Die Nasionale Party Van Suid-Afrika Se Laaste Dekade As Regerende Party, 1984 – 1994

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Die Nasionale Party Van Suid-Afrika Se Laaste Dekade As Regerende Party, 1984 – 1994 DIE NASIONALE PARTY VAN SUID-AFRIKA SE LAASTE DEKADE AS REGERENDE PARTY, 1984 – 1994 J. M. AUCAMP DIE NASIONALE PARTY VAN SUID-AFRIKA SE LAASTE DEKADE AS REGERENDE PARTY, 1984 – 1994 JACOBUS MARTHINUS AUCAMP PROEFSKRIF VOORGELê TER VERVULLING VAN DIE VEREISTES VIR DIE GRAAD DOCTOR PHILOSOPHIAE IN DIE FAKULTEIT GEESTESWETENSKAPPE (DEPARTEMENT GESKIEDENIS) AAN DIE UNIVERSITEIT VAN DIE VRYSTAAT BLOEMFONTEIN PROMOTOR: PROF. PW COETZER MEDEPROMOTOR: PROF. JA DU PISANI BLOEMFONTEIN NOVEMBER 2010 i VERKLARING Ek verklaar dat die proefskrif wat hierby vir die graad Doctor Philosophiae aan die Universiteit van die Vrystaat deur my ingedien word, my selfstandige werk is en nie voorheen deur my vir ’n graad aan ’n ander universiteit / fakulteit ingedien is nie. Ek doen voorts afstand van die outeursreg op die proefskrif ten gunste van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat. .................................................. ................................ J.M. AUCAMP DATUM ii DANKWOORD Graag betuig ek my opregte dank aan die volgende persone wat almal op die een of ander wyse gehelp het om hierdie studie te voltooi: • Prof. Hermann Giliomee wat, heel waarskynlik onwetend, die saadjie vir hierdie navorsing geplant het; • Wyle prof. Leo Barnard wat aangebied het om as promotor op te tree en my, tot sy dood toe, met aansteeklike entoesiasme aangemoedig het; • Prof. Pieter Coetzer, ’n mede-Stormberger uit die Molteno-kontrei, wat ingewillig het om as promotor oor te neem en met baie geduld en diplomasie ’n oudpolitikus wetenskaplik georiënteer het; • Prof Kobus du Pisani vir sy professionele advies, vriendelikheid en behulpsaamheid; • Alta Coetzer, wat met taalversorging gehelp het; • Rika Oosthuizen en Mitzi Cloete, vir die tik van die proefskrif en hulle eindelose geduld met al die veranderinge wat deurlopend aangebring is; • Esmé, my kinders, familie en vriende vir hulle liefde, aanmoediging en geloof dat ek sal “klaarmaak”; • My Hemelse Vader wat my deur die lewe, en ook met hierdie studie, ver bo verdienste begenadig het. DIE NASIONALE PARTY VAN SUID-AFRIKA SE LAASTE DEKADE AS REGERENDE PARTY, 1984 – 1994 INHOUDSOPGAWE VERKLARING i DANKWOORD ii INLEIDING 5 HOOFSTUK 1. AGTERGROND VAN DIE HOOFONDERHANDELAARS VIR DIE 1993-GRONDWET 35 1. DIE NASIONALE PARTY VAN SUID-AFRIKA : DIE NAAM 35 2. APARTHEID : DIE BENAMING 38 3. DIE ANC : VAN SAMEWERKING TOT KONFRONTASIE TOT ONDERHANDELING 40 4. POLITIEKE REGTE VIR SWARTES 51 HOOFSTUK 2. DIE NASIONALE PARTY – VOLKSBEWEGING EN HERVORMING 58 1. DIE JEUG TREE STERK NA VORE 58 2. DIE AFRIKANER BROEDERBOND (AB) 61 3. DIE ROL VAN GODSDIENS 63 4. AFRIKANER-SAKELUI GEE HERVORMING ‘N HUPSTOOT 68 5. REFERENDUMS BEPAAL DIE NP-KOERS 71 6. DIE AKKOMMODASIE VAN BRUIN, SWART EN INDIëR-MENSE IN SUID-AFRIKA – ‘N NUWE BEDELING 73 2 HOOFSTUK 3. UITDAGINGS WAARMEE DIE NASIONALE PARTY GEDURENDE DIE TAGTIGER- EN VROEë NEGENTIGERJARE GEKONFRONTEER IS 97 1. INLEIDING 97 2. DIE STIGTING VAN DIE KONSERWATIEWE PARTY (KP) 99 3. DIE UITVLOEISELS VAN DIE KP-STIGTING 102 4. ‘N NOODTOESTAND WEENS BINNELANDSE OPSTAND EN ONRUS 109 5. ALTERNATIEWE KUNSTENAARS MAAK STEM DIK 118 6. INTERNASIONALE DRUK VERGROOT 119 7. SPORTBOIKOTTE EN DIE GEVOLGE DAARVAN 126 8. SANKSIES SPAN DIE NET WYER 130 9. DIE BOTHA-REGERING SKOP VAS 133 10. GEWAPENDE STRYD NEIG NA ANARGIE 138 11. SUIDWES-AFRIKA / NAMIBIë 145 HOOFSTUK 4. DIE NASIONALE PARTY SE METAMORFOSE: LEIERS- EN KOERSVERANDERING (1982-1989) 150 1. RASDENKE EN RASSEPROBLEMATIEK UNIEK AAN SUID-AFRIKA? 152 2. ‘N KLEMVERSKUIWING, 1982 – 1988 158 3. PW BOTHA WORD SIEK 175 4. ‘N NUWE ERA – DE KLERK NEEM OOR 178 5. DE KLERK EN BOTHA KRUIS SWAARDE 191 6. DIE BREUK VERGROOT 207 7. DIE NP-WIELE ROL VOORT 217 8. DIE VERKIESING VAN 1989 236 3 HOOFSTUK 5. APARTHEIDSMAATREëLS TUIMEL (1989-1991) 245 1. DIE TOESPRAAK VAN 2 FEBRUARIE 1990 252 2. NIE-OORHEERSING EN MINDERHEIDSREGTE 264 3. DISKRIMINASIE / APARTHEID VERDWYN 282 3.1 Oop lidmaatskap van NP 282 3.2 Uitskakeling van diskriminasie (openbare geriewe) 286 3.3 Gelyke onderwys 294 3.4 Ander pilare van apartheid 297 HOOFSTUK 6. REAKSIE OP HERVORMING EN DIE PAD NA ‘N ONDERHANDELDE SKIKKING (1990-1993) 306 1. GLOEIENDE BUITELANDSE REAKSIE 306 2. TOENEMENDE REGSE EN LINKSE DRUK 308 3. ROOI LIGTE : DIE NP BEGIN STEUN VERLOOR 311 4. DIE REFERENDUM-UITSLAG VERRAS 326 5. ONDERHANDELINGE BEGIN 336 6. ‘N PROBLEMATIESE SITUASIE: DIE ANC BLY GEWELD PROPAGEER 342 7. KODESA I SKOP AF 346 8. KODESA II WORD ‘N KRISIS 352 9. DIE VEELPARTY-ONDERHANDELINGSFORUM KOM OP DREEF 362 10. DIE OORGANGSGRONDWET KOM TOT STAND 365 4 HOOFSTUK 7. DIE 1994-VERKIESING EN ONMIDDELLIKE GEVOLGE DAARVAN 381 1. DIE UITVOERENDE OORGANGSRAAD (UOR) KRY SY HAND OP DIE STUUR 381 2. DIE TUSSENTYDSE GRONDWET LUI DIE VERKIESING IN 383 3. ANC / SAKP-PERSPEKTIEF 388 4. DIE NP KRY SY TREKGOED GEREED 390 5. MENINGSPEILINGS 399 6. DIE FEDERALE KONGRES WIL DIE NP-VISIE VERWESENLIK 402 7. DIE NP-MANIFES 404 8. DIE VERKIESING 406 9. DIE UITSLAG VAN DIE VERKIESING 409 10. EVALUERING VAN DIE VERKIESING 412 10.1 Algemeen 412 10.2 Organisasie 412 10.3 Bemarking 413 10.4 Media 413 10.5 Finansies 414 10.6 Die grootste probleme in die verkiesing 414 11. DIE NP IN DIE REGERING VAN NASIONALE EENHEID (RNE) 415 12. VERGEEFSE POGINGS OM MAGSDELING IN DIE FINALE GRONDWET TE KRY 424 HOOFSTUK 8. SLOTPERSPEKTIEWE 436 BRONNELYS 459 OPSOMMING 499 ABSTRACT 502 5 INLEIDING Die oogmerke met hierdie studiestuk is om die kollig op die rol van die NP- regering gedurende die laaste termyn (1984-1994) te laat val. Hierdie termyn val in twee fases uiteen, naamlik die Botha-tydperk (1984-1989) en De Klerk-era (1989-1994). Aspekte wat belig sal word, is onder meer die binne- en buitelandse probleme waarmee die leiers gekonfronteer is, aanpassings wat gemaak moes word, linkse en regse politieke strominge, die hantering en volgehoue toepassing van die apartheidsbeleid, die situasie van ander bevolkingsgroepe, druk van individue en organisasies om verandering, die invloed van sport en sanksies op beleidsvorming, die gewapende stryd (formele en nie-formele kragdadige optrede teen die ANC en ander faksies), die tuimeling van apartheidsmaatreëls, onderhandelinge met die ANC en die uitvloeisels daarvan, asook die beweging na ‘n volle demokratiese verkiesing met al sy implikasies. ‘n Onderwerp soos hierdie met die kollig op die periode 1984 tot 1994 kan nie behoorlik begryp word, as daar ten aanvang nie ook kortliks oor die geskiedenis en hoofmomente van die Nasionale Party (NP) sedert sy stigting in 1914 besin word nie. Gevolglik word in die eerste deel van hier- die studie as aanloop bepaalde agtergrondinligting oor die party verskaf. Na die stigting van die Nasionale Party in 1914 – gedurende ‘n tydperk toe nasionalisme wêreldwyd hoogty gevier het – was die party in Suid-Afrika die voertuig van Afrikaner-nasionalisme. Toe die party weer 1 aan bewind gekom het tydens die 1948-verkiesing – in ‘n wêreld steeds gekenmerk deur imperialisme, rassisme en paternalisme – was die NP-beleid inder- 1 Van 1924 tot 1929 het die NP in ’n koalisie met die Arbeidersparty regeer. In 1929 het die NP met ‘n volstrekte meerderheid gewen en alleen regeer tot met die verkiesing in 1933. 6 daad openlik rassisties en paternalisties. Meer nog: Met die ontbinding van die Europese ryke gedurende die vyftiger- en sestigerjare, het die NP toenemend uit voeling geraak met die res van die wêreld. Die party het met groeiende desperaatheid onsuksesvol probeer om ‘n manier te vind om die sogenaamde reg van Afrikaners en wit Suid-Afrikaners tot self- beskikking in hul eie land in stand te hou, en wel op ‘n manier waardeur ander Suid-Afrikaners se ewe legitieme eise vir volle politieke regte ge- akkommodeer kon word. Gedurende die laat tagtigerjare ('n kernelement van hierdie studie), in ‘n tydperk gekenmerk deur die val van die Sowjet- unie en ‘n nuwe opbloei van politieke en ekonomiese vryhede, was die party genoodsaak om ‘n hervormingsproses te inisieer wat vryheid aan alle Suid-Afrikaners sou bring. 2 In hierdie navorsing sal aangetoon word dat die NP ook ‘n party van vernuwing en hervorming was. Vanaf 1924 tot 1929 het die NP, in koalisie met die Arbeidersparty, gelykberegtiging van Afrikaans en Engels in die staatsdiens ingevoer, ‘n eie vlag vir Suid-Afrika daargestel en Suid- Afrikaanse burgerskap ingevoer. In 1929 is ‘n volstrekte meerderheid behaal en is die pad van grondwetlike hervorming begin wat gelei het tot die soewereine onafhanklikheid van Suid-Afrika en die aanname van die Statuswette en is die Suid-Afrikaanse diplomatieke diens gestig. 3 Genl. JBM Hertzog, stigter van die NP, het aan bevolkingsverhoudinge wat erkenning aan die regte van swart gemeenskappe gegee het, gebou. Dit was die voorloper van die bekende naturellewetgewing van 1936. In 1961 is die republikeinse ideaal verwesenlik en ‘n beleidsraamwerk daargestel wat ongekende ekonomiese groei moontlik gemaak het. 2 FW de Klerk, The demise of the New National Party (artikel) van die FW de Klerk-stigting, www.fwdklerk.org.za, 15 Augustus 2004, p. 1. (Vergelyk D Welsh, The rise and fall of apart- heid , pp. 52-109.) 3 Jan J van Rooyen, Altyd nuut , p. 3. 7 Gedurende sy eerste fase het die tuislandbeleid vir ‘n oomblik die hoop op ‘n regverdige rassebedeling laat opvlam. Dit was egter geensins 'n haalbare beleid nie. Vandaar dat dit teen 1984 vir die NP duidelik was dat hy sou moes aanpas. Die geskiedenis van die NP word vanaf sy stigting deur twee baie duide- like pole gekenmerk, naamlik enersyds die blankes (veral die Afrikaners) se byna obsessiewe strewe na die handhawing van hulle identiteit en die gepaardgaande vrees vir oorheersing deur swart mense, en andersyds hulle opregte strewe na geregtigheid. Uiteindelik sou blyk dat hierdie onversoenbare strewes nie haalbaar was nie. Die dekade tussen 1984 en 1994 was inderdaad waarskynlik die mees kritieke tydperk, nie net in die geskiedenis van die Nasionale Party (NP) nie, maar ook in dié van Suid-Afrika.
Recommended publications
  • Trekking Outward
    TREKKING OUTWARD A CHRONOLOGY OF MEETINGS BETWEEN SOUTH AFRICANS AND THE ANC IN EXILE 1983–2000 Michael Savage University of Cape Town May 2014 PREFACE In the decade preceding the dramatic February 1990 unbanning of South Africa’s black liberatory movements, many hundreds of concerned South Africans undertook to make contact with exile leaders of these organisations, travelling long distances to hold meetings in Europe or in independent African countries. Some of these “treks”, as they came to be called, were secret while others were highly publicised. The great majority of treks brought together South Africans from within South Africa and exile leaders of the African National Congress, and its close ally the South African Communist Party. Other treks involved meetings with the Pan Africanist Congress, the black consciousness movement, and the remnants of the Non-European Unity Movement in exile. This account focuses solely on the meetings involving the ANC alliance, which after February 1990 played a central role in negotiating with the white government of F.W. de Klerk and his National Party regime to bring about a new democratic order. Without the foundation of understanding established by the treks and thousands of hours of discussion and debate that they entailed, it seems unlikely that South Africa’s transition to democracy could have been as successfully negotiated as it was between 1990 and the first democratic election of April 1994. The following chronology focuses only on the meetings of internally based South Africans with the African National Congress (ANC) when in exile over the period 1983–1990. Well over 1 200 diverse South Africans drawn from a wide range of different groups in the non- governmental sector and cross-cutting political parties, language, educational, religious and community groups went on an outward mission to enter dialogue with the ANC in exile in a search to overcome the escalating conflict inside South Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • RUMOURS of RAIN: NAMIBIA's POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE Andre Du Pisani
    SOUTHERN AFRICAN ISSUES RUMOURS OF RAIN: NAMIBIA'S POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE Andre du Pisani THE .^-y^Vr^w DIE SOUTH AFRICAN i^W*nVv\\ SUID AFRIKAANSE INSTITUTE OF f I \V\tf)) }) INSTITUUT VAN INTERNATIONAL ^^J£g^ INTERNASIONALE AFFAIRS ^*^~~ AANGELEENTHEDE SOUTHERN AFRICAN ISSUES NO 3 RUMOURS OF RAIN: NAMIBIA'S POST-INDEPENDENCE EXPERIENCE Andre du Pisani ISBN NO.: 0-908371-88-8 February 1991 Toe South African Institute of International Affairs Jan Smuts House P.O. Box 31596 Braamfontein 2017 Johannesburg South Africa CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 1 POUTICS IN AFRICA'S NEWEST STATE 2 National Reconciliation 2 Nation Building 4 Labour in Namibia 6 Education 8 The Local State 8 The Judiciary 9 Broadcasting 10 THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC REALM - AN UNBALANCED INHERITANCE 12 Mining 18 Energy 19 Construction 19 Fisheries 20 Agriculture and Land 22 Foreign Exchange 23 FOREIGN RELATIONS - NAMIBIA AND THE WORLD 24 CONCLUSIONS 35 REFERENCES 38 BIBLIOGRAPHY 40 ANNEXURES I - 5 and MAP 44 INTRODUCTION Namibia's accession to independence on 21 March 1990 was an uplifting event, not only for the people of that country, but for the Southern African region as a whole. Independence brought to an end one of the most intractable and wasteful conflicts in the region. With independence, the people of Namibia not only gained political freedom, but set out on the challenging task of building a nation and defining their relations with the world. From the perspective of mediation, the role of the international community in bringing about Namibia's independence in general, and that of the United Nations in particular, was of a deep structural nature.
    [Show full text]
  • The President's Report on Progress Toward Ending Apartheid Insouth Africa and the Question of Future Sanctions
    THE PRESIDENT'S REPORT ON PROGRESS TOWARD ENDING APARTHEID INSOUTH AFRICA AND THE QUESTION OF FUTURE SANCTIONS HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEES ON INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY AND TRADE, AND ON AFRICA OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDREDTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION NOVEMBER 5, 1987 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 82-205 WASHINGTON : 1988 For sale by the Superintendeit of Documents, Congressional Sales Office US. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402 tj81-5 6 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS DANTE B. FASCE LL, Florida, Chairman LEE H. HAMILTON, Indiana WILLIAM S. BROOMFIELD, Michigan GUS YATRON, Pennsylvania BENJAMIN A. GILMAN, New York STEPHEN J. SOLARZ, New York ROBERT J. LAGOMARSINO, California DON BONKER, Washington JIM LEACH, Iowa GERRY E. STUDDS, Massachusetts TOBY ROTH, Wisconsin DAN MICA, Florida OLYMPIA J. SNOWE, Maine HOWARD WOLPE, Michigan HENRY J. HYDE, Illinois GEO. W. CROCKETT, JR., Michigan GERALD B.H. SOLOMON, New York SAM GEJDENSON, Connecticut DOUG BEREUTER, Nebraska MERVYN M. DYMALLY, California ROBERT K.-DORNAN, California TOM LANTOS, California CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey PETER H. KOSTMAYER, Pennsylvania CONNIE MACK, Florida ROBERT G. TORRICELLI, New Jersey MICHAEL DEWINE, Ohio LAWRENCE J. SMITH, Florida DAN BURTON, Indiana HOWARD L. BERMAN, California JAN MEYERS, Kansas MEL LEVINE, California JOHN MILLER, Washington EDWARD F. FEIGHAN, Ohio DONALD E. "BUZ" LUKENS, Ohio TED WEISS, New York BEN BLAZ, Guam GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York MORRIS K. UDALL, Arizona JAMES McCLURE CLARKE, North Carolina JAIME B. FUSTER, Puerto Rico JAMES H. BILBRAY, Nevada WAYNE OWENS, Utah FOFO I.F.
    [Show full text]
  • The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
    The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition.
    [Show full text]
  • The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project
    The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project STEVE McDONALD Interviewed by: Dan Whitman Initial Interview Date: August 17, 2011 Copyright 2018 ADST TABLE OF CONTENTS Education MA, South African Policy Studies, University of London 1975 Joined Foreign Service 1975 Washington, DC 1975 Desk Officer for Portuguese African Colonies Pretoria, South Africa 1976-1979 Political Officer -- Black Affairs Retired from the Foreign Service 1980 Professor at Drury College in Missouri 1980-1982 Consultant, Ford Foundation’s Study 1980-1982 “South Africa: Time Running Out” Head of U.S. South Africa Leadership Exchange Program 1982-1987 Managed South Africa Policy Forum at the Aspen Institute 1987-1992 Worked for African American Institute 1992-2002 Consultant for the Wilson Center 2002-2008 Consulting Director at Wilson Center 2009-2013 INTERVIEW Q: Here we go. This is Dan Whitman interviewing Steve McDonald at the Wilson Center in downtown Washington. It is August 17. Steve McDonald, you are about to correct me the head of the Africa section… McDONALD: Well the head of the Africa program and the project on leadership and building state capacity at the Woodrow Wilson international center for scholars. 1 Q: That is easy for you to say. Thank you for getting that on the record, and it will be in the transcript. In the Wilson Center many would say the prime research center on the East Coast. McDONALD: I think it is true. It is a think tank a research and academic body that has approximately 150 fellows annually from all over the world looking at policy issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Newsletter 20120502
    http://www.euei.net AFRETEP Project Newsletter of the 2nd May 2012 SOUTHERN AFRICA REGION AFRETEP PROJECT WORKSHOP PARTICIPANTS Chinhoyi University of Technology, School of Engineering Sciences and Technology, Department of Fuels and Energy, Chinhoyi, Zimbabwe Federal Ministry of Science and Technology, National Biotechnology Development Agency (NABDA), Abuja, Nigeria Ministry of Minerals, Energy and Water Resources, Department of Energy, Gaboron, Botswana Ministry of Natural Resources and Energy, Mbabane, Swaziland New Venture - ZettaJoule Sustainable solutions, Cape Town, South Africa Pipeline Performance Technologies (Pty) Ltd, Johannesburg, South Africa As the previous AFRETEP workshops which took Practical Action, Harare, Zimbabwe th place in Kampala (December 15 2011 Newsletter) Private th and in Ouagadougou (February 6 2012 Rural Electrification Agency of Magadascar Newsletter), the professional level of the participants (ADER), Antananarivo, Magadascar was very high and they perfectly represented the Scientific and Industrial Research & Development profile of expert and organization the AFRETEP Center (SIRDC), Energy Technology Institute project aims. (ETI), Harare, Zimbabwe Scientific and Industrial Research & Development Participant's profile. Center (SIRDC), Harare, Zimbabwe Assistant of Director 1 Sokine University of Agriculture, Morogoro, Associate Professor 2 Tanzania Company manager 1 SONELGAZ Béchar, Algeria Deputy Director, Collaboration and linkages South African National Energy Development 1 unit Institute, Johannesburg,
    [Show full text]
  • Objecting to Apartheid
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by South East Academic Libraries System (SEALS) OBJECTING TO APARTHEID: THE HISTORY OF THE END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGN By DAVID JONES Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the subject HISTORY At the UNIVERSITY OF FORT HARE SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR GARY MINKLEY JANUARY 2013 I, David Jones, student number 200603420, hereby declare that I am fully aware of the University of Fort Hare’s policy on plagiarism and I have taken every precaution to comply with the regulations. Signature…………………………………………………………… Abstract This dissertation explores the history of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) and evaluates its contribution to the struggle against apartheid. The ECC mobilised white opposition to apartheid by focussing on the role of the military in perpetuating white rule. By identifying conscription as the price paid by white South Africans for their continued political dominance, the ECC discovered a point of resistance within apartheid discourse around which white opposition could converge. The ECC challenged the discursive constructs of apartheid on many levels, going beyond mere criticism to the active modeling of alternatives. It played an important role in countering the intense propaganda to which all white South Africans were subject to ensure their loyalty, and in revealing the true nature of the conflict in the country. It articulated the dis-ease experienced by many who were alienated by the dominant culture of conformity, sexism, racism and homophobia. By educating, challenging and empowering white citizens to question the role of the military and, increasingly, to resist conscription it weakened the apartheid state thus adding an important component to the many pressures brought to bear on it which, in their combination, resulted in its demise.
    [Show full text]
  • Observations on the South African Elections
    A publication of ihe African Studies Program of The Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies No. 73 • June 4, 1987 Observations on the South African Elections by Heribert Adam Of the 3 million white South Africans eligible to vote in officeholders and imagery. On the contrary, Afrikaner the May 6, 1987 election, 67.97 percent cast ballots. At nationalists are seen by the majority of English-speaking stake were 166 directly elected seats in the (white) whites as the most trustworthy guardians of security. House of Assembly of the country's tricameral English support for the NP during the 1983 referendum parliament, plus 12 additional members nominated or on the new constitution was an endorsement of reform indirectly elected in proportion to the parties' electoral and power sharing; the 1987 support of the NP, on the strength. The National Party (which has held power other hand, was motivated by concern over "law and since 1948) received 52.45 percent of the total votes order." cast and 133 seats (a gain of 6 seats), the Conservative In the past, Afrikaners supported the National Party Party 26.37 percent and 23 seats (a gain of 5), and the because it was perceived as an emotional, ethnic home. Herstigte Nasionale Party 3.14 percent (but lost its one This perception tended to generate a lifelong allegiance. parliamentary seat). Thus, the status quo and The NP's new constituency of fearful English-speakers ultra-rightist parties took about 82 percent of the vote. makes the party's support more volatile, more As for the parties to the "left" of the NP, the Progressive vulnerable to swings in the national mood, and more Federal Party received 14.1 percent of the vote and 20 dependent on efficient media manipulation.
    [Show full text]
  • The S.A. Institute of International Affairs Not
    THE S.A. INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS NOT TO BE REMOVED THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA AND DETENTE by SENATOR DENIS WORRALL Institute of International Affairs Salisbury THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA AND DETENTE by SENATOR DR. DENIS WORRALL Edited version of an address to a meeting of The Institute of International Affairs in Salisbury on 24 June, 1975. Senator Worrall is a member of the governing National Party in South Africa and was appointed to the Senate in 1974. The Institute is precluded in its Constitution from itself expressing an opinion on any aspect of International Affairs, therefore opinions expressed in Institute publications are solely the responsibility of the respective authors. The Institute of International Affairs c/o Institute of Adult Education Private Bag MP 167 Mount Pleasant Salisbury Rhodesia 1975 Although I am speaking to you tonight as a Nationalist politician, I am reminded of a point which Maurice Cowling of Cambridge makes in a very excellent little book called The Nature and Limits of Political Science^K He is rather sceptical of political scientists who suppose that by studying the outer manifest- ations of government, light will be thrown on the way governments actually work - as though, to quote Cowling: those who govern make public the factors which deter- mine the decisions they take. Not only is it unlikely that their explanations will reveal their intentions: it is likely, on the contrary, that they will conceal them. And not only in trivial or unimportant matters but in important matters also: the more important the matter, the more likely is concealment to occur Those who govern are apt to take actions for which the reasons cannot be given: and often the reasons that are given are designed to lead those who study them as far away from the true reasons as possible.(2) As a political scientist I believed this to be true; as a politician I now know it to be so.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of the South African Security Establishment an Essay on the Changing Locus of State Power
    BRADLOW SERIE£ r NUMBER ONE - ft \\ \ "*\\ The Rise of the South African Security Establishment An Essay on the Changing Locus of State Power Kenneth W. Grundy THl U- -" , ., • -* -, THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The Rise of the South African Security Establishment An Essay on the Changing Locus of State Power Kenneth W, Grundy THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS August 1983 BRADLOW PAPER NO. 1 THE BRADLOW FELLOWSHIP The Bradlow Fellowship is awarded from a grant made to the South African Institute of In- ternational Affairs from the funds of the Estate late H. Bradlow. Kenneth W. Grundy is Professor of Political Science at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio. Professor Grundy is considered an authority on the role of the military in African affairs. In 1982, Professor Grundy was elected the first Bradlow Fellow at the South African Institute of International Affairs. Founded in Cape Town in 1934, the South African Institute of International Affairs is a fully independent national organisation whose aims are to promote a wider and more informed understanding of international issues — particularly those affecting South Africa — through objective research, study, the dissemination of information and communication between people concerned with these issues, within and outside South Africa. The Institute is privately funded by its corporate and individual members. Although Jan Smuts House is on the Witwatersrand University campus, the Institute is administratively and financially independent. It does not receive government funds from any source. Membership is open to all, irrespective of race, creed or sex, who have a serious interest in international affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Great Expectations: Pres. PW Botha's Rubicon Speech of 1985
    Pres. PW Botha’s Rubicon speech Great expectations: Pres. PW Botha’s Rubicon speech of 1985 Hermann Giliomee Department of History University of Stellenbosch The law of the Roman republic prohibited its generals from crossing with an army the Rubicon river between the Roman province of Cisalpine Gaul to the north and Italy proper to the south. The law thus protected the republic from internal military threat. When Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon with his army in 49 BC to make his way to Rome, he broke that law and made armed conflict inevitable. He reputedly uttered the phrase: alea iacta est (“the die is cast”) Wikipedia Here is an infallible rule: a prince who is not himself wise cannot be well advised, unless he happens to put himself in the hands of one individual who looks after all his affairs and is an extremely shrewd man. Machiavelli, The Prince, p. 127 Samevatting Die toespraak wat Pres. PW Botha op 15 Augustus 1985 voor die kongres van die Nasionale Party (NP) van Natal gehou het, word algemeen erken as een van die keerpunte in die geskiedenis van die NP-regering. Daar is verwag dat die president in sy toespraak verreikende hervormings sou aankondig, wat die regering in staat sou stel om die skaakmat in onderhandelings met swart leiers en internasionale isolasie te deurbreek. Botha se toespraak is egter wyd baie negatief ontvang. Vorige artikels beklemtoon sy persoonlikheid as `n verklaring of blameer die “onrealistiese verwagtings” wat RF (Pik) Botha, Minister van Buitelandse Sake, gewek het. Hierdie artikel probeer die gebeure rondom die toespraak verklaar deur die gebeure twee weke voor die toespraak te ontleed, bestaande interpretasies van pres.
    [Show full text]
  • Afro-Pfingsten Festival Celebrates Jubilee
    Ghana Ce 17,000 I Kenya KShs 190 I Nigeria N 300 I South Africa R 17 May/June 2009 Vol.10 No.1 Switzerland CHF 5.– I UK £ 2.20 I Euro Countries € 3.50 THE VOICE OF AFRICA IN THE DIASPORA Afro-Pfingsten: S.Kuti Kourouma Book Prize Photo News: Tunisia © Creamer Media Six receive Africa Link Solidarity South Africa: Thirteen Parties Make it into Awards the New Parliament Mike Mueller Charities: Women Evaluating the first 100 days of Obama Empowerment, Children Education… Presidency FOLLOW YOUR INSTINCTS TO AFRICA FLY THIS AUTUMN AT FANTASTIC PRICES Fly to 14 African destinations this autumn at down-to-earth prices. Book before 30 September for fl ights up until 30 November, and make your Africa dream a reality! For more info and conditions, see brusselsairlines.com ABIDJAN, BANJUL, BUJUMBURA, CONAKRY, DAKAR, DOUALA, ENTEBBE, FREETOWN, KIGALI, KINSHASA, LUANDA, MONROVIA, NAIROBI AND YAOUNDE brusselsairlines.com AWARDS ADDRESS “We understood this responsibility requires commitment and sacrifice” IMPRINT ISSN 1661-44-29 (Being the speech of Johnson Oduwaiye, President Africa Link Organisation at the 2nd Edition AFRICA LINK of Africa Link Solidarity Award held on April 4 2009, in Gümligen, Switzerland) (Registered in Switzerland) A service to Africa and Humanity (All protocols observed) Published by AFRICA LINK ORG. On behalf of Africa Link Organisation I tɨFQSPNPUJPOPGNVUVBMMZCFOFmDJBMMJOLT Postfach 156, 8914 Aeugst am Albis welcome you heartily to the 2nd Edition between the economies of African States Switzerland of the Africa Link Solidarity Awards in and that of Switzerland and the neighbor- which we recognize tonight individuals ing countries of Europe; Tel.
    [Show full text]