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An Analysis of the Politics and Ideology of the White Rightwing in Historical Context University of Cape Town THE RIGHT IN TRANSITION: An analysis of the politics and ideology of the white rightwing in historical context University of Cape Town Department of Sociology Presented in fulfilment of the degree Master ofArts Sharyn Spicer December 1993 Supervisor: Me!Yin Goldberg .~----------------·-=------, The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to extend my thanks to all who contributed to this dissertation. In particular, I would like to thank Melvin Goldgerg ~ithout whose supervision this would not have been possible. I would also like to thank Paul Vaughan of Penbroke Design Studio for the final layout. Furthermore, I thank my bursars from the Centre for Scientific Development (CSD), as well as the Centre for African Studies for the travel grant. Finally, I would like to thank my friend Erika Schutze for proofreading at short noti,ce. 11 , , TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ___________________ iv INTRODUCTION ______________________ x CHAPTER ONE---------------------- 1 1.1 WHAT IS THE "RIGHTWING"? 3 1.1.1. The nature offightwing organizations: 9 1.2 PERSPECTIVES IN LITERATURE: 23 CHAPTER TWO ______________________ 32 2.1 NEW TREJ'\TJ>S, TACTICS, STRATEGIES: 1988 to 1993 33 2.2 VIOLENCE AATJ> THE RIGHTWING: 37 2.2. l. Para-military rightwing groups: 41 CHAPTER3 ______________________~58 3.1. POTENTIAL STRENGTHS OF THE RIGHTWING\ FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO ITS GROWTH: 59 3.1.1 Points of convergence\ Shared attributes: 59 3.1.2. The necessity and ability of the rightwing to secure alliances: 69 3.1.3. Rightwing infitration of the state: 77 3.2 DISAGREEMENT, DIVISIONS AND WEAKNESSES\ FACTORS INHIBITING THE GROWTH OF THE RIGHTWING: 84 III CHAPTER FOUR 90 4.1 HISTORICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL ORIGINS OF THE CONTEMPORARY RIGHTWING MOVEMENT: 90 4. 1. 1. The development and appeal of Afrikaner Nationalism during the Apartheid period: 91 4.2 WHAT IS FASCISM? 96 4.2.1. The Fascist influence: 104 CHAPTER 5 112 5.1 WHAT IS IDEOLOGY? 113 5.2 THE CURRENT APPEAL OF AFRIKANER NATIONALIST IDEOLOGY: 116 5.3 THE NATURE OF WIDTE FEARS: 122 5.4 THE SYMBOLS OF THE RIGHTWING: 127 5.5 THE ROLE OF CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS IDEAS IN PROVIDING LEGITI-MA TION FOR RACIAL SUPERIORITY AND SEPARATION: 139 CONCLUSION 143 BIBLIOGRAPHY 149 APPENDIX 159 lV , LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ABB Afrikaner Broederbond ANC African National Congress APK Afrikaanse Protestante Kerk AV Afrikaner Volkswag AVF Afrikaner Volksfront AVK Afrikaner V roue Kenkrag AVU Afrikaner Volksunie A\VB Afrikaner \Veerstandsbeweging BBB Blanke Bevrydigingsbeweging BSP Boerestaat Party BV Blanke Veiligheid BVB Boerevryheidsbeweging BW13 Boereweerstandsbeweging CCB Civil Co-operation Bureau CoC Church of the Creator CoG Committee of Generals CP Conservative Party DP Democratic Party . FA Freedom Alliance FAK Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurverenigings HNP Herstigte Nationale Party ldasa Institute for a Democratic Alternative in S.A. IFP Inkatha Freedom Party v .. ,, KKK Klu Klux Klan M\VU Mine Workers Union NF National Front NGK Nederduitse Gerefonneerde Kerk NP Nationale Party OB Ossewa Brandwag PAC Pan Africanist Congress PFP Progressive Federal Party RSC Regional Services Council RU Reprisal Unit R\VCG Rightwing Church Group SABC South African Broadcasting Union SABRA South African Bureau for Racial Affairs SACC South African Council of Churches SACP South African Communist Party SADF South African Defence Force SF Stallard Foundation SAP South African Police TAU Transvaal Agricultural Union TEC Transitional Executive Council TG T oekomsgesprek TS Transvaal Separatiste WAM \Vorld Apatheid Movement Vl GLOSSARY apanheid separateness blanke white bittereinders boers who fought to the last boer farmer\ inhabitant of Boer republics boerestaat boer state broedertwis conflict among Afrikaners \ brothers geldmag financial power gesuiwerde purified hensoppers boers who surrendered early kerk church kultuur culture laager protective circle Oranj ewerkers · Orange ,vorkers platteland rural areas , , vii Rooi Valke Red Falcons Rooi Vrydag Red Friday (2 February, 1990) Spoor bond Railway League swart gevaar black threat \ peril vereniging umon verkramp conservative verlig enlightened volk nation \ people volkseenheid people's unity volkshelpskema people's help scheme volkstaat people's state vryheidsbeweging freedom movement weerstandsbeweging resistance movement wit wolf white wolf Y ster en Staal Iron and Steel [union] Vlll ABSTRACT This dissertation identifies the white right-wing in South Africa describing the various sub­ groups comprising the movement which are more numerous and diverse than was commonly accepted. The thesis assumed a positive correlation between reform and increased support for the right­ wing, and that a "hardening of attitudes" took place during the 1988-1993 period, with a resurgence of nationalist, racist and right-wing sentiments. This thesis argues that there is a propensity to fissure on the part of the right-wing which gives rise to diverse tactics and areas of concern including resorting to violence to achieve political ends. The potential strengths and \Veaknesses of the right-wing in the light of this tendency are highlighted. The right-wing can only be understood in terms of the powerful ideologies underlying it, in particular Afrikaner Nationalism and European fascism, and this study explores these influences. However, it was felt that a new theoretical framework needed to be elaborated in order better to understand the motivation behind and roots of support for right-wing ideas. Such. a theoretical framework needs to integrate both the objective/material and the subjective/ideological and psychological determinants in order to be all encompassing and holistic in its thrust. The assumptions were tested using questionnaires and interviews in the field. Questionnaires \Vere either posted to individuals and organizations, or were hand delivered either by myself or other previously established ~·contacts". Open-ended questionnaires were used to facilitate discussion. Among other things, questions sought to solicit opinions on the use of violence in political action, the feasibility and desirability of establishing a volkstaat or white homeland and the willingness to make economic sacrifices in order to realise goals. Further, the importance of religious ideas and the nature of the fears of respondents were probed. This study is essentially a qualitative, descriptive one based on fieldwork in selected geographical regions. Traditionally conservative communities situated in the Northern Cape, Orange Free State and the Transvaal were chosen. Interviews were also conducted in Cape Tov.n. The sample included respondents from a wide range of organizations, including political parties, church groups and trade unions. Both employed and unemployed people's views were obtained. The majority of the respondents were male and at least a third were under the age of twenty-five. Patterns are discernible from their answers and these are recorded in the thesis. Most of my hunches are confirn1ed by the fieldv,1ork. It emerged that the right-\ving is a forn1idable force with a larger and more diverse membership than is commonly realized. A greater diversity of organizations exists and fascist ideas have infiltrated right-wing groups more than is generally ackno\'dedged. Individuals and groups within the movement have increasingly come to view violence as both necessary and justifiable, and this exacerbates the threat posed to democratization. Current socio-economic conditions are conducive to a further proliferation of right-wing activity. The possibility of an alliance of conser\'atives (including black conservatives) is a further cause for ,, IX concern. The problem is compounded by the powerful and emotional nature of ethnicity and the pervasiveness of white fears. The greatest threat in the long term \Viii come from the new forms of right-wing organizations that have emerged, specifically the splinter groups with a neo-fascist and overtly violent agendas. The possibility of compromise exists, nonetheless, as the dominant component of the right-wing, which favours the establishment of a volkstaat, might be able to be accommodated within the new dispensation. Sharyn Berenice Spicer 45 Beresford Road Walmer Estate 7925 (021) 478767 x INTRODUCTION The aims of this dissertation are fivefold; (i) To describe the various sub-groups comprising the rightwing movement and the principal actors. (ii) To argue that reform and the upsurge in support for the rightwing are directly linked, and that the present environment in South Africa is conducive to a further proliferation in rightwing organizations. (iii) To suggest that present theories explaining the motivation behind membership and allegiance to extreme rightwing causes are inadequate. The study therefore posits an approach to the study of right wing communities which combines socio-psychological representations with structural concerns. (iv) "Ibis dissertation also demonstrates that the propensity to fissure on the part of extremist groups within rightwing organizations. It will be argued that this tendency increases the likelihood of violence. (v) Finally, the
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