DOCSLIB.ORG

Fernando López Sánchez with the Exce

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

VIRTUS PROBI: PAYMENTS FOR THE BATTLE CAVALRY DURING THE RULE OF PROBUS (A.D. 277–278)* Fernando López Sánchez With the exception of the military crisis beginning in 406,1 the worst military crisis that the Roman Empire ever suffered was the one that started in 260 with the capture in the East of Valentinian by Shapur. With all the frontiers under threat, the decreasing trust of the army in the ruling dynasty led to a de facto division into three regions: the Gal- lias, the Italian-Danubian axis and the Eastern part of the Empire. The re-uni cation of the Empire from the centre could only be achieved in 274, after many efforts by Aurelian. Within this context, it is not surprising that, both in the past and present, the main interest of his- torians has focused on understanding the means by which the central Empire that governed from Italy could at the same time cope with external attacks and carry out the re-conquest of the Empire. Within this process of re-uni cation, special attention has been given to the battle cavalry, a special cavalry unit presumably based in Milan and sent to different regions according to the orders given by the different central emperors. And yet the existence of a cavalry stationed in Milan and ready to act under direct order of the emperor does not seem to have been an exclusive prerogatory of the central Empire of Italy. The Gallic emperors, too, in the years 260–274, seem to have had a battle cavalry, similar to that formed in the north of Italy.2 The real agent in the recovery of the Gallias for the central Empire, the emperor Aurelian, had since 274 been very conscious of the need * I am indebted to Dominique Hollard for his advice and comments and to the research group Urbs of Zaragoza. 1 All dates are ad unless otherwise stated. 2 F. López Sánchez, ‹ La série légionnaire de Victorin et ses emblèmes ad hoc ›, in D. Hollard, ed., L’armée et la monnaie. Actes de la journée d’études du 10 décembre 2005 à la Monnaie de Paris. Recherches et Travaux de la Société d’Études Numismatiques et Archéologiques (= SÉNA) 1 (Paris 2006), 37–49. Fernando López Sánchez - 9789047430391 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 12:31:52PM via free access 564 fernando lópez sánchez to tackle rather than ignore the internal problems of Gaul. Although his premature death prevented him from becoming the emperor of the Gallias, the nucleus of the battle cavalry that, without any doubt, was based in Lyon in 274, was used by Probus in the years 277–278. The series Virtus Probi issued in Lyon to commemorate the personal actions of Probus in the Rhine area re] ects the fact that Probus acted during these years not so much as a commander of the central Empire but equally as an emperor of the Gallic region. In this paper, in four dif- ferent sections, I’ll attempt to demonstrate the way in which Probus, from Lyon, wanted to identify himself with Gallia, even though he was a central emperor. The rst section of this paper, The meaning of the coin legend Equites, aims to show that Equites was not a legend applied to the whole body of the cavalry in the monetary series of the third century. The Roman engravers had various ways of linking a monetary series to a particular cavalry unit and to a speci c event. Equites was a legend only used in the years 268 or 276–277 and was linked to an invading military corps under the ultimate command of a magister equitum, and not of a Roman emperor. It is therefore unsurprising that Probus used this coin legend only in Italy in 276–277 rather than during his personal leadership in the operations in Gaul in 277–278. The second and third parts of this article, Virtus Postumi and the defence of Gaul by a local emperor and Virtus Probi and the defence of Gaul on behalf of a central emperor, attempt to clarify why Probus decided to strike the 5th monetary series of P. Bastien in Lyon in the years 277–8. In those years, Probus wanted to present himself in Gaul not as merely a central emperor that had arrived in a Gallic frontier territory, but as a sovereign genuinely worried about the region. The \ nal section of this study, The Gallic battle cavalry of Probus, concludes that Probus inherited from Aurelian a battle cavalry based in Lyon. The meaning of the coin legend Equites As L. de Blois has pointed out, the battle cavalry of the central Empire (Italy and the Danube) had its headquarters in Milan between 260 and Fernando López Sánchez - 9789047430391 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 12:31:52PM via free access VIRTUS PROBI: payments for the battle cavalry 565 285,3 and so the allusive legends to cavalry are very explicit in the series of coins minted by Aureolus on behalf of Postumus in the town in the years 267–268.4 On these coins, Aureolus celebrates a compact cavalry that he shows to be under his control (Fides (A)Equit),5 and which he used in the service of Postumus (Concord. (A) Equit)6 to obtain power in Italy (Virtus (A)Equit).7 Fides or Concordia are represented by their respective divinities, and Virtus is mainly represented by Mars marching with a helmet, spear and shield (Fig. 2), but other examples also show Romulo Conditor8 (Fig. 1) and Hercules in relation to Virtus9 (Fig. 3). Fig. 1. Aureolus, Virtus Aequit., Mediolanum, ad 267, Schulzki, op. cit. (n. 5) pl. 12, n. 108 3 L. de Blois, The Policy of the Emperor Gallienus (Leiden 1976), 29: “Soldiers in Milan were mainly in the cavalry.” See also 28. 4 De Blois 1976, op. cit. (n. 3) 27 and notes 17–21; A. Alföldi, ,Zur kenntnis der römischen Soldatenkaiser: I. Der usurpator Aureolus un die kavalleriereform des Gallienus,‘ in Studien zur Geschichte der Weltkrise des dritten Jahrhunderts n. Chr. (Darmstadt 1967), 1–16 is still important. 5 H.-J. Schulzki, Die Antoninianprägung der gallischen Kaiser von Postumus bis Tetricus. Typenka- talog der regulären und nachgeprägten Münzen. Antiquitas 3 (Bonn 1996), 49–51, nn. 15–19a, pl. 2–3. 6 Schulzki 1996, op. cit. (n. 5), 47–48, nn. 4–8, pl. 1. 7 On the coin legends Virtus Aequit of Milan in 267, see Schulzki 1996, op. cit (n. 5), 67–68, nn. 106–114, pl. 12–13. On the issuing see G. Elmer, Die Münzprägung der gallischen Kaiser in Köln, Trier und Mailand, (Berlin 1941), 55–56, nn. 600–617 and 619. N. 620 reads Pax Equitum. 8 N. Méthy, ,Romulus Conditor : un type monétaire mal connu,‘ Annali 48 (2001), 157–184. Romulus is, in any case, the son of Mars, Ovidius Fasti 3.59; Vergilius, Aeneid 1.276–277; 6.778–779; Servius, Commentaries to Vergil’s Aeneid 6.778. 9 Signi cantly Fides and Virtus, two of Aureolus’ coin legends, are linked with two of the most frequent legends on Gallienus’ coinage. See De Blois 1976, op. cit. (n. 3), 101–102. The third legend on the Milanese series of Aureolus, Concordia, substitutes the third most frequent one on Gallienus’ coins, Victoria, because of the circumstantial alliance between Aureolus himself and Postumus. Fernando López Sánchez - 9789047430391 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 12:31:52PM via free access 566 fernando lópez sánchez Fig. 2. Aureolus, Virtus Equit., Mediolanum, ad 267, Schulzki, op. cit. (n. 5) pl. 13, n. 110 Fig. 3. Aureolus, Virtus Equitum, Mediolanum, ad 267/268, Schulzki, op. cit. (n. 5) pl. 13, n. 112 The legend Equites does not often appear on the coins of the period, even though considerable cavalry forces were used at the time. Although there is a lack of clear references to Equites, numismatists and histor- ians should consider that legends such as Virtus and others associated with Mars are sometimes related to Imperial cavalry forces. The second series of coins minted by Claudius II10 in Milan is a paradigmatic example of this association. The main types,11 Virtus Aug(usti) and Marti Pacifero,12 were in fact minted to commemorate the victory of the Mila- nese cavalry13 over the Alamanni near Lake Garda.14 10 The rst series minted by Claudius II at Milan was a donativum to commemorate the victory at Lake Garda. It was composed exclusively of gold, with legends alluding to the event: Concordia Exercitus, Pax Exerc(itus), Spes Publica and Victoria Aug. A contem- porary issue in Rome relates the victory to the prosperity and eternity of the Urbs and some of its tutelary gods: Salus Aug, Felicitas Aug, Victoria Aug, Adventus Aug, Liberalitas Aug, Concord Exerci(tus) or divinities linked to the Urbs such as Iovi Statori, Aeternitas Aug, Apolli Cons. See H. Huvelin, ‹ L’atelier de Rome sous Claude II le Gothique (aurei, deniers, quinaires et moyens bronzes), › Numismatica ed Antichità Classica 13 (1984), 199–213. 11 Apart from the Victoria with two captives that reappears in Siscia brie y after and one denarius with the legend Fides Militum, Huvelin 1984, op. cit. (n. 10), 206. 12 H. Huvelin, ,La victoire du lac de Garde de Claude II,‘ Numismatica e Antichità Classica 11 (1982), 263–269, esp. 263–265. 13 H. Huvelin, ,L’atelier de Milan sous Claude II. La première émission de monnaies d’or,‘ Numismatica e Antichità Classica 15 (1986), 197–209. On p. 197 he says: « Atelier militaire, il semble avoir joui d’une organisation bien structuré et avoir assez rapide- ment acquis un certain nombre de règles.» 14 According to Huvelin, the Milanese series must have been distributed at the end Fernando López Sánchez - 9789047430391 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 12:31:52PM via free access VIRTUS PROBI: payments for the battle cavalry 567 A similar phenomenon occurs in another Milanese example portrayed in a series minted by Aurelian at the beginning of 271, in close associa- tion with Siscia.
Recommended publications
  • Rome Vs Rome Ing Late Romans Come from the Cover of the Roman Empire in the Middle of the Fourth

    Rome Vs Rome Ing Late Romans Come from the Cover of the Roman Empire in the Middle of the Fourth

    THE BATTLE OF MURSA MAJOR THEME Left-handed warriors? Yes, the image has been mirrored. These charg- Rome vs Rome ing Late Romans come from the cover of The Roman Empire in the middle of the fourth Ancient Warfare VI-5. V century found itself in crisis. It had been split by Constantine the Great between his three surviving sons, Constantine II, Constantius II and Constans. However, soon the brothers were at each other’s throats vying for power. By David Davies onstantine II was defeated by the forces of Constans in AD 340, leav- ingC him in control of the western half of the Roman Empire. Howev- er in AD 350, he in turn was usurped by one of his own generals, Mag- nentius, who took the title Emperor of the West- ern Empire. Constans fled but was ambushed and killed by a troop of light cavalry while his party at- tempted to cross the Pyrenees. Magnentius quickly wooed support from the provinces in Britannia, Gaul, and Hispania with his lax approach to pagan- ism. Other provinces remained hesitant and many remained loyal to the Constan- tinian dynasty. The new Western Roman Emperor tried to exert his control directly by appointing his own men to command provinces and legions, ex- ecuting commanders loyal to the old regime, and by moving his forces into poten- tial rebel territories. When Nepotianus (a nephew of Constantine the Great) stormed Rome with a band of gladiators and pro- claimed himself em- peror, the revolt was swiftly dealt with. It became clear to 1 Wargames, soldiers & strategy 95 Cataphracts from the Eastern and Western Roman Empires square off.
  • ROMAN POLITICS DURING the JUGURTHINE WAR by PATRICIA EPPERSON WINGATE Bachelor of Arts in Education Northeastern Oklahoma State

    ROMAN POLITICS DURING the JUGURTHINE WAR by PATRICIA EPPERSON WINGATE Bachelor of Arts in Education Northeastern Oklahoma State

    ROMAN POLITICS DURING THE JUGURTHINE WAR By PATRICIA EPPERSON ,WINGATE Bachelor of Arts in Education Northeastern Oklahoma State University Tahlequah, Oklahoma 1971 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS May, 1975 SEP Ji ·J75 ROMAN POLITICS DURING THE JUGURTHINE WAR Thesis Approved: . Dean of the Graduate College 91648 ~31 ii PREFACE The Jugurthine War occurred within the transitional period of Roman politics between the Gracchi and the rise of military dictators~ The era of the Numidian conflict is significant, for during that inter­ val the equites gained political strength, and the Roman army was transformed into a personal, professional army which no longer served the state, but dedicated itself to its commander. The primary o~jec­ tive of this study is to illustrate the role that political events in Rome during the Jugurthine War played in transforming the Republic into the Principate. I would like to thank my adviser, Dr. Neil Hackett, for his patient guidance and scholarly assistance, and to also acknowledge the aid of the other members of my counnittee, Dr. George Jewsbury and Dr. Michael Smith, in preparing my final draft. Important financial aid to my degree came from the Dr. Courtney W. Shropshire Memorial Scholarship. The Muskogee Civitan Club offered my name to the Civitan International Scholarship Selection Committee, and I am grateful for their ass.istance. A note of thanks is given to the staff of the Oklahoma State Uni­ versity Library, especially Ms. Vicki Withers, for their overall assis­ tance, particularly in securing material from other libraries.
  • Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman

    Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman

    Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman emperors had always been conscious of the political power of the military establishment. In his well-known assessment of the secrets of Augustus’ success, Tacitus observed that he had “won over the soldiers with gifts”,1 while Septimius Severus is famously reported to have advised his sons to “be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and despise the rest”.2 Since both men had gained power after fiercely contested periods of civil war, it is hardly surprising that they were mindful of the importance of conciliating this particular constituency. Emperors’ awareness of this can only have been intensified by the prolonged and repeated incidence of civil war during the mid third century, as well as by emperors themselves increasingly coming from military backgrounds during this period. At the same time, the sheer frequency with which armies were able to make and unmake emperors in the mid third century must have served to reinforce soldiers’ sense of their potential to influence the empire’s affairs and extract concessions from emperors. The stage was thus set for a fourth century in which the stakes were high in relations between emperors and the military, with a distinct risk that, if those relations were not handled judiciously, the empire might fragment, as it almost did in the 260s and 270s. 1 Tac. Ann. 1.2. 2 Cass. Dio 76.15.2. Just as emperors of earlier centuries had taken care to conciliate the rank and file by various means,3 so too fourth-century emperors deployed a range of measures designed to win and retain the loyalties of the soldiery.
  • A New Perspective on the Early Roman Dictatorship, 501-300 B.C

    A New Perspective on the Early Roman Dictatorship, 501-300 B.C

    A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON THE EARLY ROMAN DICTATORSHIP, 501-300 B.C. BY Jeffrey A. Easton Submitted to the graduate degree program in Classics and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Anthony Corbeill Chairperson Committee Members Tara Welch Carolyn Nelson Date defended: April 26, 2010 The Thesis Committee for Jeffrey A. Easton certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON THE EARLY ROMAN DICTATORSHIP, 501-300 B.C. Committee: Anthony Corbeill Chairperson Tara Welch Carolyn Nelson Date approved: April 27, 2010 ii Page left intentionally blank. iii ABSTRACT According to sources writing during the late Republic, Roman dictators exercised supreme authority over all other magistrates in the Roman polity for the duration of their term. Modern scholars have followed this traditional paradigm. A close reading of narratives describing early dictatorships and an analysis of ancient epigraphic evidence, however, reveal inconsistencies in the traditional model. The purpose of this thesis is to introduce a new model of the early Roman dictatorship that is based upon a reexamination of the evidence for the nature of dictatorial imperium and the relationship between consuls and dictators in the period 501-300 BC. Originally, dictators functioned as ad hoc magistrates, were equipped with standard consular imperium, and, above all, were intended to supplement consuls. Furthermore, I demonstrate that Sulla’s dictatorship, a new and genuinely absolute form of the office introduced in the 80s BC, inspired subsequent late Republican perceptions of an autocratic dictatorship.
  • Ancient Rome

    Ancient Rome

    Ancient Rome William E. Dunstan ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK ................. 17856$ $$FM 09-09-10 09:17:21 PS PAGE iii Published by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 http://www.rowmanlittlefield.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright ᭧ 2011 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. All maps by Bill Nelson. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. The cover image shows a marble bust of the nymph Clytie; for more information, see figure 22.17 on p. 370. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dunstan, William E. Ancient Rome / William E. Dunstan. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7425-6832-7 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-7425-6833-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN 978-0-7425-6834-1 (electronic) 1. Rome—Civilization. 2. Rome—History—Empire, 30 B.C.–476 A.D. 3. Rome—Politics and government—30 B.C.–476 A.D. I. Title. DG77.D86 2010 937Ј.06—dc22 2010016225 ⅜ϱ ீThe paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/ NISO Z39.48–1992. Printed in the United States of America ................
  • The Roman Army in the Third Century Ad Lukas De Blois My Issue In

    The Roman Army in the Third Century Ad Lukas De Blois My Issue In

    INTEGRATION OR DISINTEGRATION? THE ROMAN ARMY IN THE THIRD CENTURY A.D. Lukas de Blois My issue in this paper is: what was the main trend within the Roman military forces in the third century ad? Integration, or disintegration into regional entities? This paper is not about cultural integration of ethnic groups in multicultural parts of the Roman Empire, such as the city of Rome, thriving commercial centres, and border regions to which the armies had brought people from various parts of the Empire, and where multicultural military personnel lived together with indigenous groups, craftsmen from different origins, and immigrants from commercially active regions, either in canabae adjacent to castra stativa, or in garrison towns, as in the Eastern parts of the Empire. In variatio upon an issue raised by Frederick Naerebout in another paper published in this volume, I might ask myself in what sense an army, which in the third century ad was progressively composed of ethnically and culturally different units, kept functioning as an integrated entity, or in actual practice disintegrated into rivalling, particularistic regional forces whose actual or potential competition for money and supplies con- stantly threatened peace and stability in the Empire, particularly in times of dangerous external wars, when the need for supplies increased. The discussion should start with Septimius Severus. After his victories over Pescennius Niger, some tribes in northern Mesopotamia, and Albinus in Gaul, Severus had to replenish the ranks of his armies, for example at the Danube frontiers, which had yielded many men to Severus’ field armies and his new praetorian guard.
  • 4.2-Persecution Under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L

    4.2-Persecution Under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L

    4.2-Persecution under Valens (371-373) Copyright 2018 Glen L. Thompson This document is provided for personal and educational use. It may not be used for commercial purposes without the permission of the copyright holder. Last updated 6/6/18 Socrates Sozomen Theodoret Macedonians seek fellowship with Liberius 4.12.1 But we will have more opportunity to mention 6.10.3 Valens and Eudoxius then directed their both Basil and Gregory again in the course of our history. resentment against the Macedonians, who were more When the maintainers of the homoousian doctrine had been numerous than the above-mentioned Christians in that severely dealt with and put to flight, the persecutors began region, and they persecuted them without measure. The again to harass the Macedonians. Macedonians, in apprehension of further sufferings, sent 4.12.2 Impelled by fear rather than violence, the delegates to various cities, and finally agreed to turn to Macedonians sent messengers to one another from city to Valentinian and to the bishop of Rome rather than share city, declaring the necessity of appealing to the emperor’s in the faith of Eudoxius and Valens and their followers. brother, and to Liberius bishop of Rome, saying that it was far better for them to embrace their faith, than to commune with the party of Eudoxius. 4.12.3 For this purpose they sent Eustathius bishop of 6.10.4 And when it seemed ideal to do this, they Sebastia, who had been deposed several times, Silvanus of selected three of their own number—Eustathius, bishop Tarsus in Cilicia, and Theophilus of Castabala in the same of Sebaste; Silvanus, bishop of Tarsus; and Theophilus, province, charging them to not to disagree with Liberius in bishop of Castabalis—and sent them to the Emperor anything concerning the faith, but to enter into communion Valentinian.
  • Diocletian's New Empire

    Diocletian's New Empire

    1 Diocletian's New Empire Eutropius, Brevarium, 9.18-27.2 (Eutr. 9.18-27.2) 18. After the death of Probus, CARUS was created emperor, a native of Narbo in Gaul, who immediately made his sons, Carinus and Numerianus, Caesars, and reigned, in conjunction with them, two years. News being brought, while he was engaged in a war with the Sarmatians, of an insurrection among the Persians, he set out for the east, and achieved some noble exploits against that people; he routed them in the field, and took Seleucia and Ctesiphon, their noblest cities, but, while he was encamped on the Tigris, he was killed by lightning. His son NUMERIANUS, too, whom he had taken with him to Persia, a young man of very great ability, while, from being affected with a disease in his eyes, he was carried in a litter, was cut off by a plot of which Aper, his father-in-law, was the promoter; and his death, though attempted craftily to be concealed until Aper could seize the throne, was made known by the odour of his dead body; for the soldiers, who attended him, being struck by the smell, and opening the curtains of his litter, discovered his death some days after it had taken place. 19. 1. In the meantime CARINUS, whom Carus, when he set out to the war with Parthia, had left, with the authority of Caesar, to command in Illyricum, Gaul, and Italy, disgraced himself by all manner of crimes; he put to death many innocent persons on false accusations, formed illicit connexions with the wives of noblemen, and wrought the ruin of several of his school-fellows, who happened to have offended him at school by some slight provocation.
  • The Late Republic – Crises and Civil Wars a Society Falls Apart in Italy

    The Late Republic – Crises and Civil Wars a Society Falls Apart in Italy

    The Late Republic – Crises and Civil Wars A Society Falls Apart In Italy, much had changed after Rome rose to a world power. In the long wars, many peasants and their sons had died. Others had not been able to properly cultivate their farms for years. More and more small farmers left the countryside. In their place, many large farms arose, because large landowners had bought up the land of indebted peasants, forcibly driven some farmers out, and laid claim to large portions of state-owned land for themselves. Their standard of living rose, because they specialized themselves in certain products. They grew wine-grapes and olives on a grand scale, or reorganized themselves toward livestock. Around the cities, there were large landowners who obtained high profits by raising poultry and fish. Such large landowners usually owned several farms, which were managed by administrators, while they themselves pursued political business in Rome. On their estates, slaves worked, who were obtained either as prisoners of war or on the slave markets. According to careful analysis, in the time between 200 B.C. and 150 B.C., approximately 250,000 prisoners of war were brought to Italy as slaves. In the following 100 years, more than 500,000 slaves – mainly from Asia Minor – came to Rome. Especially the small farmers suffered in this situation. Earlier, they had gotten for themselves additional income as daily workers on the estates, but now they were needed there, at most, only for harvest. So many had to give up their farms, and moved with their families to Rome.
  • Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage

    Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage

    Liberty Coin Service Collector’s Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage (49 BC - AD 518) The Twelve Caesars - The Julio-Claudians and the Flavians (49 BC - AD 96) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Julius Caesar (49-44 BC) Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) Tiberius (AD 14 - AD 37) Caligula (AD 37 - AD 41) Claudius (AD 41 - AD 54) Tiberius Nero (AD 54 - AD 68) Galba (AD 68 - AD 69) Otho (AD 69) Nero Vitellius (AD 69) Vespasian (AD 69 - AD 79) Otho Titus (AD 79 - AD 81) Domitian (AD 81 - AD 96) The Nerva-Antonine Dynasty (AD 96 - AD 192) Nerva (AD 96-AD 98) Trajan (AD 98-AD 117) Hadrian (AD 117 - AD 138) Antoninus Pius (AD 138 - AD 161) Marcus Aurelius (AD 161 - AD 180) Hadrian Lucius Verus (AD 161 - AD 169) Commodus (AD 177 - AD 192) Marcus Aurelius Years of Transition (AD 193 - AD 195) Pertinax (AD 193) Didius Julianus (AD 193) Pescennius Niger (AD 193) Clodius Albinus (AD 193- AD 195) The Severans (AD 193 - AD 235) Clodius Albinus Septimus Severus (AD 193 - AD 211) Caracalla (AD 198 - AD 217) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Geta (AD 209 - AD 212) Macrinus (AD 217 - AD 218) Diadumedian as Caesar (AD 217 - AD 218) Elagabalus (AD 218 - AD 222) Severus Alexander (AD 222 - AD 235) Severus The Military Emperors (AD 235 - AD 284) Alexander Maximinus (AD 235 - AD 238) Maximus Caesar (AD 235 - AD 238) Balbinus (AD 238) Maximinus Pupienus (AD 238) Gordian I (AD 238) Gordian II (AD 238) Gordian III (AD 238 - AD 244) Philip I (AD 244 - AD 249) Philip II (AD 247 - AD 249) Gordian III Trajan Decius (AD 249 - AD 251) Herennius Etruscus
  • A Tale of Two Periods

    A Tale of Two Periods

    A tale of two periods Change and continuity in the Roman Empire between 249 and 324 Pictured left: a section of the Naqš-i Rustam, the victory monument of Shapur I of Persia, showing the captured Roman emperor Valerian kneeling before the victorious Sassanid monarch (source: www.bbc.co.uk). Pictured right: a group of statues found on St. Mark’s Basilica in Venice, depicting the members of the first tetrarchy – Diocletian, Maximian, Constantius and Galerius – holding each other and with their hands on their swords, ready to act if necessary (source: www.wikipedia.org). The former image depicts the biggest shame suffered by the empire during the third-century ‘crisis’, while the latter is the most prominent surviving symbol of tetrar- chic ideology. S. L. Vennik Kluut 14 1991 VB Velserbroek S0930156 RMA-thesis Ancient History Supervisor: Dr. F. G. Naerebout Faculty of Humanities University of Leiden Date: 30-05-2014 2 Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 3 Sources ............................................................................................................................................ 6 Historiography ............................................................................................................................... 10 1. Narrative ............................................................................................................................................ 14 From
  • Calendar of Roman Events

    Calendar of Roman Events

    Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.