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Speech Error Elicitation and Co-Occurrence Restrictions in Two
Speech Error Elicitation and Co-occurrence Restrictions in Two Ethiopian Semitic Languages Sharon Rose Department of Linguistics, University of California, San Diego Lisa King Department of Hearing and Speech Sciences, University of Maryland, College Park Running Head: Ethiopian Semitic Speech Error Elicitation This research was presented at the MIT Markedness and the Lexicon Workshop and a UCLA Psycholinguistics Colloquium in 2003. We thank those audiences, in particular Matt Goldrick, Carson Schütze, Donca Steriade, Rachel Walker and Colin Wilson. We are indebted to Mark Appelbaum and Shannon Casey for advice on statistical methods and experimental design. We gratefully acknowledge Tensay Tesfamariam, Tadesse Sefer and Woldemanuel Habtemariam for assistance in conducting these experiments in Ethiopia. Finally, we thank the reviewers and editors for their extremely helpful comments and suggestions for improving the paper. This project was supported by a Hellman Fellowship awarded to the first author. Address for Correspondence: Sharon Rose Department of Linguistics 0108 University of California, San Diego 9500 Gilman Drive La Jolla, CA 92093-0108 0 Speech Error Elicitation and Co-occurrence Restrictions in Two Ethiopian Semitic Languages Abstract This article reports the results of speech error elicitation experiments investigating the role of two consonant co-occurrence restrictions in the productive grammar of speakers of two Ethiopian Semitic languages, Amharic and Chaha. Higher error rates were found with consonant combinations that violated co-occurrence constraints than with those that had only a high degree of shared phonological similarity or low frequency of co- occurrence. Sequences that violated two constraints had the highest error rates. The results indicate that violations of consonant co-occurrence restrictions significantly increase error rates in the productions of native speakers, thereby supporting the psychological reality of the constraints. -
1 Omotic Utterance Type, Mood and Attitude Markers and Linguistic
1 Omotic Utterance type, Mood and Attitude Markers and Linguistic Typology Leiden University, 23-25 October 2008 Imperative: the grammar of a clause type Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald 1 Imperatives: the illusion of simplicity Most — if not all — languages of the world have a special, imperative, clause type, whose prototypical function is to express a directive speech act — in other words, to give orders, formulate requests, wishes, pleas, etc.1 As Whitney (1891: 215) put it, the imperative in Sanskrit 'signifies a command or injunction — an attempt at the exercise of the speaker's will upon someone or something outside of himself [themself - A. A.]. This, however (in Sanskrit as in other languages), is by no means always of the same force: the command slides off into a demand, an exhortation, an entreaty, an expression of earnest desire'. Non-imperative forms — statements, questions, exclamations — are frequently co- opted to express varied overtones of 'directive meanings', intruding into the imperative domain. Defining the exact semantic span of a versatile imperative is not an easy task. Nonetheless, in many languages imperatives stand clearly apart from other clause types in 1 The exact semantic definition of the conceptual domains covered by imperatives is a much- debated issue; for instance, van der Auwera (2006) defines them as 'constructions of grammar that typically express a state of affairs as desirable by the speaker and that furthermore appeal to the hearer(s) to fulfil the desire'; also see Jespersen (1924), Davies (1986: 43-66), König and Siemund (2007), Jakobson (1965), and many more. Yet there are hardly any problems in defining what an imperative is in each particular language. -
Local History of Ethiopia Ma - Mezzo © Bernhard Lindahl (2008)
Local History of Ethiopia Ma - Mezzo © Bernhard Lindahl (2008) ma, maa (O) why? HES37 Ma 1258'/3813' 2093 m, near Deresge 12/38 [Gz] HES37 Ma Abo (church) 1259'/3812' 2549 m 12/38 [Gz] JEH61 Maabai (plain) 12/40 [WO] HEM61 Maaga (Maago), see Mahago HEU35 Maago 2354 m 12/39 [LM WO] HEU71 Maajeraro (Ma'ajeraro) 1320'/3931' 2345 m, 13/39 [Gz] south of Mekele -- Maale language, an Omotic language spoken in the Bako-Gazer district -- Maale people, living at some distance to the north-west of the Konso HCC.. Maale (area), east of Jinka 05/36 [x] ?? Maana, east of Ankar in the north-west 12/37? [n] JEJ40 Maandita (area) 12/41 [WO] HFF31 Maaquddi, see Meakudi maar (T) honey HFC45 Maar (Amba Maar) 1401'/3706' 1151 m 14/37 [Gz] HEU62 Maara 1314'/3935' 1940 m 13/39 [Gu Gz] JEJ42 Maaru (area) 12/41 [WO] maass..: masara (O) castle, temple JEJ52 Maassarra (area) 12/41 [WO] Ma.., see also Me.. -- Mabaan (Burun), name of a small ethnic group, numbering 3,026 at one census, but about 23 only according to the 1994 census maber (Gurage) monthly Christian gathering where there is an orthodox church HET52 Maber 1312'/3838' 1996 m 13/38 [WO Gz] mabera: mabara (O) religious organization of a group of men or women JEC50 Mabera (area), cf Mebera 11/41 [WO] mabil: mebil (mäbil) (A) food, eatables -- Mabil, Mavil, name of a Mecha Oromo tribe HDR42 Mabil, see Koli, cf Mebel JEP96 Mabra 1330'/4116' 126 m, 13/41 [WO Gz] near the border of Eritrea, cf Mebera HEU91 Macalle, see Mekele JDK54 Macanis, see Makanissa HDM12 Macaniso, see Makaniso HES69 Macanna, see Makanna, and also Mekane Birhan HFF64 Macargot, see Makargot JER02 Macarra, see Makarra HES50 Macatat, see Makatat HDH78 Maccanissa, see Makanisa HDE04 Macchi, se Meki HFF02 Macden, see May Mekden (with sub-post office) macha (O) 1. -
A Typology of Consonant Agreement As Correspondence
A TYPOLOGY OF CONSONANT AGREEMENT AS CORRESPONDENCE SHARON ROSE RACHEL WALKER University of California, San Diego University of Southern California This article presents a typology of consonant harmony or LONG DISTANCE CONSONANT AGREEMENT that is analyzed as arisingthroughcorrespondence relations between consonants rather than feature spreading. The model covers a range of agreement patterns (nasal, laryngeal, liquid, coronal, dorsal) and offers several advantages. Similarity of agreeing consonants is central to the typology and is incorporated directly into the constraints drivingcorrespondence. Agreementby correspon- dence without feature spreadingcaptures the neutrality of interveningsegments,which neither block nor undergo. Case studies of laryngeal agreement and nasal agreement are presented, demon- stratingthe model’s capacity to capture varyingdegreesof similarity crosslinguistically.* 1. INTRODUCTION. The action at a distance that is characteristic of CONSONANT HAR- MONIES stands as a pivotal problem to be addressed by phonological theory. Consider the nasal alternations in the Bantu language, Kikongo (Meinhof 1932, Dereau 1955, Webb 1965, Ao 1991, Odden 1994, Piggott 1996). In this language, the voiced stop in the suffix [-idi] in la is realized as [ini] in 1b when preceded by a nasal consonant at any distance in the stem constituent, consistingof root and suffixes. (1) a. m-[bud-idi]stem ‘I hit’ b. tu-[kun-ini]stem ‘we planted’ n-[suk-idi]stem ‘I washed’ tu-[nik-ini]stem ‘we ground’ In addition to the alternation in 1, there are no Kikongo roots containing a nasal followed by a voiced stop, confirmingthat nasal harmony or AGREEMENT, as we term it, also holds at the root level as a MORPHEME STRUCTURE CONSTRAINT (MSC). -
The Grammar of Space of Gawwada
Proceedings, 6th World Congress of African Linguistics, Cologne 2009 523 Brenzinger, M. & A.-M. Fehn (eds.) Cologne: Köppe. Pp. 523-532. The grammar of space of Gawwada Mauro Tosco, University of Turin 1. The language and the people1 Gawwada (/kawwaɗa/; Ethnologue code: GWD)2 is a language of South-West Ethiopia and a member of the so-called Dullay dialect cluster of East Cushitic. “Gawwada” is used here for the dialect spoken in the town of Gawwada (approximately at 5°25’ N, 37°14’ E) and in the neighbouring villages. The town lies approximately 40 km.s westwards of Konso town, a dozen kilometers North of the main road leading from Konso to Jinka and the Omo valley. The Dullay-speakers have no overall ethnonym. The label “Dullay” was originally proposed by AMBORN, MINKER and SASSE (1980) and is the name of the river known in Amharic as Weyt’o; this is perhaps the most salient geographic feature of the area (actually, the river divides the westernmost group, the Ts’amakko, from all the other Dullay-speaking peoples). In Ethiopia, “Gawwada” is officially used nowadays as a cover term for all the Dullay-speaking groups except the Ts’amakko, who live on the western bank of the Weyt’o river. The practice of labelling all the Dullay-speakers except the Ts’amakko as “Gawwada” is reflected, e.g., in the 1994 Ethiopian Census, according to which there were 32,636 “Gawwada”. The census further counted 8,621 speakers of Ts’amakko, bringing the total number of the Dullay-speakers at that time to approximately 42,000. -
Similative Morphemes As Purpose Clause Markers in Ethiopia and Beyond Yvonne Treis
Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond Yvonne Treis To cite this version: Yvonne Treis. Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond. Yvonne Treis; Martine Vanhove. Similative and Equative Constructions: A cross-linguistic perspective, 117, John Benjamins, pp.91-142, 2017, Typological Studies in Language, ISBN 9789027206985. hal-01351924 HAL Id: hal-01351924 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01351924 Submitted on 4 Aug 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond Yvonne Treis LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO, Université Sorbonne Paris-Cité) Abstract In more than 30 languages spoken at the Horn of Africa, a similative morpheme ‘like’ or a noun ‘manner’ or ‘type’ is used as a marker of purpose clauses. The paper first elaborates on the many functions of the enclitic morpheme =g ‘manner’ in Kambaata (Highland East Cushitic), which is used, among others, as a marker of the standard in similative and equative comparison (‘like’, ‘as’), of temporal clauses of immediate anteriority (‘as soon as’), of complement clauses (‘that’) and, most notably, of purpose clauses (‘in order to’). -
Selln~If Chern Llirooro Supcorvisor; Dinyam Sisily
nOClJMENTATION AND GRAMMATICAL DESCRIPTION OF GOFA Ily: Selln~if Chern llirooro Supcorvisor; Dinyam SiSilY (phD) A Dis~rlation Submlned 10 the Sfhool or Graduate StudiH. College of Humanities. Language Stndin. Jonrnalism and Philology l:kplrlmenl of Linguistics Ind Philology l'rHtnted in .·ulfillmenl$ of tbt Rtquirtments for the Dtgru of ~Ior of Philosophy in Documentary Linguisliell and Culture Addis Ababa Uohuslty June 20lS ... <Ioth. ,' .... b. I 61. • .,11) TN" ", ..rur, ,....... d ............ ~<".,t<I.,. S.lluol<l_ .... ~ .... ~I"-' o....n..""al '¥'n,.... oro.r. ..bmo"""", obr ~ or l,.p""'" ~ I'bilolup-;. ,..,...1 ru.foI_ 0("" r T •• '".1«""'0.,...",0......011'101-..101. Do<-, , ...._.""'~, ..1 '11 ..........., ... ' __ 011 .......-..1...,_ ............. • 1 ..... _ .... S I,'Y""''''''' • I. \Ilc "rl(ic"ign«l, d«lare \hal \hi. Ji~nmi<)n hcreb) SUOOllUOO for 1M dt8/ff nf Philooopby In Doc"""1IIaI) Lln~Ut$IIC' and Culture at Add;$ AhabII Uni"''fSlly il my ""n "O<k lind lias fI()\ brm P"" iousl) MibnIll\C'd 10 an) otlla llni'..nil) for any Ik~ To It.. but of m) ~""" IMgt. ;1 COIIt.;nRS "" "",":rIal pKnoosly published or ... nutn by anulh<-r pofJQn. "''';~pI ,,110,.., d"" refc,..,,..~ II.u been rna..k in 1110 \e<1 NarrIO oflllO cMclidatc: Sdlassic Chef\! 'Q\L 0+ ,. 201b • Table of Contents LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................................... VII LIST OF MAPS AND FIGURE .........................................................................................................................IX -
Similative Morphemes As Purpose Clause Markers in Ethiopia and Beyond Yvonne Treis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Archive Ouverte a LUniversite Lyon 2 Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond Yvonne Treis To cite this version: Yvonne Treis. Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond. 2016. <hal-01351924> HAL Id: hal-01351924 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01351924 Submitted on 4 Aug 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destin´eeau d´ep^otet `ala diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publi´esou non, lished or not. The documents may come from ´emanant des ´etablissements d'enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche fran¸caisou ´etrangers,des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou priv´es. Similative morphemes as purpose clause markers in Ethiopia and beyond Yvonne Treis LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO, Université Sorbonne Paris-Cité) Abstract In more than 30 languages spoken at the Horn of Africa, a similative morpheme ‘like’ or a noun ‘manner’ or ‘type’ is used as a marker of purpose clauses. The paper first elaborates on the many functions of the enclitic morpheme =g ‘manner’ in Kambaata (Highland East Cushitic), which is used, among others, as a marker of the standard in similative and equative comparison (‘like’, ‘as’), of temporal clauses of immediate anteriority (‘as soon as’), of complement clauses (‘that’) and, most notably, of purpose clauses (‘in order to’). -
Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages
Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages UNCORRECTED PROOFS © JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY 1st proofs UNCORRECTED PROOFS © JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY 1st proofs Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages Gerrit J. Dimmendaal University of Cologne John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam / Philadelphia UNCORRECTED PROOFS © JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY 1st proofs TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American 8 National Standard for Information Sciences — Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dimmendaal, Gerrit Jan. Historical linguistics and the comparative study of African languages / Gerrit J. Dimmendaal. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. African languages--Grammar, Comparative. 2. Historical linguistics. I. Title. PL8008.D56 2011 496--dc22 2011002759 isbn 978 90 272 1178 1 (Hb; alk. paper) isbn 978 90 272 1179 8 (Pb; alk. paper) isbn 978 90 272 8722 9 (Eb) © 2011 – John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Company • P.O. Box 36224 • 1020 me Amsterdam • The Netherlands John Benjamins North America • P.O. Box 27519 • Philadelphia PA 19118-0519 • USA UNCORRECTED PROOFS © JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY 1st proofs Table of contents Preface ix Figures xiii Maps xv Tables -
Studies in African Linguistics Volume 41, Number 2, 2012 WU Tong 吴桐
Studies in African Linguistics Volume 41, Number 2, 2012 PRENOMINAL RELATIVE CLAUSES IN ETHIOPIAN LANGUAGES: FROM INSIDE AND FROM OUTSIDE WU Tong 吴桐 NanKai University 南开大学 1. Introduction The Ethiopian Language Area – including Ethiopia and Eritrea, as traditionally conceived – has been the subject of many studies for more than half a century (Leslau 1945, Greenberg 1959: 24, Ferguson 1970, 1976, Heine 1975: 41, Appleyard 1989, Zarborski 1991, 2003, 2010, R. Hayward 2000, Crass 2002, Bender 2003, Bisang 2006, Crass & Meyer 2008), in spite of recent questioning of its integrity (Tosco 2000).* Studies supporting an Ethiopian Language Area identify a number of properties shared by Ethiopian languages.1 For example, Ferguson 1976 listed 26 features, Zaborski 2003 listed 28 features, and Crass & Meyer 2008 listed another 12 features. This study, to some extent following the above tradition, discusses a syntactic structure until now largely neglected, i.e., prenominal relative clauses. It aims to present a synthetizing study of the structure in Ethiopian languages. The Ethiopian Language Area seems to be the only area in Africa where there is strong concentration of languages with prenominal relative clauses (Dryer 2005). Even if Wu 2011’s typological study on prenominal relatives includes many prenominal-relative-clause languages, Ethiopian prenominal-relative-clause languages are poorly represented and only briefly discussed. This study can, therefore, be considered a * I thank Hayat Omar and Chloé Darmon for having helped me with Amharic data and Jason Overfelt for Tigrigna. I also thank the Laboratoire Dynamique du Language (CNRS, UMR 5596), where part of the work was done. I am indebted also to Marc Lee and the editorial office of Studies in African Linguistics for their proofreading and stylistic improvement. -
Omotic Livestock Terminology and Its Implications for the History of Afroasiatic
Omotic livestock terminology and its implications for the history of Afroasiatic Roger Blench Mallam Dendo 8, Guest Road Cambridge CB1 2AL United Kingdom Voice/ Fax. 0044-(0)1223-560687 Mobile worldwide (00-44)-(0)7967-696804 E-mail [email protected] http://homepage.ntlworld.com/roger_blench/RBOP.htm Cambridge, Wednesday, 15 November 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS FIGURES..........................................................................................................................................................I 1. INTRODUCTION....................................................................................................................................... 2 2. CAMEL........................................................................................................................................................ 3 3. HORSE......................................................................................................................................................... 3 4. DONKEY ..................................................................................................................................................... 4 5. CATTLE ...................................................................................................................................................... 6 6. GOAT........................................................................................................................................................... 8 7. SHEEP....................................................................................................................................................... -
Gender Flip and Person Marking in Benchnon (North Omotic) Matthew Baerman Surrey Morphology Group, University of Surrey, GB [email protected]
a journal of Baerman, Matthew. 2020. Gender flip and person marking general linguistics Glossa in Benchnon (North Omotic). Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 5(1): 76. 1–20. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.1191 RESEARCH Gender flip and person marking in Benchnon (North Omotic) Matthew Baerman Surrey Morphology Group, University of Surrey, GB [email protected] Subject agreement in the North Omotic language Benchnon (Rapold 2006) lacks dedicated per- son marking, but indirectly indicates person distinctions through asymmetries in the distribution of gender markers. In one verbal paradigm, first and second person subjects are expressed by feminine morphology, and in the other paradigm they are expressed by masculine morphology. This is hard to reconcile with any known notion of how gender assignment works. I show that it can be explained as the particular instantiation of a rare but cross-linguistically recurrent pat- tern in which a (reduced) person marking system is generated by restrictions on gender agree- ment: only third person subjects control semantic gender agreement, while first and second person are assigned default gender. In Benchnon the default gender switched from feminine to masculine over the course of its history, yielding two contrasting verbal paradigms. The older one is morphologically frozen, the newer one is a reflection of still-active agreement conditions. Further developments show that the older paradigm can be adapted to conform to the newer conditions, showing that the division between morphosyntactically motivated and arbitrarily stipulated morphology is a fluid one. Keywords: inflection; paradigms; gender; person; diachrony 1 Introduction Verbs in the North Omotic language Benchnon, spoken in Ethiopia, make unusual use of gender-marking morphology, in which an alternation between feminine and masculine forms takes the place of person marking.