Putinism in Its First Year
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Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison
WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives. -
Blaming Russia First, Foreign Affairs, November 2000
Blaming Russia First Stephen F. Cohen, Failed Crusade: America and the Tragedy of Post-Communist Russia, Norton. Chrystia Freeland, Sale of the Century: Russia’s Wild Ride From Communism to Capitalism, Crown Business. Paul Klebnikov, Godfather of the Kremlin: Boris Berezovsky and the Looting of Russia, Harcourt. Pity the unpopular Russians! In July, Mexico elects its first president from outside the country’s ruling party, and The Economist magazine labels it a “real democracy”. Russia elects a president from the political opposition in 1991, then holds no fewer than five competitive, generally free national elections in the following years. The Economist labels it a “phoney democracy”. Colombia has a problem with organized crime, and Washington gives its government $1.3 billion to help fight the drug lords. Russia has a problem with organized crime, and American politicians lecture Moscow sternly not to expect any more aid until it cleans up its act. An American bank is accused of laundering money for Russian organized crime figures, and a leading senator accuses the Russian government of being “the world’s most virulent kleptocracy”. An undercover Customs Service operation finds several Mexican banks laundering drug money in the US, and Washington apologizes to the Mexicans for conducting undercover operations on their territory. When the Asian crisis scares foreign investors away from the Russian market and the ruble collapses, commentators declare this proof of the failure of liberal economic reform in Russia. When the Asian crisis scares investors away from the Brazilian market and the real collapses, commentators declare this a bump in the road. -
Putin's Nationalist Challenge
Conflict Studies Research Centre Russian Series 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith Executive Summary * Putin is increasingly dominating the political system, which is becoming more authoritarian. * Administrative reform has been implemented in order to streamline the state with limited success. Three key issues: * Could "mild authoritarianism" be replaced by a harsher form of rule? * What will happen in 2008, when the next presidential elections are scheduled, and Putin will be constitutionally obliged to step down? * Could the scenario of the "orange revolution" in Ukraine be repeated in Russia? * There is now a strong possibility that Putin may either attempt to stay in power after his second term expires in 2008, or attempt to create an interim leadership from 2008 to 2012, and then return to power. * Any post-2008 leadership is likely to be more nationalist and authoritarian. 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith The Russian political system has been going through a process of subtle evolution since Vladimir Putin was first elected president in 2000. In 2000, major changes were made to the structure of centre-regional relations: • Putin created seven federal districts, headed by a plenipotentiary representative, appointed by the president, and solely accountable to him. The plenipotentiary representative’s main task is to ensure that federal government policy is being carried out by the regional leaderships. During the Yel’tsin period, many regional leaders had often ignored federal law, and elevated regional law above it. • The regional leaders were removed from the upper house of the Russian parliament, the Federation Council, and the president acquired the legal power to dismiss regional governors who defied federal law. -
The Russian-Chinese Oil Politik
China-Russia Relations: The Russian-Chinese Oil Politik Yu Bin Associate Professor, Wittenberg University The specter of oil is haunting the world. The battle of oil, however, is not just being waged by oilmen from Texas and done with “shock-and-awe” in the era of preemption. Nor does it have anything to do with the billion-dollar contract awarded to the U.S. firm Halliburton for the reconstruction of postwar Iraq. This time, oil, or lack of it, is clogging the geostrategic pipeline between the world’s second largest oil producer (Russia) and second largest oil importing state (China) as they haggle over the future destination of Siberia’s vast oil reserves. To be sure, the “oil politik” between Moscow and Beijing is far from a full-blown crisis. Indeed, China-Russia relations during the third quarter were marked by dynamic interactions and close coordination over multilateral issues of postwar Iraq, the Korean nuclear crisis, and institution building for the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization). Russia’s energy realpolitik, however, has led to such a psychological point that for the first time, a generally linear, decade-long emerging Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, or honeymoon, seems arrested and is being replaced by a routine, boring, or even jolting marriage of necessity in which quarrels and conflicts are part normal. Business still as Usual Unlike the more turbulent and/or spectacular second quarter, the post-Iraq and post- SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) third quarter seemed normal for Russia and China, at least on the surface. All border checkpoints were reopened with busier transactions to make up for the losses suffered during the SARS epidemic. -
Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia's Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine
Saint Louis University Law Journal Volume 64 Number 1 Internationalism and Sovereignty Article 3 (Fall 2019) 4-23-2020 Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine. Igor Gretskiy [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Igor Gretskiy, Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine., 64 St. Louis U. L.J. (2020). Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj/vol64/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW LUKYANOV DOCTRINE: CONCEPTUAL ORIGINS OF RUSSIA’S HYBRID FOREIGN POLICY—THE CASE OF UKRAINE. IGOR GRETSKIY* Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kremlin’s assertiveness and unpredictability on the international arena has always provoked enormous attention to its foreign policy tools and tactics. Although there was no shortage of publications on topics related to different aspects of Moscow’s foreign policy varying from non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to soft power diplomacy, Russian studies as a discipline found itself deadlocked within the limited number of old dichotomies, (e.g., West/non-West, authoritarianism/democracy, Europe/non-Europe), initially proposed to understand the logic of Russia’s domestic and foreign policy transformations.1 Furthermore, as the decision- making process in Moscow was getting further from being transparent due to the increasingly centralized character of its political system, the emergence of new theoretical frameworks with greater explanatory power was an even more difficult task. -
Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
Briefing June 2016 Russia's 2016 elections More of the same? SUMMARY On 18 September, 2016 Russians will elect representatives at federal, regional and municipal level, including most importantly to the State Duma (lower house of parliament). President Vladimir Putin remains popular, with over 80% of Russians approving of his presidency. However, the country is undergoing a prolonged economic recession and a growing number of Russians feel it is going in the wrong direction. Support for Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and ruling party United Russia has declined in recent months. Nevertheless, United Russia is likely to hold onto, and even increase its parliamentary majority, given the lack of credible alternatives. Of the tame opposition parties currently represented in the State Duma, polls suggest the far-right Liberal Democrats will do well, overtaking the Communists to become the largest opposition party. Outside the State Duma, opposition to Putin's regime is led by liberal opposition parties Yabloko and PARNAS. Deeply unpopular and disunited, these parties have little chance of breaking through the 5% electoral threshold. To avoid a repeat of the 2011–2012 post-election protests, authorities may try to prevent the blatant vote-rigging which triggered them. Nevertheless, favourable media coverage, United Russia's deep pockets and changes to electoral legislation (for example, the re-introduction of single-member districts) will give the ruling party a strong head-start. In this briefing: What elections will be held in Russia? Which parties will take part? Will elections be transparent and credible? The State Duma – the lower house of Russia's parliament. -
The Militarization of the Russian Elite Under Putin What We Know, What We Think We Know (But Don’T), and What We Need to Know
Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 65, no. 4, 2018, 221–232 Copyright © 2018 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1075-8216 (print)/1557-783X (online) DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2017.1295812 The Militarization of the Russian Elite under Putin What We Know, What We Think We Know (but Don’t), and What We Need to Know David W. Rivera and Sharon Werning Rivera Department of Government, Hamilton College, Clinton, NY This article reviews the vast literature on Russia’s transformation into a “militocracy”—a state in which individuals with career experience in Russia’s various force structures occupy important positions throughout the polity and economy—during the reign of former KGB lieutenant colonel Vladimir Putin. We show that (1) elite militarization has been extensively utilized both to describe and explain core features of Russian foreign and domestic policy; and (2) notwithstanding its widespread usage, the militocracy framework rests on a rather thin, and in some cases flawed, body of empirical research. We close by discussing the remaining research agenda on this subject and listing several alternative theoretical frameworks to which journalists and policymakers arguably should pay equal or greater attention. In analyses of Russia since Vladimir Putin came to I was an officer for almost twenty years. And this is my own power at the start of the millennium, this master narrative milieu.… I relate to individuals from the security organs, from the Ministry of Defense, or from the special services as has been replaced by an entirely different set of themes. ’ if I were a member of this collective. —Vladimir Putin One such theme is Putin s successful campaign to remove (“Dovol’stvie voennykh vyrastet v razy” 2011) the oligarchs from high politics (via prison sentences, if necessary) and renationalize key components of the nat- In the 1990s, scholarly and journalistic analyses of Russia ural resource sector. -
Proceedings of the II International Scientific and Practical Conference
ISSN 2413-1032 International Scientific and Practical Conference “WORLD SCIENCE” № 2(6), Vol.4, February 2016 Proceedings of the IInd International Scientific and Practical Conference "The goals of the WorldScience 2016 (January 27 – 28, 2016, Dubai, UAE)" Copies may be made only from legally acquired originals. A single copy of one article per issue may be downloaded for personal use (non-commercial research or private study). Downloading or printing multiple copies is not permitted. Electronic Storage or Usage Permission of the Publisher is required to store or use electronically any material contained in this work, including any chapter or part of a chapter. Permission of the Publisher is required for all other derivative works, including compilations and translations. Except as outlined above, no part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the Publisher. Founder – Publisher Office's address: The authors are fully responsible for ROSTranse Trade F Z C United Arab Emirates, Ajman the facts mentioned in the articles. company, The opinions of the authors may not Scientific and Educational Amberjem Tower (E1) always coincide with the editorial Consulting Group SM-Office-E1-1706A boards point of view and impose no "WORLD Science", Ajman, obligations on it. United Arab Emirates E-mail: [email protected] http://ws-conference.com/ Tel. +971 56 498 67 38 International Scientific and Practical Conference “WORLD SCIENCE” ISSN 2413-1032 -
Background Information on Chechnya
Background Information on Chechnya A study by Alexander Iskandarian This study was commissioned by UNHCR. The views expressed in this study by the author, Director of the Moscow-based Centre for Studies on the Caucasus, do not necessarily represent those of UNHCR. Moscow, December 2000 1. Background information on Chechnya Under Article 65 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Chechnya is mentioned as one of the 89 subjects of the Federation. Chechnya officially calls itself the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. It is situated in the east of the Northern Caucasus, with an area of around 15,100 square kilometres (borders with the Republic of Ingushetia have not been delimited; in the USSR, both republics were part of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic). According to the Russian State Committee on Statistics, as of January 1993, Chechnya had a population of around 1,100,000. There are no reliable data concerning the current population of Chechnya. Chechens are the largest autochthonous nation of the Northern Caucasus. By the last Soviet census of 1989, there were 958,309 Chechens in the USSR, 899,000 of them in the SSR of Russia, including 734,500 in Checheno-Ingushetia and 58,000 in adjacent Dagestan where Chechens live in a compact community.1 The largest Chechen diaspora outside Russia used to be those in Kazakhstan (49,500 people) and Jordan (around 5,000). One can expect the diaspora to have changed dramatically as a result of mass migrations. Chechnya has always had a very high population growth rate, a high birth rate and one of the lowest percentages of city dwellers in Russia. -
Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2011 Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H. Hawley Jr. (Richard Howard) Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES ETHNIC VIOLENCE IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION By RICHARD H. HAWLEY, JR. A Dissertation submitted to the Political Science Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2011 Richard H. Hawley, Jr. defended this dissertation on August 26, 2011. The members of the supervisory committee were: Heemin Kim Professor Directing Dissertation Jonathan Grant University Representative Dale Smith Committee Member Charles Barrilleaux Committee Member Lee Metcalf Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii To my father, Richard H. Hawley, Sr. and To my mother, Catherine S. Hawley (in loving memory) iii AKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who made this dissertation possible, and I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all of them. Above all, I thank my committee chair, Dr. Heemin Kim, for his understanding, patience, guidance, and comments. Next, I extend my appreciation to Dr. Dale Smith, a committee member and department chair, for his encouragement to me throughout all of my years as a doctoral student at the Florida State University. I am grateful for the support and feedback of my other committee members, namely Dr. -
The 2012 Presidential Elections in Russia: What Future for the Medvedev-Putin Tandem?
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 11 | 25 – September 2011 The 2012 Presidential Elections in Russia: What Future for the Medvedev-Putin Tandem? Nona Mikhelidze Abstract The 2012 Russian presidential election and the future of the Medvedev-Putin tandem have started to dominate political debate inside and outside the country. Several developments in Russia’s domestic politics have made predictions on the future president particularly arduous. These include Russia’s so-called modernization initiative; Mikhail Prokhorov’s debut on the Russian political scene, and the new presidential decree on the “Security Council Questions”. Yet, analysing these developments suggests that whether Putin will return to the presidency or whether he will remain the de facto leader is unlikely to have major repercussions on Russian domestic policy. For Russia, the priority today is the need to maintain internal stability and formal democracy, necessary to attract foreign technologies and thus advance the modernization initiative as well as to guarantee elite continuity through an internal balance between the siloviki faction and the liberals. Both a renewed Medvedev-Putin tandem and a return of Putin to the presidency fulfil these goals. While much debated, the personality of the future Russian president is unlikely to represent a major game changer in Russia today. Keywords: Russia / Domestic policy / Presidential elections / Vladimir Putin / Dmitry Medvedev / Economic reforms / Political reforms / Democracy © 2011 IAI ISBN 978-88-98042-31-9 IAI Working Papers 1125 The 2012 Presidential Elections in Russia: What Future for the Medvedev-Putin Tandem? The 2012 Presidential Elections in Russia: What Future for the Medvedev-Putin Tandem? by Nona Mikhelidze ∗ 1. -
Russian Public Opinion and the Two Chechen Wars, 1994-1996 and 1999-2002: Formation and Evolution
Russian Public Opinion and the Two Chechen Wars, 1994-1996 and 1999-2002: Formation and Evolution A PhD Thesis By: Jason Clinton Vaughn School of Slavonic and East European Studies University College London Supervisor: Dr. Peter J. S. Duncan Secondary Supervisors: Dr. Andrew Wilson Dr. Vesna Popovski 1 UMI Number: U592450 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U592450 Published by ProQuest LLC 2013. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I declare that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Jason Clinton Vaughn 2 Acknowledgments: In the production of this thesis, I would firstly like to thank my parents for all of their support over the years. Much appreciation goes to my supervisor, Dr. Peter Duncan for having so much patience in reading through all the drafts of this thesis. Also, I would like to thank Professors Martyn Rady and Trevor Thomas for reading sections (and, on occasion, the entirety) of my drafts and giving their advice over the course of my writing. Thanks to Nadezhda Stoyanova for helping me to translate and sift through so much Russian language material and for always being there with a vote of confidence and support.