Iraq and Syria Update
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Syria: "Torture Was My Punishment": Abductions, Torture and Summary
‘TORTURE WAS MY PUNISHMENT’ ABDUCTIONS, TORTURE AND SUMMARY KILLINGS UNDER ARMED GROUP RULE IN ALEPPO AND IDLEB, SYRIA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2016 Cover photo: Armed group fighters prepare to launch a rocket in the Saif al-Dawla district of the Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons northern Syrian city of Aleppo, on 21 April 2013. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Miguel Medina/AFP/Getty Images https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2016 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 24/4227/2016 July 2016 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 METHODOLOGY 7 1. BACKGROUND 9 1.1 Armed group rule in Aleppo and Idleb 9 1.2 Violations by other actors 13 2. ABDUCTIONS 15 2.1 Journalists and media activists 15 2.2 Lawyers, political activists and others 18 2.3 Children 21 2.4 Minorities 22 3. -
The Potential for an Assad Statelet in Syria
THE POTENTIAL FOR AN ASSAD STATELET IN SYRIA Nicholas A. Heras THE POTENTIAL FOR AN ASSAD STATELET IN SYRIA Nicholas A. Heras policy focus 132 | december 2013 the washington institute for near east policy www.washingtoninstitute.org The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessar- ily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. MAPS Fig. 1 based on map designed by W.D. Langeraar of Michael Moran & Associates that incorporates data from National Geographic, Esri, DeLorme, NAVTEQ, UNEP- WCMC, USGS, NASA, ESA, METI, NRCAN, GEBCO, NOAA, and iPC. Figs. 2, 3, and 4: detail from The Tourist Atlas of Syria, Syria Ministry of Tourism, Directorate of Tourist Relations, Damascus. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publica- tion may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2013 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Digitally rendered montage incorporating an interior photo of the tomb of Hafez al-Assad and a partial view of the wheel tapestry found in the Sheikh Daher Shrine—a 500-year-old Alawite place of worship situated in an ancient grove of wild oak; both are situated in al-Qurdaha, Syria. Photographs by Andrew Tabler/TWI; design and montage by 1000colors. -
Irak : Situation Sécuritaire Dans Le District De Sinjar
Irak : situation sécuritaire dans le district de Sinjar Recherche rapide de l’analyse-pays Berne, 28 novembre 2018 Conformément aux standards COI, l’OSAR fonde ses recherches sur des sources accessibles publiquement. Lorsque les informations obtenues dans le temps imparti sont insuffisantes, elle fait appel à des expert -e-s. L’OSAR documente ses sources de manière transparente et traçable, mais peut toutefois décider de les anony- miser, afin de garantir la protection de ses contacts. Impressum Editeur Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés (OSAR) Case postale, 3001 Berne Tél. 031 370 75 75 Fax 031 370 75 00 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: www.osar.ch CCP dons: 10-10000-5 Versions français, allemand COPYRIGHT © 2018 Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés (OSAR), Berne Copies et impressions autorisées sous réserve de la mention de la source 1 Introduction Le présent document a été rédigé par l’analyse-pays de l’Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés (OSAR) à la suite d’une demande qui lui a été adressée. Il se penche sur les ques- tions suivantes: Quelle est la situation sécuritaire dans le district de Sinjar (province de Ninawa) ? L’ « État islamique » (EI) autoproclamé /Daesh est-il encore présent ou représente-il encore une menace dans ce district ? 1. Quels sont les principaux obstacles au retour des personnes déplacées et à la recons- truction dans le district de Sinjar ? 2. Est-il concevable qu'un enfant mineur irakien d'origine kurde, qui a passé plusieurs mois dans un camp de l’EI/Daesh dans le district de Sinjar, puisse à son retour subir des me- sures de représailles de la part de la population locale ? Pour répondre à ces questions, l’analyse-pays de l’OSAR s’est fondée sur des sources ac- cessibles publiquement et disponibles dans les délais impartis (recherche rapide) ainsi que sur des renseignements d’expert-e-s. -
آشور القديمة Imperialist Networks
Present Pasts, Vol. 2, No. 1, 2010, 142-168, doi:10.5334/pp.30 شبكات اﻻمبريالية : آشور القديمة :Imperialist Networks والوﻻيات المتحدة Ancient Assyria and the United States راينهارد بيرنبك REINHARD BERNBECK آجامعة برلني الحرة وجامعة بنغهامتون Freie Universität Berlin and Binghamton University على مدى العقد الماضي, قام العديد من المؤرخين والمحللين السياسيين Over the last decade many historians and بتسليط الضوء على أوج��ه التشابه بين اﻻمبراطوريات الرومانية political analysts have sought to highlight واﻷمريكية. وتعرض هذه الورقة بديﻻ لهذه المعادﻻت من خﻻل مقارنة -similarities between the American and Ro ﻷمريكا واﻹمبراطورية اﻵشورية ، على أساس اختﻻفي معهم بأن لديهم -man Empires. This paper presents an alter التشابه الهيكلي ,ﻻ تشاركهم به روما. native to these equations by comparing the American and the Assyrian empire, based on my contention that they have structural similarities not shared by Rome. Introduction “Not since Rome has one nation loomed so large above the others”. With this sentence, Jo- seph Nye opens his book The Paradox of American Power (2002: 1). After the end of the cold war, and especially since 9/11, the notion of an “American empire” and the comparison with Rome as the sole precursor of the U.S. empire have become a mainstay of historians and political commentators alike (e.g. Kagan, 2002; Golub, 2002). Rome also underwent a transformation from republic to an imperial golden age, and reference is made to opinion leaders such as Cato, who said of Rome’s enemies: “Let them hate us as long as they fear us.” This sentiment is echoed by Charles Krauthammer (2001) who asserts that America “is the dominant power in the world, more than any since Rome. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Exile, Place and Politics: Syria's Transnational Civil War Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8b36058d Author Hamdan, Ali Nehme Publication Date 2019 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Exile, Place, and Politics: Syria’s Transnational Civil War A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Geography by Ali Nehme Hamdan 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Exile, Place, and Politics: Syria’s Transnational Civil War by Ali Nehme Hamdan Doctor of Philosophy in Geography University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor John A. Agnew, Co-Chair Professor Adam D. Moore, Co-Chair This dissertation explores the role of transnational dynamics in civil war. The conflict in Syria has been described as experiencing one of the most brutal civil wars in recent memory. At the same time, it bears the hallmarks of a deeply “internationalized” conflict, raising questions about the role of transnational forces in shaping its structural dynamics. Focusing on Syria’s conflict, I examine how different actors draw on transnational networks to shape the geographies of “wartime governance.” Wartime governance has been acknowledged by many scholars to be an important process of civil wars, and yet it is frequently conceptualized as a “subnational” or “local” process. For Syria’s opposition, I investigate how it both produces decidedly transnational spaces in Syria’s Northwest, while also illuminating the role of a particular network of actors in doing so. For the global jihadi network Daesh (known also as the Islamic State), I illustrate the contrast between its rhetoric of transnational jihad and its practices of governance, which is considerable. -
The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq
The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq Julie Ahn—Maeve Campbell—Pete Knoetgen Client: Office of Iraq Affairs, U.S. Department of State Harvard Kennedy School Faculty Advisor: Meghan O’Sullivan Policy Analysis Exercise Seminar Leader: Matthew Bunn May 7, 2018 This Policy Analysis Exercise reflects the views of the authors and should not be viewed as representing the views of the US Government, nor those of Harvard University or any of its faculty. Acknowledgements We would like to express our gratitude to the many people who helped us throughout the development, research, and drafting of this report. Our field work in Iraq would not have been possible without the help of Sherzad Khidhir. His willingness to connect us with in-country stakeholders significantly contributed to the breadth of our interviews. Those interviews were made possible by our fantastic translators, Lezan, Ehsan, and Younis, who ensured that we could capture critical information and the nuance of discussions. We also greatly appreciated the willingness of U.S. State Department officials, the soldiers of Operation Inherent Resolve, and our many other interview participants to provide us with their time and insights. Thanks to their assistance, we were able to gain a better grasp of this immensely complex topic. Throughout our research, we benefitted from consultations with numerous Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) faculty, as well as with individuals from the larger Harvard community. We would especially like to thank Harvard Business School Professor Kristin Fabbe and Razzaq al-Saiedi from the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative who both provided critical support to our project. -
Dead Men Tell No Lies: Using Martyr Data to Expose the PKK's Regional
Dead Men Tell No Lies: Using Martyr Data to Expose the PKK’s Regional Shell Game Jared Ferris and Andrew Self May 05, 2015 1 Table of Contents • List of Figures in Appendix 3 • Acknowledgments 4 • Introduction 5 o Terms and Usage 7 o Literature Review 8 o Methodology/Data 12 o Background 14 • Beginning of the PJAK and PKK Franchise Era 16 • The PKK in Syria 21 o The PYD and Syrian Kurds 2003-2011 23 o The Syrian Civil War 27 • New Opportunities: ISIS, Kobani, and Sinjar 31 • Conclusion 37 • Appendix I- Figures 38 • Appendix II- PKK Military Organizational Structure Chart 46 • Appendix III- Sample “Marty” Announcements 47 • Appendix IV-Acronyms 48 • Bibliography 49 2 List of Figures in Appendix I • Figure 1: Total HPG Deaths by Country of Birth 38 • Figure 2: % of Total HPG Deaths by Country of Birth 38 • Figure 3: HPG Syrian Fighters City of Birth 39 • Figure 4: % of HPG Deaths Country of Birth: Iran vs Syria 39 • Figure 5: HPG Fighter Year of Join by % of Country of Birth 40 • Figure 6: Total Number of HPG Fighters by Year Joined 40 • Figure 7: Total HPG Deaths by Country of Birth 2001-2015 41 • Figure 8: % of HPG Combat Deaths by Country of Death 2001-2015 41 • Figure 9: % of HPG Combat Deaths by Country of Death 42 • Figure 10: YPG Combat Deaths by Country of Birth: Oct 2013-June 2014 43 • Figure 11: YPG Combat Deaths by Country of Birth: July 2014-Feb 2015 43 • Figure 12: YPG Combat Deaths by Country of Birth: Nov 2013-Feb 2015 44 • Figure 13: Map of HPG Combat Deaths in Iran 45 3 Acknowledgements We would like to thank our advisor Dr. -
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict MERI Policy Paper Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya October 2017 1 Contents 1. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................4 2. “Reconciliation” after genocide .........................................................................................................5 -
1 | Page Submission to the Senate Standing Committees on Foreign
Submission to the Senate Standing Committees on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade on the Issues facing diaspora communities in Australia by the Yazidi Australian Association Yazidi Australian Association welcomes the opportunity to provide a Submission to the Senate Standing Committees on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade on the Issues facing diaspora communities in Australia. Yazidi Australian Association represents the needs and issues of the newly arrived Yazidi community members in Australia. We are one of the most recently arrived small and emerging refugee communities in Australia. Majority of our community members have settled in rural and regional Australia including Coffs Harbour, Wagga Wagga, Armidale and Toowoomba with a smaller cohort settling in Western Sydney. Below is a brief outline of the persecution faced by Yazidi community members. Further cultural information can be provided upon request. The Yazidi (or Ezidi) are a people who originate from Iraq, Syria and Turkey. The population is estimated to be between 800, 000 and 1000, 0001 globally, although their population is difficult to estimate considering their dwindling numbers over the last century due to constant persecution. The Yazidis are located primarily in the Nineveh province of northern Iraq, and in the Al-Jazira and Kurd- Dagh areas of Syria. The sacred valley of Lalish is the centre of pilgrimage for Yazidis. Some also live in Armenia and Georgia and many have migrated to parts of Europe. Sweden has had a significant Yazidi population since 20082 and Germany since the 1970s3 Yazidis almost all speak Kurmanji, with the exception of some villages in northern Iraq where Arabic is spoken. -
The Politics of Syria
H-Announce The Politics of Syria Announcement published by Priyadarshini Gupta on Monday, February 15, 2021 Type: Call for Papers Date: February 14, 2021 to April 20, 2021 Subject Fields: Area Studies, Diplomacy and International Relations, Cultural History / Studies, Islamic History / Studies, Literature Call for Papers (Spring Issue 2021) The image of Syria as a war-torn country has always dominated global news cycles. On one hand, news outlets discuss how the international powers serve their own economic and political interests by implementing the Middle East Grand Strategy revolving around ‘ Creative Chaos’ policies. In short, waging a proxy war on Syria’s political and economic system, destroying culture and infrastructure, affecting civilians, violating human rights principles under the pretext of democracy and protection of human rights, with the aim to reshape Middle East politics. In this context, such news cycles persistently distort President Assad's counterstrategy. On the other hand, the media’s coverage of the civilians’ struggle to survive daily has garnered sympathy from people around the world. In this edition, we seek scholarly and opinionated papers that explore topics, discourses, motifs, interests, or perspectives that go beyond the image of Syria as a conflict zone, or the country which is the product of a conflict zone. This edition is looking for scholarly and critical interventions that write back to such limited and binary representations of Syria. The issue aims to incentivize Syria in a positive light, focussing on the contributions of Syria (politically, economically, literarily, historically, and socially) in the world order. Our aim is to engage in such current scholarly conversations that pushback, complicate, and uncomplicate our monolithic and true Substantive Due Process issues allowing the states' power to regulate certain visions of Syria. -
Congressional Testimony
Congressional Testimony “U.S. Counterterrorism Efforts in Syria: A Winning Strategy?” Thomas Joscelyn Senior Fellow, Foundation for Defense of Democracies Senior Editor, The Long War Journal Hearing before House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade Washington, DC September 29, 2015 ● ● 1726 M Street NW Suite 700 Washington, DC 20036 1 Chairman Poe, Ranking Member Keating, and other members of the committee, thank you for inviting me here today to speak about America’s counterterrorism efforts in Syria. The war in Syria is exceedingly complex, with multiple actors fighting one another on the ground and foreign powers supporting their preferred proxies. Iran and Hezbollah are backing Bashar al Assad’s regime, which is also now receiving increased assistance from Russia. The Islamic State (often referred to by the acronyms ISIS and ISIL) retains control over a significant amount of Syrian territory. Despite some setbacks at the hands of the U.S.-led air coalition and Kurdish ground forces earlier this year in northern Syria, Abu Bakr al Baghdadi’s organization has not suffered anything close to a knockout blow thus far. Sunni jihadists, led by Al Nusrah Front and its closest allies, are opposed to both the Islamic State and the Assad regime. Unfortunately, they have been the most effective anti-Assad forces for some time, as could be seen in their stunning advances in the Idlib province earlier this year. Turkey, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and other nations are all sponsoring proxies in the fight. Given the complexity of the war in Syria, it should be obvious that there are no easy answers. -
Iraq's Displacement Crisis
CEASEFIRE centre for civilian rights Lahib Higel Iraq’s Displacement Crisis: Security and protection © Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights and Minority Rights Group International March 2016 Cover photo: This report has been produced as part of the Ceasefire project, a multi-year pro- gramme supported by the European Union to implement a system of civilian-led An Iraqi boy watches as internally- displaced Iraq families return to their monitoring of human rights abuses in Iraq, focusing in particular on the rights of homes in the western Melhaniyeh vulnerable civilians including vulnerable women, internally-displaced persons (IDPs), neighbourhood of Baghdad in stateless persons, and ethnic or religious minorities, and to assess the feasibility of September 2008. Some 150 Shi’a and Sunni families returned after an extending civilian-led monitoring to other country situations. earlier wave of displacement some two years before when sectarian This report has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union violence escalated and families fled and the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Canada. The con- to neighbourhoods where their sect was in the majority. tents of this report are the sole responsibility of the publishers and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the European Union. © Ahmad Al-Rubaye /AFP / Getty Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights The Ceasefire Centre for Civilian Rights is a new initiative to develop ‘civilian-led monitoring’ of violations of international humanitarian law or human rights, to pursue legal and political accountability for those responsible for such violations, and to develop the practice of civilian rights.