonreaders. Prior to the actual field study a series of informal interviews was conducted. Approximately 20 tabloid nonreaders, either individually or in small groups, were questioned in regard to their attitudes, opinions and knowledge of supermarket tabloids.
These interviews were employed to assist in the interpretation of other research and to help ensure a sensitive quantitative measurement in the field.
All interviews were conducted by the author, and subjects for these interviews were all acquainted with the author in some way and thus all were relatively at ease in voicing their opinions. No distinct set of research questions was employed here since the primary purpose of these interviews was simply to generate a range of opinions on the tabloids.
In examining the interview responses, certain statements seemed more prevalent than others. These included the notions that tabloid readers were lonely people, probably older, mainly women, and perhaps had only been in America for two to three generations; tabloids may be dangerous in that they are not totally credible and may present a distorted view of reality; tabloid content consists of celebrity stories, and focus on gore and in explicable occurrences; and television programs such as "Real People" and "That's Incredible" and
48 49 magazines like People and Us were cited as similar media forms.
P ilot
Readers. In order to secure the opinions of tabloid readers a very different procedure was employed. Three undergraduates at Ohio State
University were trained as interviewers. Permission was secured from two large supermarkets located in different areas of Columbus, Ohio, and these interviewers went two at a time to each supermarket. They waited outside of the checkout counters and when a shopper who had purchased a tabloid passed through the checkout, he/she was approached by a member of the research team. At this time the interviewer asked the shopper if they would agree to be called later at their home so that they could participate in a study focusing on people's use of the tabloids. Those who agreed gave the interviewer their name and phone number and were called at a time convenient to them.
When the tabloid reader was called for his/her interview he/she was asked a series of questions designed to probe their notion of the tabloid image. Specifically they were asked what words and terms came to mind when they thought about the tabloids, and what positive and negative attributes they saw the tabloids as possessing, both in terms of the content of these papers and of the influence these papers might have on their readers. The interviewers worked from a questionnaire which employed the technique of reinforcing responses proposed by Miller and Connell (1977). The subjects were also asked if there was anything about the tabloids in general they would like to comment on (see Appendix A). 50
These pilot interviews revealed the following:
(1) Trash, sensationalism, junk, interesting, gossip, pleasurable reading material, laughter, scandal, touching stories, phony stories, interesting, cheap, something to read and attractive were some of the words and terms that come to mind when people think about the tabloids.
(2) Negatively perceived qualities of the tabloids included poor quality of writing; danger of the lower-educated or naive taking tabloid stories too seriously; exploitation of celebrities to sell papers; meddling with people's private lives; harmful health advice being offered; and some stories being untrue.
(3) Positively perceived qualities of the tabloids included the cheap price; the attractiveness of the front page; good source of gossip; good diet, exercise, health and beauty articles; something to help pass the time; tabloids are not as depressing as television and newspapers; tabloids offer good advice on improving relationships; very good cartoons; good consumer advice; stories provoke sympathy for the less fortunate; the tabloids show the human side of celebrities; and the tabloids are fun.
(4) Additional comments made about the tabloids focused on the tabloids being an industry like any other; the tabloids having no lasting effects; the purpose of the tabloids being to provide information on the stars; and the high pass-on rate that exists among some readers.
The results of both the preliminary and pilot interviews provided valuable input for the design of the general questionnaire 51
i terns.
Pretest
After completion of the questionnaire for the general survey, a
pretest was performed in order to ensure that the research instrument was adequately designed. Approximately 40 completed interviews were
conducted by trained undergraduates from The Ohio State University
during the last week of March 1984. Based on results of the pretest,
several minor changes were made in the wording of the instrument to
avoid ambiguity or anything else which might mislead the respondents.
Operationalization of the Research Variables
In order to answer the research questions of this study, the
following variables were operationalized. The complete text of the general survey instrument may be found in Appendix B.
IMAGE
Tabloid Image was considered here as the perceptions subjects hold of the supermarket tabloid as defined by the following variables:
Trustworthiness, Dynami sm and Expertise were assessed by
slightly modifying the scales suggested by Berio, Lemert and Mertz
(1969-70) as an index to source credibility. They isolated three dimensions for evaluating message sources — safety, qualification and dynamism. As Berio et al. define "safety" and "qualification," they do not see this as incompatible with Hovland, Janis and Kelley's
(1953) notions of "trustworthiness" and "expertise" respectively, and thus while the Hovland et a l . terms are used here they are assumed to be roughly synonymous to the Berio et al. terms. Berio et al., 52
however, employed bipolar adjective pairs (paper and pencil measures)
in measuring these dimensions, as have most other researchers. Since
this research project used the telephone survey method it was necessary to modify the Berio scales to accommodate this procedure.
This was accomplished by selecting several of the adjective pairs that loaded highest on each dimension, isolating the positive adjectives, and then, having subjects indicate how well each of these terms described the source in question on a four-point continuum ranging from "extremely well" to "not at all." The positive adjectives chosen to represent each dimension were: trustworthiness
-- honest, sincere, kind, just; expertise — well-informed, experienced, skillful, qualified; and dynamism — bold, aggressive, energetic. (See Questions 56-68 of the general survey, Appendix B).
Perceived Content was operationalized by having respondents name the various types of stories which they thought would appear in the tabloids. Subjects were probed to supply up to a maximum of seven responses. In order to classify these statements given by respondents, a content analysis coding system was devised. After a preliminary examination of these statements it was decided to use all of Holden's (1977) content categories because of their face validity.
In addition to Holden's first 10 categories, seven other were added by the researcher in order to fully encompass the range of statements made by the respondents. Due to the ambiguousness and evaluative nature of many of the responses, it was necesarry to include
"Positive Evaluative," "Negative Evaluative" and "Other or Uncodable" as separate categories. Each story type mentioned was assigned to 53
one of the categories by the researchers. As a reliability check, a
second judge was asked to code one-tenth of the statements, and a
91.5 percent agreement level was assessed and found to be acceptable.
(See Question 25, Appendix B.)
In addition to the types of stories which might exist in a tabloid, respondents were also asked what three types of products might be advertised in such periodicals. As with story type, a category system was designed in order to classify these responses, but in this case the entire category system was devised by the researchers. Unlike the story-type question, ambiguous and evaluative statements were not a problem here and the overall coding process for this question did not demand any judgement calls on the part of the coder. The researcher therefore acted as the only judge for the coding of this question. (See Question 26, Appendix B.)
Perceived Readership was determined by concentrating on both the who and the why of tabloid readers. Subjects were read a series of statements focusing on perceptions of readership, and responded by indicating how strongly they agreed or disagreed with each statement on a four-point continuum. These statements specifically focused on perceptions of what tabloid features attract readers (e.g., "The tabloids offer some pretty sound advice."). An additional set of statements were used to assess the perceived demographic characteristics of readers such as sex and educational level, as well as personality/emotional characteristic (e.g., "Most tabloid readers feel their lives lack excitement."). (See Questions 29-38, Appendix
B.) 54
Form vs. Content Perceptions were also assessed by having subjects indicate how strongly they agreed or disagreed with a series of statements. In this case the statements were designed to evaluate perceptions of content versus stylistic features of the tabloids.
The format features used here included tabloid headlines (i.e.,
"Tabloid headlines really catch my attention."), photographs, television commercials, and the type of paper on which these periodicals are printed; content features included the quality of writing (i.e., "Most stories in the tabloids are not very well written."), the quality of reporting and the types of stories covered. (See Questions 47-53, Appendix B.)
Perceived Utility was determined by focusing on some of the positive and negative attributes which have been attributed to the tabloids. Subjects were read a series of statements, each of which was designed to illustrate a potentially harmful or valuable aspect of the tabloids. These statements focused on such subjects as tabloid health advice (e.g ., "Following tabloid health advice could be dangerous."), exploitation of celebrities, the presentation of a distorted view of reality; as well as the tabloids' capacity to elicit sympathy, pass time and provide educational content. Subjects responded to each statement by indicating how strongly they agreed or disagreed. (See Quesions 39-46, Appendix B.)
EXPERIENCE/EXPOSURE
Experience/Exposure with the supermarket tabloids was defined by the following variables: 55
Knowledge/Awareness was assessed by having subjects name as many
supermarket tabloid titles as they could remember without prompting.
Subjects were also asked how strongly they agreed or disagreed with
statements focusing on perceptions of tabloid cost and availability.
(See Questions 5-10, 27-28, Appendix B.)
The Information Source variable was designed to determine what type of feedback subjects received from various communication channels. Specifically, subjects were asked how strongly they agreed or disagreed with statements focusing on the nature of the information they had received on the tabloids from both media and interpersonal sources (e.g., "I seem to hear a lot of negative things from the media about the tabloids."). Due to the large amount of publicity the Carol Burnett libel case received, subjects were also asked if this case had affected their opinion of the tabloids. (See
Questions 54-57, Appendix B.)
Readership vs. Nonreadership was assessed in terms of respondent's tabloid reading habits and background. Obviously, only those respondents who had actually read a supermarket tabloid at some point, qualified as readers; "read" being defined as actually having examined some section of a tabloid other than the cover.
Both readersand occasional readers were asked to respond to a series of questions designed to discover: number of tabloids read, duration of readership, purchasing pattern, pass-on rate, participation in tabloid-oriented discussions, and what prompted initial reading. (See Questions 12-28, Appendix B.) 56
ORIENTATION TOWARD LOW-TASTE CONTENT
Orientation Toward Low-Taste Content was defined here by the following variables:
Other Low-Taste Media Use was assessed here by a procedure which was developed in order to determine subjects' actual media use and preference. Subjects were asked to name their three favorite television programs, and the newspapers and magazines they regularly read. (See Questions 2-4, Appendix B.) Expert judges were used in evaluating these responses.
Perceived C re d ib ility of Other Media Forms was assessed by having respondents use the adapted Berio et al. scales to evaluate the credibility of People magazine which was seen to be representative of a large circulation low-taste magazine, and Time magazine which was seen to be representative of a large circulation higher-taste magazine. Approximately half of the respondents evaluated People (N=182) and the other half evaluated Time (N=178).
Use and Opinions of Leisure Activities was determined by focusing on lei sure-time activities and preferences, with particular emphasis placed on use and opinions of the media. A set of statements was designed to reflect these factors and based on discussion with colleagues it was determined that these statements reflected pointed cases of low- and high-taste leisure activities.
Special care was taken in developing these statements so that each one tended to sway toward one end of the high-taste/low-taste continuum (e.g., "I think i t 's important to support public television;" "I enjoy watching drag racing."). Subjects responded on 57 a four-point scale ranging from "Strongly Agree" to "Strongly
Disagree." Statements used here focused on such subjects as the ballet, jazz music, foreign films, soap operas, bowling and
Disneyland vacations. (See Questions 80-95, Appendix B.)
DEMOGRAPHICS
A number of Demographic indicators were also employed to better characterize the nature and circumstances of the respondents. These included: level of education, educational major, age, number in household, occupation, income level, level of mobility and sex. Both educational major and occupation were coded by means of standard category systems. (See Appendix B.)
THE GENERAL SURVEY
The Sample
The sample for th is field survey was formed by randomly selecting telephone numbers from the Columbus, Ohio, area telephone directory using a systematic skip interval. A value of "1" was added to the last digit of each telephone number selected to be part of the sample. While th is procedure did re s u lt in adding a number of business and disconnected telephone numbers to the sample, i t also provided unlisted numbers which had not yet been published and gave them an equal chance of being represented in the sample.
The goal of the interview process was to obtain approximately
400 completed interviews — 200 with tabloid readers and 200 with nonreaders. Based on the Audit Bureau of Circulation figures, it was determined that the probability of randomly contacting tabloid readers was about 1 in 20, and therefore an unusually large sample 58 was pulled (15,000 telephone numbers).
Interviewing
Trained undergraduate and graduate students in a senior level communication course at The Ohio State University served as the interviewers for the general survey. Interviews were conducted during the first two weeks of April 1984. Interviewers placed calls on both weekdays and weekends, during the day and in the evening, in order to ensure th a t a g reater number of the sample had the opportunity to be contacted. Callers worked in two-hour shifts and were closely monitored during the interview process. The call sheets used in the interviewing process each contained approximately 25 telephone numbers and these sheets were randomly selected for each two-hour sh ift.
The Questionnaire
Tabloid readers and nonreaders both responded to essentially the same questionnaire, with the only difference being that readers were asked a series of questions focusing on reader-specific activities.
The questionnaire-proper was prefaced by a short screening section which was designed to determine when the subject had last read a tabloid without immediately informing the respondent that supermarket tabloids would be the subject of this study. It was the opinion of the researcher that respondents, particularly nonreaders, would be more likely to proceed with the interview if they thought the survey focused on people's use and opinions of the media in general. The screening section was also used to determine that all respondents interviewed were 18 years of age or older. 59
Sex and Reader Quotas
It was originally anticipated that far more nontabloid readers than readers would be contacted through random selection, and that once approximately 200 nonreaders had been contacted, all efforts would be directed toward locating a comparable number of tabloid readers. Contrary to the researcher's original projections, however, subjects who had read a supermarket tabloid in the last five years were contacted in almost equal proportion to subjects who had not.
As if often the case, however, midway through the survey process it was determined that proportionally too many women were completing interviews and measures were taken at this time to ensure a more equal representation of the sexes (i.e., females were interviewed only if their phone number ended in an odd digit, and any male who was contacted, should his phone number end in an odd or even digit, was to be interviewed).
DATA ANALYSIS
Data analysis was designed to assess the research questions put forth in Chapter I.
(1) What is the derived image of the supermarket tabloid?
To answer this question, the construct of image and the concepts linked to that construct were identified and described. Frequencies and proportions, as well as means and standard deviation scores were computed for all of the image indicators with the exception of
Perceived Content, for which only frequencies and proportions were calculated. These procedures were conducted in order to provide an overall summary of these data. 60
All of the variables used in assessing the derived image of the
tabloids were similar in that they all assessed perceptions of some
aspect of the tabloids (e.g., content, credibility, readers, etc.).
Subjects responded to each of these variables (with the exception of
Perceived Content) on the basis of a four-point continuum, ranging
from strongly positive ("1") to strongly negative ("4"). In order to
determine the intercorrelations which existed between the set of
items used to determine tabloid image, factor analyses were performed
for each construct.
Factor analysis is a widely used multivariate statistic due to
its capability in investigating patterns of variable relationships,
reducing data, analyzing the structure of a phenomenon, developing
theories, and making preliminary investigations in new areas of
research (Rummel, 1970). This statistical procedure seemed
particularly applicable here since the dynamics of the tabloid image
are not yet fully understood. A series of principal component factor
analyses with oblique rotations were run on the 11 perceived
credibility variables (Questions 58-68) and the remaining 31 image
perception variables (Questions 27-57). Oblique rotation was used
because i t was assumed that the underlying dimensions were related to each other.
All of the Perceived Utility, Readership, Trustworthiness,
Expertise, Dynamism and Form vs. Content items were included in these factor analyses as were all of the Information Source and two of the
Knowledge/Awareness indicators. Although neither of these two concepts were originally considered here as components of the derived 61 tabloid image, this was essentially an exploratory study, the purpose of which was to gain as much information as possible on the tabloids.
The six items used to operationalize these two concepts represent some additional beliefs and attitudes people may hold of the tabloids. Since these are the only other tabloid-specific items to which all subjects (readers and nonreaders) responded on a four-point continuum, i t was decided to include these Knowledge and Information
Source items in the subsequent analysis of how all of these items relate to one another.
Since the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used in computer analyzing these data, and since i t is the tendency of the SPSS Factor Analysis Program to eliminate from the analysis any subject who has a missing value on any of the variables being factor analyzed, i t was necessary to recode these data. During the interview phase, respondents were given the choice of a four-point range; "Don't Know" responses were also a possibility. During the coding of these data for statistical analysis, "Don't Know" responses were placed in a neutral category and assigned a value of "3" on a five-point range (e.g ., (1) Strongly Agree; (2) Somewhat Agree; (3)
Neutral; (4) Somewhat Disagree; (5) Strongly Disagree). "Don't Know" was recoded then, in order to maximize the number of respondents in any one analysis. All "No Answers" were treated as missing data here, and were subsequently not included in any of the analyses conducted.
Several factor solutions were requested for each variable set and the criteria used to evaluate the factor solutions consisted of 62 amount of variance accounted for, application of the scree test, and maximization of number of items with their highest loadings on one single factor. Once the underlying dimensions for each variable set had been established, factor scores were calculated for each subject on the basis of each dimension. These scores were calculated from the factor-score coefficient matrix. In the case of a principal-component analysis, exact factor-score coefficients can be calculated from the rotated factor pattern matrix. The factor-score coefficient matrix F is:
f=(ata ) ' 1at where A is the rotated factor pattern matrix and AT is the transpose of A (Nie, et a l., 1975, p. 487-188).
(2) To what extent is tabloid readership (experience) a function of image and low-taste orientation?
Experi ence/Exposure
To answer this question, the construct of experience/exposure and the items linked to that construct were identified and described.
Frequencies and proportions, as well as means and standard deviation scores were computed for all the Knowledge and Information Source items. Results of the Awareness items were determined by first calculating the frequencies and proportions of responses to the question of what tabloids could be remembered by name. An overall frequency score was computed for each subject and this was then cross-tabulated with reader classification, in order to determine how regular tabloid readers differ from occasional readers on the basis of the items used here. 63
Low-Taste Orientation
Each television program, newspaper and magazine t i t l e named by respondents in regard to the media use questions was subjected to a frequency distribution. It was the decision of the researcher at this time, to drop all titles not named by three or more respondents from further analysis. After this cut, 60 television programs, 55 magazines and 11 newspapers remained (see Appendix C).
Ten judges were then asked to place each of the 126 program or periodical titles on a scale of 1-10 with "1" equaling low-taste and
"10" equaling high-taste. The judges chosen for this exercise were all graduate students in the O.S.U. Department of Communication. The decision to use graduate students rather than the actual respondents was made on the assumption that as scholars of communication, these students possessed a greater knowledge of the media industry and its products as well as the concept of taste as i t applies to the media, and were therefore more aptly suited to act as judges in this situation. After the coding had been completed, the 10 scores for each title were summed and the mean calculated. At this point then, each media t i t l e possessed a score from 1-10 signifying its level of perceived taste. (Those media title s which had been dropped after the initial frequency distribution were assigned a value of "0.")
Each respondent was then assigned a mean taste score for each media category (television, newspaper and magazine) by adding all the mean taste scores within each media category and dividing by the number of scores. After running a frequency distribution of respondents' mean taste scores by media category, subjects were then 64 classified as falling into a low-, medium- or high-taste group in terms of individual media use and preference. Subjects' individual taste scores for each category were then combined to produce an overall mean taste score. These scores were then categorized by level (low to high) on the basis of a frequency analysis and then cross-tabulated with readership classification in order to determine if media taste is significantly related to tabloid reading.
Frequencies and pro p o rtio n s, as well as means and standard deviation scores were computed for all of the Perceived Credibility of Other Media Forms, and Use and Opinions of Leisure Activities indicators. Both of these sets of items were then factor analyzed in order to determine the interrelationships that exist within each set of indicators. Actually there were three sets of indicators here since separate data were collected for both Time and People magazines in determining Perceived Credibility of Other Media Forms. As with the previous item sets on which factor analysis was performed, it was necessary to recode all "Don't Know" responses as neutral responses in order to maximize the number of respondents.
A series of principal component factor analyses with oblique rotations were run on the 11 Time credibility items, the 11 People credibility items (Questions 69-79) and the 16 Use and Opinions of
Leisure Activities items (Questions 80-109). The same criteria used in the earlier factor analyses were employed here to evaluate the factor solutions which resulted. Once the underlying dimensions for the Use and Opinions of Leisure A c tiv itie s item set had been established, factor scores were calculated for each subject on the 65 basis of each dimension. Factor scores were not computed for either of the credibility item sets, because they were not amendable to further analysis due to the fact that a split-sample was used in collecting the data.
Factor analysis was used here to determine how item sets are similar, but it also seemed important to determine how these item sets are different. Discriminant analysis was the statistical procedure used here to provide this information. Klecka (1980) defines this analysis as a "statistical technique which allows the researcher to study the differences between two or more groups of objects with respect to several variables simultaneously" (p. 7).
The characteristics used to distinguish among the groups are called
"discriminating variables." Discriminant analysis seemed particularly well-suited to this study where one of the over-riding concerns was how readers, occasional readers and nonreaders all differed from each other on the basis of experience and other factors.
Thus a three-group discriminant analysis was designed in hopes of isolating the characteristics which discriminate among the reader groups. This was an exploratory study, however, and as Klecka (1980) noted: "Researchers often encounter situations in which they have several potential discriminating variables but they are uncertain whether all of them are valuable and necessary." Since this was the case here, the stepwise inclusion of variables was used here since this procedure selects the most useful discriminating variables and eliminates unnecessary variables. Stepwise procedures must employ 66 some measure of discrimination as the criterion for selection and
Wilks Lambda was chosen here since this statistic "takes into consideration both the differences between groups and the cohesiveness or homogeneity within groups."
The factor scores from the Tabloid Credibility, Image
Perceptions and Use and Opinions of Leisure Activities variable sets were used as the raw data in this discriminant analysis. This provided 10 potential discriminating variables. A set of group means was computed for each of these variables as a result of the discriminant analysis and each set was submitted to a one way analysis of variance in order to determine if group differences were statistically significant.
Demographics
All of the demographic indicators were first subjected to frequency distributions and recategorized (condensed) where necessary. These indicators were then cross-tabulated with readership classification in order to determine if significant differences existed here on the basis of readership. CHAPTER III
RESULTS
Part I - THE DERIVED IMAGE OF THE SUPERMARKET TABLOID
DESCRIPTIVE RESULTS
The derived image of the supermarket tabloid was determined here
by subject's perceptions of tabloid trustworthiness, expertise,
dynamism, content, readership, utility, and form and content.
Responses to many of these variables were coded on a five-point scale
where "1" represented a highly positive and "5" represented a highly
negative response. Subjects' responses to these indicators will be
presented in this section in the form of grand mean scores.
Perceived Credibility
Table 1 reveals the means and standard deviations of subjects'
responses to how well they perceived each of the adjectives named as
describing the tabloids.
Trustworthiness - Based on subjects' responses to the four adjectives
used her.;, the tabloids are not perceived as being very trustworthy:
honest=3.92; sincere=3.96; ki nd=3.87; and just=3.88. All four
adjectives were perceived as not describing the tabloids very well.
Expertise - The four adjectives used here produced mixed results.
Both "experienced" and "skillful" received a generally neutral
response (2.91 and 3.01 respectively). "Well-informed," however,
received a mean score of 3.71, and "qualified" received a 3.44.
While neither of these terms was perceived as negatively as any of
67 68 the trustworthiness adjectives, it is evident that the tabloids are not seen as being very well-informed or qualified. In addition all of these adjectives produced relatively high standard deviation scores.
Dynamism - All three of the dynamism a d je c tiv e s, however, were perceived as aptly describing the tabloids. "Aggressive," with a mean of 1.35, was seen as describing the tabloids fairly to extremely well, as were both "bold" (1.51) and "energetic" (1.85).
Perceived Utility - Table 2 reveals the means and standard deviations of subjects' responses to the questions designed to determine perceived utility — potential harm or value — of the tabloids.
Based on responses to the eight items used here as indicators of utility, only one -- the tabloid's ability to pass time -- was perceived as a positive trait. This item received a mean score of
1.93, signifying that most subjects somewhat agreed that the tabloids had this capability.
All other u tility indicators, however, tended to load on the negative end of the scale. Strong responses were elicited by the statements that: the tabloids exploit celebrities in order to sell more copies (1.34=somewhat-strongly agree); some people may take the tabloid stories too seriously (1.75=somewhat-strongly agree); you can be sure that tabloid celebrity stories are mostly true
(4.35=somewhat-strongly disagree); the tabloids are very educational
(4.25=somewhat-strongly disagree); the tabloids present a distorted sense of reality (1.97=somewhat agree); and following tabloid health advice could be dangerous (2.16=somewhat agree). The statement that Table 1
Perceived Credibility Means and Standard Deviations
Indicators Tabloids Time People Std. Std. Std. Mean Dev. N Mean Dev. N Mean Dev. N Trustworthiness
Honest 3.92 1.13 339 1.53 .66 160 2.06 .95 159
Sincere 3.96 1.15 1.66 .79 2.06 .89
Kind 3.87 1.19 2.31 1.09 2.25 .99
Just 3.88 1.16 1.91 .90 2.18 .97
Expertise
Well-informed 3.71 1.31 1.34 .54 2.01 .98
Experienced 2.91 1.44 1.28 .58 1.84 .96
Skillful 3.01 1.49 1.41 .69 1.87 .97
Qualified 3.44 1.37 1.36 .65 1.92 .92
Dynamism
Bold 1.51 .95 2.01 1.07 2.28 1.16
Aggressive 1.35 .70 1.93 1.03 2.31 1.15
Energetic 1.85 1.04 1.78 .90 1.95 1.00 70
Table 2
Perceived Tabloid Utility Means and Standard Deviations
Mean Standard Dev. N
301
The tabloids are very educational. 4.25 1.15
You can be sure that tabloid 4.35 1.08 stories about celebrities are mostly true.
Tabloids can really help you 1.93 1.09 pass time.
The tabloids really make you 3.21 1.48 sympathize with those less fortunate than yourself.
Some people may take the tabloid 1.75 1.02 stories too seriously.
Following tabloid health advice 2.16 1.30 could be dangerous.
The tabloids really exploit 1.34 .76 celebrities in order to sell more copies of their paper.
The tabloids present a pretty 1.97 1.18 distorted view of reality. the tabloids make people sympathize with the less fortunate received a mean score of 3.21, signifying that most subjects were essentially neutral on this point, although there was a slight tendency toward the negative. Both of these la tte r two statements produced relatively high standard deviation scores.
Form vs. Content
Table 3 reveals the means and standard deviation scores of subjects' responses to the questions designed to determine how individual format and content features of the tabloids were perceived. These scores are based on a five-point scale (strongly agree=l, strongly disagree=5).
Form - Most respondents somewhat to strongly agreed that tabloid photographs are not what they appear to be {x=l.73). In addition, subjects somewhat disagreed (x=3.95, S=1.39) that the television commercials for the tabloids made them want to become readers, although there was a tendency toward agreeing that tabloid headlines catch your attention (x=2.67, S=1.50). In regard to the statement that the paper on which the tabloids are printed makes them appear cheap, there was a slight tendency toward agreement (x=2.66, S=1.44).
Content - Most respondents somewhat disagreed that tabloid reporters are very ethical people (x=3.82), and that they like the types of stories in the tabloids (x=3.61, S=1.45). It was also the perception of the subjects that tabloid stories are poorly written (x=2.66).
Perceived Readership
Table 4 reveals the means and standard deviation scores of subjects' responses to the questions designed to determine perceived 72
Table 3
Perceived Tabloid Form vs. Content Means and Standard Deviations
Mean Standard Dev.
301
Tabloid headlines really 2.67 1.50 catch my attention.
I sometimes suspect that 1.73 1.01 tabloid photographs are not what they appear to be.
The TV commercials for the 3.95 1.39 tabloids really make me want to read the paper.
Most stories in the tabloids 2.69 1.19 are not well written.
Tabloid reporters are very 3.82 1.27 ethical people.
The paper on which the 2.66 1.44 tabloids are printed really makes them look cheap.
I really like the types of 3.61 1.45 stories which are in the tabloids. 73
Table 4
Perceived Tabloid Readership Means and Standard Deviations
Mean Standard Dev. N
Why 301
Most people read the tabloids 2.38 1.34 to relax.
The tabloids have become 1.21 .57 popular because of their gossipy nature.
Most people like reading the 2.37 1.34 tabloids because they aren't as depressing as other news sources.
The tabloids offer some pretty 4.13 1.23 sound advice.
Most people like to read the 2.12 1.13 tabloids because you can read the stories so quickly.
The price of the tabloids 2.14 1.15 makes them very popular.
Who
A lot of well-educated people 3.23 1.52 read the tabloids.
Most tabloid readers are 2.14 1.21 women.
Tabloid readers feel that 2.85 1.41 their lives lack excitement.
Tabloid readers are very 3.33 1.41 skeptical about what they read. 74
readership. These scores are based on a five-point scale (strongly
agree=l, strongly disagree=5).
Mho Reads - When presented with the statement that most tabloid
readers are women, the majority of respondents somewhat agreed
(x=2.14). The statements concerning educational level, lack of
excitement and skepticism all produced essentially neutral responses
and high standard deviations.
Why Do They Read - Subjects tended to strongly agree with the
statement that the tabloids have become popular because of their
gossipy nature (x=l.21). Relatively strong responses were also elicited by the statements that: people like to read because the
stories are so short (x=2.12); the price of the tabloids makes them
popular (x=2.14); people like the tabloids because they aren't as
depressing as other news sources (x=2.37, S=1.34); people read the
tabloids to relax (x=2.37, S=1.34); and the tabloids offer pretty
sound advice (x=4.13).
Perceived Content - Table 5 presents the frequencies and proportions of subjects' responses to the question of what types of stories were likely to appear in the tabloids. As coded, the total numer of perceived story-type mentions was 953, 32.3 percent of which belonged to the "Celebrity" category. Typical "Celebrity" responses included references to Hollywood, the British Royal Family, Johnny Carson, and the sex- and private lives of celebrities and public figures in general.
The category to receive the next highest percentage of story-type mentions was "Negative Evaluative" (20.9 percent), which 75
Table 5
Frequencies and Proportions of Perceived Tabloid Content -- Story Type
Category N^ %
Celebrities 308 32.3
Consumer Affairs/Human Interest 26 2.7 (Includes: Consumer Affairs/Government Waste Off-Beat Human Interest Rags to Riches Handicapped Overcoming Odds Volunteers)
Self-Help or How-To 92 9.7
Strange Phenomena 81 8.5
Current News With a Twist 8 .8
Medical Discoveries 60 6.3
Negative Evaluative 199 20.9
Special Features 48 5.1
Acts of Violence, Tragedies, Disasters 18 1.9
Other or Uncodable 113 11.9
953 100.1 included such responses as "gross," "untrue," "smut," "trash,"
"obvious distortion" and "bald faced lie s." "Other or Uncodable"
responses accounted for 11.9 percent of story-type mentions. Most
uncodable responses resulted from ambiguous or incomplete statements.
For example, when the terms "fiction" and "medium stories" were given
as story-types it was impossible to determine if the subjects here
intended to imply "lies" and "stories about a spiritualist," or if
they were referring to "creative writing" and "middle-of-the-road
stories." "Other or Uncodable" stories were those items which were uncodable or, those named by only a few people and which could not be
combined into any other category. Examples here included references to classified ads and positive evaluative statements.
The "Self-Help or How-To" category followed closely behind with
9.7 percent of the total mentions. Articles on diets and salvaging
relationships appeared to account for the majority of responses here.
The "Strange Phenomena" category represented 8.5 percent of mentions and typical responses here included references to outerspace, ghosts, resurrections and UFOs. The "Medical Discoveries" category accounted for 6.3 percent of story-type mentions and references here were usually to miracle cures for ailments such as arthritis and cancer.
The "Special Features" category included all references to advice columns, crossword puzzles, jokes and cartoons, and accounted for 5.1 percent of mentions. Due to the limited number of responses falling into the categories of "Consumer Affairs/Government Waste," "Off-Beat
Human Interest," "Rags to Riches," "Handicapped Overcoming Odds" and
"Volunteers," all responses coded under these items were grouped 77 together to form the overall category of "Consumer Affairs/Human
Interest." This combined category represented 2.7 percent of total story-type mentions. "Acts of Violence, Tragedies and Disasters" with 1.9 percent of mentions was typified by responses reminiscent of the "old" Enquirer, with references to gory crimes and horrifying disasters. The "Current News with a Twist" category accounted for .8 percent of mentions.
Table 6 presents the frequencies and proportions of subjects' responses to the question of what types of products were likely to be advertised in the tabloids. As coded, the total number of perceived product type mentions was 627, 26.5 percent of which belonged to the
"Diet/Weight Loss" category. Most references here were to diet pills. The category with the next highest percentage of product-type mentions was "Health and Beauty" with 18.5 percent. Typical responses here included references to shampoo, toothpaste, aspirin, mouthwash, hemorrhoid aids and feminine hygiene products.
The "Cigarettes, Alcohol" category accounted for 9.9 percent of responses to this question, followed by the "Jewelry, Clothes, Shoes" category with 7.2 percent of mentions. Responses within this la tte r category ranged from references to Fredericks of Hollywood lingerie to religious jewelry.
The "Services" category included references to credit card companies, job opportunities, and various how-to products (e.g., speed reading courses, stop-smoking methods), and accounted for 4.5 percent of product-type mentions. The "Breast Enlargement Products" category received 4.0 percent of mentions, the "Vitamins" category 78
Table 6
Frequencies and Proportions of Perceived Tabloid Content -- Product Type
Category N %
Breast Enlargement Products 25 4.0
Cigarettes, Alcohol 62 9.9
Diet/Weight Loss 166 26.5
Exercise/Body Building Equipment 17 2.7
Food Products 16 2.6
Hair Restoration/Wigs 15 2.4
Health and Beauty 116 18.5
Home Appliances and Furnishings 13 2.1
Services (Includes: Job Opportunities 28 4.5 & How-To Products)
Jewelry, Clothes, Shoes 45 7.2
Magazines, Books, Records, Movies 17 2.7
Mail Order/Novelty Products 18 2.9
Miracle Cures/Drugs 14 2.2
Sex/Birth Control Products 22 3.5
Vitamins 24 3.8
Classified/Personal Ads 5 .8
Other or Uncodable 24 3.8
627 100.1 79 received 3.8 percent and "Sex/Birth Control Products" accounted for
3.5 percent of total mentions. "Other or Uncodable" responses included references to cars, vacations, sporting equipment and tools
(although they were few in number) as well as incomplete or ambiguous responses, and this category received 3.8 percent of mentions.
The remaining eight categories received the following percentage of mentions: "Mail Order/Novelty Products" (2.9); "Magazine, Books,
Records, Movies" (2.7); "Exercise/Body Building Equipment" (2.7);
"Food Products" (2.6); "Hair Restoration/Wigs" (2.4); "Miracle
Cures/Drugs" (2.2); "Home Appliances and Furnishings" (2.1); and
"Classified/Personal Ads" (.8).
INTERRELATIONSHIPS OF PERCEPTIONS
Table 7 reports the results of the factor analysis which was completed on the 31 items designed to assess subjects' perceptions of the tabloids (also see Appendix D for the intercorrelation matrix).
A five-factor solution was selected and was found to explain 41.4 percent of the common variance. It should be noted that in this and the other factor analyses performed in this study, somewhat liberal standards of statistical acceptance were exercised due to the exploratory nature of this investigation. Because of this, in certain cases, factor loadings as low as .31 were considered to significantly contribute to a factor cluster.
Factor 1: Highly Positive Orientation Toward Tabloids - Six items significantly loaded on this first factor which accounted for 19.3 percent of the variance. Factor 1 is typified by the notions that the tabloids are educational and offer sound advice, tabloid Table 7 Rotated Factor Pattern Matrix For Image Perceptions Factor T ______Factor fl Factor 111 Factor i__IV Factor V Image Perception Item Highly Pos. It.-Hearted Neg. Orient. Neg. Orient. Neg. Orient. Orientation Orientation Tabloid Rds. Tabloid App. Tabloid Util.
1. You can only buy the .22 -.88 .13 .11 -.03 tabloids at the super market checkout counter.
2. The average tabloid costs .14 -.07 .01 -.10 .17 about the same as People magazine. 3. Most people read the .08 ^32 .11 -.01 .01 tabloids to relax. 4. The tabloids have become -.03 .07 .06 -.00 .43 popular because of their gossipy nature.
5. Most people like reading .04 ^40 .06 -.11 .00 the tabloids because they aren't as depressing as other news sources. 6. The tabloids o ffer some .45* .25 .10 -.14 -.30 pretty sound advice. 7. Many people like to read -.08 J58 .08 -.06 .13 the tabloids because you can read the sto ries so quickly. 8. The price of the tabloids -.05 ^59 .16 .06 -.11 makes them very popular.
9. A lo t of well-educated .17 .26 .32 .00 -.12 people read the tabloids. Table 7 (continued)
Image Perception Item Factor I Factor II Factor III Factor IV Factor V
10. Most tabloid readers are .12 .13 .41 .06 .14 women. 11. Tabloid readers feel that .07 .11 ^6(5 .04 -.02 their lives lack excitement. 12. Tabloid readers are very .29 .11 -.27 -.02 .04 skeptical about what they read. 13. The tabloids are very ^55 .17 -.11 -.04 -.31 educational. 14. You can be sure that tabloid .55 -.00 -.05 -.11 . -.14 stories about celebrities are mostly true. 15. Tabloids can really help you -.02 .39 -.17 .02 .06 pass time. 16. The tabloids really make you .23 Jll^ -.16 .05 -.09 sympathize with those less fortunate than yourself. 17. Some people may take the -.06 .06 .01 .04 .30 tabloids too seriously. 18. Following tabloid health -.01 -.01 -.04 .09 .48 advice could be dangerous. Table 7 (continued)
Image Perception Item Factor I Factor II Factor III Factor IV Factor V
19. The tabloids really exploit -.09 -.06 -.05 .25 J>4 celebrities In order to sell more copies of their paper. 20. The tabloids present a pretty -.15 .12 .20 .26 .28 distorted view of reality. 21. Tabloid headlines really catch .18 .19 -.23 .02 .02 my attention. 22. 1 sometimes suspect that -.06 .21 .20 .31 .21 tabloid photographs are not what they appear to be. 23. The TV commercials for the J51. .13 .05 -.25 .10 tabloids really make me want to read that paper. 24. Host stories 1n the tabloids .05 -.15 -.0 0 ^47 .11 are not very well written. 25. Tabloid reporters are very ^35 .12 -.10 -.23 -.24 ethical people. 26. The paper on which the tabloids .01 -.04 .04 .63 .06 are printed really makes them look cheap.
co ro Table 7 (continued)
Image Perception Item Factor I Factor II Factor III Factor IV Factor V 1 27. I really like the types of stories .39 .26 -.29 ro o .01 which are In the tabloids. 28. I seem to hear a lot of negative .00 -.01 -.04 .61 -.10 things from the media about the tabloids. 29. Most tabloid readers don't take .18 .18 .27 .11 .04 these papers seriously. 30. When I talk to people who don't -.01 .15 .04 .38 .29 read the tabloids, they generally poke fun a t these papers. 31. The Carol Burnett case really -.10 .02 .05 .42 .15 made me think that the tabloids aren't very believable.
Eigenvalue 5.98 2.58 1.47 1.43 1.38 Percent of Total Variance 19.3 8.3 4.7 4.6 4.4
♦Underlined Items Indicate significant loadings. 84 reporters are ethical, tabloid celebrity stories are true, television commercials create an in terest in reading these publications, and tabloid stories are quite likable. These items seem to represent a highly positive orientation toward the tabloids, and Factor 1 was labeled accordingly.
Factor 2; Light-Hearted Orientation Toward Tabloids - Six items significantly loaded on Factor 2 which accounted for 8.3 percent of the variance. These six variables here seem to exhibit a rather benign orientation toward the tabloids: people read the tabloids to relax, the stories read quickly and they aren't depressing, the price makes them popular, they help pass the time and the tabloids can make one sympathize with the less fortunate.
Factor 3: Negative Orientation Toward Tabloid Readers - Three items significantly loaded on Factor 3 which accounted for 4.7 percent of the variance. These items expressed the notions that tabloid readers are not well-educated, mostly women, and feel that their lives lack excitement. All of these items focused specifically on reader characteristics and in a negative or stereotypical manner.
Factor 4: Negative Orientation Toward Tabloid Appearance - Five items significantly loaded on Factor 4 which acconted for 4.6 percent of the variance. The primary sentiments expressed within this factor are the notions that the tabloid stories are not well written, the paper on which the tabloids are printed looks cheap, the media are negative of the tabloids, nonreaders poke fun at these papers, and the Carol Burnett case negatively affected tabloid credibility. What these items seem to have in common is a negative focus on tabloid 85 appearance and what has been heard about the tabloids.
Factor 5: Negative Orientation Toward Tabloid Utility - Three items significantly loaded on Factor 5 which accounted for 4.4 percent of the variance. These items focused on the notions that the tabloids are popular because of their gossipy nature, the tabloids exploit celebrities in order to sell more copies and that tabloid health advice might be dangerous to follow. The commonality here seems to lie in an orientation toward the dangers of the tabloids in terms of the negative effects these periodicals may have both on their subjects and their readers.
Credibility Items
Table 8 reports the results of the factor analysis which was completed on the 11 items designed to assess subjects' perceptions of tabloid credibility (also see Appendix D for the intercorrelation matrix). A three factor solution was selected and was found to explain 60.6 percent of the variance.
Factor 1: Trustworthiness/Expertise - Eight items had their highest loading on this first factor which accounted for 42.3 percent of the variance. These eight items consisted of the adjectives shown by Berio et al. (1969-70) to represent the credibility concepts of trustworthiness and expertise: honest, sincere, kind, just, well-informed, experienced, skillful and qualified. Both of these concepts correlated here in this analysis of tabloid credibility.
Factor 2: Dynamism - Three items had their highest loading on
Factor 2 which accounted for 18.3 percent of the variance. These three items consisted of the adjectives shown by Berio et al. Table 8
Rotated Factor Pattern Matrixes For Credibility Perceptions Tabloids Time People Factor I T ru st Factor I I I Factor I Credibility worthiness/ Factor II Factor I Factor I I Trust- T ru s t- Factor II Factor III Item E xpertise Dynamism
Trustworthiness Honest .8 1* -.1 5 .40 - .0 4 .55 .75 .01 -.1 0 Sincere 7 W -.1 1 .23 .07 .50 770 - .1 0 -.1 9 Kind .71 -.1 5 - .1 3 - .0 0 .77 .73 -.0 6 .03 Just 3 0 - .2 3 .10 .03 3 1 3 3 .06 .12
Expertise well-informed .79 .02 .77 .09 -.0 3 .38 .02 - .3 8 Experienced 757 .28 7SJ -.0 5 -.01 -.0 2 - .0 3 -.7 8 S k illf u l .53 .35 .54 .26 .03 -.0 5 - .0 3 -.8 7 Q u a lifie d 770 .14 3SE -.11 .13 .23 - .0 0 -.6 4
Dynamism Bold -.1 1 .69 -.0 2 .81 .01 - .0 5 .77 - .0 8 Aggressive - .1 7 .65 -.0 4 .77 -.0 2 .00 .80 .10 Energetic .16 .47 .24 .44 .18 .08 .30 ■ ^ 3 3
Eigenvalue 4.65 2.01 5.19 1.54 1.03 4.72 1.91 1.09 Percent of Total Variance 42.3 18.3 47.2 14,0 9 .3 42.9 17.4 9 .9
•Underlined items indicate significant loadings. 87
(1969-70) to represent the concept of dynamism: bold, aggressive and energetic.
Part II - EXPERIENCE/EXPOSURE AND LOW-TASTE ORIENTATION
Awareness - As a measure of awareness, all subjects were asked which supermarket tabloids they could remember by name. The most visible tabloid would appear to be the National Enquirer which was named by
63.4 percent of the sample. The Star was named by 48.8 percent of respondents. Following far behind were the Globe (11.6 percent), the
National Examiner (2 percent) and the Weekly World News (1.1 percent). Subjects also named a number of other periodicals which they believed to be tabloids (see the prelude to Questionnaire #s
5-10 for the manner in which this question was asked). TV Guide was perceived as being a tabloid by 5.5 percent of the sample, and 3 percent of respondents characterized People magazine as being a tabloid. Table 9 presents the full list of periodicals cited as being tabloids, and their frequencies.
Knowledge/Information Source - Table 10 reveals the means and standard deviations of subjects' responses to those knowledge and information source questions to which subjects responded on a five-point continuum (Strongly Agree=l, Strongly Disagree=5).
In response to the two knowledge questions, most subjects tended only slightly to disagree with the statements that tabloids could only be bought at supermarket checkout counters (x=3.54, S=1.49), and that the average tabloid costs about the same as People magazine
(x=3.43, S=1.33).
Subjects somewhat to strongly agreed with the statement that 88
Table 9
Periodicals Classified as Tabloids Respondents
T itle N
TV Guide 20
People 11
Reader's Digest 6
Trading Times 6
Esquire 3
Family Life 3
Rolling Stone 3
Soap Opera Digest 3
Us 3
Cosmopolitan 2
Family Circle 2
Good Housekeeping 2
Jet 2
Krogers 1
McCalls 1
Redbook 1
Woman's Day 1
Woman's World 1
Observer 1 89
Table 10 Perceived Knowledge and Information Source Means and Standard Deviations
Mean Standard Dev.
Knowledge
You can only buy the tabloids 3.54 1.49 301 at the supermarket checkout counter.
The average tabloid costs 3.43 1.33 about the same as People magazine.
Information Source
I seem to hear a lot of 2.22 ’ 1.32 301 negative things from the media about the tabloids.
Most tabloid readers don't 1.84 1.12 take these papers seriously.
When I talk to people who 2.03 1.24 don't read the tabloids, they generally poke fun at these papers.
The Carol Burnett case really 2.77 1.32 made me think that the tabloids aren 't very believable. 90 most nontabloid readers generally poke fun at these papers (x=l.84).
A fairly similar response was generated by the statements that the
Carol Burnett case had caused the subjects to think that the tabloids aren 't very believable {x=2.03) and that the subjects have heard a lot of negative things from the media about the tabloids (x=2.22).
Subjects agreed only marginally that most tabloid readers don't take these papers seriously (x=2.77).
Readership - Three hundred and sixty-three completed questionnaires resulted from the interview process -- 179 from respondents who claimed to have read a tabloid in the last five years and 184 from respondents who had not. Level of tabloid readership was determined by combining the two variables of when a respondent had last read a tabloid and how often they read. (See Questions 11 and 18, Appendix
B.) After cross-tabulating these two variables and analyzing the distribution, three levels of readership emerged: (1) regular readers (N=78), were defined as those respondents who claimed to read a tabloid at least every three months, and who had read a tabloid within the six-month period preceding this survey; (2) occasional readers (N=102), were defined as those subjects who claimed to have read tabloids less recently, and with less frequency than the
"regular" reader group as defined above; (3) and nonreaders (N=183), were defined as those respondents who had not to their knowledge ever read a supermarket tabloid.
On the basis of crosstab analysis a subject's readership classification was found to significantly differ on the basis of the following items. Table 11 reveals the cell percentages, row totals 91
and significance levels for each of these cross-tabulations.
Tabloid Recall - In regard to the National Enquirer, Star, Globe
and National Examiner, regular readers demonstrated a higher recall
rate than occasional and nonreaders, and occasional readers
demonstrated a higher recall rate than nonreaders.
Hours of Television Matched Per Day - Regular readers were more
likely than occasional and nonreaders to watch in excess of five hours of television per day, and occasional readers were more likely than nonreaders to watch more than five hours of television a day.
Number of Magazines Read - Nonreaders were more likely to read more magazines than either regular or occasional readers.
Education - Nonreaders were more likely to be college graduates than either regular or occasional readers.
A reexamination of the perceived content data, revealed some additional differences between regular, occasional and nonreaders, and the frequencies and proportions of perceived tabloid content, broken down by reader classification, are presented in Tables 12 and
13.
In terms of story-type mentions, nonreaders were responsible for
50.6 percent of "Celebrities" responses; 46.7 percent of the
"Self-Help of How-To" responses; 62.8 percent of the "Negative
Evaluative" responses; and 55.6 percent of the "Acts of Violence,
Tragedies, Disasters" responses. Occasional readers contributed 42.3 percent of the "Consumer Affairs/Human Interest" responses; 46.9 percent of the "Strange Phenomena" responses; and 46.7 percent of the
"Medical Discoveries" responses. In not one category did regular 92
Table 11
Cross-Tabulations of Tabloid Recall, Media Use, Education and Media Taste Score by Reader Level
Column Percentages
Item Reg.Readers (N) Occ.Readers (N) Non-Readers (N) £.
Tabloid Recall: 78 102 183 National Enquirer 71.8 69.6 56.3 .02 Star 59.0 52.9 42.1 .03 Globe 23.1 10.8 7.1 .01 National Examiner 6.4 2.0 0.0 .01
Hours of TV Watched Per Day: 77 99 183 .01 ' 1-2 40.3 30.3 48.6 3-4 26.0 40.4 36.1 5-6 23.4 17.2 8.2 7-10 10.4 12.1 7.1
Number of Magazines Read: 78 102 183 .02 0 11.5 13.7 9.3 1 21.8 20.6 16.9 2 39.7 34.3 27.3 3 17.9 23.5 23.5 4 9.0 7.8 23.0
Education: 76 92 146 .01 Grade 11 or Less 15.8 9.8 2.7 High School Grad 48.7 35.9 30.8 Some College 25.0 40.2 37.0 College Grad 10.5 14.1 29.5
Media Taste Score: 78 102 183 .01 Low 64.1 45.1 34.4 Medium-Low 21.8 29.4 25.7 Medium-High 6.4 16.7 24.0 High 7.7 8.8 15.8 92
Table 11
Cross-Tabulations of Tabloid Recall, Media Use, Education and Media Taste Score by Reader Level
Column Percentages
Item Reg.Readers (N) Occ.Readers (N) Non-Readers (N) £.
Tabloid Recall: 78 102 183 National Enquirer 71.8 69.6 56.3 .02 Star 59.0 52.9 42.1 .03 Globe 23.1 10.8 7.1 .01 National Examiner 6.4 2.0 0.0 .01
Hours of TV Watched Per Day: 77 99 183 .01 1-2 40.3 30.3 48.6 3-4 26.0 40.4 36.1 5-6 23.4 17.2 8.2 7-10 10.4 12.1 7.1
Number of Magazines Read: 78 102 183 .02 0 11.5 13.7 9.3 1 21.8 20.6 16.9 2 39.7 34.3 27.3 3 17.9 23.5 23.5 4 9.0 7.8 23.0
Education: 76 92 146 .01 Grade 11 or Less 15.8 9.8 2.7 High School Grad 48.7 35.9 30.8 Some College 25.0 40.2 37.0 College Grad 10.5 14.1 29.5
Media Taste Score: 78 102 183 .01 Low 64.1 45.1 34.4 Medium-Low 21.8 29.4 25.7 Medium-High 6.4 16.7 24.0 High 7.7 8.8 15.8 93
Table 12
Proportions of Perceived Tabloid Content Responses On The Basis of Readership -- Story Type
Reg. Occ. Non- Category Readers Readers Readers
Celebrities 23.7* 25.7 50.6 308
Consumer Affairs/Human Interest 38.5 42.3 19.2 26
Self-Help or How-To 25.0 28.3 46.7 92
Strange Phenomena 35.8 46.9 17.3 81
Current News With a Twist 25.0 25.0 50.0 8
Medical Discoveries 28.3 46.7 25.0 60
Negative Evaluative 14.6 22.6 62.8 199
Special Features 29.2 33.3 37.5 48
Acts of Violence, Tragedies, 22.2 22.2 55.6 18 Disasters
Other or Uncodable 25.7 38.9 35.4 133
*A11 proportions are reported in the form of percentages. 94
Table 13
Proportions of Perceived Tabloid Content Responses On The Basis of Readership -- Product Type
Reg. Occ. Non- Category Readers Readers Readers N
Breast Enlargement Products 20.0* 40.0 40.0 25
Cigarettes, Alcohol 37.1 21.0 41.9 62
Diet/Weight Loss 24.7 31.9 43.4 166
Exercise/Body Building Equipment 23.5 29.4 47.1 17
Food Products 25.0 31.2 43.8 16
Hair Restoration/Wigs 6.7 40.0 53.3 15
Health and Beauty 19.8 30.2 50.0 116
Home Appliances and 23.1 38.5 38.5 13 Furnishings
Services 25.0 35.7 39.3 28
Jewelry, Clothes, Shoes 28.9 35.6 35.6 45
Magazines, Books, Records, Movies 11.8 35.3 52.9 17
Mail Order/Novelty Products 16.7 27.8 55.6 18
Miracle Cures/Drugs 14.3 28.6 57.1 14
Sex/Birth Control Products 4.5 13.6 81.8 22
Vitamins 50.0 25.0 25.0 24
Classified/Personal Ads 40.0 40.0 20.0 5
Other or Uncodable 16.7 20.8 62.5 24
*A11 proportions are reported in the form of percentages. 95 readers provide the largest percentage of responses, and their smallest proportion of mentions, came in response to the "Negative
Evaluative" category (14.6 percent).
In terms of product-type mentions, nonreaders accounted for the highest proportion of mentions in the following categories:
"Diet/Weight Loss" (43.4 percent); "Exercise/Body Building Equipment"
(47.1 percent); "Hair Restoration/Wigs" (53.3 percent); "Health and
Beauty" (50 percent); "Mail Order/Novelty Products" (55.6 percent);
"Miracle Cures/Drugs" (57.1 percent); "Sex/Birth Control Products"
(81.8 percent). Regular readers were responsible for 50 percent of the references to "Vitamins" but overall neither regular or occasional readers produced higher proportions of responses than did nonreaders.
-In terms of college major, age, number in household, income, mobility and sex no significant differences could be found between reader groups. Occupation was found to indicate a significant difference between reader groups at the .05 level, but due to the large number of categories used in operationalizing this indicator, i t was impossible to say where indeed the groups did differ from one another. Table 14 provides a summary of the respondents' demographic status.
A crosstab analysis of those questions specifically designed in order to learn more about the behavior of regular and occasional tabloid readers revealed that these two groups differed significantly on the basis of the following items. Table 15 reveals the cell percentages, row totals and significance levels for each of these 96
T a b le 14 Summary of Respondents' Demographic Status
Item Reg Readers (N) Occ Readers (N) Non'-Readers
College Major* 29 58 128 Humanities 6.9** 15.5 10.9 Social Sciences 6.9 22.4 14.1 Engi neeri ng/Science 24.1 12.1 20.3 Education 13.8 6.9 12.5 Busi ness 24.1 24.1 19.5 Agriculture 3.4 3.4 5.5 Health-Related 17.2 10.3 10.9 Undeci ded 0.0 1.7 6.3
Age 78 102 183 19-21 12.8 9.8 7.1 22-25 17.9 24.5 18.0 26-30 7.7 10.8 13.7 31-35 7.7 14.7 13.1 36-40 2.6 11.8 10.9 41-50 17.9 10.8 11.5 51-60 17.9 10.8 15.3 62+ 15.4 6.9 10.4
# in Household 68 95 181 1 10.3 13.7 16.0 2 25.0 31.6 31.5 3 35.3 21.1 21.5 4 14.7 -16.8 14.9 5+ 14.7 16.8 16.0
Occupation* 68 93 181 White Collar I 0.0 4.3 8.3 White Collar II 14.7 19.4 17.7 Skilled Laborer 7.4 4.3 6.1 Protective Service 0.0 1.1 0.0 Supervisory 1.5 4.3 6.1 Educator 2.9 0.0 6.6 Sales 0.0 4.3 3.3 Clerical 16.2 14.0 9.9 Student 8.8 16.1 12.2 Laborer 14.7 15.1 7.2 Farmer 1.5 0.0 0.6 Service/Armed Forces 0.0 1.1 0.0 Unemployed 4.4 5.4 2.8 Disabled 1.5 0.0 0.6 Reti red 7.4 2.2 7.2 Housewi fe 19.1 8.6 11.6 97 Table 14 (continued)
Item Reg Readers (N) Occ Readers (N) Non-Readers (N)
Income 68 93 158 Less than $10,000 23.5 20.4 13.9 $10,000 - $15,000 8.8 7.5 10.1 $15,000 - $20,000 10.3 18.3 12.0 $20,000 - $30,000 22.1 20.4 20.3 $30,000 - $40,000 19.1 16.1 20.3 $40,000 - $50,000 . 8.8 6.5 5.7 $50,000+ 7.4 10.8 17.7
# of Cities Lived In 78 102 183 1 38.5 41.2 32.2 2 25.6 18.6 22.4 3 9.0 13.7 16.4 4 2.6 3.9 11.5 5 5.1 6.9 6.0 5+ 19.2 15.7 11.5
Sex 78 102 183 Male 38.5 45.1 51.9 Female 61.5 54.9 48.1
* See appendix B for the complete category definitions. ** All proportions here are reported in percentage form. 9 8
T a b le 15
Cross-Tabulations of Number of Tabloids Read, When First Read, Pass-on Rate of Purchasers, Tabloid Discussion Involvement and Cover Prompting Reading by Reader Level
Column Percentages
Item Reg.Reader (N) Occ.Reader (N) £.
Number of Tabloids Read: 78 102 .01 0/Unsure 0.0 13.7 1 41.0 61.8 2 29.5 18.6 3 16.7 2.9 4 10.3 2.0 5 2.6 1.0
When First Read Tabloids: 78 85 .06 Last Year 26.9 25.9 Last 2-3 Years 30.8 17.6 Last 4-5 Years 16.7 32.9 Last 6-20 Years 25.6 23.5
Number of People Who Read Tabloids Subjects Buy: 76 85 .01 No One But Self 13.2 16.5 1-2 People 42.1 21.2 3 People Plus 35.5 18.8 Don't Buy 9.2 43.5
Often Have Tabloid Discussions: 78 88 .01 Lot Like You 32.1 6.8 Somewhat Like You 28.2 12.5 Not Very Much Like You 19.2 15.9 Not At All Like You 20.5 64.8
Tabloid Cover Prompted Reading: 78 89 .01 Lot Like You 61.5 34.8 Somewhat Like You 26.9 32.6 Not Very Much Like You 2.6 9.0 Not At All Like You 9.0 23.6 99 cross-tabulati ons.
Number of Tabloids Read - Occasional readers were more likely to have read one to two different tabloids and regular readers were more likely to have read up to four different tabloids.
When First Read Tabloids - More occasional readers than regular readers seem to have started reading the tabloids in the last four to five years, and more regular readers than occasional readers seem to have started reading the tabloids in the last two to three years.
Number of People Who Read Tabloids Subjects Buy - Significantly more occasional readers than nonreaders don't buy the tabloids that they read, and of those subjects who buy their own copies, regular readers are much more likely to pass their copies on to several people.
Tabloid Discussions - Regular tabloid readers are much more likely to engage in tabloid-related discussions than are occasional readers.
Tabloid Cover Prompted Reading - Regular readers seem much more likely to have been influenced by the tabloid cover in their decision to s ta rt reading than occasional readers were.
Other Low-Taste Media Use - On the bais of the frequency distributions performed, subjects' media taste levels were characterized thusly:
Television (N) Newspapers (N) Magazines (N)
Low-Taste 96 244 218
Medium-Taste 157 55 55
H ig h -T a s te 88 32 100
The cumulative taste scores for each media category were then subjected to a Pearson r correlation and found to significantly correlate with each other at the .001 level. Due to the relatively high standard deviations exhibited by each of the media-taste frequency distributions, however, it was decided that while it would be appropriate to combine each subjects' mean taste scores and produce an overall mean media taste score, cross-tabulation was the statistical process which might more accurately be used to describe these data. These final scores were then categorized by level (low, low-medium, medium-high, high) on the basis a frequency distribution and then cross-tabulated with reader classification in order to determine if media taste is significantly related to tabloid reading.
Table 11 reveals the cell percentages, row totals and significance level for this cross-tabulation. A significant difference was found here, most specifically, regular tabloid readers were more likely to demonstrate a preference for low-taste media than either occasional or nonreaders; occasional readers were more likely to demonstrate a preference for low-medium and medium-high taste media than were regular readers; and nonreaders were more likely to demonstrate a preference for medium-high and high-taste media than were either regular or occasional readers.
Perceived Credibility of Other Media Forms - Table 1 reveals the means and standard deviations of subjects' responses to how well they perceived each of the adjectives named as describing Time and People magazines. These scores are based on a five-point scale (extremely well=l, not at a l1=5). 101
Time
Trustworthiness - Based on subjects' responses to the four
adjectives used here, Time is perceived as being fairly trustworthy:
honest, x=1.53; sincere, x=1.66; kind, x=2.31; and ju st, x=1.91.
Expertise - The four adjectives used to measure expertise produced marked results. All of the adjectives were perceived as fairly to extremely well describing Time: well-informed, x=1.34; experienced, x=1.28; sk illfu l, x=1.41; and qualified, x=1.36.
Dynamism - These three adjectives were perceived by the subjects as describing Time fairly well: bold, x=2.01; aggressive, x=1.93; and energetic, x=1.78.
People
Trustworthiness - People is perceived as being fairly trustworthy: honest, x=2.06; sincere, x=2.06; kind, x=2.25; and ju st, x=2.18„
Expertise - The four adjectives used to determine expertise here, were all perceived as describing People fairly well: well-informed, x=2.01; experienced, x=1.84; sk illfu l, x=1.92; and qualified, x=1.92.
Dynami sm - People was also perceived as being fairly dynamic: bold, x=2.88; aggressive, x=2.31; and energetic, x=1.95.
Use and Opinions of Leisure Activities - Table 16 reveals the means and standard deviations of subjects' responses to those questions designed to determine their use and opinions of leisure activities.
The most positive response here resulted from the statement that it's important to support public television (x=1.52). This was also the only statement that did not produce a relatively high standard deviation. The most negative results came in response to the 102
T a b le 16
Leisure Activity Means and Standard Deviations
Mean Standard Dev.
I think it's important to 1.52 .90 327 support public television.
Every vacation should be 2.90 1.40 educational.
I think that bowling is a 2.83 1.49 great way to spend time with my friends.
A trip to Disneyland would 3.08 1.58 be one of my top choices for a vacation.
I like to watch the TV programs 3.09 1.57 "That's Incredible" and "Real People."
I find TV evangelists to be 3.94 1.41 really inspiring.
Sometimes I really wish that 2.65 1.52 I would improve the quality of my reading material.
I enjoy watching drag racing. 4.05 1.43
I really get involved in TV 3.76 1.58 soap operas.
I find going to the b allet to 3.10 1.51 be a boring experience.
Sometimes I'm embarrassed by 3.36 1.60 the kind of television programs that I watch.
I think i t 's important to see 2.99 1.48 films made in foreign countries.
The private lives of celebrities 3.51 1.45 really interests me.
I think that jazz music is 3 .3 5 1 .4 2 over-rated. 103
Table 16 (continued)
Mean Standard Dev. N
People sometimes c ritic iz e 3.77 1.40 the magazines I read or movies I go to.
I think it's important to 2.43 1.51 go to church each week. 104
statements that subjects enjoy watching drag racing (x=4.05, S=1.43)
and that television evangelists are really inspiring (x=3.94,
S=1.41).
The following statements elicited relatively neutral responses
(2.83-3.35) and high standard deviations: Disneyland would be a top
vacation cloice; the television programs "That's Incredible" and
"Real People" are enjoyable; ballet is a boring experience; it's
important to see films made in foreign countries; bowling is a great way to spend time with friends; subjects are embarrassed by the
television programs they watch; and jazz music is overrated.
The results for the remaining statements are as follows:
subjects wish that they could improve the quality of their reading material (x=2.65, S=1.52); subjects really get involved in television
soap operas (x=3.76, S=1.58); the private lives of celebrities are of
interest to the subjects (x=3.51, S=1.45); people criticize the magazines subjects read or the movies they go to (x=3.78, S=1.40); and i t 's important to go to church each week (x=2.43, S=1.51).
INTERRELATIONSHIPS OF PERCEPTIONS
Perceived Credibility of Time Magazine - The 11 items designed to assess the perceived credibility of Time resulted in a total of three factors which were found to meaningfully explain 70.5 percent of the variance. Table 8 reveals the factor loadings, eigenvalues and percent of variance explained for each factor.
Factor 1: Expertise - Four items -- well-informed, experienced, skillful, qualified — significantly loaded on this first factor which accounted for 47.2 percent of the variance. 105
Factor 2: Dynamism - Three items — bold, aggressive, energetic —
significantly loaded on this second factor which accounted for 14
percent of the variance.
Factor 3: Trustworthiness - Four items — honest, sincere, kind,
just — significantly loaded on Factor 3 which accounted for 9.3
percent of the variance.
Perceived Credibility of People Magazine - The 11 items designed to
assess the perceived credibility of People resulted in a total of
three factors which were found to meaningfully explain 70.2 percent
of the variance. Table 8 reveals the factor loadings, eigenvalues
and percent of variance explained for each factor.
Factor 1: Trustworthiness - Four items — honest, sincere, kind, just -- significantly loaded on this first factor which accounted for
42.9 percent of the variance.
Factor 2: Dynamism - Two items — bold, aggressive -- loaded
significantly on this second factor which accounted for 17.4 percent
of the variance.
Factor 3: Expertise - Four items -- experienced, skillful, qualified, energetic -- significantly loaded on Factor 3 which accounted for 9.9 percent of the variance.
One-way analysis of variance was conducted in order to determine how reader groups differed on the basis of each of the above credibility dimensions for both Time and People, but no significant differences were found.
Use and Opinions of Leisure Activities - Table 17 reports the results of the factor analysis which was completed on the 16 items designed Rotated Factor Matrix Pattern For Leisure Activity Items Factor I Factor II Factor 11F Leisure Activity Items Low-Brow High-Brow Guilty Low-Brow Orientation Orientation Orientation 1. I think it's important to support .09 .38 .04 public television.
2. Every vacation should be educational. .24 .15 -.30 3. I think th at bowling is a great way .45* .04 .01 to spend time with my friends.
4. A trip to Disneyland would be one .60 -.04 .05 of my top choices for a vacation.
5. I like to watch the TV programs ■ 50 -.26 -.00 "That's Incredible" and "Real People."
6. I find TV evangelists to be really .40 -.07 -.10 inspiring.
7. Sometimes I really wish that I .05 -.05 -.36 would improve the quality of my reading material.
8. I enjoy watching drag racing. .11 -.16 -.12
9. I really get involved in TV soap .06 -.01 -.27 operas. 10. I find going to the ballet to be a .07 -.37 -.05 boring experience.
11. Sometimes I'm embarrassed by the .06 .03 -.24 kind of television programs that I watch. Table 17 (continued)
Factor I factor II factor III Leisure Activity Items Low-Brow High-Brow Guilty Low-Brow Orientation Orientation Orientation 12. I think it's Important to see .04 .56 -.31 films made in foreign countries.
13. The private lives of celebrities .21 -.09 -.31 really interests me.
14. I think that jazz music is over .09 -.38 -.09 rated. CO 0 4 15. People sometimes c ritic iz e the -.29 -.07 1 magazines I read or movies I go to. 16. I think it's Important to go to .32 .02 • -.02 church each week.
Eigenvalue 2.57 1.61 1.35 Percent of Total Variance 16.1 10.0 8.4
♦Underlined items indicate significant loadings. 108
to assess subjects' use and opinions of leisure activities (also see
Appendix D for the intercorrelation matrix). A three factor solution was selected and was found to explain 34.5 percent of the common
variance.
Factor 1: "Low-Brow" Orientation - Five items significantly loaded
on Factor 1 which acconted for 16.1 percent of the variance. These
items focused on the notions that bowling is a great way to spend time with friends, a trip to Disneyland would be a top vacation choice, the television programs "That's Incredible" and "Real People" are enjoyable, television evangelists are really inspiring and it's important to go to church each week. The commonality here seems to lie in an orientation toward "low-taste" entertainment and evangelical religious beliefs, and based on the DeFleur and
Ball-Rokeach (1982) taste definitions, this orientation was labeled as "low-brow."
Factor 2: "High-Brow" Orientation - Four times significantly loaded on Factor 2 which accounted for 10 percent of the variance.
These items focused on the notions that it's important to support public television, going to the ballet is not a boring experience, it's important to see films made in foreign countries, and jazz music is not overrated. All of these items seem to represent "high-brow" a ctiv ities and preferences as DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1982) would define this term, and this factor was labeled accordingly.
Factor 3: Guilty "Low-Brow" Orientation - Three items significantly loaded on Factor 3 which accounted for 8.4 percent of the variance. The items focused on the notions that the private 109 lives of celebrities are really interesting, people sometimes criticize the magazines or movies one prefers, and a desire to improve the quality of one's reading material. The commonality here seems to lie between a preference for "low-taste" content and a d esire to ris e above i t . Because of th is , th is facto r seemed typified as a guilty low-brow orientation.
DIFFERENTIATING BETWEEN SETS OF PERCEPTIONS
A stepwise discriminant analysis was performed on the factor scores each subject received as a result of the factor analyses clusters of tabloid perception variables (Factor 1: Highly Positive
Orientation Toward Tabloids; Factor 2: Light-Hearted Orientation
Toward Tabloids; Factor 3: Negative Orientation Toward Tabloid
Readers; Factor 4: Negative Orientation Toward the Tabloid
Appearance; Factor 5: Negative Orientation Toward Tabloid U tility ), tabloid credibility variables (Factor 1: Trustworthiness; Factor 2:
Dynamism; Factor 3: Expertise), and the leisure activity variables
(Factor 1: "Low-Brow" Orientation; Factor 2: "High-Brow"
Orientation; Factor 3: Guilty "Low-Brow" Orientation). The results of this procedure are presented in Tables 18, 19 and 20 (also see
Appendix D for the intercorrelation matrix). This discriminant analysis retained seven of the original 10 variables, and two functions were produced, only one of which proved to be significant.
The standardized discriminant function coefficients for the seven-variable analysis are presented in Table 18. The larger the coefficient, the more important the variable is in the discriminant function. 110
Table 18
Discriminant Analysis Function Coefficients
Variable Function I Function 2
Highly Positive Orientation -.36 .57 Toward Tabloids
Light-Hearted Orientation -.43 -.18 Toward Tabloids
Negative Orientation .50 .42 Toward Tabloid Readers
Negative Orientation - .17 -.49 Toward Tabloid Appearance
Negative Orientation .21 -.03 Toward Tabloid Utility
Dynamism - .04 -.61
Low-Brow Orientation - .23 -.13
Eigenvalue .56 .03
Percent of Variance 95.2 4.8
Canonical Correlation .60 .17
Wilks' Lambda .62 .97
Chi-Squared 125.43 7.40
Df 14 6 p. .00 .29 Final Variable Group Means
Factor______Reader x______Occ. Reader x______Non-Reader■ (2) Light-Hearted Orientation . 6 6 .03 -.28 .001 Toward Tabloids (3) Negative Orientation Toward -.68 -.02 .29 .001 Tabloid Readers (4) Negative Orientation Toward -.33 .13 -.10 .001 Tabloid Appearance (5) Negative Orientation Toward -.40 .08 .12 .001 Tabloid U tility (6) T rus tworthi ness/Expertise .83 -.15 -.24 .001 (7) Dynamism -.05 .17 -.03 nsd (8) Low-Brow Orientation .58 .01 -.20 .001 0 ) High-Brow Orientation -.30 .00 .09 .002 (10) Guilty Low-Brow Orientation -.38 -.00 .09 .001 N 58 74 138 •Groups were determined as significantly differing from one another on the basis of a one-way ANOVA procedure. Note: The negative-positive signs for this group means were reversed here In order to coincide with the language used in the factor clusters. T a b le 20 Discriminant Analysis Summary Table Step Factor Label Wilks' Lambda Significance 1 Negative Orientation Toward .79 .001 Tabloid Readers 2 Highly Positive Orientation .70 .001 Toward Tabloids 3 Light-Hearted Orientation .65 .001 Toward Tabloids 4 Low-Brow Orientation .64 .001 5 Trustworthiness/Expertise .63 .001 6 Dynami sm .63 .001 7 Negative Orientation .62 .001 Toward Tabloid Utility 8 Negative Orientation Toward .62 .001 Tabloid Appearance 9 Trustworthiness/Expertise .62 .001 (Removed) Negative Orientation Toward Tabloid Readers, Highly Positive Orientation Toward Tabloids, and Light-Hearted Orientation Toward Tabloids were the three most highly loaded items which differentiated between regular tabloid readers, occasional readers and nonreaders. To a lesser extent, "Low-Brow" Orientation, Dynamism, Negative Orientation Toward Tabloid Utility, and Negative Orientation Toward the Tabloid Appearance contributed to this discrimination. Since the stepwise selection method was used here, independent variables were selected for entry into the analysis on the basis of their discriminating power. Trustworthiness/Expertise actually was entered into the analysis but was later removed probably because i t no longer made a sufficient contribution to the discrimination. Klecka (1980) has noted that a previously selected variable may be removed when variables selected on subsequent steps combine to duplicate the contribution of this variable. "High-Brow" Orientation and Guilty "Low-Brow" Orientation did not enter into the analysis at any point, most likely due to their high correlations with "Low-Brow" Orientation. Group means were computed for each of the 10 variables. In order to determine if groups significantly differed from each other on the basis of each other a one-way analysis of variance was performed. All groups were found to significantly differ from each other on each variable except for the Dynamism variable where no groups differences were found. (See Table 19.) CHAPTER IV DISCUSSION This chapter will attempt to summarize the results of this study in terms of the salient findings for each research question. The implications and limitations of this research will be addressed and suggestions for further research of this topic will be offered. THE IMAGE Overall, the derived image of the supermarket tabloids does not appear to be a very positive one, particularly in the areas of credibility, utility and perceived readership (why do they read). In general, both readers and nonreaders in this study seemed to feel that the tabloids: are untrustworthy; print untrue celebrity stories and exploit celebrities to sell more copy; offer a distorted view of reality and unsound health advice; are not very educational; are popular because of their gossipy nature; and offer unsound advice in general. Respondents, on the whole, also tended to perceive tabloid reporters as being unethical and felt that tabloid photographs may be misleading. Certain of the concepts examined here, particularly perceived expertise, form vs. content, and perceived readership (who reads), produced relatively high degrees of variance indicating that these may be the areas where readers and nonreaders most disagree. More specifically, this may be an indication that tabloid readers like the form and content of the tabloids, feel that the tabloids are good at 114 115 what they do, and that they, the tabloid readers are not bored, uneducated and naive. Positively perceived traits of the tabloids, include their ability to pass the time, their cheap price and short stories, their up-beat quality, and th eir dynamism. Although the tabloids were seen as being less trustworthy and having less expertise than either Time or People magazines, the tabloids are perceived as the most dynamic of the three periodicals. This may be the one area in which the tabloids' tendency toward excess has paid off, as i t appears that few people perceive the tabloids as being dull or lethargic. Perceptions of tabloid content, proved to be particularly interesting. Approximately one-third of subjects' responses to what types of stories they thought appeared in the tabloids focused on celebrities and their private lives. In many cases respondents made reference to specific celebrities and the term gossip was used in qualifying the response, e.g., "gossip about Johnny Carson's marriage." This level of specificity was evident in many of the individual perceptions of perceived story-types, (e.g., "a miracle cure for cancer," "how to lose 10 pounds in three days," "flying saucers from Mars") and would seem to indicate that people have some very specific notions about tabloid content. In addition, one-fifth of the responses concerning perceived story-type took the form of purely negative evaluations of the tabloids, usually focusing on the tabloids as trash or the tabloids as untrue. Considering that these evaluations were unsolicited, it would appear that some people have some very strong opinions regarding the tabloids. 116 The tabloids' attempts at investigative journalism, however, appear to have gone relatively unnoticed. This comes in light of the fact that "Current News With a Twist" (Holden, 1977) is a regular tabloid feature and one-half of the respondents were regular or occasional readers. This may indicate that tabloid readers are more drawn by other story types. Although the National Enquirer received extensive coverage for its investigative coverage concerning the death of John Belushi, people may perceive this as being ju st another "celebrity" story and not as a tabloid attempt at hard news. In terms of how the past history of the tabloids affects their present image, few references were made by respondents to the types of stories which once typified the "old" or presupermarket tabloids. This seems to indicate that the current tabloids are not perceived as purveyors of gore and perversion. No major differences were discerned in perceptions that are held of tabloid form and content. The tabloids present very distinct kinds of stories (content). These stories are accompanied by shocking headlines and startling photographs and are advertised by means of provocative commercials (form). The results of this study would seem to show that both of these factors are largely disliked, and therefore contribute to the negative image of the tabloids. But both of these factors produced relatively high levels of variance, suggesting that this is an area where readers and nonreaders really disagree. This variance, however, could also be an indication not of group disagreement, but of an overall disagreement across respondents based on a predisposition toward certain types of form and content. 117 Since both form and content were negatively perceived, it is impossible to determine if readers really "like" both of these factors, or as in the case of Mrs. Ireta Moore (1966), who in her le tte r to TV Guide compared Shakespeare to soap operas, these two features are perceived synonymously. Relationships Between Image Perceptions Five separate interrelationships or orientations were found to typify some of the perceptions that are held of the supermarket tabloids. Two of these orientations were relatively positive in regard to the ta b lo id s , although one focused on a more serious orientation toward these periodicals than did the other. The three remaining orientations were all negative in nature, focusing on tabloid readers, tabloid appearance and tabloid utility. This suggests that these may be the primary dimensions on which the negative image of the tabloids is based. EXPERIENCE/EXPOSURE Level and type of experience does seem to have an effect on the image that is held of the tabloids. Direct experience seems to result in the high levels of recall and awareness demonstrated by regular and occasional readers. This direct experience would seem.to play an important role in the formation of perceptions that readers hold concerning the tabloids. But nonreaders do not have the benefit of direct experience in forming their perceptions. Nonreaders must rely on indirect experience. The media and interpersonal contact provide strong sources of indirect experience. The results of this study indicate that the 118 media are perceived as being negative of the tabloids and that nonreaders are seen as poking fun at these periodicals. The coverage of the Carol Burnett case also seems to have left a negative impression of the tabloids with a sizable portion of the respondents here. These three perceptions must play a large role in determining the tab lo id image th a t is held by nonreaders. As Kretch and Crutchfield (1948) noted, these perceptions would provide adequate input to form a wholistic notion of the tabloids. Commercials for the tabloids or the perusal of a tabloid cover may serve to round out the picture that is held of the tabloids, or may simply provide dramatic proof for what is already perceived. An image based on these perceptions will allow a person to have some knowledge of the tabloids. For example, in considering the responses to the perceived content of the tabloids, half of the mentions of celebrity stories can be attributed to nonreaders. Similarly, almost half of the references categorized as "Self-Help or How-To" came from nonreaders. Where did these perceptions come from? The tabloid television commercials and covers seem to give a lot of coverage to their celebrity and diet (self-help) stories, and so it seems reasonable to assume that these perceptions of tabloid story content come, at least in part, from these indirect sources of communication. Tabloid perceptions based on indirect experience can provide only superficial knowledge, however. Indirect experience can result in a person knowing a lot about Australia or airplanes, but there are no books or movies which can provide this same type of objective, 119 detailed information about the tabloids. Indirect exposure seems to result in negative perceptions of the tabloids, and as Nimmo and Combs (1983) noted, it is unlikely that an individual will check their "reality" against alternative, perhaps contradictory realities. In the case of the tabloids this seems to be unfortunate. For while tabloid readers may also feel that these periodicals exploit celebrities and are not verytrustworthy, they also recognize that the tabloids provide a cheap form of relaxation and entertainment, are sometimes uplifting to read, and may result in le tte r campaigns to a sick child or adoption for a child no one wants. These attributes of the tabloids don't receive very much media coverage, and nonreaders may be totally unaware that they exist. Thus direct experience seems to result in a tempered view of the tabloids -- they have some good points and some bad points. This view must in some way be a reflection of indirect experience, in the form of the media and interpersonal sources and the messages they carry. It should be noted, however, that for some readers, their level of ego-involvement most likely causes them to justify their behavior and so therefore they must perceive the tabloids as possessing positive attributes. Indirect experience, however, seems to result in an essentially negative view of this phenomenon. If the nonreaders questioned in this study were aware of what might be seen as the more positive attributes of the tabloids, than they perhaps do not perceive these as positive or they feel that the negative far outweighs the positive. It is most likely, however, that they were not aware of these more positive attributes. 120 LOW-TASTE ORIENTATION Regular and occasional readers do seem to exhibit more of a preference for low-taste media content than do nonreaders. Thus, low-taste orientation does seem to be an indicator of tabloid readership. Within the context of this study, the credibility of the tabloids was compared to that of Time, representative of a higher-taste publication, and People, representative of a low-taste publication. The tabloids were perceived to be less credible than either of these magazines, but the perceived credibility of People was much more similar to that of Time than of the tabloids. While both the tabloids and People deal largely with celebrity and human interest content, People employs the glossy magazine format, and People does not appear to have attracted the type of negative publicity that the tabloids have. These two factors may account for these perceptions. Respondents' use and opinions of a number of leisure activities were examined in this study in hopes of learning more about the perceptions of one particular leisure activity, reading supermarket tabloids. An examination of the interrelationships that were found to exist between respondents' perceptions here, produced three separate interrelationships or orientations. One of these orientations was typified by a preference for "low-taste" activities and the holding of evangelistic religious beliefs. Evangelists are generally perceived as being fairly conservative in terms of their moral convictions. This orientation then, could be seen as being 121 based on a sense of good clean fun. This is particuarly interesting in light of the fact that the tabloids themselves recognize that they are conservative publications catering to conservative beliefs (Engstrom, 1984). Roberts (1983) in his examination of the attitudes and media use of the Moral Majority, indisputably a conservative evangelical group, noted that while Moral Majority members prefer much the same television fare as anyone else, they are less likely to read magazines such as P1ayboy, and less likely than a liberal group to read Time. This conservatism then, results in certain print media preferences. The tabloids may represent an acceptable form of print media for such conservatives then, since they do not make use of sexually explicit content and editorially have a decidedly conservative bent in what Whetmore (1982) refers to as the common stereotypes of this country. This interrelationship then, in showing that a preference for low-taste activities is related to conservatism, may be seen as one more link between tabloid readers and a low-taste orientation. An examination of those product-types which respondents felt could be advertised in the tabloids, also raises an interesting point about low-taste orientation. Nonreaders were responsible for 40 percent of the references to breast enlargement products, 43.4 percent of the references to diet/weight loss products, 47.1 percent of the references to exercise/body building equipment, and 81.8 percent of the references to sex/birth control products. A knowledge of products advertised in the tabloids could only be arrived at through direct exposure or someone talking about this. The question of what these product perceptions are based on, becomes particularly intriguing in light of the fact that with the exception of sex/birth control products, all of the products just discussed do regularly appear in the tabloids. One possible explanation is that nonreaders have had exposure to other low-taste periodicals which feature such advertising. Another explanation is that these are perceived as low-taste products and therefore they would be advertised in a low-taste magazine, and this may well be the case in regard to sex/birth control products. Since the other perceptions were accurate however, it is more likely that the respondents here have somehow gathered this information from talking to other people who were aware of the products advertised in the tabloids or in other low-taste magazines. CHARACTERIZING READER GROUPS This study isolated three levels of tabloid readership. Obviously, this membership affects the perceptions one holds of the tabloids. The choice to read would seem to indicate that some need is being fu lfilled for the reader. Choosing not to read would seem to indicate that the tabloids are not perceived as possibly fu lfillin g any salient needs a person may have. Some other ways in which these groups differ are illustrated throughout this chapter. Most of these differences have focused on very specific issues, such as the findings that regular tabloid readers are more likely to have tabloid-related discussions, buy their own copies of these periodicals, and are more prone to television than print media use. This study also uncovered a number of "orientations" that people may 123 have toward the tabloids and leisure activities. An examination of how reader groups differed on the basis of these orientations might provide a broader notion of the differences that may exist here. Negative Orientation Toward Tabloid Readers was found to be the orientation which best differentiated between reader groups. Since the focus of this orientation is on readers themselves it seems reasonable to assume that regular and occasional readers would be similar here. This is not the case, however. Occasional readers were actually more like nonreaders on the basis of this orientation. This suggests that occasional readers may not take their tabloids very seriously or perhaps view them as a form of satire. The operational definition of occasional readers, however, required only that they claimed to have read a tabloid once in five years. The occasional reader group then also includes anyone who was just curious and certainly the curious would feel no allegiance to tabloid readers. Further support for the notion that occasional readers are actually somewhat negative of the tabloids is seen by examining the Highly Positive Orientation Toward Tabloids, the orientation which next best differentiated between reader groups. Once again, the occasional readers were most similar to nonreaders. This same relationship is found in terms of the Light-Hearted Orientation Toward Tabloids, and this would seem to indicate that there are two types of regular tabloid readers — one type which takes the tabloids very seriously and one that does not. Occasional readers also resembled nonreaders in regard to the "Low-Brow" Orientation. 124 Differences between groups on this basis of this orientation would seem to indicate that regular tabloid readers are most likely to prefer lower-taste leisure activities. The Guilty "Low-Brow" Orientation is particularly interesting, not in its ability to differentiate between groups but because it would seem to indicate that this orientation is not typified by occasional readers who feel bad about what they enjoy. Rather, it appears that if any reader group is typified here, it would be some segment of the nonreaders. This suggests that regular tabloid readers may not be a very homogeneous group. The Light-Hearted Orientation suggests lines of division, as does the Guilty "Low-Brow" Orientation. THEORETICAL SUMMARY The Uses and G ratifications Approach In trying to determine why a person holds a certain set of perceptions concerning the tabloids, or more specifically, how tabloid readers differ from nonreaders in this regard, the uses and gratifications approach offers much insight. This approach "represents an attempt to explain something of the way in which individuals use communications, among other resources in their environment, to satisfy their needs and achieve their goals" (Katz, Blumler & Gurevitch, 1974, p. 21). Central to this approach is the notion that everyone has needs and that each person will assign differing levels of importance to the needs they possess. In attempting to satisfy their needs, people will choose the activity which is accessible as well as possibly fu lfillin g . For example, a 125 person may have a need for companionship; although it may seem preferable to go visiting, it may be simpler to turn on the television set. The uses and gratifications approach, then, puts forth the notion that people use the media that they do for specific reasons. In the case of the supermarket tabloids, this approach would indicate that certain salient needs are fulfilled by the reading of these periodicals. Although i t was not the purpose of this examination to determine the nature of these needs, the data here do indicate that the tabloids are popular because of the gossip and nondepressing stories they provide. In addition, Whetmore (1982) and others have suggested that the tabloids are popular because they reaffirm a certain world view. It seems probable that the need for gossip and to have one's world view reconfirmed may be particularly salient for tabloid readers. Perhaps these readers would prefer an interpersonal means of satisfying these needs, but in the absence of interpersonal contact the tabloids provide a very accessible alternative. People who do not read the tabloids may not put such a priority on these needs, or may have sufficient interpersonal contact to satisfy these needs. The Influence of Taste Upon Needs It must be noted, however, that a number of factors determine the needs one has, and what will be perceived as the best source or sources for fulfilling these needs. One important factor which would seem to influence needs would be that of a person's level of taste. More specifically, one's needs must in some way be determined by the 126 aesthetic knowledge and appreciation one possesses. Mannes (1961) has noted that a person cannot be truly cultured or exhibit high taste until one possesses a knowledge of art forms and a set of criteria which will serve as a measure of judgement. Level of education alone, however, cannot account for one's level of taste (White, 1970). Perhaps the type of education one has received accounts for this. An education which stresses aesthetic appreciation should result in higher levels of taste. According to the uses and gratifications approach, people choose the activity which will best satisfy their needs, with accessibility taken into consideration. It would appear, then, that people with different levels of taste will most likely find different ways of satisfying a similar need. One person may find diversion best served by reading comic books while another may have this same need fulfilled by going to the symphony. Due to the typification of the tabloids as low-taste content, this seems to say something about the level of aesthetic appreciation tabloid readers possess. The Dependency Model Needs are complex then, both in terms of how they are determined and what will best satisfy them. For those people who find that the tabloids satisfy some need or needs, this would seem to be an indication of their dependence upon the media. DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1982), have posited that as societal structures become more complex, they become unable to supply certain types of necessary information to their members through interpersonal channels without the intervention of the mass media. This leads to an increased sense of media dependence. Gossip and stories that result from "inside" information are generally thought of as interpersonal sources of discussion. In the absence of interpersonal contacts the tabloids may well serve as a suitable alternative. Van den Haag (1961) noted over twenty years ago the interest people have in gossip columns and in other people's private lives, and he suggested that this "vicarious living" (p. 56) was symptomatic of a growing sense of personal alienation. Based on the DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1982) model, tabloid readers would appear to be prime candidates for dependency since the tabloids provide an extremely accessible alternative to what they may be lacking through interpersonal channels. The tabloids also present a very black-and-white view of the world (Thompson, 1983) and in a complex society this may be very reassuring. Level of Involvement While accessibility is obviously a necessary condition for dependence on any source, audience members should not be viewed as passive consumers of information. Chaffee (1979) has argued that audience members make judgements about the quality of the information they receive from any source, and attempt to verify this information by contacting other sources. In certain situations this is the case. This is probably not the case for tabloid readers, however. Krugman (1965) noted that there are two entirely different ways of experiencing and being influenced by the mass media: one way is characterized by a high degree of personal involvement and one is characterized by a lack of personal involvement. Krugman was 128 alluding here to two of the hierarchy of effects models which result from permutations of the three major levels of response -- cognitive, affective and conative. What Krugman referred to as high-involvement is the learning hierarchy, which is characterized by a cognitive-affective-conative relationship. The learning hierarchy is most likely to occur when the audience is involved in the topic and when there are clear differences between alternatives. The low-involvement hierarchy is characterized by a cognitive-conative-affective relationship, and is most likely to occur when there are minimal differences between alternatives or when low involvement makes actual differences unimportant to the audience (Ray, et a l ., 1973). For most people reading the tabloids for gossip and reassurance, the tabloids probably represent a fairly low-involvement experience. This is in contrast to a person who reads Consumer Reports because they want to learn more about the car they want to buy. Buying a car would be a high-involvement experience, and the cross-verification of information would seem to be in order. It is unlikely that tabloid readers would seek to verify tabloid content since minimal personal involvement would exist. Selective Perception One of the results of dependency here may be that tabloid readers will tend to tune out information that criticizes the tabloids or runs counter to the information contained in the tabloids. According to Festinger's (1957) theory of cognitive dissonance, people will actively avoid messages that run counter to 129 their beliefs. When messages that are negative of the tabloids are received, they will most likely be selectively perceived as representing either erroneous or even positive messages. Because of this, tabloid readers are able to avoid the dissonance which might result from partaking of what some may see as socially undesirable behavior, and therefore maintain a fairly positive attitude toward the tabloids. The Tabloids as a Dysfunctional Medium For nonreaders of the tabloids, essentially negative perceptions seem to be formulated toward this phenomenon. In recognizing that the tabloids would not satisfy any of their salient needs, the tabloids are already placed in a negative light. As Katz, Gurevitch and Haas (1973) posited, people who recognize that certain media forms do not satisfy certain needs, may actually view these media forms as dysfunctional. Due to a lack of direct experience with the tabloids, nonreaders receive their information on the tabloids from opinion leaders and through media gatekeepers. As an examination of the tabloid literature revealed in Chapter I, messages stemming from these sources are most likely to be negative in nature. It is unlikely that an attempt will be made to verify this information, because for nonreaders, this is also an area of low-involvement. In accepting other's viewpoints, however, a set of beliefs regarding the tabloids will be formed and in order to avoid dissonance, incoming messages regarding the tabloids will most likely be selectively perceived. For example, a nonreader who has occasion to examine a tabloid will evaluate the content in terms of his or her perceptions 130 so that his or her beliefs will be reconfirmed. It is highly unlikely that occasional exposure will result in any attitude change. LIMITATIONS Since this study was of an exploratory nature there were a large number of questions that seemed worthy of the asking. Unfortunately, not all of these could be operationalized within the context of a 12 minute telephone interview. These questions included: Why have nonreaders never read a tabloid? Why do readers think they read? How many readers feel guilty about reading the tabloids? Do nonreaders differ from readers on the premium they place on trivial pleasure? How do people perceive their own levels of taste? What media forms would people most compare the tabloids to? How much of the tabloid content do readers believe? How often do nonreaders shop in supermarkets? Hopefully other researchers will attempt to answer some of the questions, and pursue and expand upon some of the issues which have been raised by this study. In addition to this, the exploratory nature of this study resulted in the use of somewhat more liberal standards of statistical acceptance. As noted in Chapter III, factor loadings as low as .31 were considered to significantly contribute to a factor cluster in the factor analyses conducted. Since factor scores provided the data for the discriminant analysis, this liberal standard was carried forward into subsequent analysis. When more research has been accumulated on the tabloids, such low levels might well prove unacceptable, but at present they seemed to be necessary in discovering as much as possible from the data. As noted in Chapter II, it was originally speculated that it might prove d ifficu lt to find approximately 200 tabloid readers on the basis of random sele c tio n alone. This was not the case. Individuals who possessed direct experience with the tabloids during the last five years were located in equal proportion with those who did not. Obviously the operational definition of a reader accounted for the high number of readers that were contacted. In retrospect it seems clear that a sterner definition of "reader" could have been employed since many of those respondents which were classified as occasional readers may have only once read a tabloid out of sheer curiosity. This liberal definition of a "reader" was used out of a fear that the odds of locating readers would be 20:1, as determined by tabloid circulation figures. Since this does not appear to be the case, future researchers would be wise to be more stringent in their definition of minimal acceptance for "reader" classification. This study also attempted to deal with the problematic area of taste. This has long proved to be a d ifficu lt concept for researchers to operationalize. Within the context of this study, only a respondent's use of television, magazines and newspapers went into determining a final taste score. Other operationalizations of taste might have included the use of music, movies, books, etc., which are also taste indicators, and this might have produced a different set of results. The use of judges in coding each media title may appear somewhat controversial, but it was seen as a superior option over having respondents categorize their own taste levels. Obviously the judges here displayed some personal bias but 132 due to the nature of taste this seems impossible to escape. A major concept examined here was that of perceived tabloid content, both in terms of stories and products which might be advertised in the tabloids. While the respondents' notions of this content proved particularly interesting, especially those of nonreaders, this study does not allow these perceptions to be put in perspective. While it is one thing to determine that a story- or product-type appear regularly in the tabloids, it is quite another to know in what proportion these stories and products occur. A content analysis could have been performed but unfortunately this analysis was determined to be less important than other questions or procedures in answering the research questions. Hopefully subsequent tabloid researchers will conduct such a content analysis. Finally, i t should be noted that the data produced by this study were collected from a random sample of the Columbus, Ohio, area. While Columbus is perceived to be representative of the typical U.S. city, the findings of this study are not to be generalized to any population other than that of the Columbus area. CONCLUSIONS On the basis of this examination, the derived image of the supermarket tabloids appears to be a rather negative one; one to which not onlynonreaders butalso regular and occasional readers contribute. The tabloids are perceived as not being very credible and as potentially harmful to their readers. Both level and type of experience, and low-taste orientation were found to somewhat account for the image one holds of the tabloids. It would also appear that a 133 sizable number of people with and without the benefit of direct experience, have formed opinions on the tabloids, and that some of these opinions are very strong. If nothing else, the tabloids appear to be a visible and dynamic form of the mass media. In addition to these findings, the results of this study pose some interesting questions. (1) How do tabloid readers cope with this negative image? At least a certain segment of regular tabloid readers, specifically those people who truly believe and value the tabloids as sources of information, would seem to employ selective perception in dealing with this negative image. Some of this group may actively crusade against this image, but if so they do not yet appear to have become a visible force. Occasional or light-hearted tabloid readers may not have any problem here if they view the tabloids as a form of satire or amusement. As Pauline Kael (1969) noted, a desire for trivial pleasure should require no justification. Some people then, must recognize their need for mindless fun and find that for 65 cents the National Enquirer provides at least a few good laughs. The tabloids then, would hold no danger for this rather well-adjusted group of media consumers. As would seem indicated by the Guilty "Low-Brow" Orientation, however, some tabloid readers cannot accept what they are doing. (2) Who are the Guilty "Low-Brows?" The answer to this question appears to be that this is a segment of tabloid readers. The more important question seems to focus on why these people feel guilty when other readers do not. It seems probable that this group is more 134 in need of a sense of social desirability and are therefore more susceptible to the negative messages the media and nonreaders purvey. This is a rather poignant group in that the opinions of others keeps them from enjoying a form of content they find desirable. If the tabloid image becomes more negative this group may ultimately have to kick the tabloid habit in order to live with themselves. (3) What should the tabloids do to improve their image? The question which must first be asked here is whether the tabloids want to improve their image? If there are tabloid readers who are feeling badly because of this image, it would appear the tabloids would want to keep them as readers and therefore want to improve this image. This may not be the case, however. Jim Martise (1984), a senior vice-president with the National Enquirer stated that he feels the tabloids are losing their sense of identity and becoming too much like People and USA Today. This would seem to indicate that the tabloids might soon attempt to further individualize themselves in the journalistic arena. With this might come a new and different image, so why worry about the present one. While this may seem to be the easiest solution in the long rurn, i t is possible as Boulding (1961) noted to alter existing images. In the case of the tabloids the best approach here might be to counteract negative associations with some positive ones. The tabloids do little to nothing to show that they can do some good for people and that they can be fun. Perhaps then nonreaders might realize that the tabloids are not necessarily anti-intellectual, but rather, provide a fairly good indication of the stereotypes and conventions many Americans still 135 hold. The tabloids are not perhaps the total monsters they have been made out to be, but because of their present image it seems unlikely that nonreaders will have much inclination to find this out. (4) Why is People magazine perceived to be more comparable to Time than the tabloids in terms of credibility? While the tabloid executives may fear that the tabloids are becoming too homogeneous, the respondents in this study perceived a distinct difference between the tabloids and People in the area of credibility at least. The most obvious reason for this would seem to be the glossy-magazine format of People. This magazine just looks more respectable than the tabloids. In addition, People1s headlines and commmercials tend to be a bit more discreet, and People has not had to deal with a public flogging like that of the Carol Burnett libel suit. (5) What role does gossip play in both tabloid popularity and the negative tabloid image? Respondents in this study indicated that the gossipy content of the tabloids is the strongest reason for tabloid popularity. Celebrity gossip accounted for one-third of the responses when subjects were asked what types of stories appear in the ta b lo id s . The G uilty "Low-Brow" O rientation would seem to indicate that a preference for gossip is part of what accounts for that guilt. The variable which best discriminated between reader groups was that of a negative orientation toward tabloid readers. The implications of all of this seem to point to a vicious circle. If the tabloid covers and television commercials are any indication, celebrity gossip is perhaps the feature which attracts the most readers. The results of this study tend to confirm this. People buy 136 the tabloids for the gossip, but because of the gossip the tabloids contain and because gossip has a very derogatory connotation, the tabloids develop a negative image. This same gossip that they bought the tabloids for, now becomes a source of embarrassment. Certainly other factors contribute to the popularity of the tabloids and the negative tabloid image, but the concept of gossip, with both the pleasure and connotations it brings with it, seems to be central to an understanding of the tabloid phenomenon. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH This study, coupled with that of Lehnert and Perpich (1982), comprise the first attempts at scratching the surface of the tabloid phenomenon. This study focused on perceptions that are held of the tabloids and their readers, and this does seem to be a good starting point. The case has already been made here the tabloids are worthy subjects for academic inquiry, and that need for research appears to be overdue. Based on the r e s u lts of th is study, i t is recommended th a t future researchers explore the following avenues: (1) Much more needs to be known about why people read the tabloids: what are the salient needs that are fulfilled? The uses and gratifications approach could provide such information, and this analysis might reveal the different types of readers which exist and on which points they differ. (2) An orientation emerged from this study which tended to characterize a certain segment of tabloid readers as "guilty low-brows." Much more needs to be known about the dynamics of such 137 an orientation, i.e., who are they, why do they feel guilty, is this a sizable segment of readers, etc. What are the common threads of association which exist between the guilty low-brows of each media form? Media researchers, i t would seem, have somewhat of a duty to understand these frustrated media consumers. (3) A model was proposed for this study (see p. 28) which essentially was found to define the dynamics of the tabloid image as i t was examined here. During the course of this examination, however, an additional factor emerged which might well be added to this model. The findings here indicate that a person's sense of conservatism may also be a good indicator of tabloid readership and perceptions. The term conservatism is used here in both the moral and political sense. An examination should be conducted to see if such a relationship truly exists. (4) An institutional study of the tabloids is sorely needed and would inevitably lead to a better understanding of the tabloid phenomenon. (5) The subject of gossip as a form of mass media content also seems worthy of investigation. Research here indicated that gossip may be central to the tabloid image and the dynamics of this phenomenon. Little seems to be known in terms of the individual differences variables that operate here (Rosnow & Fine, 1976) and since this does appear to be a popular form of media content, research here also appears overdue. BIBLIOGRAPHY Altheide, D. L., & Snow, R. P. Media Logic. Beverly H ills, CA: Sage Publications, 1979. Berio, D. K., Lemert, J. B., & Mertz, R. J. 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In W. D. Wells (Ed.), Lifestyle and Psychographics. USA: American Marketing Associ ation, 1974. Woodress, F. A., "Here at the National Enquirer." July 1977, pp. 24-26. ------APPENDIX A PILOT STUDY COVER LETTER AND QUESTIONNAIRE 143 144 The Ohio State University Department of Communication 205 Derby Hall 154 North Oval Mall Columbus, Ohio 43210-1360 Phone 614-422-3400 (SUPERMARKET INTERVIEW COVER LETTER) TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN: The Department of Communication at The Ohio State University is conducting a study of people's use of the media and their leisure time activities. One form of media that we are particularly interested in is the supermarket tabloid (such as the National Enqui rer). In order for us to understand people's use of the tabloids it is important for us to speak to tabloid readers like yourself. This is a serious scientific research project and we would really value your input. Presently very little is known about people's use of the tabloids but we're hoping that you can help us change that. If you have any questions which have not yet been answered or would like more information on any aspect of this study please feel free to call either Deborah MacDonald or Dr. Thomas McCain at the Department of Communication at OSU (422-3400). Your cooperation is greatly appreciated. 145 TABLOID PILOT STUDY NAME______ PHONE NUMBER Hello, my name is ______. I am calling from the Department of Communication at Ohio State University. We are conducting a survey of supermarket tabloids (such as the National Enquirer). _____ days ago you were approached by a member of our research team and agreed to spend a few minutes of your time helping us with our research. Would this be a good time for you to answer a few questions. (IF ANSWER IS NO) What time would be more convenient for us to call you back? (GET SPECIFIC DATE AND TIME IF THEY HAVE CHANGED THEIR MIND ABOUT DOING THE INTERVIEW, JUST THANK THEM FOR THEIR TIME AND SAY GOODBYE.) (IF ANSWER IS YES) Very good. This will be very helpful to us. We want to learn more about the opinions of tabloid readers such as yourself. PART 1 On this firs t question, I would like you to take your time and think care fully. Q.l Now can you tell me what words or terms come to mind when you think about supermarket tabloids such as the National Enquirer, the Star and the Globe. (USE NEUTRAL RE INFORCERS FOR EACH PROGRAM MENTION SUCH AS "I SEE" OR "OK." PUT A CHECK MARK BESIDE WORDS OR TERMS YOU THINK ARE VAGUE.) (PROBE 1) Are ther any other words or terms that you can think of? Please take your time in answering. (AGAIN USE NEUTRAL RE INFORCERS.) 146 2. (PROBE 2) This is very helpful but le t me be sure I understand what you mean by______. (NAME ALL VAGUE WORDS AND TERMS ONE AT A TIME. PAUSE AND PROBE ACCORDINGLY. IT WOULD PROBABLY BE HELPFUL HERE TO ASK FOR EXAMPLES AND SPECIFIC INSTANCES TO HELP EXPLIAN WHAT THEY MEA*:.) (PROBE 3 ” IF NECESSARY) I'm s till not sure that I understand what you mean by ______? (BE VERY REINFORCING HERE.) PART 2 OK, that was very helpful. Now perhaps you could answer two more questions for me. All forms of media such as television and motion pictures are credited with having both positive and negative qualities. We would like to know what good and bad qualities you think the tabloid possess — both in terms of the Content of these papers and of the Influence these papers may have on their readers. Q. 2. First then, can you describe for me the positive qualities you would attribute to the tabloids? (REINFORCE EACH RESPONSE WITH "YES," "GOOD," "I SEE","OK," "PLEASE GO ON," ETC. UNTIL RESPONDENT RUNS DRY.) (NOTE: IF RESPONDENT USES AN ANALOGY LIKE "I THINK IT'S A LOT LIKE PEOPLE MAGAZINE SAY — That's interesting. Can you tell me what good qualities these two media have in common?) 147 (PROBE 1) Now I would like you to think one more time about what good qualities you see in the tabloids. Are, there any other qual 1 ties you can think of, that you haven't mentioned so far? (REINFORCE AND PUT A CHECK MARK BESIDE VAGUE OR UNCLEAR WORDS AND TERMS.) (PROBE 2) This is going very well, but I'm not sure I totally understand what you mean by ______? (PROBE ALL VAGUE TERMS AND ASK FOR EXAMPLES AND INSTANCES IF NECESSARY.) Part 3 Ok, this is really ooing quite well. Now perhaps you could tell me what neagative qualities you would attribute to the tabloids. Remember that I would like you to concentrate both on the content of the tabloids and the influence these papers might have on readers. (REINFORCE UNTIL RESPONDENT RUNS DRY. PUT A CHECK MARK BESIDE VUGUE WORDS OR TERMS.) 148 (PROBE 1 — IF RESPONDENT CANNOT THINK OF ANY BAD QUALITIES) Please take your time. If you yourself do not see the tabloids as having any negative qualities, perhaps you have heard negative things that other people have said about the tabloids. (PROBE 1 — IF RESPONDENT HAS GIVEN ANSWERS) Now take a minute and see if there are any other negative qualities you can think of that you haven't mentioned so far? TRETnFORCE) (PROBE 2) OK, let me review a few of the answers you've ju st given me, so that I can make sure that I understand what you mean.(PROBE ALL NEGATIVE TERMS. GO FOR INSTANCES AND EXAMPLES IF THEY’RE STILL VAGUE.) CONCLUSION Now Is ther anything else that you would like to add about the tabloids or any of the things we have just discussed7 Thanks very much. The help you've given us this (afternoon/evening) will help us better understand the use of supermarket tabloids. Thanks again and have a good(afternoon/evening). APPENDIX B GENERAL QUESTIONNAIRE 150 151 THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OP COMMUNICATION APRIL 198<) TELEPHONE INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE: SUPERMARKET TABLOIDS (DO NOT COMPLETE UNTIL INTERVIEW IS FINISHED) V c INTERVIEWER NAME ______(PRINT) 1 1-2 INTERVIEWER CODE 2 3-5 RESPONDENT CODE 3 6-7 DATE OF INTERVIEW 1) 8-9 TIME OF INTERVIEW Hello, my name is ______and I'm a student in the Department of Communication at Ohio State University. As part of a class project, we're conducting a survey about people's leisure-time activities and their use of the media. (IF RESPONDENT IS MALE, CONTINUE WITH INTRODUCTION) (IF FEMALE, AND LAST DIGIT OF PHONE NUMBER IS EVEN) — Could I speak to a male in your household over 18 years of age7 (REPEAT INTRODUCTION WITH MALE. IF NO MALE IS AVAILABLE -- Interview the female unless otherwise notified). (IF FEMALE, AND LAST DIGIT OF PHONE NUMBER IS ODD, CONTINUE INTRODUCTION.) Your phone number has been randomly selected and all your answers will be confidential. We areinterested in talking with people who are over 18 years old. Would you agree to help us for a few minutes? (PAUSE) (IF ANSWER IS NO) — Would there be another time we could call you back? (GET SPECIFIC DAY AND TIMEIF POSSIBLE.) (IF ANSWER IS YES) — Very good. Please think carefully about each question I'm going to ask you; if any question is unclear to you, be sure to ask me to repeat it. There are no right or wrong answers to the questions. Please answer as honestly as you can. 152 The firs t few questions are about your use of the media. V C l . According to national data, people watch between 1-10 hours of television on an average weekday. Which of the following categories best describes you? (READ CATEGORIES) (5 11) 1. 1-2 hours 5. SMO hours 2. 3-4 hours 8. DON'T KNOW 3. 5-6 hours 9. NO ANSWER 4. 7-8 hours (6 12-13) 2. What are your three favorite television programs? (PROBE FOR THREE RESPONSES) (7 14-15) ______ (8 16-17) ______ 3. What newspapers have you regularly read in the last year? (9 18-19) 4. What magazines have you regularly read in the last year? (PROBE: CAN YOU THINK OF ANY OTHERS?) (10 20-21) (Good.) Now in addition to conventional newspapers and maga zines another popular form of the print media is the supermarket tabloid. As you've passed through a check-out line you may have noticed these publications. Tell me which of the supermarket tabloids you can remember by name? (DO NOT READ CATEGORIES) (11 22) 5. Nat ionai Enqui rer (12 23) 6. Star (13 24) 7. Globe (14 25) 8. Nat iona 1 Examiner (15 26) 9. Weekly World News (16 27) 10. Other 11. And when was the last time you read one of the tabloids? (READ CATEGORIES) ("READ" MEANS THAT THE RESPONDENT HAS EXAMINED SOME SECTION OF THE TABLOID OTHER THAN THE COVER) (NOTE: IF THE RESPONDENT DOES NOT KNOW WHAT A TABLOID IS BY NOW. TELL THEM THAT THE NATIONAL ENQUIRER IS AN EXAMPLE OF ONE! (17 28) 7T1. InIn the the lastlast weekweek TT6. In the last A-5 years 2. In the last month 7. NEVER READ ONE 3- In the last 6 months 8. DK 4. In the last year 9. NA 5. In the last 2-3 years (IF THE RESPONDENT CHOOSES ANY OF THE RESPONSES §1-A6, CONTINUE INTERVIEW USING READER-ONLY SURVEY.) (IF THE RESPONDENT CHOOSES ANY RESPONSE #7~#9, CONTINUE INTERVIEW USING GENERAL SURVEY.) (WHEN GENERAL SURVEY QUOTA IS FULL, CONCLUDE INTERVIEW WITH THE FOLLOWING STATEMENT.) This completes our survey. I'd like to thank you for helping us out. (Have a good day!) (COMPLETE INFO SHEET) 153 3 READER-ONLY SURVEY (COMPLETE WHEN INTERVIEW IS FINISHED) Interviewer Name ______Interviewer Code Respondent Code C And which of the following tabloids have y°u read? (READ CATEGORIES) (18 29) 12. National Enquirer (19 30) 13- Star (20 31) 14. Globe (21 32) 15- National Examiner (22 33) 16. Weekly World News (23 34) 17. How long ago did you firs t start reading the tabloids? (READ CATEGORIES IF NECESSARY) 1. Last month 6. Last 6-10 years 2. Last 6 months 7. Last 10-20 years 3. Last year 8. DK 4. Last 2-3 years 9. NA 5. Last 4-5 years (24 35) 18 . And how often do you read a tabloid? (READ CATEGORIES) 1. Every week 5. Once a year 2. Once a month 6. Less often than once a year 3. Once in 3 months S. DK 4. Once in 6 months 9. NA (25 36) 19. How many people usually read the tabloids that you buy? (READ CATEGORIES IF NECESSARY) 1. No one butyourself 5. You don't buy 2. 1-2 people 8. DK 3. 3*4 people 9- HA 4. 5 or more people (This is going very well.) We've been speaking to other tabloid readers in this area and they've told us about their experiences with the tabloids. I'm going to read some of their statements for you now. Please tell me if each statement is a lot like you, somewhat like you, not very much like you or not at all I ike you. (26 37) 20. I often have discussions about stories in the tabloids with my friends and family. 1. A lot like you 4. Not at all like you 2. Somewhat like you 8. DK 3. Not very much like you 9- NA (27 38) 21. The TV comnercials about the tabloids started me reading them. 1. A lot like you 4. Not at all like you 2. Somewhat like you 8. DK 3. Not very much like you 9. NA 154 4 (28 39) 22. I started reading the tabloids when one of the covers caught my attention. 1. A lot like you It. Not at a ll like you 2. Somewhat like you 8. DK 3. Not very much like you 9. NA (29 *0) 23- I started reading the tabloids because I knew people who were already reading them. 1. A lot like you 4. Not at a ll like you 2. Somewhat like you 8. DK 3. Not very much like you 9- NA (30 It 1) 24. My main reason for reading the tabloids is the fun they provide. 1. A lot like you A. Not at all like you 2. Somewhat like you 6. DK 3. Not very much like you 9. NA (BEGINNING OF GENERAL SURVEY) (Very good.) The tabloids seem to be generating a lot of discussion lately and we are very interested in people's opinions concerning the supermarket tabloids. (31 42-43) 25. Would you name for me the various types of stories which you (32 Itk-lt5) think appear in the tabloids? (PROBE FOR AS MANY AS SEVEN (33 46-47) TYPES. REINFORCE EACH ANSWER, IE. GOOD, OH THIS IS VERY HELPFUL, (3* lt8-itS) THAT'S WONDERFUL — CAN YOU THINK OF ANY OTHERS? ETC.) (35 50-51) (36 52-53) (37 5^-55) (38 56-57) 26. And what three products would you expect to see advertised in (39 58-59) the tabloids? (PROBE IF NECESSARY) {k 0 60-61) (This is very helpful.) I am going to read you a series of statements now, that some people have made concerning the tabloids. Would you please tell me whether you strongly agree, somewhat agree, somewhat disagree or strongly disagree with each of the following statements. (If! 62) 27. You can only buy the tabloids at the supermarket checkout counter. 1. Strongly agree It. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3 . Somewhat disagree 9. NA 155 (42 6 3 ) 28. The average tabloid costs about the same as People magazine. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9- NA (43 64) 29. Most people readthe tabloids to relax. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3- Somewhat disagree 9. NA (44 65) 30. The tabloids have become popular because of their gossipy nature. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9- NA (45 66) 31. Most people like reading the tabloids because they aren't as depressing as other news sources. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (46 67) 32. The tabloids offer some pretty sound advice. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9- NA (47 68) 33. Many people like to read the tabloids because you can read the stories so quickly. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9- NA (48 6 9) 34. The price of the tabloids makes them very popular. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9- NA (49 70) 35. A lot of well-educated people read the tabloids. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA CARD : ENTER ID CODE (50 10) 36. Most tabloid readers are women. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9- NA (51 11) 37. Tabloid readers feel that their lives lack excitement. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9* NA 156 6 (52 12) 38. Tabloid readers are very skeptical about what they read. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (53 13) 39. The tabloids are very educational. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9- NA (54 I1)) 40. You can be sure that tabloid stories about celebrities are mostly true. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (55 15) 41. Tabloids can really help you pass time. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9> NA (56 16) 42. The tabloids really make you sympathize with those less fortunate than yourself. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK •3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (57 17) 43. Some people may take the tabloid stories too seriously. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (58 18 ) 44. Fol lowing tabloid health advice could be dangerous. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (59 19) 45. The tabloids really exploit celebrities in order to sell more 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree | of their 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK L_ 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (60 20) 46. The tabloids present a pretty distorted view of reality. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (6 1 21) 47. Tabloid headlines really catch my attention. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA 157 (62 22) 48. I sometimes suspect that tabloid photographs are not what they appear to be. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. OK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (63 23) 49. The TV commercials for the tabloids really make me want to read that paper. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (64 24) 50. Most stories in the tabloids are not very well written. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3 . Somewhat disagree 9. NA (65 25) 51. Tabloid reporters are very ethical people. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (66 26) 52. The paper on which the tabloids are printed really makes them look cheap. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3 . Somewhat disagree 9. NA (67 27) 53- I really like the types of stories which are in the tabloids. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (68 28) 54. I seem to hear a lot of negative things from the media about the tabloids. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 6. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (69 29) 55- Most tabloid readers don't take these papers seriously. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (70 30) 56. When I talk to people who don't read the tabloids they generally poke fun at these papers. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3. Somewhat disagree 9. NA (71 31) 57. The Carol Burnett case really made me think that the tabloids aren’t very believable. 1. Strongly agree 4. Strongly disagree 2. Somewhat agree 8. DK 3- Somewhat disagree 9. NA 158 8 Now ''U 9°in9 to " s t *°<"e words for you. Please tell me If you think these not at a ll. -■ ...... ' — (72 32) 58. Honest 1. extremely wel 1 4. not at all 2. f a i r 1 y we 11 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (73 33) 59. Sincere 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fairly wel1 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (74 34) 60. Ki nd 1. ex t reme1y we 11 4. not at all 2. fairly wel1 8. DK 3. not very well 9. NA (75 35) fel. Just 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fa i r 1y we 11 8. DK 3. not very well 9. NA (76 36) 6 2 . Wel1-informed 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fai rly wel1 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (77 37) 63- Experienced 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fai rly wel1 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (78 38) 64. Ski 1Iful 1. extremely wel1 4. not at al 1 2. fai rly wel1 8. DK 3. not very well 9. NA (79 39) 65. Quali fied 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fa i rly wel1 8. DK 3> not very wel1 9. NA (80 40) 66. Bold 1. extremely wel1 4. not at a l 1 2. fai rly wel1 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (81 41) 67. Aggressive 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fai rly wel1 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA 159 9 (82 '*2) 68. Energet1c 1. extremely Mel 1 4. not at all 2. fai rly wel1 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (Good. This is really going wel 1. ) Now 1'm going to repeat these same but this t ime 1 would 1 ike you to tell me how well they describe People (83 43) 69. Honest 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fa i r 1 y we 11 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (8A 44) 70. Si nee re 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fairly well 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (85 45) 71. Ki nd 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fai rly well 8. DK 3. not very well 9. NA (66 46) 72. Just 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fai rly wel1 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (87 47) 73. Wel1-informed 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fa i r 1y we 11 8. DK 3. not very we 11 9. NA (88 48) 74. Exper i enced 1. extremely well 4. not at all 2. fa i r 1y we 11 8. DK 3. not very well 9. NA (89 49) 75. Skillful 1. extremely wel 1 4. not at al 1 2. fairly wel1 8. DK 3. not very well 9. NA (90 50) 76. Qua)i fled 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. f a i r 1 y we 11 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (91 51) 77. Bold 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. fa i r 1y we 11 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA (92 52) 78. Aggressive 1. extremely wel1 4. not at all 2. f a 1 r 1 y we 11 8. DK 3. not very wel1 9. NA 160 10 (93 53) 79. Energetic 1. extremely well A. not at all 2. fairly well 8. DK 3. not very well 9. NA (Good. We're almost done now.) In this last section we're interested in your opinions concerning the media and your use of leisure time. I'm going to read you a series of statements now that describe some peoole's opinions on these subjects. Would you please tell me whether you strongly agree, somewhat agree. somewhat disagree or strongly disagree with each statement. (9A 5A) 8 0. I think it's important to support public television. 1. strongly agree A. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8. DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (95 55) 8 l. Every vacation should be educational. 1. strongly agree A. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8. DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (96 56) 82. I think that bowling is a great way to spend time with my friends. 1. strongly agree A. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8. DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (97 57) 83. A trip to Disneyland would be one of my top choices for a vacation. 1. strongly agree A. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8. DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (98 58) 8A. I like to watch the TV programs "That's Incredible" and "Real People." 1. strongly agree A. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8. DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (99 59) 8 5 . I find TV evangelists to be really inspiring. 1. strongly agree A. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8. DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (100 60) 86. Sometimes I really wish that I would improve the quality of my reading material. 1. strongly agree A. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8. DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (101 6 1 ) 8 7 . I enjoy watching drag racing 1. strongly agree A. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8. DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (102 62) 88. I really get involved in TV soap operas. 1. strongly agree A. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8. DK 3. somewhat disagree 9- NA 161 11 (103 63) 89* I find going to the ballet to be a boring experience. 1. strongly agree 6 . strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8 . DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (10** 64) 90. Sometimes I'm embarrassed by the kind of television programs that I watch. 1. strongly agree 4. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8 . DK 3 . somewhat disagree 9 > NA (105 65) 9 1. I think i t 's important to see films made in foreign countries. 1. strongly agree 4. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8 . DK 3. somewhat disagree 9- NA (106 6 6 ) 92. The private lives of celebrities really interests me. 1. strongly agree 4. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8 . DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (107 6 7 ) 9 3. I think that jazz music is over-rated. 1 . strongly agree 4. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8 . DK 3. somewhat disagree 9 . NA (108 6 8 ) 94. People sometimes critic iz e the magazines I read or movies I go to. 1. strongly agree 4. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8 . DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (109 6 9) 9 5. I think i t 's important to go to church each week. 1. strongly agree 4. strongly disagree 2. somewhat agree 8 . DK 3. somewhat disagree 9. NA (Good. This has gone really well and you've been very helpful.) We have just a few more questions to ask you that will help us process your answers. (110 70) 96. What was the last year of school you completed? 1. 1 through 11 CARD : I - - 2. High school graduate (INCLUDES SHORT TRADE SCHOOLS) ENTER ID CODE f 3. Some college (AA DEGREES, 2-YEAR COLLEGES, ETC.) Col lege graduate Post graduate degree (HA, PhD) 8. DK 9. NA (IF ANSWER TO QUESTION #96 IS THREE, FOUR OR FIVE PROCEED TO NEXT QUESTION. IF ANSWER TO QUESTION #96 IS ONE, TWO, EIGHT OR NINE, SKIP TO QUESTION #98.) (111 10-11) 97. And what was your major In college? 162 12 (112 12) 98. What year were you born in? (113 13-lM 99- How many people currently live in your household? (l 1 if 15*16) 100. What is your occupation? (115 17) 101. Now as I read this list of income levels would you tell me which one best describes your total household income last year: (READ CATEGORIES) 1. Under $10,000 6. $AO,000 - $50,000 2. $10,000 - $15,000 7. Over $50,000 3. $15,000 - $20,000 8. DK A. $20,000 - $30,000 9. NA 5. $30,000 - $Ao,ooo (116 18-19) 102. How many different cities have you lived in during the last 20 years? This completes our survey. I'd like to thank you for helping us out. (Have a good day!) (117 20) 103 . SEX OF RESPONDENTS — DETERMINE BY VOICE, DO NOT ASK. 1. MALE 2. FEMALE 3. COULD NOT DETERMINE (118 21) 10A. 1. TIME MAGAZINE 2. PEOPLE MAGAZINE (Complete information on the first page of both sections on this questionnaire and mark the questionnaire number and your identification number of the call sheet.) 163 Category System Used to Code College Major 01 — Humanities (history, language, literature, English, philosophy, art, music, architecture, etc.) 02 — Social Sciences (law, communication, psychology, sociology, economics, geography, journalism, political science, anthropology) 03 — Engineering and Science (physics, chemistry, zoology, botany, geology, all engineering, computer science, etc.) 04 — Education (special, physical, elementary, secondary, administration, humanities education, social sciences education, etc.) 05 — Business (administrative science, accounting, marketing, management, etc.) 06 — Agriculture (home economics, natural resources, veterinary medicine, agronomy, etc.) 07 — Health-related (medical, pre-med, allied medicine, pharmacy, nursing, optometry, etc.) 10 — Undecided, University College, Continuing Education, etc. 164 Category System Used to Code Occupation 01 -- White Collar I (professional, including: accountant, architect, banker, doctor, chemist, engineer, executive director, lawyer, physicist, pilot, president, scientist, vice president, systems analyst, politician, veterinarian) 02 -- White Collar II (middle to lower level white collar workers, including: auditor, bill collector, case worker, dietician, disc jockey, draftsman, insurance claims adjuster, lab technician, IRS agent, minister, nurse, purchasing agent, realtor, reporter, social worker, writer, owner of small business, research technican, distributor, correction officer, importer, computer programmer, contractor) 03 — Skilled Labor (craftsmen, including: aircraft technician, electrician, barber, hair stylist, lithographer, machinist, mechanic, millwright, plumber, printer, welder, carpenter, service technician.) 04 — Protective Service Worker (including: policeman, fireman, security guard) 05 — Supervisory (managerial, including: coordinator, contractor, dispatcher, foreman, inspector, manager, supervisor, examiner) 06 -- Educator (including: guidance counselor, princiapl) 07 — Sales (including: general mention, and anything other than in-store sales representative [e.g., insurance agent, salesman]) 08 — Clerical (including: in-store sales, clerk, secretary, bank teller, meter reader, postal worker, keypunch operator, mail handler) 09 — Student 10 — Laborer (including: factory worker, bus driver, taxi driver, truck driver, railroads, installer, exterminator, waitress, house cleaning, custodian) 11 — Farmer 12 — Service/Armed Forces 13 — Unemployed 14 -- Disabled 15 — Retired 16 — Housewife APPENDIX C MEDIA TITLES USED TO DETERMINE TASTE SCORES 165 166 Television Programs Used in Determining Taste Scores T itle Frequency T itle Frequency News (Generic) 68 Nova 6 Hill St. Blues 58 Taxi 6 Dynasty 55 Webster 6 Cheers 48 Documentaries 5 60 Minutes 47 Hardcastle & McCormick 5 Soap Opears (Generic) 46 Phil Donahue 5 M*A*S*H 40 Saturday Night Live 5 Dallas 36 Benson 4 Sports (Generic) 31 Benny Hill 4 Knot's Landing 30 Hotel 4 Magnum, P.I. 27 Jeffersons 4 A-Team 24 Family Feud 4 Movies (Generic) 24 Fame 3 St. Elsewhere 18 Family 3 Falcon Crest 17 Buffalo Bill 3 Three's Company 15 Fall Guy 3 Wheel of Fortune 14 Price is Right 3 Simon & Simon 12 Public Television 3 Remington Steele 12 Barney Miller 3 Knight Rider 11 Cable News Network 3 Home Box Office 11 David Letterman 3 Cagney & Lacey 9 Entertainment Tonight 3 20/20 9 Music Television 3 Good Morning America 8 Love Boat 3 Family Ties 8 PM Magazine 3 Masterpiece Theatre 8 Scarecrow & Mrs. King 3 Hart to Hart 8 T. J. Hooker 3 Facts of Life 7 Today Show 3 All in the Family 7 The Master 3 Bob Newhart 6 L ittle House on the P rairie 6 167 Magazines Used in Determining Taste Scores Ti tl e Frequency T itle Frequ Time 62 Glamour 5 Newsweek 41 Ohio Magazine 5 Reader's Digest 32 Playgirl 5 People 27 Us 5 Redbook 27 Vogue 5 Sports Illustrated 27 Country Living 4 Better Homes and Computer World 4 Gardens 24 Bon Appetit 4 Cosmopolitan 22 Parents 4 Good Housekeeping 18 Advertising Week 3 National Geographic 16 Bazaar 3 U.S. News and World Forbes 3 Report 14 Hot Rod 3 Family Circle 13 Field and Stream 3 Ladies Home Journal 12 Mechanics Illustrated 3 Business Week 11 Ms. 3 Ebony 10 1001 Home Ideas 3 Smithsonian 10 Popular Science 3 Columbus Monthly 9 Prevention 3 Woman's Day 9 Rolling Stone 3 Car Craft 8 Sports 3 Consumer Reports 7 Self 3 Mademoiselle 7 Yankee 3 McCalls 7 Colonial Hones 3 Essence 6 Fortune 3 Life 6 Discover 3 Money 6 Guidepost 3 TV Guide 6 Car and Driver 5 Newspapers Used in Determining Taste Scores Ti tl e Frequency Columbus Dispatch 270 Columbus Citizen-Journal 125 USA Today 44 Wall St. Journal 41 Suburban Newspapers (Generic) 17 Ohio State University "Lantern" 13 New York Times 13 Cleveland Plain Dealer 9 Columbus Call and Post 7 Cincinnati Inquirer 4 Washington Post 3 APPENDIX D INTERCORRELATION MATRIXES 169 Image Percepti Items (1) You can only buy the tabloids at the (13) The tabloids are very educational. supermarket checkout counter. (14) You can be sure that tabloid stories (2) The average tabloid costs about the same about celebrities are mostly true. as People magazine. (15) Tabloids can really help you pass time. (3) Most people read the tabloids to relax. (16) The tabloids really make you sympathize (4) The tabloids have become popular because with those less fortunate than yourself. of their gossipy nature. (17) Some people may take the tabloid stories (5) Most people like reading the tabloids too seriously. because they aren't as depressing as other news sources. (18) Following tabloid health advice could be dangerous. (6) The tabloids offer some pretty sound advice. (19) The tabloids really exploit celebrities (7) Many people like to read the tabloids because in order to sell more copies of their you can read the stories so quickly. paper. (8) The price of the tabloids makes them very (20) The tabloids present a pretty distorted popular. view of reality. (9) A lot of well-educated people read the (21) Tabloid headlines really catch my tabloids. attention. (10) Most tabloid readers are women. (22) I sometimes suspect that tabloid photographs are not what they appear (11) Tabloid readers feel that their lives lack to be. excitement. (23) The TV commercials for the tabloids (12) Tabloid readers are very skeptical about really make me want to read that paper. what they read. Image Perception Items (continued) (24) Most stories in the tabloids are not very well written. (25) Tabloid reporters are very ethical people. (26) The paper on which the tabloids are printed really makes them look cheap. (27) I really like the types of stories which are in the tabloids. (28) I seem to hear a lot of negative things from the media about the tabloids. (29) Most tabloid readers don't take these papers seriously. (30) When I talk to people who don't read the tabloids, they generally poke fun at these papers. (31) The Carol Burnett case really made me think that the tabloids aren't very believable. Ia>B* NraptloM liurcamutlo* Ratrlu (1) (t) (4) (5) (5) (7) (8) (1) (10) (11) (12) (14) (15) (U) 0 0 (17) (10) (11) (20) (21) (22 ) (21) (24) (25) (25) (27) (21) (21) (X ) (11) 1.0 .1) -.01 -.07 -.01 -.02 .01 -.01 .07 .07 .02 .05 .00 -.12 .04 .01 -.00 -.01 .01 -.01 .04 .11 .05 .01 .05 .01 .12 -.01 -.02 .02 1.0 .01 -.02 .01 .10 -.11 .01 -.01 -.00 .05 .02 .05 .02 -.00 .04 .05 -.01 -.00 -.10 -.04 .01 .02 -.01 -.05 .05 -.05 -.02 .02 -.00 -.02 .15 .18 .21 .21 .18 .01 -.18 .22 .11 .11 .14 .25 -.15 .02 -.05 -.14 .04 .02 .17 -.08 .17 -.10 .22 .00 .12 .02 -.01 1.0 .H -.21 .07 -.01 -.08 .21 .08 -.01 -.20 -.10 .04 ••14 .01 .11 .12 .11 -.01 .18 -.07 .05 -.12 .08 -.10 .05 .0! .28 .20 1.0 .22 .14 .22 .17 .05 .04 .01 .18 .01 .18 .10 .05 -.05 -.12 -.11 .12 -.02 .10 -.11 .15 -.14 .11 -.07 .11 .07 -.05 1.0 .14 .15 .41 -.15 -.11 .28 .85 .41 .17 .15 -.12 -.24 -.12 -.11 .25 -.18 .41 -.21 .47 -.12 .48 -.17 .18 - .X -.27 1.0 .11 .18 .05 .01 .08 .07 -.01 .25 .15 .07 .05 .01 -.04 .10 .18 .01 .01 .01 -.04 .18 -.05 .04 .12 -.04 1.0 .10 .05 .05 .07 .11 .01 .18 .20 .01 -.00 -.05 -.11 .01 .08 .12 - .1 2 .11 .04 .12 .02 .11 .08 .07 1.0 -.11 -.20 .22 .11 .25 .20 .14 -.07 -.05 -.15 -.1 4 .22 -.17 .11 -.1 2 .12 - .1 2 .10 -.11 .27 -.15 -.14 1.0 .30 -.07 -.12 -.02 -.05 -.05 -.01 -.00 .20 .12 .12 .18 .05 .01 -.12 .15 -.1} .06 -.00 .21 .10 1.0 -.11 -.14 -.07 -.10 -.11 .05 .01 .08 .22 -.15 .21 -.05 .10 -.14 .11 -.25 .01 -.11 .01 .15 1.0 .28 .25 .01 .22 -.01 -.10 -.08 -.25 .10 -.08 .20 -.08 .25 -.01 .14 -.15 .25 -.01 -.10 1.0 .47 .11 .17 -.15 -.21 -.28 -.15 .11 -.24 .15 -.18 .41 -.27 .54 -.01 .11 -.23 -.25 1.0 .04 .25 -.01 -.11 .11 -.27 .18 -.21 .15 -.15 .31 -.17 .15 -.15 .15 -.15 -.21 1.0 .25 .10 -.01 -.01 -.05 .17 .01 .11 -.08 .11 .05 .21 -.02 .14 -.00 -.05 1.0 .30 -.01 -.21 .20 .27 .02 .20 -.05 .22 -.15 .40 -.02 .15 -.05 -.14 1.0 .20. .22 .25 -.00 .1? -.05 .07 -.12 .05 -.08 .01 -.12 .1 1 .12 1.0 .15 .12 -.05 .20 -.02 .21 -.18 .22 -.14 .02 .03 .14 .11 1.0 .10 -.07 .21 -.17 .25 -.18 .11 -.24 .15 -.04 .32 .14 1.0 -.18 .11 -.2 2 .28 -.41 .11 -.17 .22 -.15 .24 .28 1.0 -.01 .21 -.14 .15 -.04 .12 -.00 .20 -.0 2 -.02 1.0 -.11 .22 -.10 .10 -.18 .21 -.01 .24 .21 1.0 -.2 1 .12 -.2 1 .42 -.21 .15 -.10 -.18 1.0 -.24 .18 -.11 .24 -.05 .25 .21 1.0 -.24 .37 -.21 .15 -.21 -.27 1.0 -.12 .12 -.02 .21 .X 1.0 -.17 .X -.12 -.25 1.0 .04 .12 .27 1.0 •0J -.02 1.0 .11 ■'J 1.0 rsi Perceived Credibility Intercorrelation Matrix (1) Honest .73 .59 .70 .62 .40 .34 .53 -.19 .07 (2) Sincere .64 .39 .35 .50 -.10 .13 (3) Kind .66 .55.31 .28 .45-.12 -.16 .10 (4) Just .62 .35 .31 .47 -.21 -.22 .05 (5) Well-informed .46 .44 .64 -.09 -.12 (6) Experienced .49.60 .02 .19 (7) Skillful .50 .07 .23 (8) Qualified .00 -.04 .15 (9) Bold .51 .31 (10) Aggressive .36 (11) Energetic L e is u re A c tiv ity Item s (1) I think it's important to support public (13) The private lives of celebrities really television. interests me. (2) Every vacation should be educational. (14) I think that jazz music is over-rated. (3) I think that bowling is a great way (15) People sometimes criticize the to spend time with my friends. magazines I read or movies I go to. (4) A trip to Disneyland would be one of my (16) I think it's important to go to church top choices for a vacation. each week. (5) I like to watch the TV programs "That's Incredible" and "Real People." (6) I find TV evangelists to be really inspiring. (7) Sometimes I really wish that I would improve the quality of my reading m aterial. (8) I enjoy watching drag racing. (9) I really get involved in TV soap operas. (10) I find going to the ballet to be a boring experience. (11) Sometimes I'm embarrassed by the kind of television programs that l watch. (12) I think it's important to see films made in foreign countries. Leisure Activity Intercorrelation Matrix (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) 114) (15) (16) (1) 1.0 .10 .01 .03 -.01 -.09 -.10 -.12 .02 -.08 -.03 .20 -.00 -.12 -.06 .01 (2) 1.0 .18 .12 .12 .17 .14 .12 .16 .08 .16 .14 .10 .05 .14 .14 (3) 1.0 .30 .19 .11 .10 .14 .11 .09 -.00 .02 .14 .05 .05 .15 (4) 1.0 .33 .26 .14 .11 .05 .14 .09 .06 .20 .12 -.03 .18 (5) 1.0 .30 .15 .18 .06 .15 .05 .14.26 .20 -.02 .16 (6) 1.0 .03 .08 .07 .08 .10 .02 .19 .14 .06 .26 (7) 1.0 .07 .06 .05 .13 .07 .20 .05 .23 .08 (8) 1.0 .05 .11 .04 -.07 .08 .03 .10 -.04 (9) 1.0 -.02 .02 .00 .34 .08 .13 -.02 (10) 1.0 .03 -.21 .04 .26 .09 .00 (11) 1.0 .09 .08 .07 .12 .11 (12) 1.0 -.02 -.17 .16 -.06 (13) 1.0 .12 .16 .05 (14) 1.0 .08 .06 (15) 1.0 .05 (15) 1.0 Final Variables Intercorrelation Matrix (JJ (11 (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (1) Highly Positive Orientation 1.0 Toward Tabloids (2) Light-Hearted Orientation .24 1.0 Toward Tabloids (3) Negative Orientation Toward -.19 -.19 1.0 Tabloid Readers (4) Negative Orientation Toward -.30 -.04 .35 1.0 Tabloid Appearance (5) Negative Orientation Toward -.21 .07 .28 .44 1.0 Tabloid Utility (6) T rustworthi ness/Experti se .58 .28 .45 .55 -.48 1.0 (7) Dynamism .02 .07 .03 -.02 .09 .05 1.0 (8) Low-Brow Orientation .37 .24 .15 -.18 -.07 .30 .04 1.0 (9) High-Brow Orientation -.18 -.08 .13 .16 -.01 -.17 .03 -.30 1.0 o (10) Guilty Low-Brow Orientation -.30 -.16 .01 .01 -.04 -.10 .08 i .08