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Mongol Noyans in Greater Armenia 1220 1245

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Mongol Noyans in Greater Armenia 1220 1245 mongol noyans in greater armenia 43 CHAPTER TWO MONGOL NOYANS IN GREATER ARMENIA 12201245 The Mongols entered the Caucasus only at the beginning of the thir- teenth century after their occupation of territories in Central Asia and defeat of the Khwārazmia .1 By that time, the Mongols were hardly known to the region including the Armenians ; Armenia was not on the Mongols’ list of priorities either. The political circumstances of Armenia on the eve of the Mongol conquest embodied different pow- ers in different regions. Thus, the Seljuks (Saljuqs) of Rūm had been in power in the western part since the end of the twelfth century;2 the Georgian Bagratid dynasty ruled the northern and eastern parts since 1089; and the political domination of the Ayyubids was still functional in some parts of the south since 1208. Only some of the southern territories were under the control of the Armenian ishkhans (princes).3 Of these, the Tornikids /Mamikonians ruled in Sasun and the Artsrunids in the districts of Mokk‘ and Rshtunik‘ in Vaspurakan .4 The First Mongols in the Lands of the Armenians Greater Armenia stayed under Mongol lordship for more than one hundred years, from 1220 to 1344.5 In his doctoral thesis on the 1 After the massacre of the merchants and of the Mongol Embassy, Chinggis Khan sent his envoys to the Khwārazm-Shāh protesting at his deceitful action and demanding the surrender of Īnālchik, the governor of Utrār, but his envoys were killed by order of the Shāh, according to Nasawī, or were freed after their beards had been shaved, according to Ibn al-Athīr (Barthold, 1977:399). 2 The first Seljuk Turks arrived in Caucasia probably in the late 1020s (Peacock, 2005:211). 3 For details, see the Introduction and Map 1. Cf. Hewsen, 2001:107–109. 4 Ter-Ghewondyan, 1955:85–96. Contemporary Armenian sources refer to the lords as the ishkhans, the princes. To my knowledge in the sources, which were at my disposal, there is no single reference claiming them as nakharars. There is disagree- ment among scholars about the duration of the nakharar system both as a concept and as terminology; however, it is highly unlikely that the nakharar system, which existed in Armenia from antiquity, lasted until the Mongol invasion (Adonts, 1970:183; Garsoïan in Hovannisian, 1997:150). Therefore, I use the term ishkhans for princes and lords. 5 Manandian, 1952:244. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License.Bayarsaikhan Dashdondog - 9789004192119 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 10:34:46AM via free access 44 chapter two Turco-Mongol invasions of Armenia , R. Bedrosian analyses the Mongol conquest of Armenia within a chain of co-related Turco- Mongol incursions into Armenia that occurred at the beginning of the thirteenth century, after the Seljuks , although he states that these invasions were hardly coordinated.6 Overall, he identifies them as ‘invasion-migration.’7 Disagreeing with this view, which is more relevant to the Seljuks, I have tried to analyse the actual size of the Mongol army that invaded Armenia. It is difficult to assess the num- ber of Mongols who came to Greater Armenia or their physical pres- ence during the conquest . Without doubt, it fluctuated within the limits of the nomadic army that included households, women and children.8 It is also debatable as to whether these armies aimed to settle in Armenia or to move forward following the conquest. Therefore, this study examines the Mongol conquest of Greater Armenia as a separate matter, excluding its connection with the con- quests of Armenia by the Khwārazmians, by the Seljuks or by some Turkomans later in the abovementioned period, but considering it instead as an essential part of the Mongol conquest of the world.9 The Mongol occupation of Armenia proceeded in several well- coordinated phases: scouting expeditions; initial allotment of Armenian land under Mongol lordship; and the final invasion. According to Armenian sources , the first Mongols emerged in Armenia in 1220 (669 Arm.).10 The years given in Grigor Aknerts‘i as 1214 (663 Arm.)11 and in Mkhit‘ar Ayrivanets‘i as 121112 are not supported by any other sources and need to be considered as scribal errors as they both describe the battle of Georgio-Armenian troops against the Mongols near the river Kotman , which took place in the 6 Bedrosian, 1979:94. 7 Ibid., 64. 8 Kirakos Gandzakets‘i , 1961:203. For the actual size of the Mongol armies, see Turnbull, 1980:22–24. The whole Mongol population did not participate in actual conquest , but only the army (Hildinger, 1997:11). 9 The invasion of the Caucasus by the Qipchak Turks in 1222 was not part of the Mongol conquests. Defeated by the Mongols , they withdrew to the Caucasus. The Khwārazm-Shāh Jalāl al-Dīn penetrated Armenian lands several times from 1225 to ca. 1230, fleeing from the Mongols . However, it was rather a consequence than a part of the Mongol conquests. 10 Step‘annos Episkopos , 1951:38; Kirakos Gandzakets‘i , 1961:201; Vardan Arevelts‘i , 1991:142. 11 Grigor Aknerts‘i , 1974:22. 12 Mkhit‘ar Ayrivanets‘i , 1860:65. Bayarsaikhan Dashdondog - 9789004192119 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 10:34:46AM via free access mongol noyans in greater armenia 45 winter of 1220–1221.13 The most corroborated dates for this event are recorded by Vardan Arevelts‘i (ca. 1200–1271) and by the anony- mous author from Sebastia in his Chronicle. The latter states that, in the year 669 Arm. (1220), 20,000 Tatars under Commander Sűbedei came to the land of Gugark from Albania (Aghvank‘).14 The account given in Kirakos Gandzakets‘i that the Mongols came to Albania through the Derbent (Darband) Gates, is contradicted by the Muslim sources of Ibn al-Athīr (1160-1233), al-Kāmil fi’l-ta’rīkh, and Rashīd al-Dīn (ca. 645/1247–718/1318), Jāmiʿ al-Tawarīkh. According to them, the Mongols more correctly came to Armenia from the direc- tion of Tabriz through the Mughan (Mūghān) Steppe.15 The occupation of the lands of the Armenians was not a main concern of the Mongols . If one follows the general scheme, it is obvi- ous that the decision to launch a Mongol expedition was made at the quriltai (assembly) or by the order of Chinggis Khan . From the sources, it is understood that, in the year of the Hare (1219), in pur- suit of ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Mu ammad Khwārazm-Shāh (r. 1200–1220), Chinggis Khan sent General Jebe as a vanguard, Sűbedei as Jebe’s rearguard and Toghachar (Toghuchar) as Sűbedei’s rearguard.16 It is worth noting here the triple figure of commanders. Triplication was one of important numbers in Mongol custom, especially in a military context, and it meant coordination and a prudent approach.17 Three persons were designed to act as one, hence 30 or 300 or even 30,000 persons, according to the decimal system of the nomadic army. The Secret History of the Mongols has several sets of triples, like this set of Jebe- Sűbedei-Toghachar, or Chormaghan - Ogotor- Mönqetű, who will be mentioned later. 13 Kotman (Touz) is a river near the fortress of Terunakan (Manandian, 1952:183–184). The name of the place of battle is recorded differently in the Arme- nian sources; it is the river Kotman in Vardan Arevelts‘i , the river Kroman in Step‘annos Episkopos and the plain of Kotman opposite the castle of Terunakan in Grigor Aknerts‘i . 14 Sebastats‘i in Hakobyan, 1956:137. Aghvank‘ in the Armenian sources refers to Caucasian Albania (Barkhutareants‘, 1902:9). 15 Ibn al-Athīr, 1940:140; Rashīd al-Dīn , 1952(Vol. 1, part 2):227. 16 MNT, 2004:90(§257); Rashīd al-Dīn, 1952(Vol. 1, part 2):209. On Jebe and Sűbedei , see below, p. 54. Toghachar in Muslim sources is identified as Toghachar Kűregen, a son-in-law of Chinggis Khan (Juvaynī /Boyle, 1997:174; Nasawī, 1996:91). Toghachar was from the noble Qongirat tribe, the male repressentatives of which used to marry the girls of Chinggis Khan’s family (Rashīd al-Dīn, 1952[Vol. 1, part 1]:162). 17 For the symbolic meanings of the number three, see Dulam, 1999:45–78. Bayarsaikhan Dashdondog - 9789004192119 Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 10:34:46AM via free access 46 chapter two According to Rashīd al-Dīn ’s narration of the Jāmiʿ al-Tawarīkh, Chinggis Khan ordered the generals to return through Dasht-i Qipchak (Qïpchak) and to join him in Mongolia only after the cap- ture of Sultan Mu ammad.18 In fact, as a result of the Mongol siege, the Khwārazmian Empire fell, causing its rulers to flee. Since Mu ammad Khwārazm-Shāh had fled to a lonely island in the Caspian Sea and died there in 1220 and his son Jalāl al-Dīn (1220– 1231) had fled to India in 1221,19 the Mongols , after passing through Hamadan , withdrew to the Mughan plain.20 It is interesting to speculate why the main attention of these gener- als, who were sweeping across Iran , was suddenly focused on another direction, towards Armenia and Georgia . Probably the severe winter of 1220–1221 made Jebe and Sűbedei choose the Mughan plain as a winter camping ground, which was found to be suitable for launch- ing reconnoitring expeditions westwards, in which Armenia was discovered by the Mongols for the very first time. Therefore, it is important to note that the abovementioned expedi- tion of the Mongols to Khwārazmian territory signified not only the incursion of the Mongols into Western Asia, but also their emer- gence in the Caucasus .
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