DOCSLIB.ORG

Proceedings of the II International Scientific and Practical Conference

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Proceedings of the II International Scientific and Practical Conference ISSN 2413-1032 International Scientific and Practical Conference “WORLD SCIENCE” № 2(6), Vol.4, February 2016 Proceedings of the IInd International Scientific and Practical Conference "The goals of the WorldScience 2016 (January 27 – 28, 2016, Dubai, UAE)" Copies may be made only from legally acquired originals. A single copy of one article per issue may be downloaded for personal use (non-commercial research or private study). Downloading or printing multiple copies is not permitted. Electronic Storage or Usage Permission of the Publisher is required to store or use electronically any material contained in this work, including any chapter or part of a chapter. Permission of the Publisher is required for all other derivative works, including compilations and translations. Except as outlined above, no part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the Publisher. Founder – Publisher Office's address: The authors are fully responsible for ROSTranse Trade F Z C United Arab Emirates, Ajman the facts mentioned in the articles. company, The opinions of the authors may not Scientific and Educational Amberjem Tower (E1) always coincide with the editorial Consulting Group SM-Office-E1-1706A boards point of view and impose no "WORLD Science", Ajman, obligations on it. United Arab Emirates E-mail: [email protected] http://ws-conference.com/ Tel. +971 56 498 67 38 International Scientific and Practical Conference “WORLD SCIENCE” ISSN 2413-1032 CHIEF EDITOR Ramachandran Nithya, Professor in Finance and Marketing, IBRA College of Technology, Oman EDITORIAL BOARD: Nobanee Haitham, Ustenova Gulbaram, Associate Professor of Finance, Director of Education Department of the Abu Dhabi University, Pharmacy, Doctor of Pharmaceutical Science, United Arab Emirates Kazakh National Medical University name of Asfendiyarov, Kazakhstan Almazari Ahmad, Harlamova Julia, Professor in Financial Management, Professor, Moscow State University of Railway King Saud University-Kingdom of Transport, Russia Saudi Arabia, Saudi Arabia Kalinina Irina, Professor of Chair of Medicobiological Lina Anastassova, Bases of Physical Culture and Sport, Full Professor in Marketing, Dr. Sci.Biol., FGBOU VPO Sibirsky State Burgas Free University, Bulgaria University of Physical Culture and Sport, Russia Mikiashvili Nino, Imangazinov Sagit, Professor in Econometrics and Director, Ph.D, Pavlodar affiliated branch Macroeconomics, Ivane Javakhishvili “SMU of Semei city” Tbilisi State University, Georgia Dukhanina Irina, Professor of Finance and Investment Chair, Alkhawaldeh Abdullah, Doctor of Sciences, Moscow State Medical Professor in Financial Philosophy, Dental University by A. I. Evdokimov of the Hashemite University, Jordan Ministry of health of the Russian Federation Mendebaev Toktamys, Orehowskyi Wadym, Doctor of Technical Sciences, Professor, Head of the Department of Social and Human LLP "Scientific innovation center Sciences, Economics and Law, Doctor of "Almas", Historical Sciences, Chernivtsi Trade- Kazakhstan Economic Institute Kyiv National Trade and Economic University Yakovenko Nataliya, Professor, Doctor of Geography, Peshcherov Georgy, Ivanovo State University, Shuya Professor, Moscow State Regional University, Russia Mazbayev Ordenbek, Mustafin Muafik, Doctor of Geographical Sciences, Professor, Doctor of Veterinary Science, Professor of Tourism, Eurasian National Kostanay State University named University named after L.N.Gumilev after A.Baitursynov Ovsyanik Olga, Sentyabrev Nikolay, Professor, Doctor of Psychological Science, Professor, Doctor of Sciences, Moscow State Regional University Volgograd State Academy of Physical Education, Russia 2 № 2(6), Vol.4, February 2016 International Scientific and Practical Conference “WORLD SCIENCE” ISSN 2413-1032 EDITORIAL BOARD: Temirbekova Sulukhan, Polyakova Victoria, Dr. Sc. of Biology, Professor, Candidate of Pedagogical Sciences, Vladimir Federal State Regional Institute for Educational Scientific Institution All-Russia Selection- Development name L.I. Novikova, Russia Technological Institute of Horticulture and Nursery Issakova Sabira, Kuzmenkov Sergey, Professor, Doctor of Philology, Professor at the Department of Physics The Aktyubinsk regional state university of and Didactics of Physics, Candidate of K. Zhubanov Physico-mathematical Sciences, Doctor of Kolesnikova Galina, Pedagogic Sciences, Kherson State Professor, Taganrog Institute of Management University and Economics, Russia Safarov Mahmadali, Doctor Technical Science, Professor Utebaliyeva Gulnara, Academician Academia Science Republic Doctor of Philological Science, Al-Farabi of Tajikistan, National Studies University Kazakh National University “Moscow Power Institute” in Dushanbe Uzilevsky Gennady, Omarova Vera, Dr. of Science, Ph.D., Russian Academy of Professor, Ph.D., Pavlodar State National Economy under the President of the Pedagogical Institute, Kazakhstan Russian Federation Crohmal Natalia, Koziar Mykola, Professor, Ph.D. in Philosophy, National Head of the Department, Doctor of Pedagogical Dragomanov University, Ukraine Pedagogical Sciences, National University of Water Management And Nature Resources Use, Ukraine Chornyi Oleksii, D.Sc. (Eng.), Professor, Kremenchuk Mykhailo Ostrohradskyi National Tatarintseva Nina, University Professor, Southern Federal University, Rostov-on-Don, Russia Pilipenko Oleg, Head of Machine Design Fundamentals Department, Doctor of Technical Sciences, Sidorovich Marina, Chernigiv National Technological University Candidate of Biological Sciences, Doctor of Pedagogical Sciences, Full Professor, Kherson State University № 2(6), Vol.4, February 2016 3 International Scientific and Practical Conference “WORLD SCIENCE” ISSN 2413-1032 CONTENTS LEGAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Eliseeva Natalia THE "NEW" NON-SYSTEMIC OPPOSITION IN RUSSIA…………………………………………..5 PHILOSOPHY AND PHILOLOGY Bagasheva-Koleva M. S. ON THE CATEGORY OF DIMINUTIVENESS IN ENGLISH, RUSSIAN AND BULGARIAN…………………………………………………………………………………….7 Boyadzhieva Elissaveta REFLECTIONS ON LEARNER AUTONOMY: CULTURAL PERSPECTIVES…………………...11 Chankova Yana DOUBLE OBJECT SCRAMBLING: SOME INFORMATION STRUCTURAL IMPLICATIONS…………………………………………………………………….14 Kaharova I. S. CHARLES STRICKLAND’S CHARACTER AN IMAGE OF PAUL GAUGUIN………………….20 Kasimova Rano THE FUNCTIONS OF WATER IN FOLKLORE AND LITERATURE…………………………….22 Kostadinova Dafina, Simonski Evgeni ENGLISH COMPUTER TERMS IN A BULGARIAN COURSE BOOK…………………………...24 Manova-Georgieva Yana NAME CHOICE AND SYMBOLISM IN LITERATURE – AN OVERVIEW OF WILLIAM THACKERAY'S „THE BOOK OF SNOBS“………………………….29 Panasenko Nataliya PREDICATES IN MEDICINAL PLANTS' NAMES…………………………………………………32 Stashko Halyna METAPHOR IN CREATING FEMALE IMAGES (BASED ON AMERICAN SONG FOLKLORE)……………………………………………………………………37 Lomova E. A. "WOMEN'S TOPIC" IN PROSE AND ITS RECEPTION IN RUSSIA AND THE ANGLO-AMERICAN SLAVIC STUDIES………………………………………………42 Sadykova Roza Karimovna ANALYSES OF FOREIGN LANGUAGE TRANSLATIONS STUDY OF THE EPOPEE «THE WAY OF ABAY»………………………………………………………….46 Чобанян А. В. УМОВИ ВПРОВАДЖЕННЯ МОДЕЛІ ПСИХОЛОГО-ПЕДАГОГІЧНОГО СУПРОВОДУ ДІТЕЙ З ПОМІРНОЮ РОЗУМОВОЮ ВІДСТАЛІСТЮ ТА ЇХ СІМЕЙ………………………………….49 4 № 2(6), Vol.4, February 2016 International Scientific and Practical Conference “WORLD SCIENCE” ISSN 2413-1032 LEGAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE THE "NEW" NON-SYSTEMIC OPPOSITION IN RUSSIA Eliseeva Natalia Saint-Petersburg State University Abstract. The article reveals the process of formation of the non-systemic opposition in Russia after 2010. It also presents the factors that distinguish a new non-systemic opposition from the traditional one. Keywords: opposition, nonprofit organization, political technology, political technology, Internet Lately the oppositional public-political associations have been closely observed and analyzed that is connected with a public beginning of the non-systemic opposition which is to change government in Russia. Nevertheless, initially attention was drawn to emergency of the oppositional leaders and then to the oppositional parties and public-political organizations. A special scientific interest is not only the preconditions of a new non-systemic opposition but also methods of its emerging as a real active oppositional force, its apogee impact and further its decrease with attempts to reform. Besides all mentioned above, there are ways and methods used to perform the oppositional activity to consider. The political opposition has several definitions. Anna Tanova calls a political opposition an organized group of active individuals united by their awareness of common political interests, values and goals and who struggle with the reigning subject for the dominating status in the system of the government bodies [1]. By the topology the opposition can be systemic (parliament) and non-systemic (non-parliament). For Russia the institution of the political opposition is not a new phenomenon because it took its roots at the beginning of ХХ c., when having signed the Manifest of 17 October, 1905, the Tsar government admitted that there was a political opposition and institutionalized it [2]. However for the whole previous century the political opposition changed and now we observe a completely «new» non-systemic opposition. New non-systemic opposition started its formation in 2011, when the meeting 10 October on the Bolotnaia square was the reference point though the non-systemic the same as systemic opposition had existed long before 2011[3].
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison
    WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Nationalist Challenge
    Conflict Studies Research Centre Russian Series 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith Executive Summary * Putin is increasingly dominating the political system, which is becoming more authoritarian. * Administrative reform has been implemented in order to streamline the state with limited success. Three key issues: * Could "mild authoritarianism" be replaced by a harsher form of rule? * What will happen in 2008, when the next presidential elections are scheduled, and Putin will be constitutionally obliged to step down? * Could the scenario of the "orange revolution" in Ukraine be repeated in Russia? * There is now a strong possibility that Putin may either attempt to stay in power after his second term expires in 2008, or attempt to create an interim leadership from 2008 to 2012, and then return to power. * Any post-2008 leadership is likely to be more nationalist and authoritarian. 05/20 Putin's Nationalist Challenge Dr Mark A Smith The Russian political system has been going through a process of subtle evolution since Vladimir Putin was first elected president in 2000. In 2000, major changes were made to the structure of centre-regional relations: • Putin created seven federal districts, headed by a plenipotentiary representative, appointed by the president, and solely accountable to him. The plenipotentiary representative’s main task is to ensure that federal government policy is being carried out by the regional leaderships. During the Yel’tsin period, many regional leaders had often ignored federal law, and elevated regional law above it. • The regional leaders were removed from the upper house of the Russian parliament, the Federation Council, and the president acquired the legal power to dismiss regional governors who defied federal law.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian-Chinese Oil Politik
    China-Russia Relations: The Russian-Chinese Oil Politik Yu Bin Associate Professor, Wittenberg University The specter of oil is haunting the world. The battle of oil, however, is not just being waged by oilmen from Texas and done with “shock-and-awe” in the era of preemption. Nor does it have anything to do with the billion-dollar contract awarded to the U.S. firm Halliburton for the reconstruction of postwar Iraq. This time, oil, or lack of it, is clogging the geostrategic pipeline between the world’s second largest oil producer (Russia) and second largest oil importing state (China) as they haggle over the future destination of Siberia’s vast oil reserves. To be sure, the “oil politik” between Moscow and Beijing is far from a full-blown crisis. Indeed, China-Russia relations during the third quarter were marked by dynamic interactions and close coordination over multilateral issues of postwar Iraq, the Korean nuclear crisis, and institution building for the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization). Russia’s energy realpolitik, however, has led to such a psychological point that for the first time, a generally linear, decade-long emerging Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, or honeymoon, seems arrested and is being replaced by a routine, boring, or even jolting marriage of necessity in which quarrels and conflicts are part normal. Business still as Usual Unlike the more turbulent and/or spectacular second quarter, the post-Iraq and post- SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) third quarter seemed normal for Russia and China, at least on the surface. All border checkpoints were reopened with busier transactions to make up for the losses suffered during the SARS epidemic.
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
    Briefing June 2016 Russia's 2016 elections More of the same? SUMMARY On 18 September, 2016 Russians will elect representatives at federal, regional and municipal level, including most importantly to the State Duma (lower house of parliament). President Vladimir Putin remains popular, with over 80% of Russians approving of his presidency. However, the country is undergoing a prolonged economic recession and a growing number of Russians feel it is going in the wrong direction. Support for Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and ruling party United Russia has declined in recent months. Nevertheless, United Russia is likely to hold onto, and even increase its parliamentary majority, given the lack of credible alternatives. Of the tame opposition parties currently represented in the State Duma, polls suggest the far-right Liberal Democrats will do well, overtaking the Communists to become the largest opposition party. Outside the State Duma, opposition to Putin's regime is led by liberal opposition parties Yabloko and PARNAS. Deeply unpopular and disunited, these parties have little chance of breaking through the 5% electoral threshold. To avoid a repeat of the 2011–2012 post-election protests, authorities may try to prevent the blatant vote-rigging which triggered them. Nevertheless, favourable media coverage, United Russia's deep pockets and changes to electoral legislation (for example, the re-introduction of single-member districts) will give the ruling party a strong head-start. In this briefing: What elections will be held in Russia? Which parties will take part? Will elections be transparent and credible? The State Duma – the lower house of Russia's parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • The Militarization of the Russian Elite Under Putin What We Know, What We Think We Know (But Don’T), and What We Need to Know
    Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 65, no. 4, 2018, 221–232 Copyright © 2018 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1075-8216 (print)/1557-783X (online) DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2017.1295812 The Militarization of the Russian Elite under Putin What We Know, What We Think We Know (but Don’t), and What We Need to Know David W. Rivera and Sharon Werning Rivera Department of Government, Hamilton College, Clinton, NY This article reviews the vast literature on Russia’s transformation into a “militocracy”—a state in which individuals with career experience in Russia’s various force structures occupy important positions throughout the polity and economy—during the reign of former KGB lieutenant colonel Vladimir Putin. We show that (1) elite militarization has been extensively utilized both to describe and explain core features of Russian foreign and domestic policy; and (2) notwithstanding its widespread usage, the militocracy framework rests on a rather thin, and in some cases flawed, body of empirical research. We close by discussing the remaining research agenda on this subject and listing several alternative theoretical frameworks to which journalists and policymakers arguably should pay equal or greater attention. In analyses of Russia since Vladimir Putin came to I was an officer for almost twenty years. And this is my own power at the start of the millennium, this master narrative milieu.… I relate to individuals from the security organs, from the Ministry of Defense, or from the special services as has been replaced by an entirely different set of themes. ’ if I were a member of this collective. —Vladimir Putin One such theme is Putin s successful campaign to remove (“Dovol’stvie voennykh vyrastet v razy” 2011) the oligarchs from high politics (via prison sentences, if necessary) and renationalize key components of the nat- In the 1990s, scholarly and journalistic analyses of Russia ural resource sector.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2012 Presidential Elections in Russia: What Future for the Medvedev-Putin Tandem?
    Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 11 | 25 – September 2011 The 2012 Presidential Elections in Russia: What Future for the Medvedev-Putin Tandem? Nona Mikhelidze Abstract The 2012 Russian presidential election and the future of the Medvedev-Putin tandem have started to dominate political debate inside and outside the country. Several developments in Russia’s domestic politics have made predictions on the future president particularly arduous. These include Russia’s so-called modernization initiative; Mikhail Prokhorov’s debut on the Russian political scene, and the new presidential decree on the “Security Council Questions”. Yet, analysing these developments suggests that whether Putin will return to the presidency or whether he will remain the de facto leader is unlikely to have major repercussions on Russian domestic policy. For Russia, the priority today is the need to maintain internal stability and formal democracy, necessary to attract foreign technologies and thus advance the modernization initiative as well as to guarantee elite continuity through an internal balance between the siloviki faction and the liberals. Both a renewed Medvedev-Putin tandem and a return of Putin to the presidency fulfil these goals. While much debated, the personality of the future Russian president is unlikely to represent a major game changer in Russia today. Keywords: Russia / Domestic policy / Presidential elections / Vladimir Putin / Dmitry Medvedev / Economic reforms / Political reforms / Democracy © 2011 IAI ISBN 978-88-98042-31-9 IAI Working Papers 1125 The 2012 Presidential Elections in Russia: What Future for the Medvedev-Putin Tandem? The 2012 Presidential Elections in Russia: What Future for the Medvedev-Putin Tandem? by Nona Mikhelidze ∗ 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Public Opinion and the Two Chechen Wars, 1994-1996 and 1999-2002: Formation and Evolution
    Russian Public Opinion and the Two Chechen Wars, 1994-1996 and 1999-2002: Formation and Evolution A PhD Thesis By: Jason Clinton Vaughn School of Slavonic and East European Studies University College London Supervisor: Dr. Peter J. S. Duncan Secondary Supervisors: Dr. Andrew Wilson Dr. Vesna Popovski 1 UMI Number: U592450 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U592450 Published by ProQuest LLC 2013. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I declare that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Jason Clinton Vaughn 2 Acknowledgments: In the production of this thesis, I would firstly like to thank my parents for all of their support over the years. Much appreciation goes to my supervisor, Dr. Peter Duncan for having so much patience in reading through all the drafts of this thesis. Also, I would like to thank Professors Martyn Rady and Trevor Thomas for reading sections (and, on occasion, the entirety) of my drafts and giving their advice over the course of my writing. Thanks to Nadezhda Stoyanova for helping me to translate and sift through so much Russian language material and for always being there with a vote of confidence and support.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Politics and Society, Fourth Edition
    Russian Politics and Society Having been fully revised and updated to reflect the considerable changes in Russia over the last decade, the fourth edition of this classic text builds on the strengths of the previous editions to provide a comprehensive and sophisticated analysis on Russian politics and society. In this edition, Richard Sakwa seeks to evaluate the evidence in a balanced and informed way, denying simplistic assumptions about the inevitable failure of the democratic exper- iment in Russia while avoiding facile generalisations on the inevitable triumph of global integration and democratisation. New to this edition: • Extended coverage of electoral laws, party development and regional politics • New chapter on the ‘phoney democracy’ period, 1991–3 • Historical evaluation of Yeltsin’s leadership • Full coverage of Putin’s presidency • Discussion of the development of civil society and the problems of democratic consolidation • Latest developments in the Chechnya conflict • More on foreign policy issues such as Russia’s relationship with NATO and the EU after enlargement, Russia’s relations with other post-Soviet states and the problem of competing ‘near abroads’ for Russia and the West • The re-introduction of the Russian constitution as an appendix • An updated select bibliography • More focus on the challenges facing Russia in the twenty-first century Written in an accessible and lively style, this book is packed with detailed information on the central debates and issues in Russia’s difficult transformation. This makes it the best available textbook on the subject and essential reading for all those concerned with the fate of Russia, and with the future of international society.
    [Show full text]
  • OPEN ECONOMIES, CLOSED POLITIES: FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION and AUTHORITARIAN POLITICS a Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of T
    OPEN ECONOMIES, CLOSED POLITIES: FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION AND AUTHORITARIAN POLITICS A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Igor O. Logvinenko January 2015 © 2015 Igor O. Logvinenko OPEN ECONOMIES, CLOSED POLITIES: FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION AND AUTHORITARIAN POLITICS Igor O. Logvinenko, Ph. D. Cornell University 2015 This project investigates financial openness policies of authoritarian regimes during the modern age of globalized finance. Over the last quarter-century, increasingly restive publics and heightened international mobility of capital have complicated the task of governing authoritarian regimes. Financial globalization created immense opportunities for enrichment and further power consolidation, but it also made authoritarian elites increasingly vulnerable to political challenges that some regimes are better equipped to handle than others. Given this conundrum, I set out to explore the answers to the following questions: Why do some authoritarian regimes opt for greater financial openness than others? How are these decisions related to the tactics these regimes employ to remain in power? How does the nature of the asset base in the economy impact these decisions? This thesis develops a theoretical framework to address these questions, and also evaluates this theory empirically. I construct a game-theoretical argument that endogenizes financial openness policies in a model that accounts for the profit opportunities from openness and the risks associated with increased economic volatility for the authoritarian elites. I argue that when rulers consider adopting a policy of financial openness, they also take into account their ability to maintain political stability after doing so.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond the Putin System
    REP Roundtable Summary Beyond the Putin System Mikhail Kasyanov Former Prime Minister of Russia 17 November 2009 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the speaker and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the speaker and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author. The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. REP Roundtable Summary: Mikhail Kasyanov, ‘Beyond the Putin System’ Much has changed in Russia since 2000, when the country was actively modernising and there were significant moves forward, particularly in the economic sphere. After the default of 1998, which wiped out the middle class and led to a complete rethink of fiscal policy, wide-ranging reforms were launched. The government taught people and business the importance of paying tax, why they should pay for heating and electricity. From growth rates of 3 per cent at the turn of the century we reached 7-7.5 per cent growth even though the oil price at the time was around $25 a barrel, not $145 as it was prior to the global financial crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's New Europe
    Bugajski 11/13/03 9:42 Page 1 Russia’s New Europe Janusz Bugajski SPECTER is haunting the new “decade of lunacy under Boris Yeltsin” Europe, the specter of “Russian and is “placing a damper on the assault on A pragmatism.” Following a Russia’s resources by American compa- decade of ambiguity and uncertainty in nies.” In recent weeks, Exxon Mobil and Russian policy, Vladimir Putin’s Kremlin Chevron Texaco were vying to acquire a has embarked on a coherent and rational large part of Yukos’ shares and this seri- plan to regain its influence over former ously disturbed Moscow. satellites and to limit Western penetration Meanwhile, Russia’s growing in key parts of this region. assertiveness toward its neighbors was on Two recent dramatic events have display when workers constructed a highlighted President Vladimir Putin’s causeway across the Kerch Strait that foreign policy ambitions: the crackdown links the Black and Azov seas between on independent-minded big business and Russia’s Taman Peninsula and Ukraine’s the assault on Ukraine’s territorial integri- Tuzla islet. Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry ty. Putin views the mammoth energy warned Moscow that the construction industries as valuable tools to expand violated his country’s territorial integrity. Moscow’s foreign policy influence. While The Kremlin is applying strong pressure Yeltsin used the oligarchs to guarantee his on Kiev in demanding shared sovereignty own power, Putin is determined to con- over the navigable parts of the Kerch trol the oligarchs to expand Russian state Strait that legally belong to Ukraine, and interests. YUKOS CEO Mikhail it wants to turn the Azov sea into an Khodorkovsky not only crossed the line “internal water” of the two states despite in his domestic political ambitions, but Ukraine’s substantially longer coastline.
    [Show full text]
  • The Electoral System of the Russian Federation
    The original of this publication was published as the research commissioned by the Policy Department for the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament within a framework contract with IRIS. The original version was published separately by the EP (Policy Department for External Policies) in 2011 (number PE 433.688). Copyrights belong to the European Parliament April 2011 THE EU-RUSSIA CENTRE REVIEW The electoral system of the Russian Federation Issue Seventeen CONTENTS Executive summary 4 Introduction 6 Background 6 The evolution of electoral law 7 Roles of legislative and executive branches 9 The Federal Assembly 9 Presidential powers 9 Elections under each President 10 The Yeltsin years 10 New constitution – President versus Parliament 10 Development of political parties under Yeltsin 11 The first three legislative elections 11 Presidential elections 1991 – 1996 13 International Reactions 13 Assessment of the Yeltsin period 15 The Putin years 16 Rise of United Russia 16 Presidential Elections 2000 - 2004 17 Changes during Putin‘s presidency 17 Control of the Media 18 International reactions 18 Assessment of Putin‘s presidency 21 Medvedev‘s Presidency 21 Modernisation Strategy 22 Electoral changes under Medvedev 22 Recent developments 23 Assessment of Medvedev‘s presidency 23 Political parties and electoral support 23 2 Russia‘s party system 23 Law on political parties 23 Funding of parties 24 Role of parties 25 Voter turnout 27 Voter attitudes 28 On political opposition 28 On electoral rules 28 On a personal cult of Putin 28 International reactions 28 Conclusion 29 Annex I: Presidential Election Results 1991-2008 33 Annex II: State Duma Election Results 1993-2007 35 Annex III: The Levada Centre surveys – Public Opinion 37 Bibliography 41 3 A study for the European Parliament by Professor Bill Bowring, Birkbeck College, London, member of the Advisory Board of the EU-Russia Centre1.
    [Show full text]