UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

Los Angeles

Michoacanos in Los Angeles: U.S.-Mexican Tra¡snational Cultue

1920-19'70

A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction ofthe

requirements for the deg¡ee Doctor ofPhilosophy

in History

by

Alvaro Ochoa-Serrano

r998 The dissertation ofAlvarc Ochoa-Sernno is approved

w-J t4..- tt',,-.' l'". W"PL.- James W. Wilkie, Committee Chair

University of Califomia, Los Angeles

1998 This disse¡tation is a t¡ibute to mig¡ants who retwned to their homelands, and to those who long to retum.

I also dedicate this wo¡k to Geqoveva and Jesus Covam.rbias, lsaac Gallegos, Jesús Negrete, Anita SeÍano, María and Salvador Se¡rano, Salvado¡ Sotelo, and María Vázquez. TABLE OF CONTENTS

I .- SETTING TIIE STAGE

I¡s A¡Acles a¡ú Califomi¿ ^ lvfichoacin.

2.- THE DYNAMICS OF WEST MEJ(ICO MIGRATION...... _ ...... 32 ^ Society in com¡lsion Mct¡oaqán in transition

Natio¡nl rmity a¡d De\dopqsú in St ttfdy

^ 3.- MICHOACA¡¡ PEASANTS Al.¡D LrOS 4NGELESWORKERS...... 59

4.- HOUSINq CI-OTHING, ANDFOOD...... 75 ^ Home a¡d ho¡se Cbth and t¡iloú8-

Mcloacfu a the table

^ 5.- LEISURE ACTMTIES AND SYMBOLS...... ,,... 87

Rec¡ca¡ioq a¡rd cdú,raio¡r

MarirclF tadition as ar i¡rlrdity

6.- CONCLUSION...... ,,...... ,... 105

APPENDICES...... ,...... 107

Clo€s¿ry

BIBLIOCRAPTIY..... 0 LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

Map oflos Angeles Area...... -...24

Map ofMichoacán...... 25

Map of La Ciénega de Chapala and Bajio zamorano...... -...... 26

Map ofthe Purépecha Region...... -...... 27

Map ofRailroads, Highways and Roads. 1940...... 28

Map ofMigration localiries to the Udted States. 1920-1930...... 68

Table l. Localities and Population. Mchoac¿n 1950...... 29

T¿ble 2. Mchoacá¡ Mgrants. Age R¡nges 1929-1930, 19,14, 1955...... 69

Table 3 Michoacán Mgration f¡ecuency 1945 and 1955...... 70

Table 4 Michoacanos in Ios Angeles 1928-1929...... 7l ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I auly thank Professors Janes W. Wilkie, Juan Gómez Quiñones, Steven Loza a¡d

Jose Moya, members of my committee, for their enthusiasm which is reflected in this disse¡tation, Professo¡ Luis Gorizález y Gonález for his inspirational efforts to wite on familia¡ people from Michoacán, and P¡ofessor Bcnedict Wa¡ren and his great wife Patricia for their initial and wothy assista¡ce and TLC. I acknowledge my appreciation for the migra.nts who shared their experiences during interviews and in info¡mal chas. I am in vital debt to lrene Vasquez and Lisa Scheffer who made this work readable in English. I acknowledge El Colegio de Michoacáo, pa¡ticularly

Center for Traditional Studies, and tho l¡stitute of American Cultures and the

Chicanos Studies Resea¡ch Center for üeir grants suppofl. ln addition I am grateñ¡t for the family atmosphere I enjoyed among Cindy and Daniel Chemow, Ma¡ia Elena

Hernández, Agripina and Even Monis-Vasquez, Ediü and Ma¡k Ramos-Nishita,

Doña Lisa Scheffer, Hedb€rto and Lucla Serr¿no. Last but trot leal I am thankfi¡l for the eno¡mous family support I rec¿ived from Irene Santiago and our children

Erandi, Tani4 Gandhi, and Irenita, including grandson José Emiliano. VITA

May l, 1948 Bom, Jiquilpan, Michoacán, México.

19'78 8.A., History Escuela Nomal Superio¡ de México México, Dist¡ito Fedenl

1988 M.A., Hisrory Universidad lberoame¡icana México, Distrito Federal

1988 Professor Center of Tradition Studies El Colegio de Michoacan

1995-97 Field Work, Mexico ¿nd United Srates, under El Colegio de Michoacan and Institute ofAmerican Cultures

PUBLICATIONS

Ochoa Setano, A. 1978. Jiquilpan. Mwagafras Mruúcipales. Gobiemo del Estado de Michoacán.

1985. Ins Insurgentes de Mezcala. El Colegio de Michoacán- Gobiemo dsl Estado.

7989.Los Agraristas de Atacheo. El Colegio de Michoacán.

l99O- La Violencia en Michoacán. Ahí iene Chá¡vez Go¡cía. lrt$inÍo Michoacano de Cultura. and Uribe Salas, A.l99O. Emigrqntes del Oesf¿. México: Consejo Nacional para la Cultua Y las Afies

_, Goldsmit, s. and de Garay, G.1993. Contento y Descontento en Jalisco, Michoacán y Morelos I906-19II México: Universidad Tberoamericana.

1994, M¡tote, Fandango y Mariachelo,'. El Colegio de Michoac¡ín,

1995. Repertorío Michoacano 1889-1926,81 Colegio de Michoac¿ín.

1997. Afrodescendientes (Sobre Piel Canela), El Colegio de Michoac¡án. ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION

Michoacanos in Los Angeles: U.S.- Meúc¿n Transnational Culture,

t920-t970

by

Alvaro Ochoa Senano

Doctor of Philosophy in History

University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles, 1998

P¡ofesso¡ James W. Wilkie, Chai¡

This study focuses on a cultu¡al and historical inquiry into housing, clothing, food, leisue activities, and symbols as well as how these cultr.lral traditions developed reciprocally in Los Angeles and in Michoacá¡. The majority of western Mexican migmtion to southern Califomia was from Michoacán. In the disse¡tation I examine migration dynamics and aspects ofdaily life in Mexican and Chicano families, and thei¡ old and new ways ofliving.

Exploring cultural change among migñrnts over lime involves studying popular traditions, migratory circuits, golondrinos or seasonal mig¡ants, Michoacán food,

"Mexicana alegria" and oüer culh¡ral manifestatio¡ls üthin Michoacán migration flows. Rancheros o¡ Criollo farmers, Indigenous and Mestizo peasants rep¡esent the wide variation within the Mexican population. Michoacán cultu¡e is just as socially, eürrically, nationally, multicuhurally diverse. However the migration process tended to homogenize this diversity in the United States.

The methodological approaches include a¡chival resea¡ch coupled with oral interviews and some demographic analysis. Individual-community relations were studied within one specific 1920-1970 period. Considering that cultu¡e has been a relevanl factor in migration, this work illustrates the pmcess of how Michoacanos shaped culture and identity and how it is replenished through constant interchange in

Michoacán and Los Angeles. INTRODUCTION Purépecha is an indigenous ivord in Michoácán and it means both thosc who visit and thosc ryho conqucr a place to li\€.

This study traces migrants to fi¡d out how and to what extent their native culture plays a ¡ole in the migration process. Speciñcally I have conducted research on lhe movem€nt of people and cultu¡e between Michoacán and Califomia duri¡g the period 1920 a¡d 1970. Demog¡aphig sociological and anthropological studies of migration have been conducted in Mexico as well as in the U.S. I propose to study

Michoacá¡ migrants in Los Angeles, concentrating on topics such as housing, clothing, food, leisure actiüties, signs and symbols. These elements represent the mig¡ants' immediate living considerations. In exploring manifestations ofcultural change involving migrants ove¡ time, I focus on such concepts as traditioq migr¿tory circuits, golondrinos

(seasonal migrants), Michoacán food, '.It4exicana alegría" and other cultural manifestations of this migrad flow. I relate thes€ concepts to gerider, geographical origin and labor pattems.

The data I have selected traces and explains the signific¿nce ofdaily life ard the s),nbols that migrants sha¡ed in Los Angeles and Mexico ñom 1920 to 1970. This period was chosen because the author considers these years hsve comprised a significant histo¡ical term in Mexican migration. Postrevolutionary actions in Mexico sinc€ 1920, includirg the Cristero revolt and the agrarian refo.m, involved peasa¡t participation and induced migration to the U.S. 'the year 1942 ma¡ks the begir¡ning of the Bracero

Program, which ended in 1964, and which resulted in an increased flow of Michoacano migration to U.S. This program, agreed to by the United States and Mexican

govemments through the Second World War and the Korean War impacted the lives of

people dramatically. Immigration Reform laws implemented during the late 1960's

changed or intensified previous pattems. Thus 1970 is a benchmark in the history of

conternporary Meúcan migration to the United Statcs.

The cullural representations and manifestations ofMichoaca¡o mig¡ation to the

United States a¡e of major impo.tance. These issues are centr¿l to advancing our understanding of US-Mexican migration because of the numbers of people, the length of time ofthe process, and the complexity of social aspects involved currently. Michoacán le¿ds i¡t the top ten states in Meúco to send migrants to the United States- The contemporary and histo¡ical preponderance of Michoacanos in the U.S. sur€ly has significant cultural ramific¿tions on both sides of the border. I here examine cultural manifestation as it is t¡ansmitted Aom its departure point to its destination in the United

States and I follow this reciprocity back to Michoacán. My ¡ese¿rcl\ which is bas€d on a cross-border study, emphasizes the Mexican side because of diversity of soutces, research findingg and the migrants'point ofdeparture.

Individuals and families from the localities of northwest Michoacán such as the

Bajío Zamorano, Cienega de Chapala, Cotija, Purépero, Cañada de los Once Pueblos, the southwest, as well as severa.l Michoacanos íiom the Pu¡épecha region comprise the basis for this study. My work focuses mainly on some municipalities and parishes of the north cent¡al a¡d no¡thwest po¡tions of Michoacán. The Mexic¿n municipalify or

írültic¡pio trrvolves a hpj'd locality ard a ter¡itorial and admi¡istrative ju¡isdictior! more or less, eqüvalent to the county in the United States. The author conducted a survey of several ofthese municipalities from the period of 1849 to l94O n Emiqgantes del Oeste

(Emigrants Íiom West Mexico).(l) The continuities and changes of cultural traditions were a¡¡alyzed historically as well as through semiotics and generational theories.

My sources are varied- I have conducted oral interviews to understand a wide and diverse group of families. I asked predominantly about cha¡ge in cultural choices and expressions. To analyze daily life, I have utilized published work and a va¡iety of prim¿ry documerits- Primary sources include family letters, o¡al testimonies, directories, photograph albums, newspapers, censuses, marriage records, and particularly family collections of cook books, song books, music records, and moües. My researcl¡ scrutinizing a preüous period, contribut€s to the cune¡t historiography of Mexic¡n migration. I c¡¡sulted the follows: the Meúc¿n Conslate fuchives and the pasgport applic¿tior s€ction located in the Secretary ofForeign Relations a¡d the A¡chivo General de la Nación in Mexico City, state a¡chives in Morelia, the capital city, and municipal and p¿rish a¡chives in Michoacár¡ as well as personal and sp€cial collections.

Literature of the contemporary Michoacán mig¡ation is nowadays becoming extensive. However, a briefreüew ofit is hcre displayed. Amstrong (t949) e¡nphssized lhe cultur¿l deteminations of migration in Ch¿ünda. His wo¡k is cluonologically the first o¡r approaching Michoacán migration; Belshaw (1961) acc€nted development and migration in his book on Huecorio, a rural town io I¿ke Patzcuaro regio4 Cockoñ

(1982), in the case studies, tudied migfant communities sround Morelia; Fonsec¿ a¡d

Moreno (1984) focused on Jaripo, in the Villamar municipality. l,opez Castro (198ó) app.oached the family issue on Gomez Farias, in rhe Municipality ofTangancicuaro. Ina

R. Dinnerman (1974) highlighted women role in migration p¡ocess, as Gail Mumrnert does currently. George Foste¡ studied on 'fzirtzrntzan, an lndigenous town Lake

Patzcuaro region; Luis Miguel tuonda (1996) Copandaro. Devra Weber (1996), a historian, focused on Angamacutiro migrants. Ra)¡rnond E. Weist since 1970 has been working on Acuitzio. Celestino Femandez stl¡died Sa¡ta Inés, in the municipality of

Tocumbo, his pa¡ents' hometorryn. Uribe and Ochoa (1990) established historical background ofmigranrs &om west Michoacán.

In spite of an enormous distance, more than fifteen hundred miles away from e¿ch other, Califomia and Michoacán are related closely by migratory cultural li¡ks. The first connectio¡s were established in the l9th century, when Califomia was still a p¿rt of

Mexico. Laler, free workers, exiled MichoacáL¡r men and women entered Califomia betwe€n 1904 and 1929. Such relations were int€nsified during the Brace¡o Program

(1942-1964). This worldorc€ agreerient, which allowed Mexican wo¡kers to labof in U.

S. industries and fields, was signed by the United States and Meúcan govemments.

World Wa¡ II and the Kore¿n War were the primary reasons for the migratory movement in this period.

Indeed, between Michoac¡ín and Califomia the¡e was a sort of ancient and much-t¡ansited road- Mgrants also ca¡ne by way of the Paciñc Oce¿¡. Before the

Guadalupe Hidalgo T¡eaty in 1848, Alta Califomia was know¡r as the destination for

Michoacano vagants. Both the state govemnent of Michoacán and the Mexiaa[ federal autho¡ities t¡ied to induce migration to lhe Provinc€ of the Califomias.(2) The Gold Rush also attracted many people to Califomia, Westem Mexico inhabitants among them. Michoacano men in different occupations, chiefly muleteers, traders, field servants and artisans arrived to wo¡k in California, in the states of the Great Lakes (Minnesota,

Michiga4 Indian4 lllinois, Ohio), and ir¡ the southem states during the 1920s, due to rapid industrialization and intemationelized work processes.

The tra¡scontinental railroad as well as the e¿stem and northe¡¡ railroads in

Mexico built at the erd of the 19th century and beginning of the 20ü century funher integrated Mexico ¡nto the intemational market, and destroyed old regional trading networks. Local t¡ansportation services such as mule-driüng werg undercut by ch€aper and more efficient transportation means which increased the migration ofthe muleteers themselves, trading merL a¡tisans, sharecroppers to the U.S. Paradoxically, former muleteers displaced by trains in Mexico wo¡ked in lafng tracks h the United States

(Southem Paciñg Saúa Fe Railway, Union Paciñc, Paciñc Electric Railway), altemating sometimes in agricultu¡al actiüries. The U.S. offered inc€ntives to Mchoacán migrants.

Wages in Mexico averaged twenty ñve or fifty cents per day while workers received the equivalent oftwo and a halfor four gold '!esos" a day fo¡ the day's work in the U.S.(3)

Besides the gre¿t attraction in pay, migrants sea¡ched for a way to ¡aise st¿ndards of liüng in Mexico. A spirit of adveriture, escape from the law and political exile also moved men to go beyond the borde¡. From l9l0 to l92l Mexican popuLation decre¿sed while Mexic¿n immigrants in the U.S. incre3sed. According to censuses of population Meúco had mostly a million population loss in l92l while 486,418 Mexican immigrants c¿me to the United States in the same yearJ. The Made¡isra ¡ebellion of l9l l, the de la Huenista rebellion of 1923, and the Cristero revolt of 1926 forced many

Medcans to aba¡don their homelands and protect their lives. Guanajuato, Jalisco and

Michoacán were significanl as Cristero contestants, and Michoacano men and women intensified noticeably their presence in Califomia.(4) Mexican consulate ¡ecords in Los

Angeles, San Francisco, and San Diego, as well as news in local daily papers and migrant family testimonies corroborate this mig¡ation flow.

The 1929 crisis in the United States compelled thousands of Mexicans people to retum home. The pres€nce of Mexicans in the U.S. declircd from 640,741 in l930 to

377,433 in 1940. The agrarian reform brought back Michoacán men at the beginning of the 1930s. However, being land insuñcient for pe¿sant petitioners; and local conflicts, political oppression, cyclical agriculture crises, floods in the ñelds, th€ Coalcomán e¿rthquake in 1941, the eruption of the Pa¡icutin volc€¡o in 1943, and demographic increase caused wo¡ke¡s and peasants to leave Mchoacán again. A¡other faotor for immigration was the United States participation h the World War U. Wa¡ime indust¡ies offered new job opportunities fo¡ men 8nd women ñom Michoacán, as did the need for agricultural wo¡kers.

Some wo¡ks examine culture in Mexican migra¡lts a¡d can be seen in the studies ofPed¡o Caslillo and Antonio Rios-Busta[ante, Albert Cama¡illo, and George J.

Sanchez.(5) Culture has always been a factor in migration and the purpose ofthis work is to illustrate the process of how Michoacanos have involved thei¡ culture in Los

Angeles by replenishing it through c¡nstant interchange. Notes.

1.- U¡ibe and Ochoa, 1990.J. Alcalá. 1981. Ochoa and c. Sánchez. 1985.

2.-El Asfio Novernber 2, 1a29. Apntes de D. Jt!@t Alvdrez.l854.Morclia: Reimpreso por Ignacio A¡ango, p 13.

3.- U¡ibe a¡d Ochoa. 1990.. SeeM. GonzÁlez Navaro. 1954.

4.- ¡&¡'rr!e. Instituto Nacional de Estadlstica, Geogafia e Informatica. 1985. U.S. Census of population. t920, Mexic¿n ir¡migr¿nts bom in MExico. Secretaría de Rel¿ciones Exteriores-GE. Infonne del Consulado de Los Angeles. Ia Op¡nión. 1940. Interview with Jesus Covarubias Msgaña, Montebello, Ca., November 24, 1994 conducted by Alvaro Ochoa Senano.

5.- P. Castilo. 1989. A. Ca¡¡arillo. 1979. C. J. Sanchez. 1993. CHAPTER I

SETTING THE STAGE

The location, chronological and cultu¡al settings ale in two geographic ¡egions: southern Califomia and central westem Mexico. The latter will deserve mo¡e our attention, co¡sidering it as a round trip departure site. The two regions were in contact by navigation in the Pacific Ocean, connected by telephone lines, communicated by a la¡ge intemational bridge on the Pacific Railroad, by the Morelia-Guadalajara-Tijuana highway, and by the Guadalajara-Tijuana and I¡s A¡geles-Guadalajara flights. The particula¡ focus is on the living space of Los Angeles county and the neighborhoods to which Mexican migrants adapted over time.

Los Anseles and Califomia

Nuestra Seño¡a Reina de Los Angeles was founded in l78l by Cdollos,

Neg¡o€s, Mulattos, lndians and Mestizos, and thereafte¡ an ethnically mixed population developed and multiplied. Most of these early settlers migrated ftom westem and northwestem Mexico, forme y New Spain. The Angelinos made their living by agriculhrc and livestock raising. After being a pueblo in colonial and independenr

Mexico, a century later, in 1881, it became the second la¡gest city in Califomia, due to inqeased immig¡ation and the tr¿¡sfo¡mation of landownering Califomians and fa¡m worke¡s into urba¡¡ people. At the same time, La Placita and the east side were converted into a Mexican neighborhood.( I ) A community su¡vey of eleven districts made in Los Angeles City by 1917 indicated out of the total population 30.170 were Mexican origin, while 24.97o were

Anglo American and 45olo were of various nationalities. Mexicans inhabited predominately in six of the eleven districts. San Ped¡o Town was not accountcd for in the survey because it "was so remote that it had to be givcn up." However, the Los

Angeles census in 1920 showed a considerable number of Mexican neighbors in San

Pedro. Two districts achieved, each one, more than 500% and another two districts a one- third consisted of Mexican residents. Those areas included: Palo Verde in Ellysian Park on the No¡th, Cleveland, Adobe and Hill streets on the Westi River to Humboldt street on the East, and No¡th Main and Alhambra on the South; Main steet on the West;

Alhamb¡a road on the No¡th; fuver on the East, and First st¡eet on the South. The latter two we¡e located along St. Louis street on the West, Brooklyn avenue on the North, City limits and Belvedere on the East, and Pourth sfteet on the South; River on the West,

Fou¡th street on the North, Eaa to Hollenbeck, to Rosalind on üe East, and Ninth street on the South.(2)

The city grew thanks to intensive agriculture and livestock raising, real estate development, industrialization, and urbaniz¿tion- Romo, a historian states, "The impact ofthe inte¡urban network on ¡esidential dispersal was already evident in 1910". Some n€ighbo¡hoods doubled their population in a decade. The trolley played an important role in the growing city. In the 1920s, the trolley lines extended to San Pedro and Santa

Monica in the west, to Balboa and Santa Ana on the souüem coast, to La Habra, Covina and Glendo¡a iri the east, a¡rd to Glendale and Mount Lowe in the norlh. Henry E. Huntington, the promoter of the trolley system planned the route to the east side, an itinerary that extended to Boyle Heights and Ma¡avilla. It was observed that

The lines to these outlying areas staned the massive exodus of Mexic¿ns ñom the Plaza to the east side. Many of them were workers who depended on inexpensive public transportation to get from their new ¡esidences on the east side tojobs in the urban industries.(3) A majority of the Mexican population of Los Angeles moved to East Los

Angeles, between the Los Angeles fuver and Boyle Avenue, and to Compton during the twenties. Residential locations were directly related to living space and interurban ttansportation. As well, Pasadena, Lo¡g Beach and Santa Monica labor camps were occupied mainly by Mexican wo¡ke¡s and their families who labo¡ed very intensively for low wages while in other parts of southem Califonia.(4) More than a million people of

Mexican origin inhabited the city oflos Angeles in the 1930s. Octavio Paz, a Mexican w¡iter perceived it i¡ those yea¡s-

At first sight, the visitor is surpris€d not only by the purity of the sky and the ugliness of the dispersed and ostentatious buildings, but also by the city's vaguely Mexican atmosphere, which cannot be oaptured in words or co¡c€pts. This Mexic¿nism -delight in deco¡afio¡s, ca¡elessness d pomp, negligence, passion and reserve-- floats in the air. I say "floats" because it never mixes or unites with the other wo¡ld, the No¡th Ame¡ican world based on precision and efTiciency.(5)

Califomia is a 158,693 square mile region loc¡ted in the westem part of the

United States. This state has great cont¡asts in geography and climat€. Fo¡ inst¿nce,

Mount whitney is one of the highest pe¿ks in the United States, and southeast of this mountain is Death Valley. Climatic va¡iation tpifies the region. Livestock, fishing agriculture and industry constitute the main economic activities. Agriculture is carried on in the San Joaquir\ Napa and Sar Femando Valleys. Beginning in the thifies, as a result of developmert, California increased its population dramatically in less than forty

l0 years. 6,907,381 inhabitants lived in the state in 1940, 10,586,223 in 1950, and

15,717,204 inhabita¡ts in 1960. There were 19,953,134 people living therc in 1970.

Inhabitants multiplied respectively each decade at aral.e of 22yo,53yo,48o/o and 27yo (6)

The Mexican migration to California also increased along with US population rates in the same period. ln 1940 there were 134,312 Mexicans registered in the census,

36,840 of them --almost a quarter- lived in Los Angeles. At the end of 1960, migants from different regions ofthe wo¡ld entered the stat€. Some figures of 1955-1960 show that 16,718 arrived from Mexico, 8,481 were Canadians, 5,932 froñ the United

Kingdom; 4,200 Cermans, 1,996 Aom Japan; 1,430 Chinese including those ñom

Formosa; 884 Irish; 847 ltalians; 384 from Poland, and 200 Cubans. The immigrants came mainly f¡om the two neighboring countries, Mexico and Canada. On the one hand,

2,148,255 people entered Californi¿ between 1955 and 1960, while on the other hand,

938,455 of them moved out. Ov€rall, 1,209,800 newcomers to Los Angel€s were accounted fo¡ in the census.(7)

Betweer 1943 and 1955, acoording to passpott application records, Michoacán immigrants in Califomia preferred destinations in Santa Ba¡bara, Stocktor\ San Diego,

Sacramento, San F¡ancisco, Salinas, N€sto¡, Riverside, Orange County, Daly City,

Lindsay, Tracy, San Luis Obispo, Santa A¡na" Hammet, Cutler (Tulare County),

Kinisbur& and over all in the San Bernardino and the Los Angeles Counties (including

Asuza, Comptor! Fullerton, Huntington Beach, Inglewood, city of Los Angeles, Los

Nietos, Montebello, Pasaden4 Redondo Beach Sa¡ Fernando, San Pedro, Santa Monica,

Venice, Whittier, Wilming¡on). Several Michoacriu: families remaired in downtowr! but

ll most of them moved to South Central, Compton, and East Los Angeles, particularly

Belvedere and Boyle H€ights.(8) (See Map ofLos Angeles Area).

Comptoí is located in a ceritral plain, ten miles south Aom dow¡rtown Los

Angeles. One of the oldest communities in Southern Califomia which changed more

drastically since the beginning ofthe century. By 1920 the Mexican Ba[io ofCompton

was firmly established by growing urbanization. Nearby Watts-Willowbrook comprised

other area of Mexican demographic significance. However, the Mexican families of

Compton remained relatively secluded in the cornmunity until 1940.(9)

In l94Q in Los Angeles alone there we¡e l, 504, 277 inhabit¿nts predominantly

"Americans, Mexicans, Canadians, English, Gerrians a¡d Japanese" in an a¡e¿ of450.?4

square miles. Prior to 1950 the city had its first f¡eew¿y, Aroyo Seco Pa¡kway, to

which ran íiom one side ofthe city io the other. Los Angeles also had an airport. Local

radio stations flourished. Industrialization incre¿sed employment opportunities (4,835

jobs in industry in 1940). Ií the fifties, Los Angeles became the founh mosr populous

city in the United States, the first ard biggest one of 'Mexicanos de afuera", and due to

many thousands ofc¡rs it also became 'the world's largest parking lot".(10) Automobile

and tire companies replac€d the trolley system down.

One of the 58 counties in California in 1970, Los Angeles lies between

seasho¡e and hills. K¡own befo¡e as the Que€n ofthe Cow Counties, Los Angeles has

tumed into the most important development c€nter in the state as well one of the most

important in the country. San Pedro pier had a gre¿t de¿l of activity. ln the 1960s, in

comparison to the northem rural part of the state, 3 7 out of every hund¡ed Califomians lived in Los Angeles County.( I I )

12 Michoacán

In Nahuatl, Michoacán means the place of lakes and fishermen lts location is in the central westem pa¡t of Mexico and is one of the three main states contributing migrarits to the United States during the first half of the 20ú century. Besides unfavo¡able social and economic conditions geographic events also i¡duced the migration process- The Coalcomrán earthquake in l94l and the Parícutin eruption in

1943 which affected the Purépecha region coupled with floods in the Pa¡indicua¡o and

Ch¿pala areas caused mainly middle class Michoacáú peoples to migrate to the U. S The majority of these migrants left areas in the central and northwest valleys which were relatively fertile

Since the Colonial e¡4 the Catholic church i¡fuenc€d the state and the daily lives of Medco people. The Morelia a¡chdiocese and the bishopric of zamora were ü1hin the limits of what is now Mchoacátr before 1920,. The two dioceses included local parish jurisdicrions (similar to municipa.lities). P¡ior to 190 the dioces€ ofzamora used to be on an extended jurisdiction €ncompassirg the northwest and southwest a¡€as ofthe st¿te until the Tacámba¡o diocese was built ií 192q and the Apdzingán diocese was created ir l9ó0.

Mountains cover most of Michoacán, except the northem valleys, the

Tepalcatepec Plain and B¿lsas Basin. According to administrative and natu¡al geographic regional studies, the state was usually divided into four pa¡ts during the fifties: 1.- Ciénega de Chapa.la and Bajío, II.- Montañosa Central, IIL- TieÍa Caliente, and IV.- Montañosa Coste¡a. Lüs Gotuitlez' a Mexican historian, classified eight specific regions: Bajío Z¿mo¡a¡o, Morelia" Queréndaro and Ma¡avatío Valleys, Central

Balconies, Purepecha Regiorl Tepalcatepec Plain, Balsas Basin, Southwestem Mountair!

l3 and the Coast. (See Map ofMichoacán). Gonzilez considers the Ciénega de Chapala as

part ofthe Bajio Zamo¡ano.(t2)

Located in the riorthwest pa¡t of the statg the Ciénega de Chapala and Bajío

regions in 1960 included these municipalities: Ecuandureo, Ixlár\ Jiquilpaa La Piedad,

Pajacuarán, Régules, Sahuayo, Tanhuato, Venustiano Cana¡z4 Vista Hefmos4 B¡iseñas,

Chavind4 Villamar, Yurebuaro atñ Zamora. On a former damp land, the Zamora Valley

and the Ciénega are considered very fertile ground and as is true ofother neighboring areas

¡ecently opened to cultivation. (See map ofthe Ciénega de Chapala and Bajío). In the early

1900s the Ciénega experienaed a great demographic change due to the influx of labo¡e¡s who paficipated in the d¡aining project promoted by the Maruel Cuesta Galla¡do and

Brothers Compa¡ry. Howeve¡ the floods of 1926,1935 and 1955 undermined agricultural potemials in the region t¡us this became strong a¡e¿ ofexpulsion ofmigf¿nts.(13)

Characteristics of the Bajío and Ciénega ¡eveal several socioeconomic a¡d cultur¿l det¿ils. Jiquilpan and Sahuayo, precolonial sites in the Purepecha expansion to the west, developed as Mestizo loc¿lities in the colonial and National period. Zamora was conceived primarily as a village for Spaaiards and C¡iollos'lilla de españoles' and later bec¿me see ofthe dioc¡se in 1864. The inhabitants ofthe tlree vicinities worked mainly in ag¡icultur¿l aclivities, and the Sahuayo and Zamora families involved themselves trading.

Navigation on th€ Lake Chapal4 and on the Lerma and Duero Rivers was very imPo¡tant dudng the last century. The region was integ¡at€d to the Cent¡al Meúc¿no R¿ilroad, to vecinal roads and to lhe Guadalajara-Morelia-México highway. The Bajío ¿nd the Ciénega still in 1970 remained agriculturally the most productivq in spite of the agricult.ral

l4 techniques used by peasants: high mechanization technology in the districts of ir¡igatioq

and utilization ofmules or oxen as powe¡ to plough in the seasonal areas ofthe ejidos.

On a smaller scale, Jiquilpan figured as a political and administrative district

du¡ing the Porfirio Diaz regime a¡d as the c€nler of an imporant municipality in the

postrevolutionary era until 1970. Two presidents of Mexico had be€n bom in the modest

city, Ariastasio Bustarnante (1780-1853) and Lázffo Cárderias (1895-1970' and as well as

several prominent governors. The city played a signiñcant role in the agra¡ian movement

led by Cárdenas. ln the region of la Ciénega living conditions were largely determinated

by agricultural cycle¡ weather conditions a¡d political circumstances.(14)

Similar ahnic and cultu¡al conditions cha¡acterize the Ta¡huato-Yurécua¡o and

Numa¡an-La Piedad co¡ridors, and the people of these localities depended upon fishing

small indusries and agricultural artivities. The l,€¡ria river served as a communicatio¡ and

t.ansportation means and a¡ impo¡ta.rit resource for irrigation. L¿ Piedad a¡d Yurécua¡o,

due to their slrat€gic situatior! developed important commercial networks. Rail¡oads played a significant role in the social and economic¿l int€gration ofthe no.thwest regiori to

Guadalajara, the main city of western Mexico. Southern Pacific Railroad of Mexim ran from Guadalajara to Los Angeles in a four day joumey.

OIr the other sidg in a diferent landscapg Coúja and Pu¡epero are clearly

examples of Mestizo-criollo ¡anchero settlements. Cotija's founders established it on a foothill among "extensive a¡d thick foress and near a lake situated severi leagues towa¡d the east". A local author wrote last century that those founder families 'Seeking gold and better possessions oflands" rode to üe raüres ofJilotl{h and Santa Ma¡ia del Oro (S. Mary

of Gold). In any case, Cotijans or Cotüeños were fa¡nous as excellent muleteers and

l5 traders. Puréperq located on the border ofTlazazalc4 came to life ií the lóth century from

a m€rced (a royal grant of land) for Francisco de la Cueva y Mendoza , who added "some

lands a¡d fields" which he bought from the natives ofthe ne¿rby town ofTlazaz¡lca. lnan

opposed proc.ess of concent.ation aod expansioq the efate of Purepero in 1760 broke up

without a.llowing the formation of latifundi¿ in a few hands.(I5)

Purépero tumed into an e$ablishment of muletee¡s, artisans and tradesmen in the

lgth centu¡y. Stanislawski, a history geographer, assumes that the mule{river "apparcntly

took only enough land fo¡ the use ofhis family becaus€ his interest was mule ransport and

not landholding". Seve¡al altematives were handled, exchanging cereals, groceries and

crafts all over the fa¡ and ne€r regions du¡ing pa¡t ofthe ye3r, and raising cattlg o¡ltiveting

some crops, and naking handicnfts in thc rainy se¡son. This town along üth thos€ of

Tsngancicuaro, Zinápa¡q Chud¡fzio, Cotü4 Sahuayo, Puruiándiro and Chilchota formed a

significant $¡pply netwo¡k fo¡ the mines ofthe north and for the ag¡icultu¡al and livestock

€states ofthe soúh ard fo¡ the international tr¡de in the port ofManzanillo.( I 6)

Puruándi¡o is part ofthe latt€r merc¿ntile con¡ection and is loc¿ted in the nonh

cer¡tral area ofthe $¿tg in the Morelia region. The name ofthe region comes from being th¿t of the c¡pital city. This ¡egion had geological evolution similar to thst of tho Bsjlo

Zamorano. Plainq volc¿nic mountains, the L€fma river and l¿ke Cuitzeo confom an

8,000 squa¡e kilometer surf¿ce. As an ancient settlemer4 Pr¡¡uá¡diro aclod as s natu¡a.l

Pr'trépechs tor¡ti€r ¿djac€rf the ¡iver. Ag¡ic{¡ltu¡sl ectivities vi€re corisid€rable in the esfst€s of Zurumuato, Villachu¿to atld oth€rs. S€asonal transit roads a¡d railroads connecl€d the territory wih oth€r stat€s. Therefore the city act€d as a releva¡t t¡ade center du¡i¡g üe lasÍ aentury.( l7)

l6 Zacapu and its Ciéneg4 connected to the national ma¡ket through the Ajuno-

Puruiindi¡o branch of the Central Mexicano Railroad, experienced a great demographic

impact du€ to the abundance of laborers who pa¡ticipated in the d¡ainage project promoted

by the Noriega Company dudng the first decade ofthe 20th century. Agricultural activities,

and industry later, demanded supplementary worldorce. Urbanization development and

demographic increase ofthc plac€ also imp¡oved as well as the industrializ¿tion intensified

in the t950s.

Chilchota is a native town and lies at the lower end ofa small valley, la Cañad4 at about 5,800 fe€t ofelevalion. The fertile soils, the flar surface for plow agriculture, wa¡er in abundance llom nearby springs, good climate riade e¡sy life for s¿'ttl€rs. The Indian commu¡ities ofthe slopes were moved by the Span¡sh onto the lowland, and ten s€ttlements were e$ablished in the va.lley. Spaniards took up lard nea¡ty ¿rid insalled mills. Spa¡rish a¡d Mesizo mule-d¡ivers converted Chilchota irito a way station on the route from Mexic¡

City to the wes of Mexico. The people ofthe Cañad¡ de los Onc€ Pueblos eam theif living from agriculture and in some crafts: mule{riving was active before the Morelia-

Guadalajara highway bypassed the valley and connected to the Carapan-Uruapan !oad.(I8)

ln the c€ntral mountains, the Sierra or Mes€ta Purepecha rest on a volc¡nic surface. Parangaricutiro a¡d its su¡roundings were affected by the Parícutin votcano in

Febru¿ry of 1943. San Jua¡l Nuevo, soulh the former placc, b€came the new settlement for Parangaricutiro people. (S€e M¿p of the Pln@h8 Region). UruapEn funclions as a relevant junction for trade ftom the Si€r¡a at¡d the Hot Country. On the one haad, the city is the c¡¡ter of avoc¿do poduclio4 on lhe oth€r ha¡4 it developed as an extension of commerce for the f€rtile Apantzingán Valley. As well former gove¡nor and president

t7 Láza¡o Cárdenas took the Tepalcatepec Basin Commission in charge in 1947, and established his headqua¡ters in Uruapan. for implementing developme¡t i¡ the ¡egion.( 19)

Coalcomá¡r lies at the foothills of tlrc Sierra Madre del Sur. The Coast regjon comprises the southem limit; Low l¿nd or Tierra Caliente (Hot Country) demarcates the southem boundary, with one ¡iver on each side: the Balsas on the east a¡d the Coahuayana on the west. Its landscape includ€s mountains, ravines, cliffs and very few valleys. Mining and cattle raising were prima¡y actiüties rather than agricultue. Cotija and Purépe¡o mule drivers and modest entreprene.us settled in a formerly native town in the second half ofthe

19th certury.(2o)

AAer this previously survey of the geographical scene, economic and social relationships and kinship networks as linkage mechanisms will be emphasized in other chapers. At this momenq corsideration must be giveÍ to the means of communication-

Innovations were made to the railways, tr¿ins and the steamboats, to a.llow a better mobilization ofproducts and t¡avelers. (See Map ofrailroads and highways). The old and imperfect system ofhighways, local roads and other unimproved roads was modemized arid exended in a ¡elative sho¡t period of time. This wave of modemiz¿tion began with the paved highway MéxicoMo¡elia4uada.lajara du¡ing the presideritial administration of

Iáza¡o Cárdenas, when another Michoacán leade¡, F¡ancisco J Múgic4 dir€cted the ministry of Commu¡ications. Preüously, in 1929, C¿,¡:denas himselt as governor ofthe

$ate, had encou¡aged the building ofgravel roads in the isolated southwest part' ¿nd in the

no¡thwest corridor of the st¿tg close to the railroad routes Moreover in 1960 gre t

advanc€s were made in p¿ired roads and nihoads. Gove¡¡inerit projected arother road line

l8 in 1960, with its corresponding economic study, from Cer¡o de Ortega to Acapulco, the present coastal highway ofthe state.(2l)

Means ofcommunication and transportation were imp¡oved even before 1940, as in the 882 kilometers of the rail¡oads México-Guadalajara, Yurécuaro-Los Reyes,

Maravatio-Zitácuaro, Pénjamo-Ajuno, Acámbaro-Uruapan and Calzonzin-Apatzingán; ard the 3,648 kilomete¡s of the highways México-Guadalajara, Quiroga-Pátzcuaro-

Tacámba¡o, Mo¡elia-Moroleón, Carapan-Uruapan, Pátzcuaro-Ario de Rosales; and the flights from Mo¡elia, Huetamo, U¡uapan, ApatzingárL Arteaga and Coalcomán to

Colima, Guenero and Mexico City.(2z)

In several pa¡ts ofthe statg horseback remained the only means of t¡ansponation and communication used during the rainy seamq when gravel roads werc difficult to t¡avel betwee¡ the ranche¡ias and the towns. The railroad system cor¡tinued to serve, as well as a¡ accept¿ble oetwofk of¡oads, and telegraph web in the 1950s and the 1960s. Postal s€rvice expanded by horseback, train, bus, plane; lette¡s brought good and bad news, and €coriomic

¡esourc€s. The telephone intensified communication. Radio stations stafied to broadcast in the 1930s in Moreli4 in the 1940s in Zamora and Uruapa¡. Better means of connunication helped to get a better trade, and standdd ofliüng. The Guanajuato Power

Company, the Compañía Hid¡oeléctrica de Chapal4 the Eléctrica Moreli4 Compañía del

Duero and other local com¡ranies produced electricity for industrial, comme¡cial and domestic facilities. (23)

In 1921, acrording to the omcial cen$¡s, Mchoacán numbered 939,849 inhabitarüs; and ir¡c¡eased fo I,O|4,02O in 1930, including the Michoacán people who started to retum home in resporse ofthe 1929 economic crisis in the United States. In spite

l9 of slow increase, after l94q Michoacán ¡anked fifth among the most populous states in

Mexico, comprising 5.502 the tot¿l ofthe natior! after the Fede¡al Dist¡ict, Jalisc!, Ve¡acruz and Puebla In population density, Michoacán (24 inhabitants per square kilometer) ranked below several states, but it was above the national average of 13 inhabitarús per squa¡e klomete¡. Between 1940 and 1950 the population of the stare rose from 1,182,000 inlabitants to 1,422,11'l. Nl of tlÉrí were distributed in (094loc¿lities, and 96% ofthese i¡ small centers ofa thousand i¡lEbitants o¡ less, concentrating mo¡e than 5070 ofthe total population in ranches, rancheriag co¡gregations and ejido s€ttlemer¡ts- This distribution was a phenomenon very 'tharacte¡istic ofthose economies in which a high perc€ntage of the economically active population works in agricultuml activity'.(24)

However, several municipalities ofnorthwest Michoacán in 1921, l93q I940 and

1950 underwefi demog¡aphic chariges due to migr*ion and modemiz¿tiol In the thirties the decline in in¡abit¿nts of Purepero began to be noticed. By 1940 population had decre¿sed to a little over 7,000 fom the lE21 ñgura of q000. The decline co¡¡tinued th¡ough 1950. At the s¿me time, Churinciq Nuriarári and Santiago Tangamandapio populatior¡ as that ofother municipaliúes in the west, indicated iritensive emigration during the B¡acero program. (25)

In 1950, in the middle of the period under study, 1920-1970, the¡e were 6,094 localities i¡ Michoacán (mnging from the capit¿l city to tiny ranches) in the 105 political deriarcations or mu¡icipalities. As seen in Table 1, nearly halfofthe state population lived in small localities. There we¡e some 113 municipalities in 1970. Morelia, Uruapar¡

Zamor4 Villa lJtdaJgo, Zititcuaro, Zacapq Pururándiro, I-a Piedad, Jiquilpar! Sahuayo,

Pátzcuaro, I¡s Reyes, Angangueo we¡e the most populated municipal seats in the sfate.(26)

20 The state ofMichoacán and its people were ¡egulated by state and municipal laws.

The Political Constitution ofthe Independent and Sovereign State ofMichoacán de Ocampo

of 1917 was promulgated in Janua¡y of 1918 during the administration ofthe e¡gineer and

colonel Pascual O¡tiz Rubio. The new constih¡tion ended definitively the system of

prefectu¡es or districts to givg in abstract, a stronge¡ status to the a¡¡tonomous municipality.

Originally the Constitution stated in articles 17, 18 and 19 tha¡ The State ofMichoacán d€

Ocampo is comprised of the a¡ea which the Constitution of the United Mexica¡ States

determines. The Free Municipalify is the base ofthe tenito¡ial divisiori ofthe stare. Eve.y

Municipality will maintain the extension a¡rd limits acco¡ding to the Tenitorial DMsion

law. The creation of new Municipalities would be daermined by the p¡escriptions of tlrc

st¿te Constitution. (27)

The constitution in 1960 stated that Mchoac¿nos a¡e those Mexicans born in the

state, childreri of Mchoaoán parents bom out of the sf¿tg and those rvho have resided

cominuously fo¡ a year in the state.(28) Panicular political events and pa¡ticular laws

impacted directly or indirectly on the migration process, for example when the Almazanista

political followe¡s were repress€d. These and othe¡ factors we¡e prior to the opening ofthe

Bracero Prog¡am in 1942.

AAer a coup d'et,i n 1920, milit¡ry men ceased national pow€r in the 1940s.

General F¡ancisc. I M¡:gica, govemor liom t92O tol922, e*^blished newjudicial districts

and municipalities, heeded agrarian issues and udertook refoms to the public university.

During his radical administr¿tion there were enacted a Labo¡ Law in I 921 and the Tax Code

of the st¿te in 1922. However, this go!€mo¡ faced local and fede¡al hostilities. At the deposture of Mrigic4 Sid¡onio S¡á¡chez Pineda ended the preceding constitutional period.

2l He emphasized the Prostitution Regulations in 1923, as well in the ¡efo¡ms and amendments to the Civil Codq the Law on Family Relations, the law conceming the

Elementary Education in the State, and the Law on Familia¡ Inheritance in 1924. Enjoying a favorable political situatior\ general Enrique R^mÍez (192+1928) promoted the establishment ofthe telephone lines in the state and the begin¡ing ofthe Mexico-Morelia and Pátzcuaro-Tacámbaro ¡oads. To the credir of Ramírez, the l,aw of Municipal Treasu¡e in 1926 and a major labor law in 1927 were passed. Due to the Chu¡ch-State conflict, the

C¡istero rebellion irrupted in cent¡al, southwest and nonhwest Michoacán practically in

192'7 . (29)

As govemor of Michoacán Lázarc Cárdenas (1928-1932) pard more attention to the social justice issues. Cá¡denas, a general of the arm¡ encouraged agrarism and sought the cessation ofthe Cristero rebellion in the s{ate in 1929. The governor regulated lhe I-¿w ofldle Lands of the State in 1930, enacted the L¿w of Municipality Income Tax in 1930 and instituted a prel¡minary St¿tistics Bue¿u h 1930.

Gabino Váaquez, a lawyer s€cretary as acling govemor while Ca¡denas was out of the state, refo¡med the orya¡iaal l¿w ofElementary Education in 1931. Láa¿¡o Cárdenas ended his governmental period en¿cting a Law ofP¡otectiori and Conservation ofHisloric¿l

Sites and Stat€ Pa¡ks in 1931, and a Reglamentary Law ofPublic Education ofthe State in

1932. By that time schools and a high educational level meant readin& writin& a¡ithmetic and geography, kriowing about other places and countries, al least the nortl\ rhe United

States.(3o) The importanc€ ofthe United States loomed larger loc¿lly as g¡eater number of

Mexicans were repatriated and deponed due to ñnancial c¡isis. A sequence of interim govemors $¡cce€ded fiom 1932 to 1936. In a diff€rent orientation from Cárdenas, general

22 Gildardo Magañ4 a onqtime US schools student arid a former Zapatista chieq protected farmers' association and regulated the re¿l estáe bureau in 193ó. Magaña died while running for presidential ca¡didate in 1939. His brother Conrado Magaña concluded the canstitutional te¡m, and accomplished the Transit Regulations for the roads ofthe State in

1940.(31)

Migration has a regional context involving multiple facls. Those municipalities in

Mchoaatr which expelled great number of miglants are particularly s¿lient. Most of the migrarts moved in circuits from one region to another, artd out ofthe satg for instance, to

Guadalqiara or to Mexico cify. Various municipalities s€nt labor force on the way to tlrc

North. Thereupo4 and due to such an emigrating circuit stream, several of those municipalities ofcentral, north central, riorthwest and southwest ofthe state sta¡ted to r€ach economic¿lly, socially and orllrally farther non\ beyond the US border. By the means of mmmurica¡ion and linkage ofmigratiorl California drew clos€r to Mchoacári.

23 e o

5

.z

a

F

_9 MapofMichoacan. Regions

li,

(c)

25 hfap of Cicnega de Chapala and Bajro Zamorano

o P*redod

I I

@ cobccero d. z ono Límil. d. E3!o.lo Lln¡t. dé !¡ u nic¡9io Corr.tcrd6 Povin..lodos

)6 Map ofthe Purépecha Region.

I

tr ts

1]gIog. Zód^r^ebc . _M Lrr ¡E D¿ E3r Do. .- - -.

27 Map o¡Michoacán. Railroads and highways

I ---K.

2a Table I

IOCALIIIESAI.IDFOPLLTI-ION

Groups l¡osliti€s PoF¡lation

I to 99 3,8ó1 63.4/o 132725 9.30/o 100 to 499 1,714 2E.l% 383343 .9/o 500 to 99 293 4.9/o l99 531 11.ú/o lm 6 2499 162 2.€/o U5225 17.T/o 250o to 4999 38 O.€/o 135 131 7.9/o 5 000 to 9 999 16 O.3o/o I 13 013 6.V/o l0000to 19999 7 O.1o/o 95 687 2ocfnlo 29999 I 23 397 30 0OOto 39 999 | 314m 4O 000 ¡nd me I 63 Us

Tot¿l 6W 100.0 t4n7n 100.0 fudtrse. Prqtwu e Cobieno dcl Estlo & L6dwt P¡!ye.*o 1958

29 Notes

l.- Romo. 1988, p 68

2.- Commission of Immigration and Housing of California. 1919. A Community Survey... Los Angcles Census. 1920.

3 .- Romo. I 988, p 69

4.- Romq /oa ci¿ I¡s Angeles 1920 Census. G. Sanchez. 1993. Bancrof Library. Manuel Gsmio Collectio4 z-R 2:18

5.- O. Paz.l985, p.l3

6.- Americ¿n Guide Series, 1954. Califomia: A G ide to ,e Gomen Slate. New York. Lantis et al. 1963 . Calfornia: Land oÍ Contast. Belmo¡t

7.- United States. Department of Comme¡ce. Bureau of the Census. Sixteenth Census of the United States: 1940. Populatioq Vol, IL Department of Finance Budget Diüsio4 Financial and Populatio¡ Rese¡¡ch Section. 1964. California Migration 1955- 1960.

8.- AHEE. Gobemación. Pasaportes 1943-1955

9.- R CMv€¿ 1996, p l+15 cited A. Cama¡illo, 'chic¡no Urban History: A Study ofcompton's Banio 1936-197c'' Aztlan,vol 2, no.2 (falll97l): 79-106.

10.- Ios Angeles Directo¡ies. 1941. J.D. Weiver. 1980,p. 115.

I l.- I¡ntis et al. 1963,

12.-L. Cnnz e..

13.- AMZ Fomento. 1906. A Ochoa. 1986. B¡iseñas. L. GonzÁlez. 1980. Comisión N¿cion¿l de los SalariosMinimos. MicIúacáL Ciércgq de Chryls. 1963.

14.- A, Octlo€, 1997. A Ochoa 1978.

15.- F. Toor 1934. C. Garcí¿. 1994. A Uribe and A Ocitca- 199O,p.23-24

ló.- D. Stanilawski. l95q p. 65, 70.

'17.- Go¡zále1 1980. Ortiz Ybrra and Gonzílez 1980.

18.- Stanilawski, l95Q p 59.

30 19.- Rees. 1961. Stanislawski. 1950, fuciga. 1981. Uribe a¡d Ochoa 1990. Guer¡ero. 1976

20.- GowÁlez. 1980. Sánchez. Roger Rouse

21.- Secreta¡ía de Obns Publicas. 1960

22.- Secretaría de la Economia Nacional. Censo 1940., p. 9.

23.- Progrdtra de Gobienp 1958,p.394'1.

24.- Ibid., p. 41

25.- Stanislawski.Ig50, p. 67. M. Marquez Dulán. 1944, p. 18. R. Avila Treviño. 1941, p.35

26- Prograna de Gobierno del Eslalo de Mich@cán 1958. Gobiemo del Estado. 1981.

27.- Consrilúción Políttca del Estdo Libre y Sobaano de Michuain de Ocanpo. 1926.

28.- Constittción Poltiüco del Estdo Libre y Soberano & Miclwain de Ocanpo co¡ sus adiciones y reformas. 1968.

29.- A. Ochoa S€rrano. 1995.

30.- lbid.

31.- Ibid.

3l CHAPTER 2

THE DYNAMICS OF WESTERN MEXICAN MIGRATION: MICHOACÁN.

Most ofthe children in the Cienaga de Chapala before the t960s, held an idea of

the North as the place ofno retum. Several generations had been raised kroüng that men

duri¡g rhe 1920s used to work, not in the local fields, but fa¡ther beyo¡d the border o¡ in

the Bracero program. Fathe$ left taking the bus or the train at night in order not to distu.b

children's sleep- Elde¡s told relatives and acquainta¡c€s stories ofthe migrants who neve¡

cañe back. Thus when the head of household died, panicularly a person with migrating

experie¡ce, the orphan would said to the other children: "my dad didn't die, he went away

to the North."(l)

The migratory phenomenon in Westem Mexico is as ancient as the p¡esenc€ of

Tecoecha and Purépecha ethnic groups in MichoacáLn. Tradirional accounts tell of

Tecoecha moüng fiom the Lake Chapala region to settle in the cent¡al uplands, and the

Chichimecans migrating back and fonh from north central Michoacár to the present Rorida a¡d Texas states. There we¡e reports of migrants in the Colonial era as well. During the

lSth Certury muleteers f¡om Tangancícuaro in the nonhwestern part ofthe st¿te wenl to t¡ade in the north ofthe former New Spai4 in what is now New Mexico.(2)

lÑl'aúinez, de l,P'jarz4 a represent¿tive of the Michoacán Congress, wrote in I 822 about the emigrations that "are constantly and periodically noted in certain regions" where men moved ab¡oad in search offood and bette¡ facilities even in the most ext¡eme weathe¡.

72 For instance, the author pointed out that the t¡ue cause of increasing and decreasing

population in the northwest District ofJiquilpan was due to

an itinerant mass ofpeople, ¡ather in trading or in vagrancy who travel fiom town to tov/r\ because oftheir interests, because ofthei¡ needs, or because they arc in transit to other neighboring lands of diverse jurisdictions.(3)

Lejarza noticed that those migrations, pe¡iodic¿l in certain regions, tu¡ned out to

be common in every part ofthe c¡unr¡y.(4)

Some Cot¡eños --servants, muleteers and traders of Cotija- who were very

familiar in the Jiqulpan District, as well in the west segment ofMedco, reached California

by sea during the Gold Rush. Crescencio Garcia, a ¡esident of Cotüa, recorded in 1872

how he came to know mig¡ants working as domestic servants who, afrer working in

Northem Califomia a short time, had leamed to wear other clothes as well as new skills that

allowed them to live decently arid independently there. Several ofthe Cotüeño muleteers

¡etumed to achieve a better status in their home rown.(s) Steamer companies naügated

Aom Central and South Americ¿ to Califomi¿, as an old Mexica¡ song expressed

Sailor hoisted a flag I do not know which ship may be lfthe one arriving from San Francisco Ifthe one coming fiom Paaamá (6)

Steañ boats of Mala del Pacifico, Compañía Mexicana Intemacional de vapores del Pacíñco y Golfo de C¿l¡fomi4 Paciñc Mail Steamship Compan¡ and }lamburg

America¡ Packa Company docked in Acapulco, Marzanillo and S¿ri Blas, then oontinued to San Diego and San F¡ancisco. Also following 1868, before railroads ca¡ne on sc€rie, the l¿ke Chapala and Rio Grande Steam Naügation Cornpany began doing business in the

33 Jalisco and Michoacán area. After the steam era in navigation, gasoline engine boats sailed

Íiom Manzanillo to San Diego, San Pedro and San Francisco in the beginning of the 2oth century.(7)

However, the United States' c.isis of 1873, and civil wa¡s such as the Religionero revolt in 1874 had disturbed momentarily the march of economic devc¡opment. This religious war c¿used th€ destruction by ñre of üllages in several a¡eas of Guanajuato,

Jalisco and Michoacán. It left people dead, ¡anches and estates paralyzed everywhere, while the peasants, so as not to die from hunger, ñlled the ranks ofthe rebels. Other people who did not join the insunectionists moved either to other villages or out ofthe country to save their lives. The governor of Jalisco wrote in May to the general in chief of the founh diüsion ofoccident that the ¡ebels

have taken new encouragemerit tha¡ks pa¡tly to some favorable encounters to them although of little importance-.- ¿¡d mainly to the resou¡ces of mer¡ money and weapons which their di¡ectorios in Mexico, in Mo¡elia a¡d in this city [Guadalajara] proüde them.(8)

At the same time, the govemor requested s€ctions of federal troops to be deployed along the borders of Michoacár\ so the military forc€s of Jalisco could suppress

"other groups that begin to r¿id in the State."(g) Nevertheless, alliances with Religionero rebels permitted Porfirio Diaz to gain power in 1876. I¿ter due to these campaigns of pacification, Diaz oñcially would be considered 'llero of the Peace." Diaz enhanced foreign investmeds and ¿ccelerated the mod€m;ation of Mexico- ( l0)

Railroads entered the scene in Central Mexico in the 1880s to connect Manzanillo, on the Paciffc Coast, and El Paso, on the U¡ifed States border. Traveling began to be easier a¡d faster. Ramón Sánchez, a member of the administrative staff of the District,

34 recounted his trip from Jiquilpan to Chicago in 1893. Fi¡st c¡ossing rhe Lake Chapala by

steamboat, it took five and a half days by trai¡ fiom Ocorlán to reach Chicago. Larer he

wrote also about his shorter trip from Maravatío, Michoacán, to San Antonio Bejar,

Texas.(Il) Generally speaking, during the Porfirio Diaz administration the means of transportation were improved.

Otherwise, material conditions in Mexico, such as the development of national infrastructure, did not match social and economic development. Whil€ a few families held most of the national income, other sectors of the society went out to look for better opportu¡rities. Mchoacán was not an exception. Estate owners, who complained about journeymen refusing to work for then¡ asked for govemment assistance- Several fields wer€ not cultivated in the Zamora district because ofjoumelmen "going to be rich iÍ the

North instead'(I2)

Examples of how Michoacá¡r migrants in Califomia imp¡oved their status cari be found in reco¡ds the beginning of the 20th Century documenting va¡ious business transactions between Purépero people. Jose L. Flores bought a house in the town from

Miguel Ortiz, a resident oflos Angeles, Califomia, in 1905. The two hundred peso sale was sent by Mr. Rafael Avalos from La Piedad in railroad express. Mexican consula¡ rec¿¡ds in Los Angeles registefed seven joumeymen and one farmer f¡om Mchoacá¡ in l90l ¿nd 1903. A.nother instance refers Benito Canales- a famous rebel in the Madero revolutior! who after committing a crime in th€ Puruándiro district, had stayed in Los

Angeles in 1909, liüng on Main Street in the downtown area. A process to extradite him

35 took place in the Mexican consulate. Finally, after retuming by himself to Michoacán to join the ¡evolution, Canales was executed in Zu¡umuato in 1912.(13)

Prior to the violent period in the state, census records in l9l0 indicated that several cases of differences in the number of population were reponed in the west of

Michoacán. ln Tlazazalca, the loss of 563 inhabitants f¡om the data of 1900 ivas due "to the eñigration to the United States"; while in Chilchota "a thousand indiüduals had left from the whole municipality to the United States." In the case ofthe Purépero, there was an inc¡ease in 1910, despite an outflow of the workforce. The mayor of the municipality pointed out in l9ll that "more than 2.000 men have emigrated to the United Slates of

Americ¿ in sea¡ch of work." The municipality of lxtl¿in, in the Ciénaga d€ Chapal4 had the identical situation as Purépero.(14)

Society in conlulsion.

Michoacán, like a large portion of the country, endured the effect of the contradictions and the inequitable programs of a gover¡mer¡t that protectcd the foreign investo¡s and ignored urgent political issues. The dictator Porfirio Díaz rei¡forc€d his power from the c¿pital of the country to the farthest co¡ner of the st¿tes. Tumer wrote

'"The president, the govemor and the political p¡efect are thr€e classes of oficials who

¡epresent the whole powe¡ in the count y; iñ Mexico there is a single governnertal power: the Executive. The other two political powers only figure by name and no longer exists in the mtion either a single position ofpopular election... "( l5)

36 A¡isteo Mercado, the govemor who ruled Michoacán from l89l to l9l l, also created the administrative and political vice-prefectures in 1906. This system, aside f¡om being an economic burden fo¡ the state treasüry extended caciquism throughout the statg as each prefect and vice-prefect began taking advantage oftheir authority, thus constituting on afÍliction of the tow¡s they govemed. In order to legitimize the situation, the local govemnent issued dec¡ees, instituted regulations and laws designed to suppr€ss robbery, control the ñeedom of printing and prohibit a¡tisans and joume].rnen from using

"instruments or irofl tools" outside working hours.

Social and politica.l demonstrations took place in several pa¡ts of the country between the intemational financial c¡isis in 1907, and the national agricultural crisis of 1909.

Discontentment came from the popula¡ classes and fiom some govemment sectors in search of better positions. In 1909, the govemor of Michoacán faced the shortage of com.

Mercado had written Díaz to i¡form him that the com was worth to five pesos the hectolite¡, an 'txtremely high price" ill comparison with that of preüous years. He also observed 'tertain uneasiness [in the state] ifthe immoderate price rising continues."(16)

Furthermore, r¡?ges were not improved. Although local govemment recommended "the children of Mchoacá¡" not to emigrate looking for fortune in other lads, they did not attend the call. In fact, due to the crisis of 1907-1909 the emigration of

Mchoacán worke¡s inc¡eased, either going to the estates of southeastem Mexico for one peso pe¡ day, or to the United States expectilg to earn two pesos and fifty cents or fou¡ pesos per day.

37 Internal workforce flowed in rnore than one di¡ection. Families f¡om Jalisco came to work in the Cuesta Gallardo's draining project ofthe Ciénega de Chapala. tn the district of Apatzingán, rice croppers recruited laborers ofthe Bajío Zamorano, even offering them a wage "between 50 and 75 cents per day," while in Huetamo there were enough workers who eamed 37 cents. Also in 1910, the United States rejected Mexican workers for a numbe¡ of reasons: the cessation of operations in the copper mines and railroads, and because of a general financial crisis. The contractors transported the unemployed workers to the bo¡der, where they received assistance from the Mexican authorities. But other

Mexica¡s, actiüst laborers and political exiles, retumed üth weapons in hand, whe¡e they contributed to overthrow Porñ¡io Díaz. An industrial and estat€ ownel who attended schools in Europe and in the US, Francisco I. Madero, began the national movement. (17)

Made¡ismo and its Plan de San Luis, which addressed poütica.l and agrarian issues, had immediate repercussion in Michoacán. Small landowners, leaseholders, sharecroppers, employees of second level, small merchants, afisans, and actiüsts, some of them former outlaws-- all ofúem were people affected i¡ their patrimony by the economic politics ofthe

Po¡ñrista ¡egime, and pa¡tiaipated in the rebellion. A few leagues from lakes Zirahuén and

Pátzcua¡o, in May of 1911, Salvado¡ Escalante, a la¡downer in bankruptcy and üca-p¡efect of Santa Clara del Cobrg started the mov€ment in Michoacán proclaiming: F¡e€ the vote and No reelection! Ifthis politic¿l turbulenc€ were not enough, in June of l9l I there was an earthquake. ( 18)

The rebellion in the state increased; José Rente¡ía Luvia¡o, a la¡downer in

Huetamo, Marcos V. Méndez, a small businessmar in Peribá¡L Eduardo Gutiérrez, a trader

38 in Puruándiro, and artisan Miguel Regalado in the regio¡ ofZamora followed Made¡o a¡d

his Plan of San Luis. Howeve¡ afier having overthrown the dictator Diaz, the Maderista

winners were not concerned about keeping thei¡ promises regarding agrarian reforms, but

üth seizing the political power. Orozquistas and Zapatistas, including Gutiénez, the

Pantoja brothers, Simón Beltrán, Benito Canales and others disenchanted with Madero

r€belled against him. Eduardo Gutiérez retumed to the United States where years later he

died.(19)

Moreover, the coup d'état by Victoriano Huerta caused the fall and death of

Madero in February of 1913. Meantime, the volcano of Colima erupted, spewing ashes

over the ñelds of southeastem and northwestem Michoacán causi¡g significant crop

destruction. Although precise figures were not available, "a la¡ge numbei' of Michoacán

people continued to leave the state in search of work. The local and general govemrnents

persisted their recommendatio¡s against peasants emigation to the US considering this d¡ift

"detrimenta.l for the interest ofthe country and for our workers."(20)

Gertrudis G. S¡á¡chez, a Coahuila chief of the Maderista ga¡rison in a dist¡ict of

the state ofcuencro, directed the ¡evolution in the region, and as a ¡evolutionary govemor

uniñed rhe rebels against the Huertista forces. The B¿lsas basin was the ge¡eral

headquafers a¡d served the armed cMlians fiom Guerrero, Coahuila, Zacatecas and

Mchoacán in advancing to Huetamo a¡d Tacámba¡o. After being defeated Victoriano

Huerta, Sánchez took officc in Morelia, the capital ofthe state. However, another violent bloody phase continued as struggles occuned between competing local factions.

Convencionisias, Villistas, Carrancistas, Zapatistas and nonpartisan groups e¡upted

39 everywheÍe. ln the meantime in Eu¡ope, on the other side ofthe Atla¡tic, the First World

War exploded.

On one ha¡d, Villistas under the command of José I. P¡ieto came out of

Guamjuato and sto¡med into Morelia on Ma¡ch 3 of 1915, at the same moment that

Cen¡udis G. Sánchez left from Mo¡elia. On the other hand, Alfiedo Elizondo, Joaquin

Amaro and other former subordinate men ofSánchez had been going to battle on the side of

Obregón. Alvaro Obregón, by then Carranza's ally, defeated Villa in the Bajio during April, when Sanchez also was executed in Huetamo. Eiizondo then retumed to govem

Michoacán. As well fomer rebels and other migrants departed from US to Mchoacán.

Parish records in 1915 recounted migrants f¡om Atacheo, Ixllán, Jacon4 Pajacuarán,

Purépero, Puruá¡diro and Tangancicuaro. According to the records, Atacheans Gab¡iel

Cuadr4 Marcos Mo¡ales a¡rd Jose Dolores Enriquez had been prwiously working in Los

Angeles before retuming. These events occu¡red within the larger political backdrop ofthe

US recognition ofthe rational government of Cananza.(Zl)

The govemor pursued the destruction of the Villista guefiillas around Tancítaro and in the B¿jio Zamorano, although without much succ€ss. In 1916, Michoacih Villistas joi¡ed the Felicista factioq heeded by Félix Díaz, Porfiro Díaz's nephew. Michoacán

Felicistas had economic support fom ent¡epreneurs and conse¡vative sectors in the United

States, apart fiom their lrade in ¡ice and hides in the Barra de Zacatula for weapons in

California.(22) Meanwhile Elizondo organized lhe elections for repres€ntatives to the

Constituent Congress. Over all, Elizondo faced an economic and social crisis which brought devaluatioq circulation of wonhless money, shortage of co¡rL sc¿nda.lous price

40 inflation ofbasic anicles ofconsumption, various calamities in the countryside, outbreaks of typhus and social agitation.

ln 1916 and 1917, the distu¡bed social and economia conditions compelled small traders in bankruptcy, downwardly mobile farmers, journeymer¡ bl¡reaucrats, artisans, carpenterc, mechanic, impressers, female servants ard exiles to le¿ve for north of the border. Fo¡ their protection while travelin& migrants ¡equested oficial certiñaates that did not discuss participation in active political matters, or state that they were "emigrating to the United States in search ofa bett€rjob to support their family".(23)

After the passage and enactment of the General Constitutioí in F€bruary of I 9 I 7,

Elizondo's govemmental administration came to an end. Pascual Oniz Rubio took office from Rente¡ia Luviano after being elected. In l9l8 there were droughts, leading to large losses ofcrops and livestock; the sf,€ct¡um of famine appeared in spite ofthe imponed ¿nd subsidized com. As a ¡esult social unrest i¡cre¿sed in the countryside. Aside, the Spanish influe¡za c¿used population loss in central and westem Mexico. As the United Sates entered World War I, Braceros crossed the border attracted by jobs and high salaries.

Michoacans continued migratirig to the North in altemative seasons. In addition, several local rebels were granted amnesty from the govenment. Several of those ¡evolutiona¡ies left for the North.(24)

In July 1918, Mariano de Jesús ToneE a joumalist from Mo¡elia described pa¡ts ofMichoacán as desolate and infested with persistent rebels, e.g. Jesús Sinto¡a in the west,

Gordiano Guzmán in the south. Inés Ga¡cía Chávez was reported "leaving in wery place he pass€s, a trail ofblood a¡d an atmosphere of terror and fright." The joumalist com¡nented

4l on the tragic scene of Villa Morelos set on fire and destroyed, and described the inhabitants of Puruándiro and La Piedad in constant ñight. Tones provided voice to the popular scntiment of govemmental impotencg despite government reassurances of cofltrol a¡d stability;

there is no ¡evolutiorL and the trains are shot and ¡he communications constantly offl There is no revolution a¡d the countryside properties are ¡ans¿cked and not labored; It has not remained either a g¡ain ofcom, neither an animal of farm, and the desened and uninhabited ranches, and... there is no revolutionl(25)

Michoacán in transition.

Spanish influerua, among other f¿ctors, ended with the actiüry ofthe Michoacán main ¡ebels between 1918 and 1919. The disastrous financia.l situation subdued, but the conflict for power inc¡eased. Govemo¡ Ortiz Rubio followed the Plan of Agua Prieta to overtkow president Carranza in May 1920. A new polirical era statted in Mexico. Láza¡o

Cá¡denas, an Agua Prietist4 took in charge of military maneuvers, and conciliated govemmental business in the state. After an impugned electior! Francisco J. Múgica took office as govemor ofMicho¿cán in Septemb€r, 1920.

There were 939,849 people in Michoaaín in 1921 ac€ording to the official census, therefore 52,000 inhabitants less than the 991,880 register€d in 1910. Duc to the busi¡ess depression in the United States, according to Mexican Statistics, more Meúcan ernigtants retumed in l92l than leaüng i¡ste3d. Otherwise, a local newspaper in 1920, the snnual

192l-1922 rwofi of the govemor and church ¡e¡ords included referenc€s on migfants out ofthe state. A great numbe¡ olMichoacans werc working eithe¡ i¡ US Arms, facto¡ies and railroads, for the petroleum companies in Veracruz and Tamaulipas or in Mexico City.

42 Migrants who head€d north legally, applied in the US consulates of Guadalajara,

Aguascalientes, and San Luis Potosi, paying two pesos per persor¡ and proving a minimum ofliteracy.(26)

A sample of the 1920-1923 consular and passport records display applicants mainly from small cities as Zafiora and Uruapan, the mining town of Angaflgueo, and

Zacapu where the Noriega Company promoted a desiacation p¡oject; as \tell migrants llom

Eronga¡ícuaro, zinapécuaro, Sa¡ta Ana May4 Maravatío, Purépero, Penjamillo, La Piedad,

Panindicua¡o and Pu¡uándiro applied.(27) However, changes in U.S. immigration policy made Mexican migration more difficult. Notwithst¿nding thei¡ own penurious, illegal migrants challenged problems üth Coyotes who offe¡ed thei¡ services to facilitate crossing the border. A norñction account pointed that after getting offthe train,

Coyotes directed Braceros to an unsa¡itary lodging, speculating in combination with the owner ofit. In compücity with money exchargers, the Coyotes obtained a percentage from the amount of gold pesos that the laborers gave in order to acquire dollars. They made the workers remain locked in their rooms fo¡cing them to stay there. As worker traffic was their business, collecting from four to twenty dollars for person, coyores tried their üctims not to g.ieve either separate. They walked üth the Braceros at night to the chosen ford where coyoles abandoned them; o¡ y when in acco¡d üth the Ame¡ican Coyotes, they prompted the Braceros cross the rive¡. It happened ftequently that the Border Patrol shot sometimes children and wome¡, a¡td the Btac€ros could not even perceive their siblings due to the darkness and because the curent dragged the bodies. Once passing the River, the laborers were exploited by the North Ame¡ican coyotes who took them also into unsanita¡y places, mistreating then\ they hide them of the authorities, and took as much money as they were able to fiom the Brac€ros, whom coyotes proüded offalse o¡ useless documents with and put them in hands ofthe Companies that agreed with such coyotes.(28)

In Michoacií, political i¡stability ma¡ked the e¿rly part of the 20th Century

Govemor Múgic¿" due his radical politics, had conflicts üth the clergy, politicians, farmers.

43 A¡d without the suppon of p.esident Obregón he was ousted fiom omce. The migrant

farmer and protester, Pablo l¿nderos, exemplified the Zamora district rebels. Múgica was

forced from office in 1922. The local representative Sid¡onio Sánchez pineda took office and faced the military rebellion headed by Er¡¡ique Est¡ada in westem Mexico. T\¡¡o thirds of the military forces defied Obregón's ¡egime. Est¡adista rebels fought in Numa¡án and

Palo Ve¡de in January of 1924 to take Morelia momentary. No popular either peasant presence supported the dissident movement which was sho¡t-lived. Under different conditions, peasant participation in the C¡ist€¡o revolt resulting from the chu¡ch-state conflict in 1926 was widespreading.(29)

However, rwolutions and agarian struggles impelled mur and women to codinue going nonhwards. Ori the one hand, ifl 1925 a large number of passpof applications were issued for petitioners from Morelia, Jacona" Los Reyes, Yurécuaro, Cojumatlán, San José de Graci4 Pátzcuaro, TaretarL Tlalpujahua; [atu¡e came to sc€ne also in floods in la

Ciénega de Chapala and along the Lerma River, no¡th ofthe state, to drive migants out of

Michoac.íLn. On the othe¡ hand, Mexican gove¡nmont appointed in 1926 'hot repat¡iating

Mexican laborer¡ as preüously did fo¡ thousand of then¡ upon being jobless and in an aflictive situation in the United States, due to many of them have ¡etumed later to the neighboring country without shoüng grievance.' p0)

Besides farm jobs in Californi4 Texai and the Mdwest, the mines of coal in

Colorado, the Great I¿kes indust¡ies had also become destinations for Mchoacán wo¡ke¡s.

By the4 roads and highways were improved in c$tral Meúco. Highways connected most ofthe important settlements. The trucks have spelled out definitively the mule trains of

u Cotij4 Purépero, Churincio, Zináparo and Chilchota. Many mule-drivers "accustomed to

movement and to stratge places, went to Califomia to work in the steel plants ofTorrance,

Califomia or Pittsburg." Peasants and artisans went working on flelds, and in the const¡uction industry; other muleleers got work laying tracks eithe¡ altemating with the ag¡icultural activities. In Los A¡geles, Mexican wome¡ and me¡ were employed in a va¡iety of industries; as well tie city housed rail¡oad workers and seasonal unemployed agricultural laborers.(3 1 )

The persorial experience of Salvador Sotelo Arevalo insights an example of mig¡ation dynamics. Bom in a small üllage which was involved i¡ agra¡ian co¡flicts, Sotelo still a teenager depa¡ted f¡om Zamota Á 1922, accompa¡ied by some relatives. One of them had preüously been in the United States. After payLtg an eight dollar ta)q he passed to labo¡ i¡ the fields of San José Califomia. Later he worked in the Southem Pacific

R¿ilroad. With his first eamings, he paid off the mortgage on his mother's house in

Mchoacár¡ the mortgage that had been taken out to pay his fare and the mig¡ation tax to the U.S. F¡om an acquaintance he knew his brothe¡'s address in I¡s Angeles. His brother,

Cipriano, had emigrated when the Revolution ofMadero began. Salvador met his brother, a¡d moved to I¡s Angeles, where otie¡ ¡elatives ofhis lived.

In ¡esponse to a US govemmental prohibitioq the smuggling of liquors was developed. Cipriano was devoted to that illegal actiüty and i¡üted him to become a smuggle¡. He detested such idea, and tried to go out ofhis side. Since his brother had been a bricklayer in Mexico City and in Zamor4 he better endeavored his former occupation.

Both of them looked lo¡ work in the constructions, and the young leamed the masoíry.

45 Each one eamed eight dolla¡s per day. Their wages also allowed them to buy a car, and a lot in Maravilla Pa¡k. Salvador attended night school in order to leam English. Due his hard working, he sent money to his sisters, a üdow with three children and another who lived in Guadalajara with two sons. Salvador stayed for four years in Los Angeles, and

ñnally returned to Zamora.(32)

Although not all the migrants retumed homc, a general financial crisis in the

United States affected Mexic¿r¡s both sides ofthe borde¡ for several years after 1929.

Severe conditions took back thousand of migrants to the seflding regions. Michoacán reaovered population by repatriating Michoacars who were depo.ted, othe¡s were attracted by the Ca¡denista agrarian reform. The state population mainly made their living from agriculture. Ac{ording to the census, 1,048,381 people lived in the state in 1930. The population active ecoromically represented 327,996 inhabitants (20.66% Aom the total),

259,868 people -a ó.37 pe¡ cent--, devoted to agricultural activities, ¿nd 53,698 inhabitants

(5.127") were ejidatarios.(3 3)

Moreover, i¡habitants kept on &n irregular distributing on the st¿te. Villages revealed demographic loss such as the former C¡istero Coalcomá¡ and Coti4 J¿cor4

Pajacua¡¡íúL Purepero, Puruándiro, Villa Victoria, Villachuato and Zamo¡4 but d¡amatioally decre¡sed in Churincio, Jiquilpa4 Sahuayo and Tang,amandapio; on the contrary, peasants moved from ranches to municipality heads in Angañacutiro, ApatzingárL Chavinda, Cheií¡f

Ecuandu¡eo, IxtlárL Tanga¡cícua¡o, Tanhuato, Tocumbo, Uruapar! Villama¡, Vista

He¡mosa, Yurécuaro a¡d Zináparo; while Chilchota, and Panindicuaro did not modiry their number of population in 1930. Nevefheless, migratory flow continued ci¡culating out of

46 the northwestem. On June 26, 1933, the mayor of Zamora communicated the General

Secretary of Michoacán that several laborers "have lefl recently from this region to the

United States, by being apprised there is work, according to thei¡ info¡mation "(34)

Beyond demog¡aphic and migration issues, new regimes made economic and

political adjusiments in the country. On the one hand, the fede¡al govemment destined more expenditure in welfare, on the other hand, Plutarco Elias Calles, the maximum head of the Agua Prieta group, founded the Revolutionary National Pa¡ty (PNR) in 1929 to control the military men. The peasant sector was a majority in riame but not in the taking of decisions. Sequel ofthe Cristero revolt and ofthat of 1932, a¡tisans and small landowners suppo¡ted the Sina¡quista movement in the capital of the statg and at east and west of

Michoacán in search of establishing a nationalistic order ir 1937. Former candidate

Almazán headed political opposition in 1940, and his followe¡s were repressed, several of them retreated i¡ l,os Angeles. By then, Cárdenas was the president who emphasized the practic€ of the agrarian reform nation wide. ln fact, there were problems in allotment of lands and consequently conflicts of land tenure, as well the exe¡cise of the local power did.(3s)

National Unity and Develoomenr in Srabilitv

World Wa¡ II began in 1939. Mexicans and child¡en of Mchoacans, those formerly deponed who retumed U.S., took pa¡t in it since 1942. As well Mexica¡ govemnent decla¡ed war to Axis Berlin-Tokio-Rom4 and implemented a national uriity plan unde¡ a continuos cent¡alized model. The year 1942 marks th€ beginning of the

47 Bracero Program, a labo¡ contract, which ended in 1964, and which resulted in an increased

flow ofMichoacán migration to US. The Brace¡o P¡og¡am, agreed to by the United Srates

and Mexican governments through the Second Wo¡ld Wa¡ and the Korean War impacted the lives ofpeople.

The acceleration of economic development in Texas, Colorado, Arizona and

Califomia and the increasing population pressure from rurd areas in Mexico, reflected in high figures of Mexican migrants in the United States. A groüng ¡umber of Mexica¡

Braceros and mig¡ants tended chiefly to settle in California. The Federal Dstrict, Michoaoír¡

Guanajuatq DuraJEo, Chihuahua and Zacatec€s proüded mor€ Brac€ros than any other states.

According to govemmental statistics, 5,045 Michoacán braceros ¡etumed ftom US in 1947, meanwhle 10,035 left, in next year, 460 retumed a¡d 550 were le¿üng. Fu¡thermore demographic records of 1950 showed that almost hallofthe Michoacán B¡aceros were under

6fteen.(36)

Workers signed up for cont¡acts in lrapuato, Empalme, Tlaxcal4 Guadalajara,

Mexico City and Uruapan. P¡ior to Uruapan, Irapuato rras mainly Mchoacán Brac€ros departure. Contractors adüsed Mchoacán B¡aceros to decla¡e different geographic origir¡ due to quot4 only wh€n aniving to the fields in the US were to s¿y the truth in c¿se of an emergency- Several Michoaoín migrants were not included in the Bracero Program (37)

Mgrants depaned by lrain or, as soon as roads were ready during the dry seasorL by bus. Some Michoacán migrants in the 1920s had used to sail from Manzanillo to

Califomia. But usually they traveled by train or on foot. Years later departure was possible by plane. Other Michoac¿nos took advantage ofthe modem tramportation means and the

48 primitive one. A migrant liom Coalcomán accou¡ted that in 1942 he fl€w Íiom his town to

Colima, took a train to Guadalajara and Santa Ana, Sonora, and then t¡aveled to Puerto

Peñasco by bus to continue by train to Mexicali. He then walked Íiom Mexicali to Los

Angeles crossing the desert illegally th¡ough Conchella.(38) Ove¡ and above, traveling

tumed to be faster, and flights became common in Mexico after WW IL Guadalajara

airport was ope¡ed to business in the 1950s.

In Apdl of 1947 -during the anti-aftosa canpaigrL when hoof-and-mouth dec€as€

afected livestock, and consequendy ag¡icu1tura1 actiüües--, the recruit ofB¡ac€¡os occurred i¡

Uruapan. Ir order to qualiry, the applic¿rts shoúd be under age forty five, Mchoac€nos, not

ejidatarios, being in perfect health, residents in municipalities ofthe state. Although the Bracero

P¡ogram was rtot officially oriented on ejidata¡ios, restless eoonomic, political and social

conditions compelled ejidatariog as well small l¿ndowners arid joumelmen to leave the

countryside. (39)

In the nonhwest of Mchoaoán and under nomal weath€r peasants lifted two haryests in a ye3¡. In t¡e rainy seasor! pov€rty accsntuated partic'ulady on the joumeymgn whose income was low dwing the 1940s. A.lso in time of sowing, the peasants needed to borrow Aom the

Ejidal Bank or from a moneylender certain amount of seed o¡ cash ¡etu¡ning them in the crops, plus the p¡ofit. Seve¡al peasants emigated to the U.S. in sea¡ch ofwork in order to pay the debts. Everi there were ü¡ri€rous abardoned parcelg which were not gr¿nted to whom could wo¡k them because ofpolitical re¿so¡s.(40)

During the cominuation of agrarisr4 üolerce came out to úllages and fields.

Homicides ranged thi¡d top in eight m¿in causes ofde¿¡h ir the s{ate from 1940 to 1950. It wa$

49 a time when caciques, who seized political and economic powet set teÍor in ra¡ches and

üllages. Under pressure, opposite people, those who committed crimes, small traders in bartruptcy and landowners had to emigrate eithe¡ to the cities or to U.S. In general, p¡ivate property was not respected. Villages, which recovered ha¡dly Íiom the destruction of revolutions, decayed completely.(41)

Nature displayed itself once again in the state. An earthquak€ occuÍed i¡ 1941 in the

Coalcomán a¡ea. As well the Siena or Meseta Purépecha was damaged by the Pa¡icutin volcano in February of 1943 up to 1952 when the volc¿no stopped to e¡uption. lts ashes affected agriculture in several parts of Michoaoír¡ as far as in Nuñarári and in Sa¡ José de Gracia.

Volcaneños (men and women ofthe volcano rcgio4 as they were popularly called) had to leave hoñe and he3d to other places. The municipalities ofNuma¡án and Pe¡ibán had population loss due the migration ofBrac€ros to the United States. Peasant families moved to other points of the statg to Jalisco, Guanajuato, and Mexico City or they en¡olled as braceros. In 1943,

Michoacán was the top s€cond state in sendirig braceros. Mo¡eüa b€c¿me a¡ att¡active population city, and a dep¿¡tu¡e point for migrdts to the United Stat€s.(42)

On the one han4 a consequence of the World Wa¡ II arid the Kore¿ wa¡ was that

Mchoaca¡s and childreri ofMchoacaru, who avoided consc¡iptioq retumed to the state. On the other hand, those wa¡s brought economic adl,antages to several üllages; artisans supplied more than eve¡ the U.S. markets with their products. Likev,¡ise thousand of p€ople left fo¡ the

U¡ited States in orde¡ to look for a better stand¡¡d of living and ¡etuming home provided of enough mears to work for their own. Pafs of the state achieved differenc€s in population.

According to the 1950 census Tanhuato, Tlalpujahua and \4llama¡ municipalities had

50 conside¡able loss of populatior! while Uruapar! Zacapt, Zamor4 ziniparo ütd zitá@aro increased theirs.(43)

A la¡ge number ofmigrants liom Cuanajuato, Jalisco and Michoacár kept on leaving

North. Some sectors of Mexic¿n society disagreed this worker migration. ln June of 194ó, former president Lázaro Cá¡denas considered the exit of Mexic¿n laborers as "a damage to o¡¡r countÍ¡y''. Neverth€less, a tot^ of 4,395,622 Mexican braceros went beyond the border from

1951 ro the end ofthe Bracero Program in 1964. 567,514 (12.91 pe¡cent olthe total) left ñom

Gua¡ajuato, 465,396 (10jq/o) from Jalisco and 463,811 (10.55%) of Michoac.án origin. A resident ofthe Ciénega de Chapala noticed in those years

Thousand of people never retumed home. Hundred of women remained long time crying the s€pa¡ation of thei¡ husbands. Several pa¡ents were left without child¡en. Many children never saw their farhers again or never met them.(44)

In 1950 there were 25,791,000 inhabitants in Mexico, 28.9 percent ofthe popdation were rggiserd omcially u¡ban people (considering them i¡ a rir¡clei often thousand p€ople o¡ more) wlrile 7l.l p€rcent were considercd ru¡al. In 1960, the tendency of tIre 34,923,129 inhabitants indicaled ó5.5 f,erc€nt ru¡al while 37.5yo úban. In 1970 relatively the rural population diminished, 54.7o/o f"om 48 million a¡d fraction. In 1970, the ¡esidents of lüger tow¡s than ten thousand irhabit¿nts each rcpres€nted the 45.3 percerit urbanized. In a centralized development model it was obüous this attracting and c€ntralized tendency, and it was v€ry evident that Mexican population grew dra¡natic¿ y in the se¿t heads taking in p€asa¡ts and wo¡k fo¡ce fom the countryside.(45)

Statistics indicated 4,823,901 people in prirnary activities in 1950, mostly the ffth par of the total populalion (18-7lo| who in 1960 w€¡e E143,540, but not in l97q when number

5l lowered to 5,103,517 due the lack of incentives to retain püs¿nts i¡ the fields ¿¡d intensive migration. ln that dlnamics, the transfonnation and constructio¡ industfies, and third actiüties at1lacted,224,51,2 people to the foremost Mexican cities in 1950, the worke¡ attraction increased to reach 408,279 in 1960, and 571,006 in 1970.(46)

Mexico City, Guada.lajara and Morelia co¡c€ntmted mo¡e population Íiom the displacement of peas¿nts magnetized by the cha¡m of living in metropolis during the development in stability. On the other ha¡d, workers, employees and domestic servants left liom the cities for the Nortb rega¡dless of the Bracero Program ending in 1964. Aíie¡ the peso dwaluatior¡ several people were disappointed ofthe oficiat and pateríalistic promise not kept, and headed the fields and cities ofU.S. A Mexican song expresxd

I'm tired and bored, marnma ofüving so in srch misfortune; why dont we sell everything we have and go to the other side [USA].(47)

In the demographic ooq main cities attracted and expelled population. In ¡ound figures, Mexico City in 1950 mosfly duplicated its preüous population of 19,10 with 3,137,599 inhabitants. In 1960 the city i¡creased its population to five millior\ and to 8,700,000 i¡habita¡ts i¡ 1970. Cuadalajara grew fom,l4q500 i¡habitants in 1950 to locate 851,155 inhabitants in l9ó0, and 1,491,085 in 1970. Under different conditions, less attractiorL Morelia stretched out h¿¡dly ó3,245 in 1950, a¡d 100,828 in 1 0, arid ló1,040 inhabitants in 1970.(48)

Focusing on a smaller dimensior¡ including head of municipalities in the Ciénega de Chapal4 the Bajio Zamorano at a[ as central, northe¿st ard southwest MichoacfuL comprised a constanl back and fo.th movement ofpopulation. Droughts between 1950 a¡d

52 1954, shortage ofcom in 1951, the peso devaluation in 1954, floods i¡ 1955 lorced Michoaca¡s going out ñom several pans of the state. As well Acuitziq Brise¡as, Chilchoh, Chiriicuil4

Coalcomán, Contepec, Jiquilpar\ Madero, Morelos, Tingambato, Tinguindin, Tlalpujahua decreased their population between 1960 and 1970. After Ko¡ea War ended, Operation

Wetback deported undocumented Braceros in 1954. Nevertheiess men and women f¡om

Michoacán en¡olled in the industrialization process in the US, where labore¡s were needed in the ports, railroads, ñelds and factories. lmmigration Reform laws implemented during the late 1960's changed or intensified preüous mig¡ation pattems. Seasonal migration

(Golondrino) tumed to be no¡mal in lvfichoacán. These Golond¡inos eluded also to spend the winter in the U.S. It is when 'Northemerf' begari to flow to their homeland.(49)

Circuit and cycle migration kept on establishing networks. The Serrano family is an example ofit. From Jalisco origirL formerly a servart muleteer, the head of household worked in Veracruz, and in the desicc¿tion labor in the Ciénega of Chapala ir 1910 as well

Manied in 1921 to a low level employee's daughter, he settled down in Briseñas, an impo¡tant estate located in a migant attraction and expulsion region as well. Eight children were raised, one ofthem died in the very early chldhood. The he¿d ofthe family worked in the const¡uction ofthe national highway due the floods in 1935. He bought a small land and some cattle and raised it in the Cienega. He became an ejidatario during the Cárdenas

Agrarian Reform. Tragically died in 19,14, as well as his elder son in 1945. The widower supported the family and took care ofthe lands with her male children's assistance.

Sirce the deponatiors and r@atriations, the elders Ser¡ano children h€ard about people retuming Íiom the North. Their irn¡nediate a¡d personal contact with the migratory

53 flow to United States started in 1958 when the minor daughter, engag€ to a migrant, left for

Irs Argetes. The youngest motivated h€r sibliqs to enigrate ñom lvfchoacán. Her widow si*er and two brothers (who had been prwiously Brac€ros) emigrafed in the early

1960s. While üving in Ers Ios Angeleq the Serano rrcmeri wortcd in tailoring in the downtown area and m€ri in fictories in South ceotrsl. A s€ao¡d g@€rEtion of th€ &mily from Mchoacán continued the migratory chain irl the aircuit to Los Angeles.

54 Notes

l.- Interview with Juana Ser¡ano Lomeli conducted by Alvaro Ochoa Senano, Briseñas, Michoacán. May 22, 1912. Interview with Roberto Chóvez Aguilera, ComptorL Cz. Oúobet 22, 1994.

2.- Ochoa and Sánchez. 1985. Uribe and Ochoa. 1990. Lumholtz. 1902,1Í: 368

3.- MartiiL, deLej za. 1824.

4.- Ibid.

5.- C. Ga¡cia. 1996, p.241.

6.- L. C¡árdenas. 1972-1973,1. H. VáEAtl€z Santaü. 1924. The Spanish: "lzó bande¡a la mira/ no se que vapor serl si será de San Fra¡cisco/ si seni de Panamá."

7.- C. García. 1996, p.253. UBC Bancroft. xF1203. M8 v.2:6. J. Hermosa. 1857, p 58. A. Ochoa. 1978

8.- A. Ochoa Se¡rano. 1995. T¡es co¡ridos. El Progresista. Mo¡eli4 November 23, 187 4, r efer erc€ on migration

9.- Ibid

to - Ibid

I l.- R. Sánchez. 1893. R. Sanchez. 1894

12.- AMZ Cobemación 1907, e)(p.

13.- AMz Gobernación. 1905. Papeles sueltos. AHEE. Relaciones. l9l l, exp. 11. SRE-GE, 18-23-27, 18-23-158, 9-9-3.

14.- U¡ibe and Ochoa. 1990, p 32

15.- A Ocho¿ Ser¿no. 1989. Tumer, J. K. l9ll. Botfutous Mexico. Chicago: C. H. Kerr and Co.

16.- APD. Conespo¡dencia- L 34 C 23 D 112'16. Adsteo Mercado to Porñrio Díaa Morelia July 14, l9@.

55 17.- A. Ochoa Senano. 1986. E. Cusi.1956, p'77, 108,257,2ó9. Joumey men from Chavinda, Jaripo, Guaracha, Chapala; muleteers from the Once Pueblos, Purépero, Cotija, Chilchota and from other places.

18.- M.J. Torfes. 1905-1915. ll

19.- A. Ochoa SeÍano. 1995

20.- A¡¿lZ. Gobemación. 1913. Per¡ó

21.- A. Ochoa Serrano. 1989. AMZ Gobernación, 1916. AP Información Matrimonial 1915, Atacheo, IxtlárL Pu¡ép€ro and Tangancícua¡o.

22.- A. Ochoa Senano. 1989. SRE-GE l1-6-133, 17-16-214. E. Cusi. 1969, p 224-225

23.- AMZ Justicia 1917, exp 31.

24.- Uribe and Ochoa. 1990. AMZ Estado 1918, exp. 7 P. Ortiz Rubio. 1919, p I 3 . AGN Gobemacion. Periodo Revolucionario C 28 I exp. 47

25.- El Ceñinela. Morelia" July 28, 1918. 2". Epoct! Num. 45.

26.- AMZ Estado 1921, exp 17. ACE, XXXVIII Legislatura, I¡forme de1 Gobemado¡ Inte¡ino Sidronio Sánchez Pineda September 16,1922, p 44. Deparlaneito de la Estadística Nacional, 1925. Ceriso 1921. Mchoac.{n. AP Coalcorni¡¡, Jacon4 Jiquilpa4 Puépero, Tangancíor¡rq Znápa¡o. El Clarinetg Morelia, March. 24, 1920, I:3. P. Taylor. 1930,l: 250.

27.- SRE-GE 36-9-87, SRE-P 1920, AMZ Estado 1921, exp l7).

28. A\,12, Gobem¿ción 1924, exp 29. lnte¡view with Leoügildo Hernindez, Uruapar4 Michoacrá4 October 21, 1995, conducted by Alvaro Ochoa Se¡rano

29.- Moffoy. 1924. A. Ochoa Senano 1995. AMZ Estado, 1918, exp 7

30.- SRE-P 7925. Jalisco Rürdl. Guadalajara. Novembet 1926,WL 8. EI Correo de fuíord,M.üch 15, 1926. Ihtadística Nqc¡otra¿ México, November 15, 1926.11 43.

31.- Stanilawski.1g50, p 67. AlvlZ Ayuntamiento. Ce¡tificates 1927-1928. P. S. Taylot. 7930,1:2&.

32.- S. Sotelo. 1996, p 29-32

56 33.- Taylor. 1930. Secreta¡ía de la Economía Nacional. 1930. Censo de Població4

Michoac.á¡. Depanamento de Estadistica Nacional. I 93 I . Atgunas Estadísticas de Michoacán. . Secretaria de la Economia Nacional. Censo Ejidal de 1935.

34.- Secretaria de la Economía Nacional. 1930. Censo de Población, Mchoacán. AMZ Ayuntamiento 1933. AP Purépero, 1930 J.C. Gilbert.l934. United States. Depa¡trnent ofCommerce. Bureau ofthe Census. 1943, vol. IL

35.- J. W. Wilke. 1973, p.33-35. La Opnúon.

36.- Secretaria del T¡abajo y Previsión Social. 1946. Gamio. 1969, p 35 Secretaria de Economía. Cornpendio Estadistico 1950, p 59. Progratna de Gob¡en¡o de Mchoaain. 1958

37.- The Gua¡ajuato goverünent complained Mchoacán authorities to endorse certificates of residency to Guanajuato p€ople who planned to l€ave for the United States. AHEE Pasaportes y Visas, 1943-1944. Interview with Jesús Negrete. Atacheo, Mich., Dec€mber 13, 1996 conducted by Alva¡o Ochoa Ser¡ano.

38.- Interview with Jesús Negrete. Atacheo, Mich. Interview with Jesús Covam¡bias- Montebello, Ca. October 14, 1994 conducted by Alvaro Ochoa Serrano. Secretaría de la Economia Nacional. 1940. C€nso de Michoaoáq p. 9.

39.- L. Gonzilez. 1974, p 219. Alfonso Andrade Collection. 1947.

40.- Gali¡do. 1943, p. 31. Proyecto Co¡r¿les. G. Serra¡o Gómez. 1943, p 35

41.- R Caslilo G¿rza. 1941, p 8-10. Galindo. 1943, p. 6. S€cr€tada de Economia. Cot Wdio Esdístico 1950, and C€nso de 1950- Mchoac.án. In late 1930s homicides had classifed fouth after diarrhea, pnannonia and malaria. Secra¿¡ia de Economia. Comperdio Estadistico 1941,p20.

42.- N#8, Pasaportes y üsas, 19,14. Marquez DuráÍ\ 19,14, p 18. Re€s. 1961. L. Gonzdez. 1974. Mo.ico. Seúretarí¿ del Tr¿bajo. 1946, p 60i I

43.- Secretari¿ de Economía 1950. Co¡npetdio E¡dí*ico. Secreta¡ia de Economía. 1952. Censo Mchoac.án.

,14.- J. R Ga¡cia. 1978, p 42. L. C¿úde¡,as. 1972-1973 . Il: 2oi . J. Gudiño Villanueva. 1974, p. 137-139

57 45.- Secr€taría de la Ec¡nomia Nacional. 1941. Secreta¡ía de Industria y Comercio. 1960, Compendio Esl¿distico. Secraa¡ía de I¡dur¡ia y Comercio. 1971, Comperdio Afddísái¿o. Instituto Nacioral de Estadística, Geog¡afia e Infor¡üiúic¿. (INEGI), 1985, L

46.- INEGI. 1985, l.

47.- Ibid. Secreta¡ía de Programación y Pres¡puesto (SPP). 1980. Manlql dc Esldistius Btisius &l kqlo ds Micfuwtiü. I¡s que wdven Herma¡¡as Padilla Song.

48.- INEGI. 1985,I. SPP. 1980.

49.- AHEE Pasapones y visas 1955. AP ¡ecords f¡om 1940s to 1960s. J. Duatrd-f992. J. Ilemínde¿ 1985. A Ochoa" 1978. E. G¿lv€z Morf€s. 1959. El Sentinienfo. Apatzingárf SQt€rnb€r l, 1957 . Ante¡p- Sahu¿yq November 27 , 196ó,\:21

58 CHAPTER 3

MICHOACAN PEASANTS AND LOS ANGELES WORKERS,

The founh anicle of the Michoacán constitution enacted in 1918 lated that

Michoacans are thosei l.-Bom in any part of the state, of Mexican parents, natives or residents in it. [.- By chancg bom out ofthe satg of Michoac.án pa¡ents, provided that tie parents have not lo$ their state residency. lll.- Mexicans who are íaturalized in the state according to pa¡ticula¡ laws. lV-- Mexicans with no less than a year ofresidenc€ in the state.

The founh anicle ammended in l 0 stipulated tbat 'Michoacanos a¡e those Mexicar¡s bom in the tate, childreo of Michoacán parents bom out ofthe slatg and those who have resided continuously fo. a y€ar in the state.'(l)

The constitution provided both legal and civil definitions. However, Michoacanism, regionalism or matriotism as a q¡ltu al issue encompasses ways oflivirg, artifacts, sigrs and symbols, people producing and reproducing at homg as well as sharing in individual- community reciprocal relalions. Nationalism and regionalism as forms of resistant mechanisms flou¡ished abroad. I-uis Go¡zi.lez y GovÁlez a Mexic¿n histo¡ian, conceptualizes Matriotism (associated to mothe¡ as patriotism to hther) as a primary feeling held by individuals belonging to the plac€ where hdshe was born or raised.(2)

Michoacanos bom betwe€¡ 1904 and l9l8 and who sojourned to ihe United States cortributed to acculturation i¡ the U.S a¡d in Michoacán. Matriotism for this generation might be synthesized as'My home is wherever I can make a good living." Michoacanos bom in the first quaner of the century had grorm up in an atmosphere of violence,

59 poverty, injustice, hatred, fear, and suspicion. Acco.dirg to González y González thei¡ childhood, adolescence, and early adulthood

had been filled with calamities, and, upon reaching the age where they had a voice in the mattet they set out to obtain for them and their families the f¡eedom and happiness heralded by the ¡adio, the movies, and the magazines which had been almost their only teachers...Some had the enterprise to go to the city in search of a new life. Almost a1l those who stayed behind signed up as braceros, hoping to come back from the "States" with enough money to take up the bourgeois existenc€ they aspired to.(3)

Other Michoacanos, bom between 1920 and 1934, were impacted by the Paricutin volcano eruptiori. Thei. existence was affected the national unity plan and development programs. Having previous experience with migration, members of this generation were quick to move íiom the countryside to the city and beyond the border. Mexica¡ writers have accused this generation of having little respect for traditions. Other accusations directed at them include their propensity for fame and inclination for material goods and money. A sense of community has declined while individualism is on the rise among them. They have seen mo¡e ofthe world than their elde¡s. They recognize no authority - neither patriarchal, nor civil. They are rebels in afitude, but not in deed.(4)

The etinic background of Michoacán migants is diverse. Mestizo-Criollo ranche¡os dwell along the cor¡idor or Ziráparo, Tlazazalc4 Purépero, Ta¡gancicuaro,

Coúja and its extension i¡ the southwest of the state. Prior to the 1920s, mule-drivers from Purepero, Cotija, Churincio a¡d ziÍáparo went into and across the Hot l,owlands

Tieña Caliente del Balsas and south through Mexico, Aaapulco, even into Guatemala.

After migrating to the U.S. muleteqs and c¡4ft men labored as wo¡kers in steel plants arid rail¡oads. Ra¡chers usually held small po¡tio¡ of lands and alternated activities. Some

¡aised c¿ttle while others were sharecroppers. Small landholders produced dairy products.

60 They also cultivate honey and lime in dry season. Lime was used ir¡ construction, and

was important to prepare ¡ixtamal, the boiled corn for making masa. Male child¡en

assisted their parents in cufing the wood for the production of lime. In the foothills sugar

is harvested a¡d sold on Sundays in the plaza.(5)

Indigenous peoples comprise the dominate population in Ciénega de Zacapu,

Purépecha uplands and Lake Pátzouaro region, in central Michoacán. Land is held

communally. lndigenous peasants altemate activities in anisanry and trade. Mestizaje

occurred in the Cañada de Chilchota in relation to the proportion of the Indigenous population. The Tarasc¿r or Purépecha language has pracrically disappeared "except for a few old folks," but Indian ways and attitudes have not entirely been forgotten. Some have continued intact, and othe¡s have become part ofa new "dual cha¡acter" society.(6)

The population in La Cié¡aga de Chapala ¿nd the riorth central valleys is primarily

Mestizo. Sahuayo, Jaripo, Guaracha, a¡d other rancherías in the Morelia valleys had a strorig Afric¿n descendant population. Trappe¡ herding, domestic servants, artisan,

ñuleteer, and petty traders w€re occupations that allowed Afromestizos freedom of movement. Farm workers, sha¡ecroppers and mainly ejidatarios co¡stitute the active population. Ejido land is held in common by community members, who have the right to use the land but ¡ot to sell it. Ejidata¡ios cultivated the land but credit ard techrioal assistanc€ we¡e lecking to put the land to its full potential. During the harvert season families a¡e able to support themselves but during the rainy se¿son the ejidatario and hiVh€r suffer ñnancially.(7)

The passports and visas which Michoacanos applied for du¡ing the 1920-1955 period proüde personal and social info¡matio¡ on migrants. Mo$ of mig¡ants left from

6l central, nonh central, nortbeast and nonhwest localities of the state in the period

between 1920 and 1930. Applicants ftom Zamora, Puruándiro, Zacapu, Erongaricuaro,

Santa Ana Maya and Zinapécuaro chose Los Angeles as their point ofdestination. (See

Map MichoacáLn 1920-1930). The migrants'age ranged from under 20 to over fo.ty. In

a sample of forty migrant applications 23 migrants ranked in the age ranges of 20-30,

ten in the ra¡ge of3l-40, and 3 migrants over 40 in the same period. This pattern and

proportion scheme coincides with samples ofMichoacán migrants in 1929-1930, 1945

a¡d 1955. (See Table 2). Migrants composed peoples in the most productive age range.

The predominant occupation listed was migrant worker. According to the applications,

most of migrants leñ in the ñrst half of the yea¡. From the months Janua¡y to June

migrants left for rhe United States when they had the highest economic resou¡ces due to

the harvest months. (See Table 3).

A sample of6 Michoacanas and 96 Michoacanos in Los Angeles during 1929 a¡d

1930 provides their names, municipalities from which they came, age, civil status and occupation. Many of the names were taken ftom the Catholic calendar. Maria was the most c,o¡ünon name fo¡ women; tosé, Antonio, Jesús and Francisco being the most common name for men. Numerous people proceeded fiom Puruándiro, secondarily from

La Piedad, Tlazazalcz, Purépero, Tangancícuaro, as well Chu¡incio, Villa Morelos,

Zamora, Huaniqueo, Panindícuaro, Tanhuato, Villa Jiménez. a¡d other municipalities of ceritral ar¡d northweste¡n. Outside the mosl freque¡tly named regions of migratior¡

Pichitaro (Tingambato) and Tecario (Taotnbaro) in central part of the state, and Villa

Hidalgo and La Era (Tuxpan) in the eastern part of the state were also represented in the migration stream to the United St¿tes. The age ofthese mig¡ants in Los Angeles varied

62 from 19 to 75 According to the repott, one of them was under the age of20; while 4l were in the 20-30 age range, 3l in the 3l-40 age range, and 3l over the age of forty. A majority of the 24 single migrants ranged from the age of 20-30 while 25 manied migrants ranged from the ages of 3 1-40, three widowets were over the age of 40- Four of the six women were manied, and their occupation Iisted was attending their homes (8)

Agricultural activities and industries in Califomia a¡d Los Angeles att¡acted wo¡kers and peasarts during the 1929 depression period. A large number of migrant workers in the United States worked in the agricultural fields. This served to perpetuate rural customs amoflg a ¡elatively large segment of Michoacan migrants. Women performed domestic duties (haciendo pie de casa) and also enhanced Michoacán traditions. A 1929-1930 sample of the migrant population identifies 83 joumeyn€n, 5 fa¡mers, 3 workers, 2 cooks, a trader, an employee, one ga¡dener, one meahanic, and one blacksmith. (See Table 4). t¿st Íames and geographic origin of Michoacán migrants suggest shong family ties and other social relations from ra¡cheria people. Family co¡mections played a significant role for migrants. Relatives and siblings ofthe migant population in Los Angeles also shared a migrant background.(9)

These p¿tterns ofa .ural mig¡aÍt tradilion among the Michoacán population in Los

Angeles is demonstrated ifl the following example. Born in 1904, Salvador Sorelo, a

Michoac¡ín migrant immigrated tr 1922 to the United States accompanied by some relatives. The family enrolled in an enganche fo¡ Sa¡ Jose Califomia. He was denied employment because of his age. However he quickly leamed English and was given a job as a water canier fo¡ field labor. Later, he worked in the Southem P¿cific Raihoad as many other Michoacári migrants did.

63 Living in the United States, was hard fo¡ Sotelo at the beginning. Afte¡ working, he would cook, wash dishes, put ñrewood in the stove and sweep the cart-house. Sotelo did laundry on every Sunday and also washed other people's clothes in ord€¡ to eam extra money. Sotelo joined his b¡other who previously had emigrated i¡ l9l0 arid moved to

Los Angeles. Sotelo and his brother worked in lhe construction business. Sotelo learned the masonry and attended night school in order to improve his English. He met fi¡st girlíiiend in the United States while üsiting his relatives. Novia"€o or courtship is an impo¡ta¡t iniliation period for marriage. In Michoacán it encompasses a ritual which serves to lormalize a relationship. According to chu¡ch ¡eco¡ds Michoacán male migrant generally tended to marryr Mexican woman from Mexim-(I0)

Several Michoacán families entered in United States before the Depress¡on years.

Betwe€n 1927 a¡d 1928, l0l men and 48 women emig¡ated fiom the Zamora valley.

Among this group was 14 families, one couple, 5 siblings and f¡iends from the Zamora municipality, and a four member family from Jacona. 67 percr,nt came from the he¿d municipality and 33oy'o from the rarcherías. Six migrants from Z¿mora headed to Los

Angeles.(l l)

Du.ing the depression a large percent of the Mexic¿¡ immigrant population repatriated or were deported- Those who retumed to Mexico during and aft€r the depression took ideas, techniques, skills, and some economic resou¡ces to imp¡ove their lives in their homelands. Due to agrarian refonn, among other facto¡s, Michoacán peasants did not leave for the U. S. throughout the 1930- 1940 period which coincided with the Cá¡denas' govemmental ard presidential adEinistration.(12) A Michoacan migrant from Los Angeles w¡ote his brothe¡ in Februuy 28, 1940:'We long to retum to Mexico

64 some day althoughjust visiting. Over all, we long to visit our siblings whom we have not seen long time ago'(13)

The official political party led agrarian ¡efo¡m in line üth its original goals.

However the rcality ¡evea.led that the ofticial party was far from meeting the original goals of the ¡evolution. I¿nds in Michoacán we¡e generally well watered due to the water draining from the ¡ive¡s and lakes. However, productivity of c¡ops was unstable due to inadequate ag¡icultual and inigation systems.(I4) Furthermore, regional trading and industry activities were sc¡¡rce. Peasants became captive voters for the ofiicial party (PN& PRN! PRI). They pa¡ticipated in civil acts which failed to add¡ess immediate concerns. Poor social and living conditions ofejidatarios were captu¡ed by seve¡al reports take¡ in the eady 1940s. Food and housing conditions were less than minimal. Natu¡al disasters exacerbated these conditions.

For example rvhen the P¿¡ícutin volca¡o erupted in 1943 big clouds of dust tumed tl¡e sunlight into darkness fo¡ several d¿ys in Numarar! a hund¡ed and fifty kilometer away.(1 5)

The B¡ac€ro Program, an agreemerit between the United States and M€xican govemments at the beginning ofthe United States participation in World Wü II, became a ralve of escape for Mchoaoán pe¿sants, afisans and low level employees. MichoacáLn along with the Federal District, Guanajuatq Jalisco. Durango, Chihuahu¿ and Zacatecas proüded more Braceros tlan any otllers. P¡ior to t¡e ending of this War, Mchoacán people werit to the United Stat€s as bracetos; but after 1945 when worry of being drafted ir¡to the war no lo¡ger eúste4 there was ü hcrease in sho¡t-teñi emigration. The Korean

War also impacted the lives of Michoacá¡ people d¡a¡natically. The head of a

Michoac{án family w¡ote his sibling on October 9, 1950: y¿ le vino ca.ta a [mi r¡ieto]

65 Raúl para la guerra, y mi hüa Rosa ha estado los más a llore y llorg lo mismo que Josefa

[su abuela]. Late., he wrote in anothe¡ letter on October 5, 1954

In regards to your nephews, Raúl will be coming on the l5rh ofthis month. IIe is already in Los Angeles and has completed his 2 y€ar term. About the others I do not have any information because they do not visit us; those are Lupes's children, the daughter ofmine who died, and Mike's, two boys and two girls bom when he retumed from Wo.ld War IL(ló)

According to demographic reco¡ds of 1950, almost half of the Michoacán Braceros were young migrants. From the total of emigrants, 4370 were u¡der 15, and 4l or 57 percent we¡e adults.. At the begi¡nirig of the Bracero program most of the Michoacán migrants were from the villages; later it was the men f¡om the rancherias who predomiúated. In the

€arly y€a¡s, the la¡ger pan were young men ofthe middle a¡d upper classes; but as time w€nt oq most of them we¡e people from the lower economic sectors. The migrants' literacy level was low.(17)

As see¡ in Table 4, most ofthe Michoacán migrants were peasants and they used to work in ñelds of Califomia and Ios Angeles in the late 1920s and early 1930s.

Personal accounts and passpo¡t applications during the 1940s and 1950s indicate a diversity of occupations: traders, farmers, journeymen, workers, artisans, employees, students, few men in indust¡ial agtivities and women in house duties. ln spite of

Operation Wetback and the decreasing opportunities of the Bracero progr¿r!

Michoacanos continued emigrating beyond tho bo¡der. Several traders cmigrated due to the 1954 devaluation which afected Mexica¡ t¡ad€,(18) although the economic situation on both sides was difficult. A Mchoacán migant complained Íiom Los A¡gel€s on

January 1957: "está la cosa dura que ni es tan siquiera como pensé. I did not hav€ any cents and neither rrork; it is so ha¡d that I did not even imagine as I thor-rght" However,

66 farmss coostructions ¿nd industuial work still ¿ttr¡cted rnigr¡nts to Cdifornia. Michoacán women nahly joined the garrcrt i¡ú¡stry in Ios Angeles. Fo¡mer pe¡sa¡ts became bluecollar workers, as wcll as forme¡ a¡tis¿ns and low level employe€s who also tertiary jobs in restaurantr a¡d hotels. Before ending üe Bracero prograr4 a large number of

Mchoacá¡ migrants noved to the citi€s. Los Algeles contiaued to b€ poirt ofanival for

Michoocanos.( l9)

ü Migration Ircalities to the United States 1920-1930.

ESTADO DE MICHOACAN

0

t] it

X

a ^21ÍPa E: ¿

68 Table 2

104 Michoacán Mgrants. Age Ranges. 1929-1930

Unde¡ 20 /l 20-30 /t /t I I I I I I I I //t//t/lt///////l/l/t////// 4t 3t-40 ///t// / t//fi /l/ll//lll 31 Over 40 / / Il//////// 3l

44 Michoacán Mig¡a¡ts. Age R¿nges. 1945

Under 20 5 20-30 l4 31-40 1.2 Over 40 13

60 Michoacán Migants. Age Ranges. 1955

Under 20 llll 4 20-30 l//lll////ll/llll/lll//lll 26 31-40 ll////l/ll/l/l 14 Over4o llll////l//////l 16

Sourc€: Secretaría de Relaciotres Exte¡iores, Archivo Hlstó¡ico. Arahivo Histórico del Poder Ejecutivo de Mchoacán. Pasaportes.

69 Table 3

I I I Mchoacán Migruts to U.S. Applicstion D¿te. 19,14

Jstruáry tIII/IIlUttnnflt tIIIIIItlI 37 February lllll I 13 I\ilarch II ó April II 6 May t 7 June lllllIIII l3 July //I 8 Ausust 7 Sqte¡nber It O(tob€r I Novembcr I 2 D€c¡mbcr t

60 Mohoaoén Mgrants to U.S. Applic¿tioa Date. 1955

Janu¡ry lllll t 10 F€bru¿¡y I 5 M¡rch lIfln 14 April 6 Itl¡y I t 5 IuDo II UIt l5 July I t 5 August 0 S€ptrmb€r o fub€r 0 NoY€mbcr o Deonber o

Sorrce Arcüir¡o Iistó¡ico dcl Poder Ejcortivo dc ltÁchcán P¡sapo¡tes,

m Table 4

Mchoacanos in Los Angeles 1929-1930

Nmc o¡igitr Age Civil Status

Vicente Ms€aña V. Guadalupe 26S ,J Gumersindo Metftlez Purüá¡diro 30M J 43M J 28S J La Piedad 50M J J6éM. Figü@ 36S J Lau¡o Rodrigw 24M J JoséM. T. Yepiz 1¿ Pie&d 32M J Refi€io Du¿rt€ V. Guadalupe 33M J Tomás l¡lcz Panindícutro UM J Ju¿¡ Ba¡re¡a 37M J l,{Eseno Toledo Mrrijo 43M J Ramón Ir'1a Eülcurro ,lO M J Bs¡tolo Aguil& NS J Ma¡€linoM% 22s J li¿lel Ma)€ 29S J ¡r2¡ Ru¿ 4lw J lnés R¡mÍez Pagu¡no 31 M Abundio Solorio l, Piedad 39M J Foni¡o Herná¡dez L€rla 37S J A$ltln Tspia M¡¡ijo 28S J Espiridión ochoa Pajacüal¡tr 35S J Luis l,lasd¿leno 30M J José Solorio 44M J Moisés Re'€s 37M J Jesús EsTinoz¿ Pur@o 25M J Timoteo Blanco 39S J Bemabé MÁldon¡do V. rrd¡ko 48M J Ezequiel Ga¡cfa Zalxxe 24S J creSorio cerda 3lM J Pat¡icio Zá¡te Nunñán 48M J Emiüo Rosales 42W I 69M J 37M J t¡ Luz 29S Est€ban Gua,ár 3ls Cook Secundirc Zavala Tres Meequiles 48M I huütudno 275 I cmelio M€?Á Hu¿niqu€o 43S J David OlivaEs F/o- deMch 29M J Felip€ JuárEz 39M J 28M J 42M J Lüs l,{agd¿l@ IM J a¡trérdro 38M J FÉ¡cisco Timdo 43S J Zurumuato 30M J D6niet Llma L6 Reyes 25M J Antonio Cdstilo Tan$ncfcu¡ro 2.6M lá Pid¿d 34S J R¡món Gui!,ár Pu¡épero 23S I 38M Sniü chilchota 26S

7t Lüis Rq€s 54 M Dorotd Espinoaa Ls Noria 31 M I Mato Cúiér€z S. J. de Cr¿cia 3l M J Jeslls Zavala 23 s I Tier¡"s Blrmc¡s 27 M Jd3é ¡squiv€l 2a s J 27 s M€ch¿¡ic Tranquilino Soto La Piedad 27 M J Gal€ao¡ 24 M J Fi¡iqE M¡rti¡ez 30 M Ihvid Ha€dia Iá Pid¿d 20 S J l¡ Piedrd 46 M T Edü.ddo Garcí¡ carEio de Gu¡¿ 30 M J 30 M "Ikzn*ca 22 M J M¡¡fle€s 21 s Enploye Pilsr Tofts 38 M J Ig¡ucio c. H6¡Ánd.? bdlál d. los H 27 M I Tmás Bsnjas 46 M J Tclésforo dc l¡ Cruz Pichtrdo 29 s r D¡üd CmF6 49 M J l¡6 ReFs 3l M Iloüse l,t¡sd¿l@ Es¡d. 65 M J P'r@o 40 M l José Dlaz 37 M J onésim Aguila¡ Puuá¡diro 45 M J Félix V€g¿ 38 s Huipcú¡ 45 M J Jü¡n t¡¡¡cli l¿ PiedÁd 53 M I J6é Crüz La Piod¡d 2l s J l,leí¡ Silla 50 s Hoüse JGé CGi¡ 43 M I rtt rl¿ P de lópez Uñi@ 42 M Hoüse Josá R Cordflüi¡s 75 I'f¡ria C. & Trujilo 3l M House Mr¡la R Covünbi¡s 2a S Hoü€ Eligio M]llino 39 M A¡seho &dr¿ Ch4itto 29 s J Atrt(aio Z¡Y¡L Plinúdiro 49 s J Ilnrssiüo l'lmzo }údo.ce 38 M r hblol,Írillo cln¡rincio M J IrD¡cio }árilo chrriúio 22 s ! Jo6é Mu¡i[o Chri¡cio l9 s J P8l,lo R Csi¿ 46 M J€sús GüriésÉ? 38 M J DeEllo A¡iIIld€ R¡ljándno 42 M J SaliddA¡&!d. h[!¡¡düo 2t s J Jcé Arcuim 35 M J 36 M r Fidct ALin¡tr Mic¡d!ún 2a S B.rito Vd¡zqü.z 5t M I

sd¡¡ce S€(f€t d¡ dc Rdacioo6 ExLrior.., Archivo Hirórico. wl03{. Noles: S sinslq Mmrri€d;Wwid¡w6, JjourÉ'mao.

72 Notes

I.- Constlución Polílicq del Esrdo d¿ Mich.ncén.1926.

2.-L. GoruÁte.. 1973,p 18.

3.- L. CmruÁlez. 19'1 4, p. 226.

4.- Ibid., p. 252.

5.- D. Stanilawski. 1950, p. 6'l. L. Cnnzález. 1974. Interview with Jesús Covam¡bias. Montebello, Ca. November 24, 1994. Interview with Crispin Saucedo, Purepero, Mich., September 3 I , I 980. M. Carreras de Velasco. I 978.

6.- Stanilawski. 1950,63-64. L. Mendiet¿ y Nuñez. 1940. C. AguiFe Beltrán. 1952.

'7.- L. GowAlez. 1979. A. Ochoa Senano. 1997, p 79. Gallegos. 1984. Mi¡anda Godínez. 1984. Serrano Gómez. 1943,p35.

8.- SFE-GE,IV-103-6. A previous and smaller example in AMZ Gobemaciór\ 1917, a

9.- SRE-GE IV-103-6. S. Sotelo Arévalo. 1996. I. Gallegos. 1984. RM Bec€fra. 1988. Woman's social role in migration proc€ss. M¿nuel Gamio Collection Z-R 5, 2: 10, I I, 13, 14 16, 17, 18. T\e frlm Mi F@niliq, directed by Gregory Nav4 is based on a Michoac¡¡o experience.

10.- S. Sotelo. 1996, p 29-32. . I, Gallegos. 1984. AP Información M¿trimonial: Churincio, Coalcomá¡\ Jacon4 Jiquilpar! Purepero, Puruándiro, TüEancicuaro, T lazazzlc\ Z,eIú,or4 Zin^Dzr o.

t l.- AMZ Aluntamieíto 1927, 1928 Certificates for passport applications.

12.- SRE-P and AHEE, Passports a¡d visas ¡ecords.

13.- AOS Na¡es Collection. Lettcr fiom Miguel Nares to Bonito Nares, l¡s Ang€t€s, Ca. F€bruary 28, 1940

14.- Galindo. 19a3, p. 31.

15.- R Castillo Garza. 1941. M¿rquez Dur¿¡L 1944, p 18 R€€s. 196l.L. cñwílez. 1974.

73 16.- AOS Na¡€s C-oll€ction" L€üefs ftom Miguel Náreq I¡s Angeles! Ca" Octub€r 9, f950 and Ocober 5, 1954- P¡wior¡sly NE€s had n¡rifeIl qui€n sabe si se llev€n s R¡uL f9, s I¿ gu€oa. July a 1950. Uribe de Gom€¿. 1998.

17.- Prograrns de Miohoaaá.[ 1958 AOS Alfonso A(hede Co[estion 1947. L. C-f,fuálfz,. 1974,p.239.

I 8.- AIIEE¡ Pasaportes 1955.

19.- AOS, Nsrcs Collecion l¡tt€( ñom R Peo¡ Zamor¿ to Beqito Ns¡Eg I¡s A¡gcles, Ja¡uary 25, 1957. Ite¡vieq. with Clco&s Ceja, Jiqufpsn Iúy 11, 196. Cqi4 E tailor, altcraed tailcing at bomc wtile wo*iDg in I hotel in West Los A¡g€l€s.

71 CHAPTER 4

HOUSING, CLOTHING, AND FOOD

Home and house

Beyond the essential functionality of protection and shelter, home signifies a physical designation and dwelle¡s. Home is the house and the occupants, it is the conception ofa liüng space. Initially this space is conceived as an assembly of four walls with tiling in which dwellers placed the images ofthe saints orthe altars. The rural house in Michoaqán draws on Spaoiard, African and Indigenous influences. The cente¡ of the hoñe among the most humble, ¿s i¡ ancient times-- was the vent or the place of for the fire (fogórL hogar).

Firg in Spanish, is the ¡oot wo¡d fo¡ Home. Meanwhile vent was tlle image, the inca¡nation ofthe old god, the god ofthe Fire among ancient cultures in Mexico.(l)

At the end ofthe C¡istero rebelliorL Agrarian Reform was intensified in Michoacán.

Seve¡al new localities were created as towns (i.e. Briseñas, Vista Hermosa), o¡ reinforced due to the break up of estates during the agrariaa refo¡m. Socio-economic change was mainly noticeable in house co¡struction and ¡econstruction. Repatriados who had refi¡rned from the United States brought resources and skills and co¡structed well built homes. For examplg half ofthe nu¡iber oftotal houses built in Cojumatlán were constructed dudng thc

1930s. They were riade ofbrick and tile, a¡d measu¡ed five meter high. Forty per cent of the homes were constructed of adobe houses a.nd we¡e built before the 1926 cdstero revolt.

Ten per cent of houses in the outskjrts and ¡ancherías were made of wood and slraq consisting ofo¡e o¡ two huts fo¡ the bedroom a¡d kitchen.(2)

75 Home improvements also took place due to economic bonanza of the Bracero program, and the governmenfal stimulated program of home imp¡ovement. The regions of

Jacona and Jiquilpan experienced housing development as a result of construction of the

Mexico-Morelia-Guadalajara highway. According to Mexican population censuses and statistics, a g¡eat iñprovement of housing occured th¡oughout the 1950s. Violence decreased in rural are¿s and urban population increased in those years.(3)

The social and economic conditions of the house occupant determined its const¡uctiorL fumishing and interior atmosphere. Thc houses for ejidatarios, small landowners, low level employees, artisars and several peasants' we¡e distributed tkoughout the town. Although artisan were well delimited in ce¡tain small cities. Landowners, merchants, high level employees built their houses around the plaza where the church, city hall, cinema and stores stood. People from the lower level secto¡s of society inhabited ihe oulskirts, and the joumeymen lived in isolated ra¡che.ias. A general description of houses during the 1940s irr Tanhuato, Penjamillo, and Angamacutiro follows:

Houses were made of b¡ick walls in the dovrútown are¿. Some have roofs of vault bóveda, while olhers have tile rool Floors of cement, several wide and spacious rooms, wide doors and big windows distinguish one from another. Houses have yards, orchard arid a ponal. Upper middle class people dwell in houses located a¡ound the plaza. Middle class people live in homes made ofbrick wall. Their houses consist oftile roofs and brick floors, lacking windows. A small number of families in A¡gam¿cutiro lived in hygienic and acceptable house conditions. These families had previously lived in the United States o¡ in

Mexico city. Most ofthe middle class houses ofthese tow¡s had corrals where cows, horses or pigs were kept.

76 Other houses consist of adobe walls, tile ¡oofs and di¡t floors. Some homes contain only a couple ofrooms while others contain only one which serves as living room, dining room and bedroom. The kitchen is always separated f¡om the rooms, even in single room homes. Some ¡ooms are without window or have the kitchen located inside the one main room. The kitchen has a stone blaze and the combustion fills the single o¡ double ¡oom homes. Seed is sto¡ed in a comer ofthe house when harvest takes place. Fumitu¡e consists ofa few chair¡ some boxes for drawe¡s and a petate mounted on wood cha¡ts which serves as a suppon for boxes or as a bed. House conditions in the ¡ancherías a¡e dismal. People live in close proximity 10 animals. The huts have dirt floo¡.(4)

Houses in the Ciénega de Chapala are adobe, brick or stone built. Houses in downtolrn have smoothed lime mixture o¡ plastered walls and have doo¡s ard wooden windows. Some windows a¡e grated. These houses have ¡oofs m¿de of vault or terrado.

Some houses have overhang tiled roof and tapanco (attic to keep grain); as well mosaic, wooden stave, cement or brick floor. Few houses have several rooms. The kitcher is apart fiom the house a¡d has a brick or mosaic vent. Some families have electric or tactolina stoves in thei¡ kitchefls. Their houses also have patio, conido¡s and a cor¡al. Three two story houses existed in Villama¡ in the 1940s.

Most oft¡e ejidatario houses have adobe walls, tapanco and tile roofs. The room and the cor¡idor floo¡ is made of b¡ick, stone or g¡ourid. The walls of the rooms a¡e made with lime. Houses consist mainly oftwo rooms, with shutte¡ windows. During the harvest, cor4 whe¿t or chickpea is stored in a comer of the room o¡ in the tapanco. These houses have no dining roon¡ and the conidor is adapted for it before the rainy and winter season. The vent

77 is made of adobe whe¡e firewood and cobs are bumed. The rising smoke infiltrates the home. These houses also have adjacent corrals.

Houses in the town outskins and in the ranche¡ias consist of single ¡oom homes.

They are adobe or slone built. The adobe walls a¡e ¡ecovered with a mixture of mud and manure ofcow, finished with lime gror.rt. These houses have din floors and tiled roofs. The tapanco stores corn and othe¡ seeds. The kitchen is located adjacent to the room- Animals are kept in nea¡by corrals. General speaking, the houses are overcrowded and insufficient living spaces for the occupalts.

In the ranchería and outskirts ofthe town, poor people live in jacales, a singl€ room huts ofadobe walls, field stone walls o¡ bamboo and reeds walls, straw roofs and dirt floor.

The hut has no wi¡dows, and its doo¡ is very naÍow. The kitchen is a vent of cooked mud loc¿ted out ofthe hut, most likely under a t¡ee. Some ümes the kitchen is located in the hut.

This rustic house has no corral so the animals live in the open space ofthe hut. (5)

In the southwest and the Cotija-Purépero-Tlezazalca conido¡, adobe houses a¡e common. Houses are plastered and whitewashed, and have wood windows. The floors a¡e made of brick. All ofthe houses even the most humble have tiled roofs which contains a tapanco. The more substantial homes have a patio and conal. The patio is used to ha¡g clothes o¡ c¿ntains a bath¡oom space. The conal is also a waste d€pository. It serves as a place to raise pigs and poultry.(6)

The typiaal house in the Purépecha ¡egion loc¿ted in the countryside. The we¿lthy families have some commodities in their several room homes. The adobe houses have tejamanil overhang roof. The lapanco althe attic is used to store grains, and occasionally as a bed¡oom. Besides adobe const¡uctions, the toje co[stitutes most of housing in the ¡egion.

78 It consists of a ¡oom of several thiak wooden slates that can be €asily disñañtled.

Tejamanil covers the four side pyramidal roof The floor is half a meter high from the ground. A small portal sustained by wooden pilla¡s protects the fiont with a small doo¡ attached. Soñetimes the troje serves as granary and the family sleeps in the kitchen on a bed made f¡om tables o¡on petates.

The pooresl families, peons and joumeymen use one room in which they cook, eat and sleep in. They a¡e built ofwood and adobe and the center offhe room is the parangua where the oven vent is located. The floor is made of din. (7)

During harvest season ejidatarios have the resouraes to imp¡ove their homes. During the rainy season th€ poorly built homes a¡e effected. Once again the amount of furniture conelates with the number ofrooms. In several villages ofthe northwest, who can afford to do so build thei¡ own houses ofbrick or adobe.(8)

The retu.n of Michoacán migrants brought resor¡rces ard skills for better housing.

The home improvements were reflected in the inside as well as the outside. Migrarits brought modem electrical appliances. R¿dio sets and fv sets bec¿me part of home atmosphere. Braceros during the period of 1942 and 1964 brought manual mills, openers, can openers, phonographs, radios, record player, and others devices to Mchoacán(9)

The interior decoration ofhomes also reflected the influence ofUnited States culture and incre¡sed modernization artd urbaniz¿tion. Migrants used rugs bought in the United

States to decorate the walls The rugs had pictures of horses, gmnd landscapes and forests.

Mexican style decorations or adomments d€corated Mchoaca[os' hous€s in Los Angeles.

Religious icons, family photos, signs a¡d symbols crossed both sides ofthe border.

79 The majority of the migrarit workers in l¡s Angeles worked on the rail¡oad and agriculture fields. Los Angeles dow¡town area hosted migrants who temporarily came to protegerse, a invernar- Michoacán migrants who stayed and made roots in Los Angeles occupied the areas ofMaravilla and Belvedcre mostly. Part ofthe decision to stay included purchasing a home to avoid ¡enting pe¡petually. The house prope.ty also becoñe a symbol of migrants' economic status.(10)

Home ¡enovations in Michoacán continued in the fifties and sixties. Mig¡ants modeled their homes after the local homes ofthe rich. Durirg the 1970s Califomia style house (using aluminum and azulejo) set the pattern for Mchoacán mig¡ants. Due to migratior! real estate property values weftt up in several towns and small cities ofthe stafe.

Cunently in Michoacan migrants avoid preferencing certain styles. Instead they build their homes üth the intent ofgiving them an expensive appe€¡ance.

Cloth a¡d tailo¡ing.

Clothi¡g styles also were influenced by United States models. During lhe 1940s

Miahoacanos continued to wear calzón and camizola, faja or ceñidor, sandals, and palm and st¡aw hats. The wide brimmed hsts were useful for ca¡ry¡ng items. Local patterns of dress continued despite the prohibition oflocal authorities. These prohibitions on peasant clothing date back to the Porfirio Diaz administration. Peasa¡t worke¡s carried an efra change of clothi¡g when they entered cities and towns. Before 1962 sandals, Meúc¿n shawls (rebozo) and hats we.e common items seen in the plazas and chu¡ches. The Catholic Concilio

Vaticano II allowed women to attend servic€s without covering their heads. A-fter the

80 1960s women's use of the rebozo declined. Peasants acquired new clothing or estreno during ha.vest se¿son du¡ing the hometown festival.(l l)

Dramatic changes in dress occur¡ed in the late 1920s Some people began substituting calzón and manta shirt üth suits. Overalls also became in use in the late l92os

Michoacán migrants recount that üey would take their best clothes and shoes with them to the Uriited States. Immigration officials bathed the migrants and steamed their clothing.

The migrants were also disinfected. At the end ofthis process the clothing and shoes were sometimes ruined. Ramona Bravo Torr€s de Cholico in 1928 carried a bundle of male clothing to taketo her brothe¡ who ¡esided in Califomia.(12)

Generally most of men had two changes of clothing, work and leisure clothing. New clothes we¡e bought each season. Mostly clothing was home tailored as in the ranche¡o conidor and Ciénega de Chapala region. The calzón trouse.s were used solely as undergarments when other clothes became adapted. Migrants acquired more clothing in the

Unitcd Stales. ln the r€gion of Tanhuato inhabitants frequently used jeans, jackets and popelina shirts. Leather shoes began to replace the traditional s¿ndals (kakil tejidos a mano). After the 1960s t¡adition¿l style hats such as 'Cha¡ro" and '?a¡acho" were used less frequently.(13)

Traditional clothing was maintai¡ed in the Purépecha region. Generally women went barefoot, othe¡s wore traditional boot. n94ll. Underwea¡ consist of a ¡ibbon of ernbroidered blanka from 5 to ó meter long on which set the skirt of knitted wool 5 and l0

ñeters long, plisada in accordionlike form. Both underwear and skin are tied by several embroide¡ed ba¡ds of wool. Women wea¡ a short sleeves shirt or guanengo and rebozos-

The woolen ski¡t or'?ollo" in black is common and the dark blue is used less liequenrly.

8l Single women wear red rollo while manied women wear black rollo. Black rollo means

respect to la persona. The black rollo is easier for tanning teñir. Families use the rollo as

blanket in bed.(14)

The typical style dress for men consisted of shirt y calzoncs manta, a woolen faja,

sandals, palm hat and a woolen blanket or gabán. The gabán is the mosr lL¡xurous gament

masculina due to its variay ofadorns and brillantes colors. Several men wea¡ j€ans, dril or

pana trousers and tailored shirts o. camisolas. Blanket is used either day or oight.( l5)

Clothing also became a symbol among migrants. Flowered and colo¡ful shirts were

wom by braceros back home. A Michoacán migrarit accounted in Los Angeles: Sunday was

an occasion for dress up in suit, tie and good shoes. There were many retail shops specially on

Broadway. Victo/s Clothing Company was a frequented business as well as the Los Angeles

sto¡e. New and used clothing was sold. Suits cost more than one hundred dollars and included

slacks, a shirt and jacket. Shoes cost ten or fifteen dollars. work clothing cost fou¡ or ñve

dolla¡s for a shirt and jeans. Cackies were also used. It is to notice that mig¡ant women

mainly worked in clothing factories in California.(16)

Michoacán at the Table.

Into the first half ofthis century people in rural a¡eas slill used wooden spoons or a

fold piec€ of tortilla to eat their food. Soup was sipped directly from the bowl. Peasants

who h¿d been accustomed to sitting or have me¿ls on the ground while eating began using

tables and other fumiture. Migrants in the United States acquired new food and drinking

habirs. For example Doña Genoveva dra¡k ¡aw milk while living in the rancho a¡d had

ha¡dly accustomed to dri¡king pasteurized milk in Los Angeles. According to Catholic

a2 calendar and possibilities, mostly migrant women cooked the same food as that of

Michoacá¡ As well tortillas, Mexican vegetables and dulces ñexicanos were common in

Los Angeles markets. Several Michoaciín migrants began eating hamburge¡s and seafood.

However other migrants missed their traditional meals.(17)

In Michoacán, ¡ancheros had mainly meals based on dairy products as jocoque, requesón, minguiche, panela, and meat. Ejidatarios during the harvest season had enough money to buy meat a¡d pasta. Aier the hawest they began to consume the com and beans they previously cropped. The typical meal of the peasant consists of tortillas, beans, ¡ice, pasta and chile When lacking beans, peasants ate tortilla ¿nd chile

I think it's bener to e¿t tortilla with chile than eating hot dogs.

Some times eggs, milk, meat supplemented peasants diet- More rarely people consume red meat or pork In towns and rancherias close to the river people consumed fisl¡ carpa and catlish. Fruit during particular se¿sons in the northwest region included guav4 oranges, papayas and mangos. Sugar cane was also consumed. Vegetables and fruit we¡e seasonal. Nuts, yams, c¿cahuate and othe. vegetables are cultivated to a lesser decree.(I8)

Seve¡al towns in the Bajío Z¿moraoo and Purépecha region had no permÁnent building for their markets. On Su¡rd¿ys vendors sold fiuit and vegetables &om temporary stands in the main plaza. In general the towns have groc€ry stores which sell food, alcohol and othe¡ miscellaneous items.(19)

CorrL beans, and wheat bread a¡e staples in Parangaricutiro and region in general.

Vegetables are infre4uently consumed due to sc¿rcity except on market days. People prefer

83 pork p¡epared in a variety ofways although beefis sometimes in demand for chu¡ipo. Fish is difficult to acquire due to transportation but dry fish is brought from rivers neaóy.(2o)

Food established connections and rituals amo¡g peasants as well. Braceros and mig¡ants brought canned food and other material culture elements liom the United States while tortilla and tamales became familiar on both sides ofthe bo¡der. Over all, the taco is one the basic food eaten in Mexico and Michoacán, in a dominant maize cultu¡e. It is also a custom and a ritual. A¡mid¿ de la Va¡a describes the taco ope¡ation.

Holding the "newly cooked" tortilla in the left hand, with the edge ofthe right hand give it a soft karate blow, without tea¡ing it, but making a kind of a hollow where one puts ftitu¡as of beef or of buche, longanizg soricua, tongue, brains, cheek, ear, cracks of "stufting chili," cheese, potato, muh¡ooms, flower of pumpkin or whatever. Then shaking one's hand, sprinkle quickly onion, and a hot spicy red or gre€n sauce, with cilantro and a small amount of lettuce or cabbage. Once all these things are in the tonill4 the right hand makes a "pass" which rolls over, being careful not to tear it so that the taco ¡ernains well done. Afterwards you take it with the úght hand (with the othe¡ if lefthanded) and set it comfo¡tably between the thumb and the middle finger, pressing it a little with the index finger, while the pinkie fiager lifts its "end," so that the sauce is not th¡own. The grace of the taco is in the correspondence ofthe finge¡s to the structure ofthe same, and the form in advancing the head to give the first bite without spoiling the clothes.(19)

84 Notes

l.- V. M. O¡tiz. 1984, p 41,45.

2.- L de la Cajiga. 1944. R. Hemández Valencia.1940, p 37.

3.- D. Stanilawski. 1950, p 63. Mexico.1952. Mexico. 1963. Mexico. Anuario Estadístico 1950 and 1960

4.- Martinez de Escobar, 1946, p 35. Galindo Guar¡eros. 1943, pp.2l-22. J. A. Figueroa Juárez. 1944, p.33.

5.- G. Se¡rano Gómez. 1943, 20-22. L. Velascn Vargas. 1945, p.20-21. L. Meza Chávez. 1943, p. 3l-32. Armostrong. 1949, 173-176.

ó.- S. Cast¡o Estrada. 1938, p. 6l-62. Sta¡islawski. 1950.

7.- Beals. 1944. L. Merdieta y Nunez. 1940. I. Zepeda Barceló. 1940, pp. 3l -32.. A. Garcia Camberos. 1941, p.43.

8.- G. Serrano Gómez. 1943. Villamar, p 35. Armostrong. 1949, p 178. lnterview with Angel Estrada, Briseñas, Michoacán, July 3, 1996, conducted by Alvaro Ochoa Se¡rano-

9.- Taylor, 1930. Sotelo. 1996. Sanchez. 1993. Romo.

10.- Sotelo. 1996. AOS Na¡es Collection. Miguel Nares to Benito Nares, Los Argeles, Ca., June 5, 1950 and July 2, 1950. Armostrong. 1949, p. 172.

ll.- AMZ Justicia 1920 exho¡tos. Interview with Ma¡ia E. Serrano, Los Angeles, Ca. March 3l, 1996. L. Velasco Vargas . 1945, p 12.

12.- Sotelo. 1996, p 29.Interview with Jesus Negrete. Atacheo, Mich. Decembe¡ 14, 1996. AItrlZ. Ayuntamiento. Zamora2T ¡¡ov l92S.Interview with Albeno Vázquez Cholico, Tangancícuaro, Mch. November 4, 1997.

13.- Interview with Jesus Negrete. Atacheo, Mich. December 14, 1996. O. Ma¡tinez de Escobar. 1946, p.21.

14.- Ga¡cia Cambe¡os. 1941, p 4546. L. Mendiaa y Nunez. 1940. Interview with Marina fuco Cano. Morelia. September 29, 1997.

15.- Ga¡cia Camberos. 1941, pp 45-46.L. Mendieta y Nunez. 1940.

85 16.- L. Con"¿lez. 1974, p 374. Interview üth Jes¡s Covam¡bias Montebello, Ca Novembe¡ 24, 194.

17.- Compad¡e García. Jesus Covam¡bias. Cleofas Ceja, Jiquilpa¡. Gamio Collection. ZR 5, 2: I 8 Femando Hemaadez, Uruapan. January 3, 1997 . M. J . Va¡derman. 1973. 18.- G. Senano Gómez. 1943, p 35 Galindo Guameros 1943, p29-32

19.- J.A. Figueroa tuár¡.z. 1944, p 43. Drinking water is filltered through porous rocks. People avoid to boil the water to purify it due to adquiere otfo sabor. Each rancheria has its own spring or well.

20.- zepeda Barceló. 1940, pp. 4l-43.

21.- A de Ia Vara. 1985, p rn. L.Gr;lt:r;inez. 1996- L, Go¡zÁlez a¡¡d Armid¿ de la Va¡a. 1984. Com is used to m¿ke atole, enchilad¿s, pozole, sopeg toqueras, tosladas s large variaty oftacos

86 CHAPTER 5

LEISI]RE ACTIVITIES AND SYMBOLS

Any occasion for getting logcüer \ritl searc. a¡y prele\t lo slop lhe flo$ of limc ¡nd co¡¡mcmo¡ale mcn ¡¡nd elcnls silh festi\"ls aIId ccremorucs. Wc are á ritu¡l people... Octaüo Paz.

Rec¡eation and celebration

Leisure and rec¡eation activities in the homes and localities ofMichoacán reveal a diversity of patterns of gender, age, class and ethnic patterns. The 192l-1970 censuses desc¡ibed MichoacáLn society as mainly Catholic and decreasedly rural. Religion and religious institutions played an important role among the Michoaca¡os, while music was central to rural cultu¡al celebrations and activities. l€isure activities ofthe Michoacán rural population are responding to daily experiences, searcnal and annual cycles, and individual and community rel¿tions.

Music occurs during the celeb¡ation of ma¡riage either among Mestizo o.

Indigenous people. In comparison, baptism is an equal importa¡t event that unites parents and godparents in compadrazgo bonds in extended rural family networks. Howeve¡ there is no music used in this ¡itual. The ritual which uses music is the fi¡neral ofa child. Child¡en a¡e socialized in schoolg comrnunity and family recrearional activities. Graridparents also participate iri ¡einfo¡cing cultural patt€ms for grandchildren.

Women while working at home sing Mexican so¡gs 'bara sentirse a gusto" (to feel good)- At weekends children h¿d activities ofleisure playing amateu¡ spo.ts. Baseball was popula. among the male Mestizo population while basketball was preGned by lndigenous men and women. Sunday ends the workweek a¡d ma¡ks an impo¡tant day for socio-

a7 cultural activities such as serenatas, traditional Sunday-evening band concertg and groups of young people strolling around the plaz4 or along the streets.( I )

Musical instruments, phonographs or radios cÍe¿te an atmosphere ofrelaxation after work joumeys or in family parties. House panies are d¡stinguished Íiom fiestas in that the latter involves the community and are ¿ significant mea¡s of building and strengthening community spirit. For example fiestas reinforced religious ritual linkages and ofter¡ improved trading between cities and villages. In small villages and ¡ancherias, several members of the family played music at home, at church festivals, ñestas a¡d birthday panies.(2)

Se¿soral and annual cycle of village fiestas mainly correspond to agficultural activities. Religious ñestas devoted to patron saints were transformed into fairs as a ¡esult ofregional rrade; Zacin a¡d Peribán exemplified early these transformations in the late l8ü ce¡tury. These events also congegated migrants (hijos ausentes) and people Íiom neighboring towns and rancherias. Mos of the town fiestas in Michoaoián take plac€ at the beginning, in the middle and at the end ofthe year during the harvests in the valleys. Other fiestas oc€unrd in the temperate zone of the mountains during the rainy season. Church services, fireworks, games, music, arid alcoholic beverages permeate fiestas. All the families p¡rticipate in them- In additio¡ is the opportunity to wear the "estreno" @rand new clothes wom only in the fiesta). visitors a¡rived to town from s€veral p¿rls s€tting up lotteries, c¿rrous€ls, bootbs to sell food ar¡d sodas.(3)

Before 1937 the peopl€ of San Francisco Jiquilpan used to commemo¡¿te San

Francis on Oclober 4. However, as presidenl LlEAro Cárdenas established November 20, the a¡u¡iversary ofthe Mexican Revolution, as the main fiesta in his hometown. It was the

88 most imponant fair in the ¡orthwest region up until 1970, when Cárdenas died. Jaripo, in the Villamar municipality, is a good example of how migration has changed the fiesta calendar. Formerly the fiesta occured every yeaÍ in February. The Virgin Guadalupe, traditionally celebrated on December 12, moved during the 1930s to the February harvest season. But due to strong seasonal migration oowadays people ofJaripo retum to celebrate it in January. Sahuayo, the most important tra.ding city in the region, celebrates Virgin

Guadalupe as well.(4)

In Tanhuato, the tlpical fiesta of the Santo Cristo is celeb¡ated on May 3. Loca.l families participate on adoming streets üth decorative a¡ches. As in several town fiestas in Michoacán, people set offcastillo and torito fireworks. Castillo, a survival ofthe former

Danza of Moo¡s and Ch¡istians, is a towerlike fiamework ofbamboo that cause a dramatic display when lit. Apart of attending religious services, the inhabitants of the town attend the cinema, engage in dancing and spols. In Purépero, in June, it was chiefly the artisans that organized the ñesta. Several danc€s such as the Bakers occur. Orie of the characters of this dance represents the coal for the baker's oven. Another dance depicts the R€boceros, the local artisans oftextile crafl. (5)

Parangaricutiro celebrated the fiesta of Miraculous Christ on Septembe¡ l4th. It was a well known ñesta i¡ the state before the P¿ricutin volc¿no erupted in 1943. No less than fourteen thousand people congegate every year on that ¡rnd the following days. Later, south in a new settlement, this fiest¿ resumed in San Juan Nuevo. Prior ro the fiesta bands of musicians strolled the streets playing. Booths for t¡ading were displayed in rhe plaza and every available space, where

89 people bargain; rebozos were the attraciive merahandise. Candy from Colima, dishware made of clay, wax candles, cotton cloths, were offered at rhe booths. Some women sold food. However, thos€ who did better business were the gamblers and the ba¡men. Also prostitutes would aÍive.(6)

Other leisure activities responded to migration. After working very intensively in factories and fields in the U.S., braceros retumed home-town with hundred ofdolla¡s. But migrants looked for social prestige and ways to decompress. Young braceros organized

'!allos" (early a.m. street singing), drinking beer and hiring banda de música to perform. It is reflected in aÍ account ofthe 1940s

A few months later, the we¿lthy "northemers" were pobretones, but even so, upon the arrival of the 'bortentous" jukebox to tow4 just for the pleasure of listening to those songs that exah the drunkard, 'lf,ith his 45 gun, his c¿urageous, his sadness, etc." they left the last c€nt in taverns.(7)

People in the Purépecha region st¿rted up bards @rass groups) and orahestras

(música de clerdas). Rur¿l Mestizo people usually performed orchestras i¡¡ fandangos. A capella singing occured in coamiles or ecuaros (fields), during sowing cropping, and in work breaks. José J. Nuñez and Dominguez, a folklorist, recounts the spontsneity of peasants to tell stories and legends, and to sing ballads while wo¡king. Nuñez wites: "It is a va¡iety of popular songs, songs that involve marvelous topics, sentimental or loving adventures."(8)

A.fter harvesting, fiestas allowed several peasants to altemate musical ad¡üt¡es in the villages. They would become Mariacheros, pan of thc big harp groups, and travel 1o towns a¡d small cities. Musicians performed sones, songs, valoaas and conidos. They wore cost¡¡med palm hats, red bandanns knoned to the neck, cotton blanket shirt a¡d calzón, aad a ceñidor ¿round the w¿ist. Mariacheros played in the lavems, in the plaz¿, in

90 the market, or they would stroll behind the customers so everybody could see them. The musical groups continlred arriving concomitant with the crops ofcom and ofbean.(9)

Pasto¡ela and Pastores a¡e performed during Christmas Eve up to the Candelaria, from December 24 to Feb¡ua¡y 2. Pastorela represents the peasants'view ofthe Ch¡istmas reenactment ofthe Holy Family, and it is one the older and more popular th€ater forms i¡

Mexico. Cha¡¡eria and Ma¡iaches constitute oth€r peasants' entertainment. Chanos and

Ma¡iache¡os had a common o¡igin in cou¡tryside sharing both African and Spaniard influences. Herding activities, horse back riding by African descendants, Criollos and

Indom€stizos, a¡d Fandangos we¡e familiar in central Mexico since Colonial time. The cha.¡eía was cre¿ted on herding by horse riders. Words as -Ro¿leo, jaripeo and herradero are ¡elated to Charreria as work and amusement(Io) Chanead4 the Charro exhibition, still preserves the ranchero amus€ment.

However the rh)'thm of urban life transformed pe¿sants' social relationships and modified rural costumes and customs of migrants. Mchoacán peasans in Los Angeles adopted u¡ban actiüties of leisure. Jesús Cova¡rubias Magaña, a ranchero from southwest

Michoaca4 used to ride horses and oalves, circle the town plaza o¡ Sunday watching the girls, and go hunting during the 1920s. His amusements changed in Los Angeles. Heus€dtogo around on Sundays with a "group of buddies" with whom he wo¡ked making tubs of cement.

Covarrubias rec¿lled for the 1940s: '"\ e had good times togeth€f,. There was a boy who had a c¿¡, and he d¡ove us an),rüh€re to h¿ve dinner, or going to da¡c€." Saturdays were main days for men attending dancing clubs and brothels.(l l)

Other Micho¿cán migrad accounls in 1924 concuring the patriotic parties that the

Mexican colony celeb¡ated every year at the Lincoln Park. ln addition several social and

9I civic activities took place at Belvedere and Ma¡avilla Park: a "Gallo" strolling the st¡eets in the ea¡ly morning, and a Serenata stafing at eight p fn. at Brooklyn and MacDonald corner.

A Baile Publico took place at Belvede¡e at eight p.m. Castillo and other fireworks set ofl'at

Lincoln Pa¡k and Belvedere at l0 p.m. Other amusements were the theater, lhe cinema, and sporting events. The Caballero Yurecua, fiom Michoacán, was matched as a boxer in ldle l920g Salvador Sotelo recalls Mexican singers, Maria G¡eever and political exile

Adolfo de la Hue¡ta perfo¡ming at the Mexico Theater, on Main street. In Los A¡geles, some fri€nds invited him to atterid services at thei¡ Baptist church.(l2)

The Mariache as an idenlit],.

Mexican peasant music has old roots in Califo¡nia. Music accompanied the west

Mexican mig¡ants ar¡d settled to Los Angeles- Mariacheros, Mariache performers arrived

íiom the small cities a¡d towns of Jalisco and Mchoacán to Boyle Heights in East Los

Angeles.

Mexican identity was reinforced by music. Through migfation Mexican peasant musio was infused and transmitted from generation to generation in a give-¡eceive process.

Da¡ce was another west Meúcan tradition that informed popular culh¡¡e in Los Angeles

India4 Europer.n and Añican backg¡oun4 during thr€€ Meslizo steps in the Mariache dance in which each ethnic element conferred rh¡hr\ ftavor and co1or.(13) Finally, and by means of mass medi4 Mariache p€neü'ated the popula¡ cultural a¡ena. Thus reinforcing wes Mexican t¡aditions and cont¡ibuting to c.r¡ltu¡al formation in I-os Anggles.

Examining the changes and continuities of this dynamic process of musical cultural infusion in Los Angeles is one aspect ofthe Mchoac¿¡ mig¡atory process. Understanding the

92 process of the Mariache diffusior¡ its expansion in Mexico and in southern California is

¡evealirig about the signs and syrnbols elaborated, accepted and shared by a significant number of Michoacán mig¡ants.

Ma¡iache co¡stitutes a social context which incorporates fiesta, music, musicians, dancg dancers and speclators. Mariache was known as fandango prior to the mid nineteenth century. Fandango is a Bantu Africa¡ word meaning chaos, among the

Mandinga connotes an invitation to a party. Fandango and Mariache in National Mexican society include the music but also the various t)rpe ofinstruments used to create the music such as stririg percussion o¡ tambo¡a and b.ass inst¡uments.(14)

Initially and historically Fandangos or Mariaches were rural phenomena. Urban spectator often c¡mmented on the orchestratiorL tone, rh¡hms and costumes of th€ performers. In Guadalajara, Jalisco, in 1888, the residents of the city complained ofan itinerant theater company who bothered them with '? noise of a worthless and ridiculous madachi in the street, all the day long, and the tambora is hea¡d a hundred meters fa¡ a¡ound.'( l5)

Mariaches were viewed by authorities as being disruptive and threatening to the populace. Authorities forbade estate ow¡re¡s to allow mariaches or fandangos to be performed. They were considered unsafe ¿musements. In MichoacÁr¡ at the beginriing of the 20ú Century, the local governmer¡t wamed prefectures fo prohibft, in seve¡al small villages, estates and ranches, 'barticula¡ly in those of lowlands during the rodeos and herraderos, dances which peasants denomin ate mqriqches a¡d i¡ olher pleaes fqdangoq lo which people ofrude manne¡s concur." (ló)

93 Frequently due to the consumption of chinguirito, tepache, charanda, mezcal or tequila tragic events occuñed in Ma¡iaches or Fandangos. Moreover, a tamborazo of

Mariache a paradoxical music oflove and war-, took pan in the g¡eat Mexican rebellion.

Revolutions impell€d people to ñigrate, and consequently transformed commu¡ities' cultu¡al values. Migrants and politicians ofthe occident during those years appealed to the

¡ural traditions to frengthen the Mariache presence in the cities.

ln the 1920s the name Fandango is ofiicially changed to Mariache through €fforts by the gove.nment. The process of urbaniz¿tion and peas¿nt migration modified its pattems. Several Mariache musicians stayed in the countryside, others moved to the cities where they were hired by entertainment compades. Eventually Ma¡iache music in the cities will be transformed by the mass media.(I7)

Ma¡iache music a¡rived to Southem Califomian with migrants who proceeded from certral and westem Mexico. Peas¿nt music invigorated the daily life ofmigrants and thus influenced identity. Traditional ñusic was reinforced by public audit¡ons of orquefas típicas in the Los Angeles. The use ofthe guitar, the phonograph and, consequently, the

RCA or Columbia 78 .pm records at home ¡einfo¡ced such tradition as well. Migrants purchased phonographs by rnaking small down payments. Credit facilitated mig¡ants to purchase phonographs. While Mexicans in the U.S. decoraled their homes, people in the

Mexican countryside could not acquire th€m. However, repatriated af.d braceros transported such devic€s to Mexico. Migrants took to Mexican song books to the United

States which reinforced reciprocal, cultural musical bonds.(18)

Beyond the bo¡der, the l¡rics of Mariache were protracted in p¡inted song books, the music in 78 rpm reco¡ds; also in th€ rhythms performed by the orquesta tipicas and

94 o¡chgst¡as that livened up dance ¡ooms in Southem Califomia. later, the Mariache musicians d¡essed standard charro costumes were incorporated in show business. Silvest¡e

Vargas and his group conducted performances in a tour in Los Angeles in 1940. Other groups performing in l,os Angeles included Reyes de Chapala. Full time Mariache music performers were nteg¡ated later. Mariache performers departed flom such points as Ocotlán, the tourist center of Ch¿pala, the old Carrillo Square in Morelia, the Ma¡ket of San Juan de Dios in

Guadalajara and the Garibaldi Plaza in Mexico City.(19)

Ma¡iache¡os from the Mexican count¡yside were also d¡awn to the music scene in I¡s

A¡geles. ln the 1940s and even befo¡e there were Ma¡iache performers who settled in the capital city. St eet Ma¡iache groups üthout tambora and frequeÍdy without harps, slrolled in fair towns and ba¡rio festivals. Musicians playing in unsafe spaces in the b¡othels ofla Ba¡ca,

Guadalajar4 Moreli4 Ocotlá¡! Tama.a¡14 Uruapa\ Zamot4 Zs{.otlán in c€ntral and weslem

Mexico were dr¿wn to perform in bars tave¡ns, restaurants and the¿ters. In Los Angeles workers searched for amus€ments in bars, saloons, dancidg roorns, drive-in cinemas, theaters.(20)

In the 1950s due the acc€le¡ated industrializatiorL the attractive Los Angeles with million a¡rd a half people in 19.10, nnked among the four top urban concentrations in the

United States. l,os Angeles became üe first city with the largest Meúcan population outside ofMexico. The city was rejuvenared by immigraÍts ofc€ntral and westcrn Mexico.

In Mexico, the Compañia Mexicana de l,uz y Fuerza Motriz, the Eléctric¿ Chapala,

Eléctrica Morelia, Hidroelectrica Occidental the Compañia del Duerq and the Compañia

Hidroeléctrica Guanajuatense, proüded power for the populations in central and west Mexico.

95 Villages and several small Michoacán localities had electricity. Electricity made possible entertainment at home, in theaters, cinemas, radio stations, and television sudios.

Indust¡ial and technical development made possible an accumulating of radio and teleüsions. Phonographs, radio viarolas, battery and alternate orrrent radios continued to be brought by laborers between 1942 a¡d l9ó4. Howwer, in September of 1944, the RCA firm established stores in Mexico City, and agencies in Guadalajara and Morelia among other cities to s€ll and fix AM radio and television s€ts. 10,000 out of 42,000 tequested television sets we¡e imponed to Mexico in 1950. From data acquired in the censuses of 1950 and 1960 it is known that 186,975 white and black TV sets were made in Mexico in l9ó5 and 373,897 sets in 1970.(21)

Teleüsio¡r programs c¿tered to large ar¡dience in l¡s Angeles and Mexico. "Así es mi tietr4" was a poplla¡ ¡adio prog¡am on M€úc¿n music in the e3¡ly lfbos. In 1965 KMEX-

TV channel 34 t"¡smitted in Spanish in Los Angeles. Ch¿onel 34 covered l¡s Angeles and

Orange coünties, the West part ofsa¡ Bemardino and Rivercide, and the e3s ofthe Ver¡tuta.

The 'Noch$ Tapatias" progmm (Guadalajara Nigtrts) and the teleüsion novels, several of them on ru¡al topics for example, entertained the l¡s Angeles television viewers. The consoles (radio rec¡rd player) had demand;72,819 sets were produc€d h 1965 increasing to

157,906 in 1970- On the otl¡er har4 the prcduction ofradios diminished; lowered the series from E51,068 to 668,044 due pa¡tly the previous impon from U.S. thar laborers made and to rhe a¡r¡ou¡Í ofmdios for a¡¡tonDbiles thst ¡ncr€as€d from 62.7N lo l&,674122)

The record player or ponable phonographs, r€gir€red as products Made in Mexico were coüted 42.350 in l 5 aj¡¡d 64.294 io 1970. The produc'tion of¡ecords drc increased.

Stitl in 1950 th€re were 78 rpm records fo¡ phonogr&phs and jukeboxes i¡ fondas, restaurants,

96 bars and tavems; in the following years the 45 rpm 7 inches records, as well the LP 33 ll 3

rpm l0 i¡ches apps¡ed, in 1958 the LP 33 1/ 3 rpm 12 inches already were in the market in

Mexico City and in the whole country.(23)

During this period the countryside elite suit or imitation cha¡ro, sarape and hat

costumed the Ma.iache performe¡s. The rural music by means of urban arrangements is

softened, sones, rdrrc¿e¡a songs, co.ridos (Mexica.n ballads), malagueñas, gustos, huapangos, bolas and valonas. Due to the request of the '!ublic," boleristas began to sing rancher4 country musig accompanied by Mariache groups in the countryside-city conce¡ts.

Ma¡iacheros created co¡troversy among a variety of sectors of the Mexican population. The National Cha¡¡o Association in Mexico City protested the use of Cha¡¡o among Ma¡iacheros clothes. Professiona.l musicians complained because the ranchero music, encouraged and diftrsed by the media and the musical review theaters, expanded

'lncontrollably." The rual Mexic¿n popular musical tradition has old and riah ¡oots but they a¡gued "ifs cunent monst¡ous proliferation more by publicity, in which songs and music for dancing a¡e its best allies."(24)

However, presentations and ¡eco¡dings cultivated 'h tea¡fuI feeling or exalting boasts of machismo" but sometimes they allowed "melodies and rh¡hms of languid or asse¡tive beauty''. City and countryside people conserved Meúcan music in dilsttar¡tes' memory, in recordg and in song books- Song book became very popula¡ in home entertainme¡t. The

Picot song book was very l¿milia¡ in Mchoac.in and ir Jalisco.(2s)

Apatzingáú! Chapal4 Guadalajar4 Moreli4 Tlaquepaque and Uruapan offer spec't¿cula. presence of groups, outside of Mexico City. Th€ appeal of Mariache music is illustrated by U.S. interesú in reco¡ding the Mariache tradition. In February 1954 Sam Eskim

97 recorded Mariache music in Güibaldi Square, Apatzingán and Erongarícuaro; Joseph Raul

Hellme¡ who left deep print in the field research offolklorg undertook his study before 1956.

In l 0 Cha¡les ard Ma¡tha Bogert also reco¡ded'1he street musiC'ir¡ situ in Chapal4 the ancient Meca ofMa¡iache groups. The Bogerts noted

Mariachi bands play for moÍey, for weddings and for fiestas. The music they make is peculiar to Mexico.(26)

In central and westem Michoacán before 1960s it was common lo see Mariache performers in tavems and in b¡othels. Atso the radio stations from Morelia, zsl'norc. and

Uruapan broadcasted Ma¡iache music. Both R¿dio Gallito and Radio Rancherita in

Guadalajar4 as well in XEW, the Voice of l¿tin America from Mexico City, and in KFOX

KFVD, KM[R, KCFJ, KGER a¡d KWKW radio stations from los Angeles aired Mexican music. Radio stalions ericouraged the talent c!ntests.(27)

Commercialization of other popular forms conti¡ued in Mexico. Other musical forms slch as the carc€leñas, corridos and o1d colonial songs as charaperas or coamiloras i¡lluenc€d musical arrangements by composers and "artistic directon' in Me,\ico City during the 1950s.

The market op€n€d up a¡d the showbusiness compades p¡ofited ñom it. Standa¡dization of instruments and tools also began. In the cities show business companies r€plac€d the cosh¡mes and app€ra¡ce ofMa¡iache perfo¡mers to make them rDore like the Ranchero elite or the old t)?ical orchestras' costumes. Propaganda and publicity influenced in fo¡ging the

Mariache symbol starting from the alteño Char¡o model. Meanwhile, ja¡abes a¡d several sones went out of musical repeno¡ies, a¡mngements of few sones and songs were made

(m¿ir y ad¡ptatiors a¡d abbreüatioris ofthem due to economic and technical reasoas). The recordings passed tlfough the borders. Also caritadoras, musicians and Mariache perfo¡me¡s

98 ilom central and west Meúco sta¡ted to leave for Califomia during the 1930s, 1940s and

1950s.(28)

The Padilla Siste¡s exemplified a typical case of such emigration ofmusicians to reside in Califomia. They were part of cantores and c¿ntadoras tradition in Michoacán involving entire families to be proficient in singing and playing cord instruments. Bom in Tanhuato,

Margarita and Ma¡ía Padilla emigrated to l,os Angeles during the Cristero revolt. Steven Loza registe.ed that both sisters

began their musical career singing at fundraising benefits for local chu¡ches during the 1930s. Their first formal recognition came when they won first prize i¡ a talent contest held at a park in Pico River4 a suburb just east of [¡s Angeles. Soon afterward, they appeared on the l,os Angeles-based ¡adio show ofRamón B. A¡naiz. During the Bracero program of the 1940s, the Mexican Consulate, which provided Mexican entertainñent for the workerq asked the Padilla sifers to sing at the fields.(29)

Nati Canq a performer from Guadalajar4 previously played with Mariache Chapala in Mexicali. He accounted his experience in Los Angeles in 1957 working in a tavem

a dollar a song another dollar, anoiher song and if the cuslomer wanted the süne song ten times, w€ played the same sor¡g, and if somebody wanted a polka in o¡d€r to da¡cg we played a polka in order to dance.(3O)

The movie industry also played a role (i.e.. 'The I¡nd of the Ma¡iachi," a Mcxican movie of I 940 showin8 "legitimare ¡egional sorgs, music and pretty wom€n') in tr¿¡sforming the popular tradition. The modalities of the "a¡tistic ca¡avans" o¡ va¡iedades made their appe¿rance in theaten, cinemas, bullfight rings in Mexico and beyond the bo¡de¡. In l-os

Angeles well kno n a.rtists such as Felipe a¡d Rosa, Hermanas Padilla, fucardo Fieno,

Adelina Garci4 David Duval, Trio Dura¡go, Trio Calaveras, Lalo Guenero, Dueto Azul,

Quinteto los Tequileros, Ma¡iachi Mexico and orhers performed at the Califomi4 Aáec4

99 Mason and Maya theaters during the 1940s and 1950s. Several of thenl including Rosa

Michoacan4 Mariachi los Reyes de Chapala and Ma¡iachi l-os Camperos p€rformed in the

1960s at the Million Dollar Theat€r as well. The Mariache tradition was nourished by

"variedades" in palenques in Mexico during the 1970s and in jamaicas or ke¡messes, barrio fi€stas, school festivals, talent contests, and popular fairs.(31)

In the 1970s, the Jitguerillas ofNuma¡án conti¡ued the Michoacan tradition chartered by Hermanas Padilla to sing at the fields of California and in Mexican fiestas. As well as

Banda music became a part of Meúcan musical entertai¡ment. Los Angeles populalion encouraged its own Tipica orchestras aod Mariache groups as Ma¡iachi San Jua4 Los

Camperos and Los Galleros. Other groups proceeded to come to l,os Angeles such as

Ma¡iachi Jalisco, Mariachi de la Ciudad del Niño, Ma¡iachi de Chuy López and the

Mariachi Imperial of Gabriel l¡yva.(32)

Furthe¡more, other cycle ofMa¡iache tndition continued to be performed in the cities. lnstrumentation consisted of four violins, guita¡róq ha¡p, vihuela, guit¿r of six strings, trumpets, a¡d the musicians evenly uniformed "f¡om head to feet. " The Ma¡iache has become a significant element of identity, particularly in 5 de Mayo and 16 de Septiembre. A

Mexican fiesta mea¡t listening to homeland music. According to a bracero information, the immigration authorities c¿me to use the Mariache music to catch undocumented Mexican workers in dances or parties during the operation v,¡etback.(33)

Meúc¿n women in Los Angeles while working at home played Mexican music

"porque la música da energia." In Los Angeles neighborhoods weekerids are days to spend time in the Mexic¡na alegría when the Mariache music is essential to. Daily or exceptionally Mexican people share symbols ¡elated to music. The geoeration of Linda

t00 Rosta¡dt's father enjoyed Lucha Reyes', Pedro Infante's, Jorge Negrete's, the Zaizar

Brothers' or José A.lfredo's songs. Popular coÍsumption of Mari¿che music was evident in the 1980s.(34) The film EI Ma¡iachi by Chicano filmmaker Robert Rodriguez revealed meaningful significance- Ma¡iache festivals dedicated to Sa¡rta Cecilia in Boyle Hights accrued First and Lorena Street to become e popular site to audition musicians for the

Mercsdito. The Ma¡iache Plaza ¡nd the Museum ofMariache project in East I¡s Aryeles gives testament to I peasant musical tradition that has a long historical presence which has peneÍ8ted the fibers of regional and nation¿l ideotity in the Modcslt community of l¡s

Angeles.

l0l Notes

1.- L. Gc'nzírlez. 1980. Interview with Juana Serrano León, Jiquilpan, February 12, 1991. Conducted by Alvaro Ochoa Serrano. Interview üth Manuel Méndez Rami¡ez, JiqLrilpan, June 8, 1991. Misiones Culturales de la Sec¡eta¡ía de Educación Pública spread sports in Mexico. Mig¡ants emphasized on practicing baseball.

2.- L. Mendieta y Nuñez. 1940, p 144-145. Garcia. 1994, p 187.

l.- L. Velasco Vargas.1945.p 12.

4 - A Ochoa. 1978. L. Velasco Va¡gas.1945, p 12. Los Angeles Tirnes. Febniary 8, 1998.

5.-. Martínez Escoba¡. 1946,p.21. Stanil¿wski, p. 67. Arciga. 1981.

6.- C. Lumholtz.lgoz, Il: 375-376. M. Gamio. 1930, p 2l'1. L. Mendieta y Nuñez.1940, p 149, 163.

7.- M. Márquez Durán. 1944, 49-50. Charand4 tequila and beer were common in saloons in possession of a jukebox. Youngsters sta¡ted sñoking marijuana in several tow¡s In fact, district and loc¿l authorities complained of migrants' misconduct since the beginning of206 cenrury. AMZ Gobemación 1907,exp22l.

8.- L. Mendieta y Nunez. 1940. J. Nunez y Dominguez cited in A. Mejia. 1928. Inte.view with Juan Perez Morfiq Nueva Itali4 Mich., October 8, 1992.

9.- J. Gudiño Villanueva.1974, p. 123-131.

10.- Ibid., p. l3O 13l. L. Gar:zález. 1974. Rodeo, gathering and recounting ofthe livestock, place where counting the births, marking the breeding and selecting the breed destined for reproductio¡ or fo¡ sale- Jaripeo. Exextio¡. ansisting in ¡u¡ning a horse to throw the reata to the feet of the (,8'ttIe. Henadeto, pl&ce where marking the breeding with buming iron.

11.- Interview with Jesús Cova¡rubias, Montebello, Ca., November 24, 1994. Gamio Collection Z-R 5, 3: 12. UCB Bancroft Librsry.

12..- Sotelo. 1996, p 23,3334 Ia Opinion Sepfet bq 16, 1926. Gamio Collection Z-R 5, 2:8, 3:12. Popular artist Romualdo Tirado used to play El Peladito.

13.- A Ochoa Selrano. 1994.

14.- Ibid., 1994, 79-81

107 15.- EI Litigante, Gvadalaja¡a, Jal., Ja¡uary 10, 1888.

16.- A. Ochoa Senano. 1994,p.82

17.- Ibid., p 85-86. F. Toor. 1934.

18.- IÁ Opiúon 1930, Advertisemenl Section. Interview with Enrique Navarro. los Argeles, Ca. June 1981. Conducted by Alvaro Ochoa Se.¡ano.

19.- L

20.- A. Ochoa Serrano . 1997 , p . 162-163 .

21.- INEGI. 1985,1. Lt Opinion, Augtst 20, 1950.

22.- J. A. La¡e. 1966. INEGL 1985, L lnterview with María Vázqu,ez, Los Angeles, Ca. May 22, 1995. Conducted by Alvaro Ochoa Ser¡ano.

23.- INEGI. 1985, I. Inte¡view üth Ma.ría Socor¡o Morales, vendedor¿ de discos, Zamo¡4 Mich., Janua¡y 1994.

24.- Revisla Mexicana de Cultura. México,Novembe¡-Dec€mber 1956, Num. 8: 58- 59 25.- Ibid. Taylos Collection PQ7260 C6. UCB Banc¡oft Library. krterview with Salvador Senano, Los Angeleg Ca.. November 25, 1995. Author's personal memories.

2ó.- C. and M. Bogert. l%0. Mariachi Aguilas de Chapal4 Folkways Records, LP FW 8870. S. Eskim. 1954. Müiachi Ntusic of Mexico, Cook Records, LP 5014. J. R Hellme¡. Sores of Mexico, Sung by Trio fuuilillas. Folkways Records, FW 6815

27.- Michqqiu,Mo¡eli4 January 1954, I:3. Ia Opinio4 May 1940.

28.- A Ochoa Senano . 1997, p. 167. kt Opinion,1930, 1940, 1950.

29.- S.l-a2a.1993, p- 34-35. T. Mi¡ón. 1982. On cantadoras, see reference in M. T. García. 1994, p 187.

30.- Ia Opinion,NoyeÍrber 21, 1993. Espectaculos.

31.- Ia Opinion, s¡,oial life section from the 1930s to 1970s

32-- L!] Opinion 196Q May 5, 1970.

103 33.- S.R PearlmarL pp. 6162. herview with Emique Navarro. Alhambr4 Ca. Novemb€r 21, 1981. Conduc,ted by Alva¡o Ochoa Serrano. I¡rterview with Ju&na Se¡rano Leon. Jiquilpan, Mich., Oclober 14, 1989.

34.- Idarview with Maria E. Senano Los A¡geles, Ca. March 31, 1996. Conducted by Alvaro Ochoa Se¡¡ano

104 CHAPTER 6

CONCLUSION

Beneath the su¡face ofthe consta¡t Mexican migration towards the Unites States,

with its highs and lows and va¡iable dist¡ibutio4 is the personal reality ofthe mig.ant. The

demand for a workforce in the Uriited States has been one of the faoto.s of attractio¡.

Geography undoubtedly is anothe¡ factor that must be taken into account give the proximity of the two count¡ies. The job netwo¡ks established since last century between west Meúco and Califomi4 as well as old family ties continue functioning. On the other hand, the illusion ofrealizing a dream, the perception ofa challenge among the young or to fulfiII a desi¡e of knowing other lands play a decisive role in migration. There a¡e those in

Mchoac.án who sell all that they to emigrate to the No¡th.

The used statistics do not distinguish the geographic or regional origin of the

Mexican migrants in the U.S. The distinctions are acknowledged by the migfant g¡oups themselves in thei¡ social inle¡actions and cultu¡a.l ma¡ifestations. The Mexica¡ migation has become one ofthe largest in the United States. Some general data used in an article by los Angeles Times on January l, 1998 counted mo¡e th¿n 7 million Mexican-bom people now residing in the United States, with the vast riajority ofMexica¡ migraats aniving after

1970. 'Natives of Mexico outnumbe¡ the next largest immig¡ant group, Filipinos, by aLnost 6 to 1, and acrount for more than one-fourth ofall fo¡eign bom U.S. ¡esidents."

Howeve¡ Mexican ifiJnigration to the Unifed States has flowed for more than a century. Michoacanos have been pres€nt th¡oughout this proc€ss, and have been coming

105 to Califomia since the Gold Rush Califomia primarily, as well Texas and Mid West have been destinations for them.. A significant number of Michoacanos flowed in during the

Bracero P¡ogram. Michoacanos have settled in the countryside and cities of the state.

Jalisco, Michoacán and. Zacateaas migrants were ra¡ked top in Los Angeles' Mexican population. According to Mexic¿r consulate records, Michoacanos followed after those of

Jalisco in Los Angeles. A sample taken between June and December of 1992 indic¿tes that the predominant origins ofthe migrants from northwest Michoacán are Jiquilpan, Zamora,

Villamar, La Piedad, Purépero and Sahuayo. This info.matiorL in some w¿ys, reamrms the stability ofthese very old pattems of migratior¡.

History and biography were both linked in this work to give account on ofthe lives of Mchoacanos as they moved between Los Angeles and Michoacán. mat was considered iñpo¡t¿nt was the material culture as well as the signs and symbols they shared.

Michoacanos are more than a simple work fo¡ce or a source of dollars sent in money orders to the homeland. Ilfichoacán migants c¡eate, recre¿te signs, and symbols that intercha¡ge ¡eciprocally between these two disparate places where they live, in their work and in thei¡ leisure actMties. Mchoac.tr migrants are involved in a dlnamia p¡ocess that

üll continued as long as mig¡ation continues between thei¡ homeland and the land ofthe

No¡th.

t06 APPENDICES

Glossary

Aft o s a : hoof-nd-mouth disease. Agtardiente. "burning water". The cheapest and more inferior of distilled liquors, made from the juice ofsugarcane. Itol¿: a sweet gruellike com d¡ink. Barno: ury one of the quafers ofa town or city. Birctq: roasted calf, goat or sheep. Cacique: a loc political boss. Calzón: the white, pajamalike cotton trousers formerly wom by Mexican peasan¡s and artisans. Cdp¡rotada: bread cubes dipped in batter a¡d deep-frred, served with a cin¡amon sauce and pine nuts. Carnitas: tender pieces offried pork, used as a filling for tacos. Castillo: a towerlike fiamework of bamboo, on which an elaborated fireworks display is mounted. Charanda: an aguardiente from Michoacán (a Purépecha word). Chaneada: a Charro exhibition. Charro: the t¡aditional Mexican horseman. Chicharrones: cracklings; crisp bits ofpork remaining after the la¡d is rendered. China: a formet cast system name for A.frican descendants; gd attired in the fiadítional china poálan d coshme. Chongo: altxnp of sweet, cheeselike pudding, served with s1,rup and cinnamon Clraripo: a spicy soup based on vegetables and meat (a Purépecha word). Compadrazgo: the bonds uniting parents and godparents. Corrido: a taditio¡al and typical Mexican type ofnarative popular song. Corunda: small tamal made of corn meal wrapped in comhusks (a Purépecha word). Criollo: a person of Spanish blood bom in America. Cristero: a member of the "Army of Ch¡ist" rebelled against the Mexica¡ anticlerical legislation. Ecuaro: a plot of ground clea¡ed for planting (a Purépecha word). lt is the equivalent ofthe Nilftuatl coamil. Ejido: land handed over to farmers when the large estates were broken up at the time of the Agrarian Reform. It is held in common by ejidatarios who have the right to use it but not to sell it.

r07 Guitartón: a six-string bass guitar. Huaraches : leather sandals. Ja¿al: a hut, countryside house. Jarabe: abnsk, intricate dance perfonn by a couple. Jocoque: the cwd of ¡aw milk. Mariache: a Mexican tlpe of strolling musical g¡oup; formerly a fandango which included a wooden board, musicians, da¡cers a¡d spectators. Metafe: a rectang)lar mortar ofpitted stone for grinding com for tortillas. Minguiche: curds or sour c¡eam mixed with cheese a¡d chiles. Mole: a tlnck sauce for meat or poultry, made with chili, spices, and sometimes unsweetened chocolate Palsano: a person from the sane tow,n or district as oneself- Paliacate: a bandanna. Panela: a soft wltste cheese, made in small discs. Paranguas: stones placed as base to put span and cook on (a Purépecha word) Pelale: a large straw mat Posadas: the traütional Christrnas reenactment of the Holy Family's search for lodging, often performed by children. Po:ole: a spicy soup ofpork and hominy. Ranchera: a kind of lively "country" music, usually performed by singers accompanied by a Mariache ba¡rd. Ranchería: a cluster ofhouses in the country. Ranchero: a landowner. Rancfto: rural propriety of more than l0 and less than 1,000 hectares. R¿áo;o; the hadiüonal Mexica¡ shawl. Requesón: a kind ofcottage cheese. Serenata: the traditional Sunday-evening band concef, with groups of young people strolling around the plaza. Sopes: snacks made of tiny tortillas topped with refried beans, shredded cheese, and sliced radishes. Tapanco: m allic,used for storing grain and fodder. Tascal: a basket made of com bulk or bamboo to keep tortillas (a NriLhuatl word). Toquera: xnall tornllas covered with crumbled sausage and cheese, Torito: a frgre of bamboo and paper in the shape of a bull, strurig witl small rockets. A ma¡ puts it over his head and shoulders and chargers through the crowd, spouting fire and scaftering spectators. Torreznos: bits of crisp bacon.

108 Tostadas: crisp-fried tortillas topped with refried beans, shredded cheese, ground meat, lettuce or cabbage, sliced onions, chiles, and nearly anything else. Valona: poplx songs or compositions made up of recitatives accompanied by musical chords (Arpa Grande).

Source: Luis Gonziíl ez. 197 4. Trans. John Upton.

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Miscell¡¡eous

Photograph albums.

Covam¡bias Sanchez Family.. Autho¡ communication. Montebello CA. Se¡rano Family. Author communication. Los Angeles CA

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