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White Flight Goes to College Anthony P

White Flight Goes to College Anthony P

September/October 2013 Volume 22: Number 5 Goes to College Anthony P. Carnevale & Jeff Strohl

White flight from the center city tiers of selectivity since the mid- to better neighborhood schools in the ’90s, the number of four-year leafy green suburbs has finally arrived open-access colleges is declin- on the nation’s ivy-covered college ing. The result of this dynamic campuses. The racial and ethnic strati- is increased spending per student fication in educational opportunity at the most selective colleges and entrenched in the nation’s K-12 edu- overcrowding and reduced re- cation system has faithfully repro- sources per student in the open- duced itself across the full range of access sector. American colleges and universities. Similarly, the larger growth in col- African Americans’ and ’ lege seats has been at schools now in access to postsecondary education the most selective tiers, as compared over the past 15 years is a good news/ White African with open-access colleges. American • Enrollments at the most-selec- bad news story. Though African New enrollments Americans and Hispanics scored big tive and better-resourced col- gains in access to postsecondary edu- leges grew significantly (78%), cation, both groups are losing ground students have gone to the reflecting increased demand for in their move up to the most selective country’s 468 most selective col- high-quality postsecondary edu- colleges relative to their growing leges, while more than 7 in 10 cation. The vast majority of the population shares. of net new African-American new seats at top schools went to The absolute numbers of African and Hispanic students have gone (Please turn to page 2) Americans and Hispanics going on to to the 3,250 two- and four-year postsecondary institutions have in- open-access colleges. Whites are abandoning the open- creased markedly, but whites, Afri- NEW BOOK can Americans and Hispanics are on access institutions and moving up into separate and unequal pathways. the selective college tiers and gaining See inside back cover • Between 1995 and 2009, more the advantages those schools provide. for reproducible flyer than 8 in 10 of net new white • Between 1995 and 2009, the white share of enrollments in the CONTENTS: two- and four-year open-access Anthony P. Carnevale is Direc- colleges declined from 69% to Segregating Colleges . 1 tor of the Georgetown Univ. Ctr. on 57%. Marginalization ...... 3 Education & the Workforce. He has Affluent white students, higher tu- Concentrated served as senior staff in both the U.S. itions, and prestige-seeking four-year ...... 5 Senate & House and was Political colleges are all moving to the top tiers Housing Director for AFSCME. of selectivity, while lower-income mi- Discrimination ...... 14 Jeff Stohl is Research Director of nority students are left with the less Same-Sex Marriage/ the Georgetown Univ. Ctr. on Edu- prestigious, lower-spending, poorly cation & the Workforce. funded open-access institutions. Equal Rights ...... 17 Both can be reached at cew. • While more than 140 institutions Resources ...... 19 [email protected]. have moved up into the top three

Poverty & Race Research Action Council • 1200 18th Street NW • Suite 200 • Washington, DC 20036 202/906-8023 • FAX: 202/842-2885 • E-mail: [email protected] • www.prrac.org Recycled Paper (COLLEGES: Continued from page 1) college-age population. and their share of enrollment at • In 1995, the African-American the 3,250 two- and four-year white students. Among open- and Hispanic share of the col- open-access colleges was 24%, access, four-year colleges, lege-age population was 27%, a 3 percentage point deficit of growth has been significantly and their share of enrollments enrollment relative to population slower (just 21%), but the net at the top 468 colleges was 12%, share. increases in minority enroll- a 15 percentage point deficit of • By 2009, the African-American ments were concentrated at those enrollment compared with popu- and Hispanic share of the col- schools, resulting in more lation share. lege-age population was 33%, crowding and fewer resources • By 2009, the African-American and their share of enrollment at per student. and Hispanic share of the col- the 3,250 two- and four-year The most telling metrics of racial lege-age population was 33%, open-access colleges was 37%, polarization in postsecondary educa- and their share of enrollment at a 4 percentage point excess of tion are comparisons of white, Afri- enrollment relative to population can-American and Hispanic enroll- Whites, African Ameri- share. ments to their respective shares of the cans and Hispanics are These trends show that the higher college-age population. Whites have education system is more and more increased their enrollment share in the on separate and unequal complicit as a passive agent in the top 468 colleges relative to their share pathways. systematic reproduction of white ra- of the college-age population. cial privilege across generations. The • In 1995, the white share of the the top 468 colleges was 15%, higher education system is colorblind college-age population was an 18 percentage point deficit of —in theory—but in fact operates, at 68%, and the white share of en- enrollment versus population least in part, as a systematic barrier rollments at the top 468 colleges share and a 3 percentage point to opportunity for many African was 77%, a 9 percentage point drop within the college-age Americans and Hispanics, large num- advantage of enrollment share population. bers of whom are qualified but tracked over population share. The white share of enrollment in into overcrowded and underfunded • By 2009, the white share of the the 3,250 two- and four-year open- colleges, where they are less likely to college-age population was 62% access colleges has declined relative develop fully or to graduate. and the white share of enroll- to the white share of the college-age The tracking of white students into ments at the top 468 colleges population. the top-tier colleges perpetuates was 75%, a 13 percentage point • In 1995, the white share of the greater rates of white college comple- advantage of enrollment over college-age population was 68% tion, especially at the elite colleges. population share and a 4 per- and the white share of enroll- Consequently, more college comple- centage point increase within the ment at the 3,250 two- and four- tion among white parents brings college-age population. year open-access colleges was higher earnings that fuel the Over the same period, the enroll- 69%, reflecting a balance be- intergenerational reproduction of ment shares of African Americans and tween enrollment and population privilege by providing more highly Hispanics in the top 468 colleges de- shares. educated parents the means to pass clined relative to their shares of the • By 2009, the white share of the their educational advantages on to college-age population was 62% their children. Higher earnings buy Poverty and Race (ISSN 1075-3591) and the white share of enroll- more expensive housing in the sub- is published six times a year by the Pov- ment at the 3,250 two- and four- urbs with the best schools and peer erty & Race Research Action Council, year open-access colleges was support for educational attainment. 1200 18th Street NW, Suite 200, Wash- 57%, a 5 percentage point defi- The synergy between the growing ington, DC 20036, 202/906-8023, fax: cit of enrollment relative to economic value of education and the 202/842-2885, E-mail: [email protected]. Chester Hartman, Editor. Subscriptions population share and a 6 per- increased sorting by housing values are $25/year, $45/two years. Foreign centage point decline within the makes parental education the stron- postage extra. Articles, article sugges- college-age population. gest predictor of a child’s educational tions, letters and general comments are Over the same 15 years, the Afri- attainment and future earnings. As a welcome, as are notices of publications, can-American and Hispanic share of result, the country also has the least conferences, job openings, etc. for our Resources Section. Articles generally enrollment in the 3,250 open-access intergenerational educational and in- may be reprinted, providing PRRAC colleges increased relative to their come mobility among advanced na- gives advance permission. share of the college-age population. tions. © Copyright 2013 by the Poverty & • In 1995, the African-American The American postsecondary sys- Race Research Action Council. All and Hispanic share of the col- tem increasingly has become a dual rights reserved. lege-age population was 27%, (Please turn to page 12)

2 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 Deepening Our Understanding of Structural Marginalization john a. powell Over the last decade, there has address. The first is the overuse of from disparities may be stigmatized been a growing appreciation and un- disparities in understanding and ad- unless we are exceptionally careful. derstanding of the force I call struc- dressing structural racialization and Research suggests that disparity data tural racialization or structural structural marginality. The second is are as likely to reinforce negative ste- marginalization. While there is not yet the inadequate attention that racial reotypes as engender support for firm consensus what this term means, resentment or other forms of anxiety structural interventions. While this there is broad and substantial agree- play in generating structural arrange- use of disparities is a mistake, they ment. Structural marginality is a shift ments. may still be useful in terms of mea- in focus from people and individuals suring and analyzing structural to structures and institutions. Struc- racialization. Disparities may suggest tures are not neutral, and require care- The Overuse of areas of focus or investigation as well ful intervention and vigilant monitor- Disparities as evaluate the efficacy of structural ing if they are to serve justice and pro- interventions. Still, there remain limi- mote inclusion. When structures un- There is a tendency to make dis- tations with the use of disparity data evenly distribute opportunities or de- parities the focus or primarily analy- and disparity metrics, even well-in- press life chances along the axis of sis for measuring or gauging struc- tentioned. race, it can be described as structural tural racialization. While I agree that First, a disparities approach pre- racialization. Some of my colleagues disparities are important and may be sumes that the baseline position of the use the term “structural racism” to dominant, higher-performing group is describe this phenomenon. the appropriate goal for reducing or I seldom use the word “racism” or Structural marginality eliminating the disparity. In the U.S. the term “structural racism”; I much is a shift in focus from (Please turn to page 4) prefer “racialization.” While more people and individuals difficult to grasp at first blush, this to structures and term is more accurate and invites a institutions. different inquiry. “Racialization” con- Julius Chambers notes a process rather than a static event. It underscores the fluid and strongly indicative of structural We dedicate this issue of Pov- dynamic nature of race. Moreover, racialization, this is an incomplete erty & Race to Julius Chambers, “racism” is understood as a con- approach that suffers from a number honoring his long and important sciously motivated force. “Racial- of flaws. Look at almost any report career in the world of civil rights, ization” implies a process or set of on the state of race in America, and it who passed away Aug. 2 at the processes that may or may not be ani- will likely begin with disparities in a age of 76. An attorney in Char- mated by conscious forces. “Racism” few or many areas: graduation rates, lotte, NC, whose law practice, invites a search for a racist actor, educational attainment, life expect- started in 1964, was the state’s much as a web suggests the presence ancy, rates of incarceration, income, first integrated law firm, Cham- of a spider. “Structural Racialization” wealth, and so on. These disparities bers also served as President of is a set of processes that may gener- are soon (and appropriately) put in a the NAACP Legal Defense Fund ate disparities or depress life outcomes context of structural inequality, with from 1984 to 1993. He took 8 without any racist actors. It is a web the goal being to eliminate the dis- cases before the U.S. Supreme without a spider. parities based on race. But focusing Court and won them all, among However, this distinction is not the predominantly on disparities in this them Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklen- focus of this article. There are two way is a mistake. berg Board of Education regard- other concerns I wish to raise and Even when properly contexualized, ing school busing. He also served many audiences will assume that dis- as Chancellor of N.C. Central john a. powell (powel008@gmail. parities are a result of individual fac- Univ., his alma mater, and from com), a PRRAC Board member, di- tors such as ability, hard work and 1993-2001 was the inaugural Di- rects the Haas Institute for a Fair and intelligence rather than structural rector of the Univ. of North Caro- Inclusive Society at the Univ. of Cali- forces such as educational or employ- lina Center on Civil Rights. fornia-Berkeley. ment opportunity. Groups that suffer

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 3 (MARGINALIZATION: Cont. from page 3) and economically isolated neighbor- block grants rather than centralized hoods without health care providers federal administration. This resulted context, this usually means a focus on or lack transportation to reach them. in compromises that were not made white performance or outcomes for The HPV vaccine, for example, has in other Western nations. Even if we setting goals. For example, in trying been proven to reduce the incidence eliminated the racial disparities in to close the achievement/opportunity of cervical cancer in girls and women. welfare benefits, it would not mean gap, the focus is often on bringing Yet the vaccination treatment requires that these structures are no longer African-American or Latino test a three-dose schedule. Research sug- racialized. scores up to the level of whites. Simi- gests that many low-income and Af- larly, if 70% of whites have good rican-American girls and young health insurance, then achieving the women who receive the first vaccina- Critical Structures same level of coverage among people tion shot are less likely to complete of color would presumably result in the treatment because of the lack of This brings me to my next critical structural racial equity. This is not transportation to the health care point. Structural racialization requires only a false assumption, it is an provider’s office— either owning a car an analysis of the genesis and forma- uncritically accepted benchmark. The or having a parent with a flexible work tion of critical structures, not just how performance or level of access to re- schedule or vacation or sick time off a structure operates or how programs sources that a dominant group enjoys to pick up their children from school are administered. Just as the welfare is not necessarily the benchmark we system’s structure and administration, should be setting. including acquiescence to state discre- On careful examination, it becomes “Racialization” con- tion, harms blacks and other people clear why this approach to goal-set- notes a process rather of color, it clearly injured whites as ting is not correct. First of all, the than a static event. well, who would have benefited from ideal benchmark is universal access more generous provision and a stron- to health insurance and quality health ger labor movement. In today’s con- care, including the 30% of whites to take them to the doctor three sepa- text, it is clear that opposition to taxes without insurance. Second, a dispari- rate times. on the rich or the regulation of banks ties gap approach assumes that health Even if we could eliminate the dis- is, in part, animated by racial con- insurance, or access to a specific parities in both inputs and outcomes, cerns. The rhetoric of “takers” and good, will translate into similar out- that does not mean we are living free “makers” and the “47%,” prominent comes. We know that this is not true. of structural racialization. What if we in the 2012 Presidential election, was Because of the many factors that con- can show that the reason only 70% of part of this new racial code. tribute to health disparities in popula- whites, following my hypothetical Consider the forms of racial resent- tions, addressing one factor in a dy- above, have health insurance is itself ment and massive resistance follow- namic system when two groups are a result of racial anxiety? Many ex- ing the Brown mandate that shuttered not similarly situated will not achieve perts, such as Albeto Alesina and schools and closed swimming pools parity along a single-factor dimension. Edward Glaeser at Harvard Univer- in the South for everyone. While Af- Access to health insurance is sity, assert that the main reason that rican-American students suffered, so, merely one input that explains health the United States has an anemic wel- too, did lower- and middle-class outcomes. Extending coverage will fare system compared to other wealthy whites, who lost critical educational not result in structural equity if other western nation is race. Race plays a and recreational opportunities. The factors constrain healthy outcomes. direct and indirect role in the devel- impact may have even been greater, This was evident when a CDC study opment of these structures. It plays a in absolute numbers, on whites. Yet showed that extending health insur- direct role in that, as they write, the provision of public goods, in ance in Massachusetts was insufficient “[o]pponents of redistribution in the which pools were closed, was an ex- to improve health outcomes. Insured United States have regularly used pression of a racialized system. Who families may lack access to health care race-based rhetoric to resist left-wing benefits from a system and structure providers because they live in racially policies.” It also plays an indirect role that depresses life outcomes for many in the formation of critical institutions. whites and people of color? This is As they note, “[t]he formation of the an important question. Don’t United States as a federation of inde- Elites strategically deploy racial forget to send pendent territories led to a structure rhetoric and concerns about the “un- that often creates obstacles to central- deserving other” to attack regulations us items for our ized redistributive policies.”The New and defeat higher marginal tax rates. Resources Section. Deal had to accommodate itself to the This does not mean that these elites racial strictures of the South, which necessarily have animus to people of often meant local control and state (Please turn to page 13)

4 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 Intergenerational Impacts of Concentrated Poverty – continued

In our last issue, we began a forum discussion reflecting on the implications of Patrick Sharkey’s new book, Stuck in Place: Urban Neighborhoods and the End of Progress toward Racial Equality (Univ. of Chicago Press, 2013). To address the multiple intergenerational impacts he documents, Sharkey calls for a new kind of “durable” urban policy that has potential to reach multiple generations, to generate a lasting impact on families, and to be sustained over time. In this issue, we have included responses from Barbara Sard, Betsy Julian, Alex Polikoff and Herbert Gans.

Concentrated Poverty is a Children’s Issue Barbara Sard

In his new book, Stuck in Place: Even in this time of sharply con- of neighborhood assets and detriments. Urban Neighborhoods and the End of strained federal resources and federal Unfortunately, many people interested Progress toward Racial Equality, legislative paralysis, government and in poverty issues concluded from the Patrick Sharkey powerfully analyzes its partners at the federal, state and Moving to Opportunity Demonstration the long-term consequences of living local levels could do much to improve (MTO) that location doesn’t matter. in neighborhoods of concentrated pov- the lives of the most at-risk children, Sharkey’s own research in Stuck in erty—the modern-day “” in as a forthcoming analysis from the Place, along with other studies and a which some 15% of poor children live, Center on Budget and Policy Priori- more careful reading of MTO find- frequently for generations. Such ties will explain. ings, show that neighborhood at- neighborhoods, in which 40% or more tributes can have profound effects on of the inhabitants are poor, are also poor children. In our analysis this Fall, predominantly African-American or Location Matters we will review this literature as a Hispanic: Few poor white children live predicate to our findings on the per- in neighborhoods of . The first step is to recognize that formance of the federal rental assis- Coupled with the emerging literature where children live matters, particu- tance programs on providing access on the lasting deleterious impacts of larly at the extremes of the continua (Please turn to page 6) the “toxic stress” children experience from prolonged exposure to deep pov- erty and violence in their homes and Making Wrong Right: The Search for communities, Sharkey’s must-read book helps us understand why living a Durable Urban Policy in neighborhoods of concentrated pov- erty is particularly harmful to children, Elizabeth K. Julian beyond the impact of growing up in a poor family. Elizabeth K. Julian (ekjulian@ he title of Patrick Sharkey’s new Reducing the number of children T inclusivecommunities.net), a PRRAC book says it all: “Stuck in Place” de- living in extremely deprived neighbor- Board member, is President of Inclu- scribes 45 years of public policy fail- hoods should be high on the agenda sive Communities Project, a Dallas- ure. Forty-five years after the Civil of advocates for low-income children. based non-profit organization that Rights Movement promised otherwise, works for the creation and mainte- separate is still separate, and separate Barbara Sard ([email protected]) is nance of racially and economically is still unequal for far too many Black Vice-President for Housing Policy, inclusive communities, where oppor- children in America. Sharkey is blunt. Center on Budget and Policy Priori- tunity is created through access to “Even today, 31 percent of African ties. She formerly was Senior Advisor good schools, affordable housing, American children live in neighbor- on Rental Assistance to HUD Sec. safe neighborhoods, economic oppor- hoods where the poverty rate is 30 Shaun Donovan. The CBPP report tunity and a healthy environment. She percent or greater, a level of poverty summarized in this article will be served as Deputy General Counsel for that is unknown among white chil- available sometime in Oct. and will Civil Rights and Assistant Secretary dren.” For those children, “living in be posted on the CBPP website: for Fair Housing and Equal Oppor- a high-poverty neighborhood typically cbpp.org tunity at HUD from 1994-1996. (Please turn to page 9)

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 5 (SARD: Continued from page 5) Location Impacts of pared with other poor blacks and His- Housing Choice panics generally. to opportunity and a discussion of our Vouchers But more than 100,000 families recommended policy changes. with children—10% of all families with children in the HCV program— Our analysis of data on households used vouchers to rent housing in ex- that received Housing Choice (Sec- Federal Rental treme-poverty neighborhoods in 2010, tion 8) Voucher (HCV) assistance in Assistance and despite the better options that having 2010 is more encouraging, but also Concentrated Poverty a voucher should make available to shows substantial room for improve- them. The share of families with chil- ment. Unlike HUD’s project-based Stuck in Place also reminds us of dren using vouchers to live in ex- programs, the HCV program cuts the the central role government policies treme-poverty neighborhoods in- likelihood of children living in ex- play in fostering racially concentrated creased by more than 40%, compared treme-poverty neighborhoods by living patterns, and in isolating the mi- with a decade earlier. Kirk McClure, about a third, compared with all poor nority poor, particularly African Alex Schwartz and Lydia Taghavi children, and for black and Hispanic Americans. In that context, here is a reported a similar finding in a paper families, by half, compared with poor preview of what our analysis shows presented at the Nov. 2012 Annual people of the same racial or ethnic about the extent to which federal hous- Meeting of the Assn. of Collegiate group. ing programs contribute to— or coun- Schools of Planning; they also found Housing vouchers also help poor teract—the broader historical trends that a smaller share of vouchers was families with children, particularly Sharkey describes so effectively. used in low-poverty neighborhoods in More than 25% of the poor chil- 2010 than in 2000. In addition to this dren living in extreme-poverty neigh- Concentrated poverty evidence that the HCV program is borhoods—roughly about 600,000 neighborhoods are performing less effectively than at the children—live in households that re- particularly harmful end of the Clinton Administration in ceive federal rental assistance. The helping families avoid living in areas vast majority of these children—more to children. of concentrated poverty and to access than 90%—are black or Hispanic. Re- areas of greater opportunity, a recent ceiving rental assistance makes it more black and Hispanic families, to live analysis for PRRAC by Ingrid Gould likely that a family will live in an ex- in low-poverty areas (those with pov- Ellen and Keren Mertens Horn treme-poverty neighborhood than erty rates below 10%). One out of five (www.prrac.org/pdf/PRRACHousing poor children generally. (In 2010, voucher families with children lived Location&Schools.pdf) found that 17.5% of families with children that in a low-poverty area in 2010, a sig- families with vouchers have less ac- receive HUD-funded rental assistance nificantly larger share than the 15% cess to well-performing schools than lived in extreme-poverty neighbor- of poor children generally. The share poor families without rental assistance. hoods, compared with 15.2% of all of black and Hispanic families using During the decade 2000–2010, poor children.) The programs with vouchers to live in low-poverty neigh- HUD implemented a number of new project-based rental assistance—pub- borhoods is a few percentage points policies in the HCV program aimed lic housing and privately owned prop- lower than the average, but the gap at increasing access to lower-poverty erties with project-based Section 8 between the shares of white and mi- communities that provided better op- subsidies—drive this finding, which nority families using vouchers in low- portunities for families. For example, is not surprising, given the forces that poverty neighborhoods closed sub- Congress provided agencies with ad- affected the location of these proper- stantially between 2000 and 2010, ditional flexibility to subsidize higher ties. Two-thirds of the families with probably at least in part due to an in- rents and allowed families to rent more children that receive federal rental crease in minority families using expensive units by paying more than assistance and live in extreme-poverty vouchers to live in suburban neigh- the standard 30% of income. In addi- neighborhoods are assisted under one borhoods. tion, HUD raised the “fair market of these project-based programs; the Notably, while having a voucher rent” levels for highly segregated others have Section 8 vouchers. (It is makes little difference in a white metro areas, and instituted a new per- a mistake to assume that public hous- family’s ability to live in a low-pov- formance measurement system that ing is the primary cause of these find- erty neighborhood, it makes a dra- gave some credit to agencies that en- ings. A majority of the families with matic difference for minority families. gaged in activities to expand housing children that receive federal rental More than double the share of black opportunities. Our findings, and those assistance and live in extreme-poverty families with vouchers, and close to of other studies, highlight the fact that neighborhoods do not live in public double the share of Hispanic families these well-intentioned policies have housing; they receive tenant-based or with vouchers, used them to live in not succeeded in achieving better project-based Section 8 assistance.) low-poverty neighborhoods, com- (Please turn to page 8)

6 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 Housing Mobility as a “Durable Urban Policy” Alex Polikoff

Stuck in Place, Patrick Sharkey's created and maintained over genera- Los Angeles, where the neighbor- recent book on the relationship be- tions; it is hubris to imagine that it hoods were less bad. In fact, as tween urban neighborhoods and ra- can be dismantled quickly or easily. Margery Turner and colleagues have cial inequality, should end the long- Sharkey rightly urges that to be ef- shown, MTO families from all five running "neighborhood effects" de- fective, anything we do must have cities who made substantial moves and bate. The evidence Sharkey marshals staying power, not be subject, for ex- stayed in place a long time experi- ought to persuade any fair-minded ample, to the uncertainties of annual enced multiple benefits. (Benefits of reader that—independent of personal Congressional appropriations. Living in High-Opportunity Neighbor- characteristics—the neighborhood in hoods, Urban Institute, September which you grow up causally affects Growing up in a 2012.) your life trajectory. severely distressed, Sharkey is also concerned that Against the background of the Ad- large-scale residential mobility might verse Childhood Experiences study disinvested neighbor- lead to new pockets of concentrated (ACE) from the CDC and Kaiser hood puts adults at poverty in receiving communities. HMO, and medical research explain- risk. While acknowledging that there is an ing why and how bad outcomes hap- "ideal scenario" that would avoid that pen, it now seems beyond dispute that In an audio interview, Sharkey unhappy result, he assumes (for un- growing up in a severely distressed, called the Gautreaux Residential Mo- (Please turn to page 8) disinvested neighborhood puts adults bility Program an example of durable at risk, not only of emotional and cog- urban policy. And he has referred nitive problems, but also of diabe- approvingly to mobility programs in tes, lung cancer, heart disease, and Baltimore and Dallas that "are giving Not the Only the like. Moreover—another impor- families the chance to make moves tant Sharkey point—the bad outcomes that improve their lives and lead to a Explanations are not confined to the current gen- permanent change in their neighbor- eration; they are likely to be passed hood environments." (Quoted in Ri- Herbert Gans on inter-generationally. chard Florida, July 25, 2013, The These are potentially enormous Atlantic Cities Place Matters.) In his Pat Sharkey has come up with contributions to urban policy; hope- book, however, Sharkey does not give some original findings, but neighbor- fully they will put us on the road to a residential mobility high marks. While hood effects and concentrated poverty clearer-eyed focus on what to do about acknowledging its benefits, especially are not the only explanations. For ex- these neighborhoods before too many for children, he suggests as a "tenta- ample, if poor blacks are kept poor more generations of children amass tive conclusion" that residential mo- and segregated, and urban renewal or high ACE scores in them. Kudos to bility programs work well only with public housing destruction further re- Patrick Sharkey! families moving out of the very worst duces the supply of housing they can On the what-to-do question there neighborhoods, not if they come from afford, they are likely to stay in the is less to praise, although here too a "wider range of poor neighbor- same neighborhood for a generation, Sharkey desirably emphasizes an im- hoods." or longer. If they had more money, portant truth. Whatever we do, he This erroneous, if tentative, con- they would move to better neighbor- says, point-in-time investments are clusion stems from two mistakes. The hoods just like anyone else. likely to be pointless. We need what first is that Gautreaux families came Incidentally, if we studied the af- he calls "durable" urban policies. The from public housing—that is, the very fluent, we might discover that they too black is a construct deliberately worst neighborhoods—whereas in fact stay in the same neighborhoods for they came mostly from a "wider generations. The supply of 16-room Alex Polikoff (apolikoff@ range" of neighborhoods, for they apartments and 10,000 square-foot bpichicago.org) directed Business and were mostly applicants for public mansions is as limited as the supply Professional People for the Public In- housing, living in private housing in of affordable housing available to poor terest for 29 years. He is author of various parts of Chicago. The second blacks.❏ Waiting for Gautreaux: A Story of is that MTO families from Baltimore Segregation, Housing, and the Black and Chicago, where neighborhoods Herbert Gans (hjg1@columbia. Ghetto (Northwestern Univ. Press, were the very worst, fared better than edu) is a Professor Emeritus of Soci- 2006). families from New York, Boston and ology at Columbia.

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 7 (POLIKOFF: Continued from page 7) (SARD: Continued from page 6) units only in poverty- and racially-con- centrated areas). stated reasons) that the ideal scenario locational results, despite the theoreti- 3. To expand housing choices out- would not be employed in new resi- cal advantages that tenant-based assis- side of racially- or ethnically-concen- dential mobility programs. In fact, as tance provides to enable families to trated areas of extreme poverty, state was done in Gautreaux, mobility ad- access more desirable neighborhoods. and local governments and housing ministrators in Baltimore and Dallas agencies should adopt policies to en- do avoid clustering that would risk courage landlords in low-poverty creating new pockets of concentrated What Can Be Done? neighborhoods to participate in the poverty. There would be every rea- HCV program and to assist interested son to employ the "ideal scenario" in Policy changes are needed to en- families to use their vouchers in these any new round of residential mobil- sure that federal rental assistance pro- areas. ity programming. grams provide greater opportunities 4. The administrative geography of While opting for a strategy of fix- for families to choose affordable hous- the HCV program must be changed ing up high-poverty neighborhoods, ing outside of extreme-poverty neigh- so that the boundaries of agencies’ ser- Sharkey rightly notes that the report borhoods, including in areas with ac- vice areas (“jurisdictions”) no longer card on such efforts shows mixed re- cess to better-performing schools, undermine the program’s ability to sults (a charitable description), and while effective interventions are de- promote access to high-opportunity that in any event fixing up is not a veloped over the longer term to in- neighborhoods. stand-alone policy but requires the support of a host of other invest- Neighborhood Federal, state and local policies also ments—growing out of a "federal attributes can have should promote the preservation of well-located assisted housing, whether commitment to economic equality"— profound effects on in human capital, health, transporta- publicly or privately owned. More tion, criminal justice and the like. poor children. than 200,000 units in HUD’s project- The arresting and poignant circum- based rental assistance programs house stances highlighting Sharkey's thesis families with children in neighbor- is that, notwithstanding the break- crease incomes, enhance safety and hoods that are less than 20% poor. through gains of the Civil Rights improve educational performance in These properties likely provide oppor- Movement, blacks born after the end areas of concentrated poverty. Sup- tunities that cannot be replicated at a of state-sanctioned segregation are do- port of children’s advocates for these similar cost, making their preserva- ing worse economically than their largely administrative reforms could tion an important priority for public parents. From sea to shining sea, ra- help persuade the Obama Administra- policy and investment. cial inequality remains a prominent tion of their importance. However, new investments to pre- feature of the American landscape. Substantial progress toward these serve properties that isolate poor chil- The ultimate lesson to be drawn from goals is feasible in the next few years, dren in neighborhoods that may limit Sharkey’s book is that we cannot af- even in the current fiscally constrained opportunity should be made cau- ford to overlook any promising reme- environment, without significant ad- tiously. To the extent feasible, such dial approach—including high-quality ditional funding or action by Congress. housing investments should be coupled housing mobility programs. ❏ To realize better location outcomes in with measures to improve schools and the Housing Choice Voucher program, other neighborhood amenities, and to our forthcoming analysis will recom- expand families’ ability to choose mend four sets of interrelated policy where to live without losing rental as- changes, based in large part on expe- sistance. rience with the mobility-oriented While the Low Income Housing policy changes the program tried since Tax Credit (LIHTC) fares somewhat Visit 2000 and insights from recent quali- better than other programs at devel- tative research. oping rental housing for families with PRRAC’s 1. Federal policy must incentivize children in lower-poverty neighbor- and reward agency performance in hoods and in proximity to better-per- achieving better location outcomes. forming schools, performance among website at 2. Program policies that weight the the states is uneven. Federal leader- scale in favor of families using vouch- ship is particularly important as www.prrac.org ers in poverty- and racially-concen- LIHTC has the untapped potential to trated areas should be revised or elimi- be a major source of affordable hous- nated (e.g., metro-wide Fair Market ing opportunities for families in high- Rents and lists of potentially available opportunity areas. State efforts in this

8 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 direction should continue, and federal generations while we have engaged advantaged environments over time policy should ensure that families with in such public policy debates. shows the most promising outcomes. housing vouchers as well as those pro- While Sharkey’s research conclu- Overall, he concludes that the evi- tected by the Fair Housing Act are not sions are stark, his policy recommen- dence is “encouraging” that when discriminated against in access to these dations for addressing the severe situ- families are able to move out of the units. ation he describes are not bold. He most violent, poorest, racially segre- Most of these recommendations can revisits the long-running “people ver- gated neighborhoods in the nation, be implemented by the Obama Admin- sus place” debate, looking for evi- their children’s academic and cogni- istration without new authority or ad- dence to guide future policy. tive test scores rise sharply, and when ditional funds from Congress. While The evidence on tenant-based mo- the degree of concentrated disadvan- unglamorous, these types of adminis- bility comes primarily from the tage surrounding a family declines, trative policies, particularly those in- Gautreaux research, which reflects the children’s economic fortunes improve corporated in formal regulations, tend results of remedial efforts in a long- substantially as they approach adult- to continue over the long term, de- running public housing desegregation hood. spite political changes. In fact, regu- case in Chicago, and the MTO re- Turning to “place-based” strate- latory and other administrative policy search, based on a two-year research gies, and the evidence of “whether or changes in the current federal low-in- “experiment” at HUD in the Clinton not a sustained effort to reduce con- come housing programs can be a criti- years. In spite of these very modest centrated poverty by investing in cal element of the “durable” urban investments in tenant-based mobility neighborhoods will have a positive policies Sharkey recommends to re- programs, only one of which was vol- impact on the residents of those dis- verse the negative effects of the “in- untary on the part of the government, advantaged neighborhoods,” he con- herited ghetto.” ❏ he finds that “scholars have generated cludes that “there is no equivalent evidence to evaluate that claim,” a One of the most salient startling conclusion in itself, given the aspects of a high-pov- time and money that has gone into erty environment is the place-based community and housing (JULIAN: Continued from page 5) development programs and activities prevalence of violence. over the past 45 years. Sharkey then means living in an economically de- develops his own evidence, based on pressed environment that is unhealthy a substantial amount of evidence to extensive survey data available for and unsafe and that offers little op- guide decisions about what types of parents and children over several de- portunity for success.” One of the mobility programs are likely to foster cades, to conclude that place does most salient aspects of a high-poverty positive results.” In spite of design matter, and that the policies and pro- neighborhood is the prevalence of vio- flaws in both programs, he admits that gram we have been funding to im- lence—black children live in an envi- subsequent Gautreaux researchers, prove the places in which many black ronment that is “unknown among “even after attempting to adjust for children growing up in America have whites, whether they were born in the any differences between families that lived over the past 40 years have not late 1950s or the late 1990s.” His me- moved to different residential envi- had significant positive impact on the ticulous and comprehensive descrip- ronments, have continued to find that children’s lives who live there. tion of the persistence of neighbor- families placed in low-poverty neigh- He then concludes that, while there hood inequality between blacks and borhoods or less-segregated neighbor- may be a place for tenant-based mo- whites across generations is brought hoods fared much better than fami- bility in limited circumstances, the home in his examination of the con- lies placed in high-poverty or highly more durable urban policy is compre- sequences of cumulative, multi-gen- segregated neighborhoods.” More- hensive and sustained place-based erational disadvantage. Perhaps more over, “these (Gautreaux) studies con- community development and afford- than any other, Chapter 5 of his book tinue to indicate that mobility out of able housing investment in communi- should stir outrage. It makes the on- Chicago’s ghetto seems to have been ties of disadvantage, albeit focused going debate between whether the beneficial —perhaps extremely ben- more on individual outcomes of government should continue to pur- eficial—for poor families.” The people living in such environments sue “place-based” community devel- weaker intervention in MTO produced than such policies have attended to in opment and low-income housing strat- less encouraging results, but he iden- the past. He acknowledges that it will egies, or expand tenant-based “mo- tifies the weaknesses in design and take more political will than has been bility “strategies, look indulgent. The implementation that could inform fu- demonstrated to date to achieve the question might more appropriately be ture initiatives. Even so, recent, more sustained and concerted activity nec- what legal causes of action are avail- in-depth MTO research is consistent essary for real change in neighbor- able to people who have been sub- with his basic conclusion—that sus- hoods of serious disadvantage; it is jected to these conditions for multiple tained exposure to low-poverty, more (Please turn to page 10)

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 9 (JULIAN: Continued from page 9) Politicians and across a city will never end well.” One Public Resistance might say the same thing about at- beyond peradventure that under the tempts to engineer economically and best of circumstances, the sort of Laws are passed and policies made racially homogeneous neighborhoods change required will take a great deal by people actively involved in the by isolating and containing large num- of time; and he acknowledges implic- political process. Politicians on both bers of Black Americans in high-pov- itly that without that political will there sides of the aisle, white and non- erty, severely disadvantaged geogra- is no reason to expect real change. So white, are products of the demo- phies. That has not ended so well ei- we are back to the future. graphic status quo. For obvious and ther, at least for those so contained. Why the reluctance to embrace not so obvious reasons, public policy The main difference is that the former expanded tenant-based mobility, even that creates opportunities for low-in- is not and has never been close to when it seems to satisfy Sharkey’s come minority families to move out being even momentary public policy, own criteria for a “durable” policy of high-poverty, segregated neighbor- but the latter has been de facto “du- component of urban policy? He gives hoods into housing in more affluent, rable urban policy” for the last 45 several reasons, including his view predominantly white neighborhoods is years. By setting up this false di- that not everyone wants to “move to not a cause many politicians will sup- chotomy, Sharkey fails to grapple with opportunity.” That is a straw man. port, much less champion. Sharkey’s the real public policy choices that Mobility proponents have consistently analysis of the challenges that would should be debated around housing mo- maintained that a decision to make a be involved in expanding residential bility programs— how to dramatically mobility move should be an informed expand existing “durable” desegrega- and voluntary choice, consistent with tion like the Gautreaux, Dallas and the view that housing mobility, at least Why the reluctance to Baltimore mobility programs to more for African-American families con- embrace expanded places in order to benefit hundreds of fined to the ghetto, is a civil right. tenant-based mobility? thousands of additional families (a And beyond that, we have not yet pro- much more feasible goal than vided a fraction of the opportunities mobility strategies underscores that Sharkey’s example), while working to needed for families who want to move reality—though his analysis does not design and implement the kind of to safer neighborhoods with improved reflect the actual scale of even our ambitious re-investments that he says schools. most ambitious housing mobility pro- are necessary to achieve similar re- He also cites more “pragmatic” grams. sults for the families who stay. reasons why tenant-based mobility In Chapter 6, Sharkey seeks to jus- As daunting as these political chal- may not be sufficiently politically pal- tify his ““rejection” of expansion of lenges are, there are even more pow- atable to qualify as a “durable” policy. tenant-based housing mobility as a erful interests that will continue to Those make more sense, though “durable urban policy” by invoking hold back housing mobility policy, Sharkey overstates his case. Any “suc- images of families moving out of the and we need to confront these directly cessful” program or policy for poor ghetto, “en masse.” He cautions ad- if we are to have any hope for progress people must figure out a way to make vocates of a more expansive residen- in this area. it a “win-win” for more powerful in- tial mobility program about seeking terests and constituencies. (Food “to disperse the ghetto population Stamps have the agriculture and food across a metropolitan area” because The “Affordable Housing retail industries; public housing con- such efforts would be “politically Industrial Complex” struction had the labor unions, etc.) hopeless” due to Americans’ prefer- Housing mobility strategies do not ences with regard to the race and class This is my term for the powerful serve the political interests of any tra- of their neighbors. He cites the pro- set of economic interests that has ditional constituency, certainly not posal of one Yale Law Professor to evolved over five decades and con- one with any power. Indeed, almost “offer” subsidies that “allow” every tinues to expand in poor communities by definition, mobility policy put the resident of poor, racially-segregated across the country. Public housing interests of low-income minority fami- neighborhoods to move to economi- created jobs for the construction lies at the top of the interests-served cally and racially-diverse neighbor- trades, the HUD-assisted privately fountain. People with power and in- hoods across the metropolitan area and owned housing programs (221d3 and fluence are not accustomed to having invokes the image of six million Black 236) created not only jobs, but per- to wait for their benefits to “trickle families from the ghettos invading the haps more importantly made many down.” Place-based policies, on the rest of the metropolitan area. He lec- political donors of both the Demo- other hand, do have influential con- tures that “attempts to engineer the cratic and Republican Parties wealthy. stituencies with interests. And that in- type of ‘ideal’ communities that policy Today, the Low Income Housing Tax fluence is reflected in the last 45 years analysts or academics envision by Credit program, the most sophisti- of public policy. moving large number of residents cated and complicated low-income

10 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 housing development program to date, CDC community has a long and rich efits of the very limited government takes the notion of “doing well by relationship with both the large phil- investments in housing mobility over doing good” to new levels. The big anthropic and progressive political the years, the fact is that mobility banks, the syndicators/investors, the communities that have influence on works pretty well for the families able government-supported “intermediar- policy and funding related to low-in- to make that choice. From Gautreaux, ies,” the developers, non-profit and come people and communities. Hous- to Dallas, to Baltimore the conclusion for-profit, all the related entities that ing mobility strategies are not consis- really is inescapable that low-income operate in that environment, and cer- tent with the CDC business models people of color who desire to do so tainly the law firms that represent developed over the past 40 years, and can effectively be assisted to move them, all make serious money on their change is not yet seen as desirable, from high-poverty neighborhoods of way to creating each unit of afford- though some CDCs have been explor- disadvantage to low-poverty ones of able housing for a low-income family ing more regional models. advantage. Sharkey’s research shows (and even then some resist the notion If Sharkey is right, the federal that when they do, and are able to that the lowest-income people can be government will and should continue remain in better environments for a served). While at least a segment of to primarily focus resources on en- sustained period of time, they and this industry sees the possibilities of hanced community development and their kids do better on a number of creating affordable housing opportu- revitalization strategies to improve “life chances” indicators. No, not nities in higher-opportunity areas for every kid from the ghetto goes to low-income people seeking to escape Sharkey revisits the Harvard in the first generation after a the poverty and distress of the ghetto, long-running people move, but from looking at Sharkey’s that is not the history of federal low- vs. places debate. data they are more likely to be alive, income housing development pro- be reasonably mentally healthy, and grams. The reasons for this continu- to graduate from high school, all of ing imbalance have been widely docu- conditions in the most distressed which are prerequisites to more am- mented, but suffice it to say HUD has neighborhoods and communities, bitious achievements. never complied with its obligation where current and future generations After 40 years waiting for “oppor- under the Fair Housing Act to require of low-income African-American chil- tunity to come to them,” perhaps it is that its low-income housing develop- dren are going to be born, grow up, reasonable if some people “stuck in ment programs affirmatively further live and die. I have spent a signifi- place” decide they want to “move to fair housing and address effectively cant part of my life as a poverty law- opportunity” that already exists else- the legacy of segregation and neglect yer representing people who live in where. Established interests on both of African Americans who need low- such communities, trying to address the right and the left do not see that income housing assistance. And to the history of social and economic dis- choice as one worthy of a federal pro- date the Department of Treasury, investment (and non-investment) by gram or policy. However, for those which regulates the LIHTC program, the public and private institutions in who disagree, Sharkey’s book really simply refuses to acknowledge that the communities in which I have makes the case for redoubling our ef- obligation. So, while not excusable, worked. While I am not as optimistic forts to give families, particularly it is perhaps not surprising that hous- as Sharkey about how those efforts those with children, a chance to live ing development, like any investment, are going to play out over the next in less disadvantaged places—now. In has taken the path of least resistance. two generations, I will continue to keeping with the current popular support real community revitalization “Transit Oriented Development” and redevelopment activities, and ad- theme, housing mobility should be Community Develop- vocacy to compel the commitment of advanced as a sort of 21st Century ment Institutions resources necessary to make such “Under-Ground Railroad,” drawing communities equal to the predomi- its resources and its support from pas- CDCs whose work is focused on a nantly white communities that have sionate “true believers” in the goal of specific urban geography rarely have always had those advantages. How- an open and inclusive society, and in an interest in supporting housing mo- ever, it is also important that we not the obligation to remedy the ongoing bility strategies. To the extent that conflate economic and community re- harms of Jim Crow segregation for small CDCs have aligned themselves vitalization with the development of African Americans whose lineage with the housing development indus- low-income housing in an already con- shares that history. try, they, perhaps more than the big- centrated neighborhood. The families with whom I and my ger players, have a stake in insuring Housing mobility as a public policy colleagues work on a daily basis are that housing development dollars, and choice inadvertently suggests a differ- not naive about the costs and benefits particularly developer fees, continue ent level of accountability for place- of moving into a new environment, to support housing development in the based strategies. In spite of efforts to which they know is filled with both communities in which they work. The ignore or deny the successes and ben- (Please turn to page 12)

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 11 (JULIAN: Continued from page 11 she could move where she probably low-performing school attendance won’t feel the need to do that. She zone. Because no one has told her. opportunities and risks. Our job is to knows that it may be a place where Not the Housing Authority, not the make sure they have all the informa- more white people live than she lives city, not the local “community lead- tion they need to make an informed near now, and it may be a place she ers,” not her caseworker, not HUD, choice, and the support to effectuate only has heard of. She may need to and certainly not anyone in the low- that choice if they decide to make the get her old clunker running, because income housing development commu- move. There is nothing like watching there is no reliable public transporta- nity. Sometimes, with that informa- a mom who says she is tired of hav- tion, and her kids may struggle, at tion, she chooses to stay, and some- ing to sit up all night to make sure no least initially, in a new and more de- times she chooses to move, but what- one breaks in her door, look at a map manding school. There will be other ever the choice, after she works with which shows her that she lives in an challenges, depending on personal and someone truly dedicated to making it area (and in a housing unit often built community circumstances. But until real, she knows she had one. Given by a federal low-income housing pro- she looked at that map, and talked to the unforgiving and unforgivable story gram) that the local police have des- a counselor, she didn’t know that her that Sharkey’s research tells, that is ignated as a crime “hot spot,” and then voucher would buy her a unit in a non- worth the effort.❏ showing her places on that map where crime hot spot, non-food desert, non-

(COLLEGES: Continued from page 2) two to almost five times as much per access to professional and mana- student as the open-access schools. gerial elites, and careers that system of racially separate pathways, Higher spending in the most selective bring personal and social em- even as overall minority access to the colleges leads to higher graduation powerment. postsecondary system has grown dra- rates, greater access to graduate and Access to the most selective 468 matically. The dual pathways in professional schools, and better eco- four-year colleges—and their greater postsecondary education are not only nomic outcomes in the labor market, completion rates—is especially impor- racially separate but they produce un- even compared with white, African- tant to African Americans and His- equal results, even among equally American and Hispanic students who panics, in part because attaining a BA qualified students. The authors find are equally qualified but attend less is an important threshold for racial that preparation for higher education competitive schools. equality in earnings. matters in allocating access and suc- • The completion rate for the 468 • African Americans and Hispan- cess at the most selective 468 colleges, most selective four-year colleges ics gain 21% earning advantages but it’s not the whole story. Differ- is 82%, compared with 49% for when they attend the more se- ences in access, completion and earn- two- and four-year open-access lective schools, compared to ings persist even among equally quali- colleges; 15% for whites who attend the fied whites, African Americans and • At top-tier colleges, students same colleges. Hispanics. who enrolled with SAT scores • African Americans and Latinos • More than 30% of African over 1000 obtain a graduate de- who attend one of the top 468 Americans and Hispanics with gree at a rate of 15%, compared colleges graduate at a rate of a high school grade point aver- with 3% similarly qualified stu- 73%, compared with a rate of age (GPA) higher than 3.5 go dents who attended a four-year 40%for equally qualified mi- to community colleges, com- open-access college; and norities who attend open-access pared with 22% of whites with • Thirty-five percent of students colleges. the same GPA. from top-tier schools obtain a College readiness is important in • Among students who score in graduate degree within 10 years explaining low completion rates, but the top half of test score distri- of obtaining a Bachelor’s de- preparation is not the whole story. bution (that is, high-scoring stu- gree, compared with 21% of stu- Virtually all of the increase in col- dents) in the nation’s high dents from the open-access lege dropouts and the slowdown in schools and attend college, 51% schools completions are concentrated in open- of white students get a BA or • Greater postsecondary resources access colleges, in substantial part higher, compared with 34% of and completion rates for white because they are too crowded and African-American students and students concentrated in the 468 underfunded. This dynamic leads to 32% of Hispanic students. most selective colleges confer significant loss of talent among both This polarization of the post- substantial labor market advan- minorities and lower income students. secondary system matters because re- tages, including more than $2 •More than 240,000 high-scoring sources matter. The 468 most selec- million dollars per student in students who come from the tive colleges spend anywhere from higher lifetime earnings, and bottom half of the income dis-

12 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 tribution do not get a two- or The education system is colorblind capstone for K-12 inequality and the four-year degree within eight in theory. In fact, the education sys- complex economic and social mecha- years of graduation from high tem operates, at least in part, as a sys- nisms that create it. The postsecond- school. The data show that tematic barrier to college for many ary system mimics and magnifies the roughly one in four (62,000) of minorities who finish high school un- racial and ethnic inequality in educa- these high-scoring/low-income prepared for college. Polarization by tional preparation it inherits from the students are African-American race and ethnicity in the nation’s K-12 system and then projects this or Hispanic. postsecondary system has become the inequality into the labor market.❏ • There are more than 111,000 high-scoring African Americans and Hispanics who do not achieve a two- or four-year de- (MARGINALIZATION: Cont. from page 4) trenchment of credit and of the ex- gree within eight years. If these pansion of homeownership will im- students had attended one of the color, but it does mean that they are pact all of us. If this is to be changed, top 468 colleges and graduated more willing to align with right-wing it will demand an understanding and at similar rates, 73% would have conservatives to work to weaken gov- recognition of the dynamics of struc- graduated. ernment in order to expand their pre- tural racialization in a more complete rogative. They are willing to use this way, which must also entail a race- So, what can be done? In combi- strategy to generate and shape struc- conscious response. nation, both race- and class-based af- tures that will support their power and We need to begin by recognizing firmative action can ensure that highly protect their wealth. that structural racialization does not qualified African-American, Hispanic For this reason, it was important require a racist actor, race-explicit and lower-income students gain ac- in the wake of the sub-prime crisis consciousness or even racial dispari- cess to well-funded and selective col- for the elites to assign the lion’s share ties. If the depressed life outcomes leges that lead to elite careers. of blame onto the “racial other”— are produced by structures, then end- But affirmative action is not enough rather than their own greed and ing conscious discrimination is of little to make more than a dent in the larger fraudulent practices—to support the consequence and might actually ex- systematic racial and class bias in the position that banks should not be regu- acerbate the negative impact of these core economic and educational mecha- lated and to fight federal efforts to structural dynamics by insulating the nisms. Affirmative action, whether it generate foreclosure relief using prin- status quo from intervention. In this is race- or class-based or some com- cipal modifications. Recall that the situation, we might need positive or bination of the two, can help out those Tea Party was sparked by Rick affirmative action to change and dis- who strive and overcome the odds, Santelli’s rant against the govern- rupt these patterns. We live in struc- yet does relatively little to change the ment’s HAMP program, which he tures powered often by unconscious odds themselves. said would “subsidize losers’ mort- behavior and long-standing habits. There are always African-Ameri- gages.” This blame activated not only The formation of habits and othering can, Hispanic and working-class hostility from the Tea Party and oth- at some level is human, and unavoid- strivers who beat the odds, but for the ers to efforts to support homeowners, able, but can be influenced. mass of disadvantaged people it is the but also to regulating the banks and, While disparities may be an expres- odds that count. The odds are stacked later, Obamacare. One consequence sion of structural inequalities, the ab- against African-American, Latino and is that Democrats are much less likely sence of disparities does not mean a low-income students. Disadvantage, to talk about race or to formally in- racially just society. While disparities like privilege, comes from a complex troduce solutions that would help may be diagnostic, they cannot be our network of mutually reinforcing eco- hard-hit communities. focus. Rather, our goal must be to nomic and educational mechanisms The result is that our response to foster structures that support positive that only can be dealt with through a the sub-prime credit crisis continues life outcomes untainted with racial multifaceted economic and educa- to create new, structurally racialized resentment or anxiety.❏ tional policy response. These eco- systems in place of the old. The re- nomic and educational mechanisms are colorblind and class-blind in theory but not in fact. They are nested Are you a federal employee? together in ways that make their com- bined negative effects mutually rein- Please consider contributing to PRRAC forcing, resilient and superficially le- through the Combined Federal Campaign! gitimate as racial and ethnic barri- ers to opportunity. Our 2013 CFC designation code is 11710

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 13 “Ground Truths” about Housing Discrimination Fred Freiberg

Since passage of the federal Fair ties, employs testers to investigate Some selectively advertise or refrain Housing Act 45 years ago, tens of housing discrimination and enforce from advertising available housing. thousands of “testing” investigations fair housing laws. After nearly four Most housing providers the FHJC has have been conducted. Testers are decades of supervising and participat- found engaging in discriminatory trained to pose as prospective buyers ing in thousands of testing investiga- practices based on race or national or renters for the purpose of obtain- tions across the nation, it is my view origin do not advertise on craigslist ing information about the practices of that certain “ground truths” about or in online or print media publica- housing providers (e.g., real estate housing discrimination, although tions that have a more public and gen- brokers, landlords, property manage- commonly known and extensively eral circulation. Some landlords do ment companies, etc.). Simulating documented, continue to be ignored not advertise at all and resort to word ordinary consumer behavior often or overlooked. This knowledge rarely of mouth, referrals from existing ten- makes it possible to discern whether informs our decision-making when it ants, or posting notices or signs that housing providers are complying with comes to allocating resources, con- will likely go unnoticed by minority fair housing laws. From these inves- ducting research or developing effec- populations. Some selectively adver- tigations, we have learned a lot about tive enforcement strategies for reduc- tise in publications targeted to specific how, where and why housing dis- ing the level of discrimination in our audiences based on race, ethnicity or crimination occurs. But do these col- nation’s housing markets. religion. lective insights into discriminatory Another way to avoid or minimize housing practices inform our current One way some housing contact with unwanted populations is policies, research and enforcement providers minimize to profile applicants or selectively re- efforts? spond to inquiries from the public. In an effort to understand our com- contact is to withhold The use of “linguistic profiling” to plex and changing weather patterns, or provide misleading screen out people who telephone, by meteorologists conduct sophisticated information. attempting to discern their race or modeling and analyze atmospheric national origin from their voice, is one conditions, historical patterns and sat- The ground truths about housing practice. As a security measure, some ellite renderings. But they also want discrimination give credence to what housing providers install cameras at to know, particularly during turbulent should be a fairly self-evident fact, the entrance to their buildings. This weather, what the situation looks like namely that most violators of fair technology can also be used by on- on the ground. Storm-chasers and housing laws try to elude detection. site agents for more nefarious pur- storm spotters are sometimes called That should not strike us as unusual. poses, to help them decide whether upon to provide valuable information Bank robbers wear masks to conceal or how to respond to in-person inquir- as a storm is occurring. Getting the their identity, and criminals wear ies once a person’s race or ethnicity “ground truths” about these storms gloves so as not to leave fingerprints. is observed. Testing has also docu- can keep us all safer in the future, as We all slow down when driving on a mented overt instances where on-site well as when these destructive weather highway as soon as we see a police agents literally peeked through cur- events are occurring. In developing vehicle with radar. We do not want tains or blinds to determine whether effective strategies to minimize col- our illegal conduct to be detected. We they should answer the door, depend- lateral damage and keep people safe do not need to stretch our imagina- ing upon the person’s race. In other in time of tumultuous weather events, tions to understand that housing pro- instances, testing has revealed that the “ground truths” help decision- viders who continue to violate fair owners or agents agree, over the makers understand what is happening housing laws also want to avoid get- phone, to meet prospective renters or and plan accordingly. ting caught in the act or having a com- buyers at a home or apartment build- I currently work for the Fair Hous- plaint filed against them. But it does ing and then drive by and do not stop ing Justice Center (FHJC), a regional mean that we need to consider the if they see that the person is not white. civil rights organization based in New nature of these practices when assess- One way some housing providers York City that, among other activi- ing the situation on the ground. minimize contact is to withhold or provide misleading information about themselves or their property. Blind Fred Freiberg (ffreiberg@fair Violators elude detection by avoid- ads in newspapers intentionally do not housingjustice.org) is Field Services ing or minimizing contact with un- disclose the address of the building Director at the -based wanted populations. or relevant information about the en- Fair Housing Justice Center. How do housing providers do this?

14 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 tity offering an apartment for rent. nual income or credit requirements, covers and often occurs with housing Some agents in New York assume etc.) and then, as applicants express providers who have adopted some of names other than their own when in- further interest and have additional the previously mentioned practices. teracting with people they do not want contact with the agent, the agent of- Whether the illegal discrimination to rent to. Recently, the FHJC con- fers to waive or reduce the stated re- involves conduct that dodges, conduct ducted tests at a suburban rental build- quirements for the more “desirable” that disqualifies, or conduct that is dis- ing where a man told an African- applicants. The unwanted applicants guised, violators have engineered American tester that he did not know leave, erroneously believing that fair many creative and effective techniques where the agent was or whether there and objective criteria simply disquali- for eluding detection. So what do we were any apartments available because fied them from consideration. do with this information? While any he was just doing some work around Residency preferences proliferate one of these housing provider prac- the building. A short time later, the in the New York area. They take dif- tices may not be dominant in the mar- same man identified himself as the ferent forms and are used by Housing ketplace, collectively these subtle or building agent and showed a white Authorities, subsidized housing devel- stealth practices limit the housing tester an available apartment. With- opments, tax credit housing, housing choices available to renter and holding identifying information, of- cooperatives, and other private hous- homebuyer populations protected by fering very little information or pro- ing providers. Some specify that a fair housing laws. The practical im- viding misleading information can plications of these ground truths is that make it extremely difficult for some- Violators have they create a pernicious self-sustain- one to later file a complaint. This is engineered many ing cycle in our metropolitan regions particularly true when a renter does and help to explain why we have made not know the agent is lying and has creative and effective only limited progress in reducing the no point of comparison. techniques for eluding level of housing discrimination, par- Finally, another way some build- detection. ticularly based on race and national ing owners avoid or minimize con- origin. The cycle operates in this tact with unwanted populations is to preference will be given to applicants manner: use real estate agents or management who currently “live or work” in a First, many violators employ prac- companies who implement their dis- community. Others prescribe that, to tices to effectively elude detection. criminatory preferences. It is rela- qualify, applicants must be related to Second, if consumers are unable to tively easy for real estate brokers and someone in a community or be refer- detect the discrimination, it will not management companies that maintain enced by people who already live in be reported. a large inventory of housing to steer the development. FHJC investigations Third, if discrimination is not re- applicants to or away from available have found that many times these ported, no enforcement action will housing based on their race or national “preferences” have a discriminatory result. origin. Some agents take pride in the impact, are not applied equally, or are Finally, if there is no enforcement fact that they can find housing for ev- not really preferences at all, but in- action, illegal discrimination contin- eryone who contacts them, while stead operate as discriminatory resi- ues. strictly complying with the discrimi- dency requirements in predominantly The lynchpin to breaking this cycle natory preferences of individual own- white communities. and reducing illegal housing discrimi- ers. Unsuspecting renters or buyers nation is to pursue public policies, have no way to know that they were Violators elude detection by mask- research designs and enforcement not shown the full range of available ing their discriminatory conduct. strategies that take into account the housing options. How do housing providers do this? ground truths I described. One way is to provide friendly, cour- For fair housing enforcement pro- Violators elude detection by un- teous and helpful treatment in all ini- fessionals, these ground truths point equally applying facially neutral tial contacts, even if it involves lying to at least two obvious conclusions: policies to exclude or disqualify un- to or deceiving prospective applicants 1. A purely complaint-driven ap- wanted populations. on the basis of their race, color or proach to enforcing fair housing laws How do housing providers do this? national origin. I have talked for years will never lead to substantial reduc- Some initially tell everyone about a about the need to replace our image tions in illegal housing discrimination. set of stringent requirements, qualifi- of housing discrimination as a 2. A balanced and effective en- cations, terms or procedures for rent- “slammed door” with a “revolving forcement strategy must include a ing an apartment or buying a home door” where people are politely and more strategic use of resources to (e.g., high rents; excessive applica- courteously escorted in, out of and conduct pro-active testing investiga- tion fees, security deposits or ultimately away from the desired tions aimed at documenting systemic downpayments; intrusive background housing. This is the most prevalent housing discrimination. checks; long waiting lists; steep an- form of discrimination that testing un- (Please turn to page 16)

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 15 (HOUSING: Continued from page 15) providers and property management enforcement scheme, foundations and companies that control access to multi- private donors must step up and pro- By committing more resources to family buildings be licensed and regu- vide more resources to support sys- and placing a greater emphasis on tar- lated by states? Should the federal temic testing aimed at combatting per- geted and pro-active systemic testing government conduct a nationwide re- sistent and pervasive housing dis- investigations, we could significantly view of how residency preferences are crimination in our metropolitan re- accelerate reductions in the level of being implemented by local commu- gions. housing discrimination in our nation nities, Housing Authorities and other We must never lose sight of the fact and remove many of the barriers to housing providers who receive fed- that housing discrimination inflicts housing choice that continue to harm eral subsidies, to determine if they substantial harm on individuals, fami- our communities. discriminate against protected popu- lies and communities. Housing dis- For researchers, we need research lations, concentrate poverty and per- crimination is an impediment to that is focused on topics and issues achieving the type of robust competi- that will help reduce housing discrimi- Housing discrimina- tion that characterizes an open or free nation. For instance, can publicly market. It limits the opportunity for available data (e.g. population char- tion represents an inter-group contact that can reduce acteristics, advertising practices, attack on our biases, stereotypes and prejudices. It housing characteristics, etc.) be used democratic values. restricts populations from gaining ac- to develop useful algorithms or mod- cess to areas that may offer greater els that might aid enforcement agen- petuate residential ? educational, employment or other op- cies to better identify communities and Even though housing discrimina- portunities. Housing discrimination housing providers of interest for sys- tion is underreported by government reinforces a host of inequalities that temic testing investigations? Research enforcement agencies and underesti- continue to undermine social cohesion that leads to a more strategic use of mated by researchers, decision-mak- and impose enormous costs on our scarce public resources might improve ers in private philanthropy need to nation. the effectiveness of fair housing law understand this is not a social prob- The essential sense of feeling fully enforcement programs. In contrast, lem that was “solved” by the passage enfranchised or belonging to a soci- the recently released HUD-sponsored of fair housing laws. Housing dis- ety is diminished when you find that 2012 Housing Discrimination Study crimination remains a significant bar- your ability to obtain housing is go- fails to live up to its stated promise of rier to mobility and a potent force that ing to turn on your race, color, na- producing a “current national estimate continues to limit opportunity and di- tional origin, disability or other ille- of discrimination against Blacks, His- vide our communities. To those who gal factors. It devalues the inherent panics, and Asians in rental and sales allocate funding and resources to ad- worth of individuals and entire popu- markets nationwide.” Although of- dress the persistent and systemic is- lations when such a basic human ne- fering some interesting insights, the sues of poverty and inequality in our cessity as shelter is denied for these sampling methods, testing protocols metropolitan regions, these grounds reasons. Housing discrimination rep- and analysis employed by HDS 2012 truths portend serious challenges and resents an attack on our democratic underestimate and overlook many dis- require an equally serious response. values, and reducing it must, once criminatory practices. We must en- So long as government pursues a again, become a major domestic pri- sure that the ground truths that ema- wholly inadequate complaint-driven ority for our nation.❏ nate from decades of testing investi- gations and enforcement activity bet- ter inform the national research Recent regulatory comments and advocacy agenda on fair housing. available at www.prrac.org Policymakers and government of- ficials would also benefit from explor- Comments on HUD’s proposed Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing ing some of these ground truths to rule (September 2013) determine if new laws or regulations Comments on changes to the proposed Civil Rights Data Collection, could curtail the subterfuge that some U.S. Dept. of Education (August 2013) housing consumers encounter during their search for housing. For instance, Comments on changes to HUD’s Affirmative Fair Housing Marketing should the government better regulate Plan (June 2013) and more closely monitor how hous- “Continuation and Expansion of the Low Income Housing Tax Credit” ing is advertised and marketed for rent (May 2013) or sale and require disclosure of the entity making the housing available “Improving the Choice Neighborhoods Program” (May 2013) to consumers? Should rental housing

16 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 Same-Sex Marriage: the Supreme Court Chose States Rights Over Equal Rights

Peter Dreier

Should the states decide whether Supreme Court was far behind public when half the states still had laws pro- black Americans can marry white opinion on same-sex marriage. It is hibiting interracial marriage, 96% of Americans? hard to see how the legal case for Americans opposed black-white mar- Today, that idea seems absurd. same-sex marriage is any different, riages. By 1967, when the Supreme Most Americans believe that states but the Supreme Court chose to ad- Court decided the Loving v Virginia shouldn't be allowed to trample the vocate states' rights over equal rights. case, 16 states still had anti-miscege- basic right of interracial couples to Nevertheless, advocates of same- nation laws on the books. More shock- marry—even if a majority of people sex marriage are rightly celebrating. ing, 72% of the American public still in a state want to do so. It would be The June rulings did represent a ma- opposed interracial marriages. unfair—a clear violation of equal jor victory for social justice. The rights. That's one reason we have a It wasn't until the 1990s that even federal government. battleground now moves to the states. half of Americans said they approved But that’s exactly what the Supreme of marriage between blacks and Court did in June. Its two rulings— The Court chose to whites. In 2011, the most recent poll overturning the federal Defense of advocate states’ rights on the topic, 96% of black Americans Marriage Act (DOMA) and invalidat- over equal rights. and 84% of white Americans sup- ing California’s Proposition 8 (which ported interracial marriage. It may be banned same-sex marriage) on tech- shocking to some that 16% of white Americans still disapprove of inter- nical grounds—reflect the basic con- In the past year alone, six states have racial marriages, but the shift in pub- servatism of the Roberts Court. They legalized gay marriage, bringing the lic opinion over five decades has been stopped short of proclaiming same-sex total number to 13 states, including steady, irreversible and overwhelm- marriage a basic right. They left it to California. In contrast, 29 states now ing. Equally important, 97% of the states to determine whether gay have constitutional amendments defin- Americans younger than 30 support Americans have the same right to ing marriage as between a man and a interracial marriage. marry as their straight counterparts. woman. There's no doubt that in the In 1967, the Supreme Court jus- Compare this to the Supreme near future, gay activists and their tices, no doubt influenced by the Civil Court’s bold 1967 ruling in Loving v straight allies will persuade many Rights Movement, ruled that states did Virginia, which knocked down state states to overturn those laws and le- not have the right to ban marriage anti-miscegenation laws. At the time, galize same-sex marriage, but the fact between people of different races. "states' rights" was the justification that they will have to do so on a state- They based their ruling on the 14th used by Southern racists to defend Jim by-state basis reflects the Supreme Amendment's "equal protection" and Crow laws, including school segre- Court's essential conservatism. "due process" clauses. gation, in res- The battles to end prohibitions on The case was filed by an interra- taurants and buses, severe limits on interracial marriage and same-sex cial couple— Mildred Jeter Loving, a voting by African Americans, and marriage were not simply legal mat- black woman, and Richard Loving, a bans on interracial marriage. Back ters fought out in the courts. They white man—who lived in Central then, the Supreme Court was ahead were part of broad social movements Point in rural Virginia. Two movies of public opinion regarding interra- that involved a variety of protest tac- about the Lovings' case—Mr. and Mrs. Loving (a 1996 made-for-TV cial marriage. In June, the cautious tics that injected the issues into the dramatic film) and The Loving Story public debate and challenged Ameri- (a 2011 documentary)—make clear cans’ cherished views. The legal strat- Peter Dreier ([email protected]) is that the Lovings were not civil rights Professor of Politics and chair of the egy was part of a wider arsenal of tools activists. They were a humble work- Urban and Environmental Policy De- used to bring about change. ing-class couple who simply wanted partment at Occidental College. His In 1948, the California Supreme to live as husband and wife and raise latest book is The 100 Greatest Ameri- Court legalized interracial marriage their three children in Virginia, where cans of the 20th Century: A Social in Perez v Sharp. It was the first state they were born and where they and Justice Hall of Fame, published by to do so. At the time, most Ameri- their extended families lived. Nation Books. cans opposed the idea. Ten years later, (Please turn to page 18)

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 17 (MARRIAGE: Continued from page 17) rate continents. And but for the in- reach the U.S. Supreme Court. In the terference with his arrangement interim years, the Civil Rights Move- In June 1958, they drove 90 miles there would be no cause for such ment galvanized America and stirred and got married in Washington, DC, marriages. The fact that he sepa- its conscience about racial injustice. to circumvent Virginia's Racial Integ- rated the races shows that he did Congress passed the Civil Rights Act rity Act of 1924, which made interra- not intend for the races to mix." and the Voting Rights Act. Change cial marriage a crime. The local po- On Jan. 6, 1959, the Lovings was in the air. lice raided their home at night, hop- pled guilty and Bazile sentenced The Supreme Court at the time in- ing to find them having sex, which them to one year in prison. The cluded two conservative Republicans was also a crime in Virginia if it was judge said he'd suspend their sen- (John Harlan and Potter Stewart), a performed by an interracial couple. tence if they agreed to leave the moderate Democrat (Byron White), The cops found the Lovings in bed. state for 25 years. They agreed and and two Southerners (former KKK Mrs. Loving showed them their mar- moved to Washington, DC. member Hugo Black of Alabama and riage certificate on the bedroom wall. In November 1963, the Lovings Tom Clark of Texas, both Demo- That was used as evidence that they crats), as well as three solid liberal had violated Virginia's law. The The 1924 Virginia law Democrats (William Douglas, Will- Lovings were charged with "cohabit- endorsed the doctrine iam Brennan and Abe Fortas). Chief ing as man and wife, against the peace of white supremacy. Justice Earl Warren, a moderate Re- and dignity of the Commonwealth." publican as California Governor who In his ruling, Leon M. Bazile, the became a liberal on the Court, used Virginia trial judge, wrote: filed a motion in the state trial court his persuasive skills to engineer a "Almighty God created the races to reverse the sentence on the grounds unanimous decision. In deciding the white, black, yellow, malay and that it violated the Constitution's 14th Loving case, the justices no doubt rec- red, and he placed them on sepa- Amendment. It took four years to ognized that, despite the fact that many Americans still opposed inter- Recommendations for Further Information racial marriage, the tide of history was turning, and they wanted to be on the Loving v Virginia right side. Decided June 12, 1967 – U.S. Supreme Court Warren penned the opinion for the http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=US&vol=388&invol=1 Court, noting that the Virginia law endorsed the doctrine of white su- Films: premacy. He wrote: The Loving Story (2011 documentary film - 77 mins.) "Marriage is one of the 'basic Directed by Nancy Buirski, produced by Nancy Buirski & Elisabeth Haviland, Cc- civil rights of man,' fundamental produced by HBO Documentary Films. Website: http://lovingfilm.com to our very existence and survival. . . . To deny this fundamental free- Teaching Guide from Southern Poverty Law Center dom on so unsupportable a basis http://www.tolerance.org/sites/default/files/general/The%20Loving%20Story% 20Study%20Guide_0.pdf as the racial classifications embod- ied in these statutes, classifications Mr. and Mrs. Loving (1996 made-for-TV dramatic film – 105 mins.) so directly subversive of the prin- Written & directed by Richard Friedenberg. Starring Ruby Dee, Timothy Hutton, ciple of equality at the heart of the Lela Rochon. Fourteenth Amendment, is surely Readings: to deprive all the State's citizens of liberty without due process of Kate Sheppard, "'The Loving Story': How an Interracial Couple Changed a Na- law. The Fourteenth Amendment tion", Mother Jones, Feb. 13, 2012 requires that the freedom of choice Sister M. Annella, “Interracial Marriages in Washington, D.C.,” Journal of Ne- to marry not be restricted by in- gro Education, Vol. 36, No. 4, August 1967: 428-33 vidious racial discrimination. Un- Peggy Pascoe, "Miscegenation Law, Court Cases, and Ideologies of 'Race' in Twentieth-Century America," Journal of American History, Vol. 83, No. 1, der our Constitution, the freedom 1996: 44–69 to marry, or not marry, a person Rachel F. Moran, Interracial Intimacy: The Regulation of Race and Romance (Univ. of another race resides with the in- of Chicago Press, 2001) dividual and cannot be infringed by Michael J. Klarman, From the Closet to the Altar: Courts, Backlash, and the Struggle the State." for Same-Sex Marriage (Oxford Univ. Press, 2012) Re-read Chief Justice Warren's Jason Pierceson, Same-Sex Marriage in the United States: The Road to the Su- words. Then substitute same-sex mar- preme Court (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2013) riage for interracial marriage and see if his views are any less compelling.

18 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 Most Americans would now agree that 2010, that figure had increased to cans. Three years ago, 66% of Amer- to deny gays and lesbians the right to 76%. In 1994, 40% of Americans icans ages 65 and older opposed marry is, as Warren put it, "directly believed that people choose to be gay, same-sex marriage. This year, 55% subversive of the principle of equal- and in 2004, 33% thought so. This of that age group oppose gay mar- ity at the heart of the Fourteenth year, 62% of those surveyed agreed riage, 44% support it and 6% have Amendment." Today's version of that "being homosexual is just the way no opinion. anti-miscegenation laws are those that they are," while only 24% believed In 1967, the Warren Supreme prohibit same-sex marriage. that "being homosexual is something Court boldly ignored prevailing pub- When the Supreme Court issued its that people choose to be." lic opinion and overturned state bans Loving v Virginia ruling, many white In 1993, only 44% of Americans on interracial marriage on the Americans believed that African believed that gays should be allowed grounds that they violated the 14th Americans were inferior people. to openly serve in the military, ac- Amendment. But in June, when it Some Americans today have similarly cording to a Washington Post/ABC came to same-sex marriage, the Rob- bigoted views about gay people, also News poll. Three years ago, more erts Supreme Court chose to be on justified on religious grounds and with than 75% thought so. In 2010, Presi- the side of "states' rights" caution reference to what they believe the dent Obama signed legislation ending rather than on the side of "equal pro- Bible says and what God wants. You the 17-year "don't ask, don't tell" tection" for all. could hear these beliefs echoed by the policy. The tide of public opinion has al- lawyers and some of the witnesses Public support for gay marriage has ready turned, and there's no going staking out the anti-gay marriage side hit a new high and will no doubt con- back. Even a growing number of Re- in the Proposition 8 trial in Califor- tinue to expand. According to a re- publican politicians are reversing nia. You can still hear them on con- cent Washington Post/ABC News course and jumping on this band- servative talk radio shows and among poll, 58% of Americans now believe wagon. Soon, conservative politi- the protesters in front of the Supreme it should be legal for gay and lesbian cians and groups will no longer be Court building in June, claiming to couples to get married; 36% say it able to use gay marriage as a defend the institution of marriage. should be illegal. Only 10 years ago, "wedge" issue to stir controversy and But the number of Americans who those numbers were reversed, with win elections. When children born hold anti-gay views is rapidly shrink- 37% favoring same-sex marriage and this year reach voting age 18 years ing. More and more people have con- 55%opposed. Among Americans ages from now, they will take same-sex fronted their own values and views 18 to 29, support for gay marriage is marriage for granted. And they will about a subject that was once taboo in overwhelming, hitting a record high surely wonder how it was even pos- their own lifetimes. In 1992, only of 81% in the new poll, up from 65% sible that America once deprived 52% of Americans said that they knew just three years ago. Support has also gays and lesbians of the right to someone who is gay or lesbian. By been increasing among older Ameri- marry.❏ Resources

Most Resources are indicated). Orders may not • “Race & Beyond: Studies at Univ. N. available directly from the be placed by telephone or Remembering the Many Carolina-Chapel Hill. issuing organization, either fax. Please indicate from Voices at the March on Available (no price given) on their website (if given) or which issue of P&R you are Washington,” by Sam from 919/962-3074, via other contact informa- ordering. Fullwood III (July 2013), is [email protected], tion listed. Materials available (no price given) http://curs.unc.edu [14172] published by PRRAC are Race/Racism from the Center for available through our American Progress, 1333 H • "The Color of Law: website: www.prrac.org • The Tribal Moment in St. NW, 10th flr., Wash., Voting Rights and the American Politics: The DC 20005 [14169] Southern Way of Life," by Prices include the shipping/ Struggle for Native Louis Menand, is an handling (s/h) charge when American Sovereignty, by • "Memory and Mobil- excellent 9-page background this information is provided Christine K. Gray (230 pp., ity: Place, Race and to & description of the 1965 to PRRAC. “No price 2013, $85—but available as Remembrance in Voting Rights Act, in the listed” items often are free. e-book as well), has been America's Historic Black July 8 & 15, 2013 New When ordering items from published by Alta Mira Towns" is a short article in Yorker. [14175] PRRAC: SASE = self- Press, https://rowman.com/ CURS Update, Summer addressed stamped envelope ISBN/9780759123809 2013, the publication of the • Jobs, Freedom and the (46¢ unless otherwise [14160] Ctr. for Urban & Regional Forgotten History of Civil

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 19 Rights, by William P. Jones Haymarket Books, PO Box was an Aug. 16, 2013 Ottawa, to appear in a (320 pp., July 2013, 180165, Chicago, IL event, organized by the forthcoming issue of J. of $26.95), has been published 60618, 773/583-7884, Rosa Luxemburg Fdn. and Economic Perspectives. by W.W. Norton. The book www.haymarketbooks.org held at Harlem's Schomberg Corak is reachable at 613/ focuses on the March's [14194] Ctr. for Research in Black 562-5800, x4648, radical roots. [14177] Culture. Participants [email protected] • The Political Economy included Dottie Zellner, [14230] • "9 Ways to Organize of Racism, by Melvin Dick Gregory & others. Inf. the Next Civil Rights Leiman ($22), has been from [email protected], • The 2013 Opportunity Movement," by Carl published by Haymarket www.rosalux-nyc.org Finance Network Conf. Gibson (July 2013), is Books, PO Box 180165, [14176] will be held Oct. 15-18, available (possibly free) Chicago, IL 60618, 773/ 2013 in Philadelphia. Inf. from Nation of Change, 583-7884, www. • "Levels of Racism: A from markpinsky@ 800/803-6045, info@ haymarketbooks.org Theoretical Framework opportunity finance.org nationofchange.org [14179] [14197] and a Gardener's Tale" [14215] appeared in the Amer. J. of • “And don't call ME a • My People Are Rising: Public Health, vol. 90, racist! A treasury of quotes Memoir of a Black 2000, 14 pp. Available at Education on the past, present, and Panther, by Party Captain http://ajph.apha publica- future of the color line in ($17.95), has been pub- tions. org/do/pdf/10.2105/ • Rethinking Mathemat- America,” selected and lished by Haymarket Books, AJPH.90.8.1212 [14210] ics: Teaching Social Justice arranged by Ella Mazel PO Box 180165, Chicago, by the Numbers, eds. Eric (162 pp., 1998), was IL 60618, 773/583-7884, • "Blacks, Jews, and (Rico) Gutstein & Bob published by Argonaut www.haymarketbooks.org Social Justice in America," Peterson (286 pp., ex- Press in Lexington, Mass. [14200] sponsored by and at the panded 2nd ed., 2013, Over 1,000 quotes, divided Brandeis American Studies $24.95), has been published into 3 secs.: Past/Present/ • The Nation's Longest Program, will be held June by Rethinking Schools, 414/ Future, and attributed to/ Struggle: Looking Back On 10-12, 2014. Dec. 1 964-9646, kris@ sourced from (and indexed the Modern Civil Rights deadline for paper and panel rethinkingschools.org by) over 200 well-known Movement is a book done proposals, to [14186] figures—e.g., Arthur Ashe, by Wisconsin high school amstconference2014@ Julian Bond, Bill Clinton, students—has a lot of SNCC brandeis.edu [14227] • Striking Back in Lani Guinier, MLK, Paul interviews in it. $29.95, Chicago: How Teachers Robeson, Toni Morrison. from D.C Everest Sr. HS, Took on City Hall and Great collection. Most attn: Paul Aleckson, 6500 Pushed Back Education likely out of print, maybe Alderson St., Weston, WI Civil Rights "Reform", by Lee Sustar available as used book via 54476 [14207] (220 pp., Nov. 2013, $16), Internet. [14189] History is available from Haymarket • Julian Bond: Reflec- Books, PO Box 180165, • The Speech: The Story tions on the Civil Rights • A Freedom Budget for Chicago, IL 60618, 973/ Behind Dr. Martin Luther Movement is a 34-min. All Americans: Recapturing 583-7884, www. hay King's Dream, by Gary biographical sketch film by the Promise of the Civil marketbooks.org [14191] Younge (180 pp., Aug. Eduardo Montes-Bradley. Rights Movement in the 2013, $18.95), has been Joan Browning, a civil Struggle for Economic • The Future of Our published by Haymarket rights activist from way Justice Today, by Paul Schools: Teachers Unions Books, PO Box 180165, back, says, "It is fabulous!" LeBlanc & Michael D. and Social Justice, by Lois Chicago, IL 60618, 773/ DVD available from Yates (297 pp., 2013, Weiner ($16), has been 583-7884, www. Amazon (search “Julian $16.95), has been published published by Haymarket haymarketbooks.org Bond”), $29.99 + s/h; by Monthly Review Press, Books, PO Box 180165, [14190] $200 for teachers’ edition. 146 W. 29th St., #6W, Chicago, IL 60618, 773/ [14209] NYC, NY 10001, 800/670- 583-7884, www. • The Black Panthers 9499 [14168] haymarketbooks.org Speak (328 pp., Sept. 2013, • The March on Wash- [14204] $19) has been published by ington for Jobs and Haymarket Books, PO Box Freedom, by Bruce Economic/ • Schooling in Capitalist 180165, Chicago, IL Hartford (2012), is avail- America: Educational 60618, 773/583-7884, able as a Kindle book or can Community Reform and the Contradic- www.haymarketbooks.org be read on a computer— Development tions of Economic Life, by [14193] contact [email protected] Samuel Bowles & Herbert for instrucs. Available from • "Immobile, unequal" Gintis ($22), has been • The Black Power Amazon too. [14223] is the heading of a short published by Haymarket Mixtape, 1967-1975, ed. item in Left Business Books, PO Box 180165, Goran Hugo Olsson (192 • "Freedom '63 Re- Observer, recommending an Chicago, IL 60618, 773/ pp., June 2013, $21.95), mixed: Legacies of the article by economics Prof. 583-7884, www. haymarket has been published by March on Washington" Miles Corak of the Univ. of books.org [14205]

20 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • "Blacks & Jews: Environment Health Market" (22 pp., 2013) is Refugee Scholars at Black available (no price given) Colleges"—about the 1930s • "Political Economy of • "Race can be Crucial from the Equal Rights flight of Jewish intellectuals the Environment," co- in Transplant Cases" was Center, 11 Dupont Circle from Nazi Germany, so sponsored by the Union of a long, interesting article in NW, #450, Wash., DC they could resume their Radical Political Econom- the Aug. 6, 2013 Wash. 20036, www.equalrights teaching careers—was held ics & New Politics, will be Post, describing many ways center.org [14171] at the Maret School (Wash., held Oct. 5, 2013 at St. non-whites face greater DC) June 18, 2013, Francis College in difficulties regarding • "The Nation's Home sponsored by Operation Brooklyn. Inf. from Bruce several important health Foreclosure Crisis: There Understanding, reachable at Rosen, [email protected] issues. [14188] is a Solution" is a short 3000 Conn. Ave. NW, [14221] article in CURS Update, #335, Wash., DC 20008, • "State-by-state fact Summer 2013, the publica- 202/234-6832, www.oudc. sheets" & "Health Care tion of the Ctr. for Urban & org [14157] Changes Wizard" are 2 Regional Studies at Univ. Families/ new (Aug. 2013) HHS N. Carolina-Chapel Hill. • "Institute for Equity, publications to assist in Available (no price given) Effectiveness and Excel- Women/ outreach & education from 919/962-3074, lence at Hispanic Serving Children around the Affordable Care urbanstudies@ Institutions," sponsored by Act. Inf. from Amy mail.unc.edu, http:// the Univ. So. Calif. Ctr. for • "Diverse Children: Smoucha, Field Dir., curs.unc.edu [14173] Urban Education, will be Race, Ethnicity, Immi- Families USA: field@ held Oct. 11, 2013 at the gration in America's familiesusa.org [14212] • "Housing Instability: Center. Inf. at 213/740- Non-Majority Nation," A Continuum of Risk" (8 5202, cue.usc.edu [14206] by Donald Hernandez & • "The First Rebellious pp., July 2013) is available Jeffrey S. Napierala (July Nursing! Conference" will (possibly free) from the 2013), from the Founda- be held Sept. 27-29, 2013 Inst. for Children, Poverty Employment/ tion for Child Develop- in Philadelphia. Inf. from & Homelessness, 44 Cooper Labor/Jobs ment, is available (no [email protected] Sq., 4th flr., NYC, NY price given) from [14213] 10003, [email protected] Policy [email protected] [14165] [14180] • "Partnering Toward a • “On Raising the • "Sequestration: The Healthier Future: Ad- • Race, Riots and Minimum Wage” is a Impact on the Most At- dressing Disparities in Revolution: Black Housing short, well-done facts & Risk Population -- Native Behavioral Health" is a in the 1960s, by Keeanga- arguments publication of Youth" (11 pp., May Dec. 3, 2013 conference, Yamahtta Taylor ($16), has Smart Talk, available 2013), from The Aspen sponsored by the Univ. of been published by (likely free) from the Inst. Institute's Center for Maryland Center on Health Haymarket Books, PO Box for America's Future, 1825 Native American Youth, is Disparities, 301/315-3677. 180165, Chicago, 60618, K St. NW, #400, Wash., available (no price given) Former Surgeon General 773/583-7884, www. DC 20006, 202/955-5665, from the Center, One David Satcher is the haymarketbooks.org www.ourfuture.org [14170] Dupont Circle, #700, keynote speaker. [14162] [14198] Wash., DC 20036-1133, • Jobs With Justice: 25 202/736-2905, cnay@ • Right to Housing: The Years, 25 Voices, eds. Eric aspeninstitute.org [14166] Housing American Bar Assn. House Larson, Larry Cohen, Rev. of Delegates, on Aug. 12, Calvin Morris & Sarita • "227,000 Names on 2013, passed a resolution Gupta (Aug. 2013, 192 pp., Food/ List Vie for Rare Vacan- calling on the U.S. govern- $15.95), has been published cies in Public Housing" ment at all levels to by PM Press, 510/658- Nutrition/ was a long, detailed article implement the human right 3906, [email protected] Hunger in the July 7, 2013 NY to housing. Inf. from Elaine [14178] Times, about how the MacPherson at the Natl. nation's largest housing Law Ctr. on Homelessness • A Place at the Table authority manages admis- & Poverty, 202/638-2535, • "Why We Need a New is a powerful new (2013?) Civil Rights and Labor sions. Available at http:// [email protected] film documenting the www.nytimes.com/2013/ [14224] Movement," by Mark nation's hunger crisis, the Vorpahl, is an Aug. 2013 07/24/nyregion/for-many- 50 million Americans seeking-public-housing-the- • "Solutions 2013," a op-ed, available (likely free) struggling to put food on from Nation of Change, wait-can-be-endless.htm national conf. on state & the table. Contact ARISE l?hp&_r=02 [14159] local housing policy, [email protected] in Montgomery, AL, [14220] sponsored by the Natl. which showed the film • "Precaucion: Ob- Housing Conf. & the Ctr. June 6, 2013, 256/533- stacles for Latinos in the for Housing Policy, will be 6083, daleclem@knology. Virginia Rental Housing held Sept. 16-18, 2013 in net for inf. [14158] Atlanta. Inf. from

Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 • 21 [email protected] [14217] Miscellaneous • "Five Options in an Job Era of Stalemate, Stagna- • "Upward mobility tion and Decay," by Gar Opportunities/ Immigration varies geographically" was Alperovitz (Aug. 2013), is Fellowships/ the description of a 2013(?) available (likely free) from Grants • No One Is Illegal: study from the Equality of The Democracy Collabora- Fighting Racism and State Opportunity Project, by Raj tive, 6930 Carroll Ave., • The Equal Rights Violence on the U.S.- Chetty, Nathaniel Hendren, #501, Takoma Park, MD Center (Wash., DC) is Mexico Border, by Mike Patrick Kline & Emmanuel 20912. The 5 (analysis of hiring a Testing & Special Davis & Justin Akers Saez. Inf. from chetty@ them at Truthout) are: A Projects Mgr. Ltr./ Chacon ($18), has been fas.harvard.edu, info@ New Progressive Realign- Resume/Refs. to published by Haymarket equality-of-opportunity.org ment? Build a Movement; MRothstein@ Books, PO Box 180165, [14161] Go Local; Friendly equalrightscenter.org Chicago, IL 60618, 773/ Fascism; Revolutionary [14150] 583-7884, www. • "All-In Nation," by Reconstruction. [14214] haymarketbooks.org Vanessa Cardenas & Sarah • Colorado Legal [14202] Treuhaft (266 pp., July • Focus -- now available 2013), a joint collaboration only electronically -- in its Services is seeking a f.t. between the Center for Spring/Summer 2013 issue Supervising Atty. for their Rural American Progress & features articles on health, Denver office Housing PolicyLink, is available (no savings, Empowerment Rights & Homeless Prevention Unit. Ltr./ • Appalactions is the price listed) from Zones, jobs, work condi- resume to Carol Germano, quarterly(?) newsletter of progress@ tions. Inf. from the Univ. of CLS, 1905 Sherman St., the Appalachian Community americanprogress.org Wisconsin Inst. on Race & #400, Denver, CO 80203, Fund. Contact them at 507 [14167] Poverty, irpfocusalert@ [email protected] S. Gay St., #1120, Knox- ssc.wisc.edu [14216] [14208] ville, TN 37902 [14154] • In Solidarity: Essays on Working-Class Organiza- • The Activist's Hand- • The Center for • Transforming Places: tion and Strategy in the book: Winning Social Effective Government Lessons from Appalachia, United States, by Kim Change in the 21st (DC) seeks an energetic, eds. Stephen L. Fisher & Moody (328 pp., Dec. Century-2nd ed., by Randy skilled Online Communi- Barbara Ellen Smith 2013, $22), is being Shaw (2013), has just been cations Manager to manage (2013[?], $30), has been published by Haymarket published by Univ. Calif. and implement its online published by Univ. of Books, PO Box 180165, Press. Available from them communications strategy. Illinois Press, www.press. Chicago, IL 60618, 773/ & Amazon. [14219] Ltr./resume/writing sample/ illinois.edu [14156] 583-7884, www. haymarketbooks.org graphics samples to [14192] [email protected].

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22 • Poverty & Race • Vol. 22, No. 5 • September/October 2013 “Realizing the objectives of the 1968 Fair Housing Act has long been considered one of the most critical pieces of unfinished business of the civil rights movement. From Foreclosure to Fair Lending shows us what needs to be done to achieve those goals. Hartman and Squires have assembled the nation’s leading fair housing advocates and scholars. Given the continu- ing fallout of the foreclosure debacle, the timing could not be better for this book.” — Ben Jealous, President, NAACP

From Foreclosure to Fair Lending Advocacy, Organizing, Occupy, and the Pursuit of Equitable Credit

FOREWORD Undoing the Bitter Legacy of Segregation and Discrimination by Douglas S. Massey, Princeton University

INTRODUCTION Occupy Wall Street: A New Wave of Fair Housing Activism? by Gregory D. Squires and Chester Hartman

THE ACTIVISTS The More Things Change, the More They Stay the Same: Race, Risk, and Access to Credit in a Changing Market NEW BOOK edited by by Debby Goldberg and Lisa Rice, National Fair Housing Alliance Chester Hartman & Gregory D. Squires Onward and Upward: The Fight to Ensure Equal Access to Credit via the Federal Foreword by Douglas S. Massey Housing Administration by David Berenbaum and Katrina S. Forrest, National Community Reinvestment Coalition Five Lessons Offered by but Not Learned from the Recent Collapse of the US ISBN print: 978-1-61332-013-6 Economy and the Housing Market ISBN ebook: 978-1-61332-014-3 by James H. Carr, Center for American Progress, and Katrin B. Anacker, George Mason U. Publisher: New Village Press Opportunity Lost: How Low-Income and Minority Households Were Denied Access Distributor: Consortium to Historically Low Home Prices and Interest Rates by M William Sermons, Center for Responsible Lending Pages: 352, Trim: 6”x 9” Finding a Home for the Occupy Movement: Lessons from the Baltimore and Binding: Paperback Memphis Wells Fargo Litigation Illustrations: photography, diagrams by John P. Relman, Relman, Dane & Colfax PLLC Special: Full Index A Tale of Two Recoveries: Discrimination in the Maintenance and Marketing of REO BISAC Categories: Social Science, Economics Properties in African American and Latino Neighborhoods across America by Shanti Abedin and Shanna L. Smith, National Fair Housing Alliance

Publication date: October 15, 2013 THE ORGANIZERS Price: $19.95 Building the Power to Win the Battle of Big Ideas and Advance a Long-Term Agenda by George Goehl, National People’s Action, and Sandra Hinson, Grassroots Policy Project Forcing Banks to the Bargaining Table: Renegotiating Wall Street’s Relationship with Our Communities Advance order now by Stephen Lerner, Georgetown University, and Saqib Bhatti, Service Employees International Union 25% discount code: PRRAC Housing as a Human Right: Where Do Immigrants Stand? valid thru October 17, 2013 by Janis Bowdler, National Council of La Raza, Donald L. Kahl, Equal Rights Center, and José A. Garcia, National Council of La Raza www.newvillagepress.net THE SCHOLARS The Limits of Litigation in Fulfilling the Fair Housing Act’s Promise of Nondiscrimina- tory Home Loans by Robert G. Schwemm, University of Kentucky College of Law Housing, Race, and Opportunity by john a. powell, University of California, Berkeley Winning Battles and Losing the War: The Progressive Advocacy World Order online: www.newvillagepress.net by Mike Miller, ORGANIZE Training Center Email: [email protected] Building a Movement for Fair Lending, Foreclosure Relief, and Financial Reform Academic exam copies: [email protected] by Peter Dreier, Occidental College Poverty & Race Research Action Council Nonprofit U.S. Postage 1200 18th Street NW • Suite 200 PAID Washington, DC 20036 Jefferson City, MO 202/906-8023 FAX: 202/842-2885 Permit No. 210 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.prrac.org

Address Service Requested 9-10/13

POVERTY & RACE RESEARCH ACTION COUNCIL Board of Directors/Staff

CHAIR John Brittain Don Nakanishi Philip Tegeler John Charles Boger University of the District University of California President/Executive Director University of North Carolina of Columbia School of Los Angeles, CA School of Law Law Dennis Parker Chester Hartman Director of Research Chapel Hill, NC Washington, DC American Civil Liberties Sheryll Cashin Union Megan Haberle Georgetown University VICE-CHAIR New York, NY Policy Counsel José Padilla Law Center Anthony Sarmiento California Rural Legal Washington, DC Senior Service America Ebony Gayles Assistance Craig Flournoy Silver Spring, MD Policy Counsel San Francisco, CA Southern Methodist Theodore M. Shaw University Columbia Law School Gina Chirichigno SECRETARY Dallas, TX New York, NY Co-Director john a. powell Damon Hewitt Brian Smedley One Nation Indivisible Haas Institute for a NAACP Legal Defense Health Policy Institute Fair and Inclusive Society and Educational Joint Center for Political and Silva Mathema University of California- Fund, Inc. Economic Studies Research Fellow Berkeley New York, NY Washington, DC Berkeley, CA Olati Johnson Catherine Tactaquin Michael Hilton Columbia Law School National Network for Law & Policy Fellow TREASURER New York, NY Immigrant & Refugee Rights Spence Limbocker Elizabeth Julian Oakland, CA George Davis Law & Policy Intern Neighborhood Funders Inclusive Communities Camille Holmes Wood Group Project National Legal Aid & Annandale, VA Dallas, TX Defender Assn. Demetria McCain Washington, DC Inclusive Communities Project [Organizations listed for Dallas, TX identification purposes only] S.M. Miller The Commonwealth Institute Cambridge, MA