The Partition Colossus and the Politics of Bengal
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CHAPTER-I THE PARTITION COLOSSUS AND THE POLITICS OF BENGAL In spite of a common language of which every Bengalese is proud, a shared culture and lifestyle and a common history since at least a thousand years, no Bengalese wanted the partition of Bengal from the core of their heart, yet the partition happened due to the gradual deterioration of communal harmony and thereupon undivided Bengal disappeared from the atlas on 15th August, 1947. In fact, the deterioration of communal harmony began with the unexpected and untimely demise of Desh Bandhu Chittaranjan Das (henceforth C.R. Das) on16th June, 1925 (henceforth C.R. Das), who was no doubt a pioneer of the emergence of joint Hindu- Muslim front in Bengal politics on the basis of the historic Bengal Pact1 of 1923, a shining example of an ambitious instrument that could bring the Muslims and Hindus of Bengal together. Chittaranjan Das was the only national leader whom both the Hindus and Muslims relied, that is why with his death the very emotional comments was made by a Muslim daily paper, named ‘MUHAMADI’ (in Bengali) as –‘God’s extreme punishment to our countrymen’.2 Not only that the Daily News of London commented with the death of Chittaranjan Das as “For there is apparently no one to replace Das, who stood in an absolutely unique position.”3 In that context, Aparna Devi, daughter of Chittaranjan Das wrote in his (C. R. Das’s) biography “If the country would advance along with the path indicated by my father at Faridpur (1st May,1925) with the leaders giving up the illusion of their leadership and egoism, we would have obtained complete independence long ago and India would not be partitioned for gaining independence.4 During the lifetime of Chittaranjan Das, though the Bengal Pact (1923) was rejected by Congress Session at Kakinada (1923) which was presided over by Mohammad Ali, but it was endorsed by Bengal Provincial Congress Committee (henceforth BPCC) of Sirajganj (1924), presided by M.M. Akram Khan thereafter majority of the Congress leaders defied their own central leadership and decided to go along with C. R. Das in which they gave utmost priority to the Bengal’s larger and long term interests. But, after C. R. Das’s untimely and unexpected sudden demise the Krishnagar Session of Bengal Provincial Congress Committee (BPCC) 1926 under 25 the presidentship of Birendra Nath Sasmal,5rejected the Bengal Pact and there upon most of the Muslim leaders bonhomie with the Congress party ended and in the election of the Calcutta Corporation of 1927 Muslims fought separately which was a clear signal the return of separatism and the end of the nascent Bengalee nationalism.6 In that situation, the Arya Samajists during their procession would play music near Mosques that was objected by the Muslims for their disturbances at the time of prayers, and during the time of Bakr-Id, some of the people of Muslims community would slaughter cows in the open places that would hurt the religious sentiments of the orthodox Hindus. This made the situation worse and aggravated the process of communal polarization in Bengal. It was rebel poet Kaji Nazrul Islam who at that time of budding communalism wrote his most inspiring song named ‘Kandari Hushiar’ (1926),7 in which Hindus and Muslims were asked to unite, but by and large his dictum as well as appeal was unheeded. The widely circulated and much talked composite culture of Bengal and societal tradition gave way to the political stance of ‘Islam in Danger’ which was primarily the slogan of non-Bengalee Muslims and later on accepted by the large section of Bengalee Muslims to consolidate the Muslim community. In that context, the non-existence of C. R. Das created a void in Bengal politics which was not filled up by anybody. Incidentally, after C.R. Das there was only one politician i.e. Subhas Chandra Bose who had the enormous abilities to keep the Hindus and Muslims together, but unfortunately, he was kept far away from the ongoing political scenario of the country particularly Bengal due to his long period of detention at home or at Mandalay or in exile in Europe.8 The promise for united movement against the British rule was seen during the period from 1914 to 1925. But the move for joint action was belied during the time from 1926 to 1935 and it was more deteriorated thereafter, especially on the eve of the independence as well as partition of the country along with Bengal. Actually, after C. R. Das there was none in Bengal politics who could retain the general loyalty of both the communities. From a Special Correspondent, under the caption of ‘MASTER ORATOR: “LLOYD GEORGE” OF INDIAN POLITICS’ wrote as “Das revealed all through his life an intensely anti- British trait, and although suspect by the Mohammedans, who always referred to Das as being “far too good a ‘Hindoo’ for them,” he was a remarkable personality; a man of great culture and deep learning.”9 26 Naturally, after the death of C.R. Das and rejection of the Bengal Pact (1923) in the Krishnagar Session of Bengal Provincial Congress Committee (BPCC) held in the year of 1926 under the presidentship of Birendra Nath Sasmal, the Muslim separatists started asserting themselves at the aim of claiming to political power of the Bengal province. They adopted various policies and programmes to counteract Hindu bhadraloks’ control over different institutions in the soil of demographic preponderance of the Muslims community in Bengal. In that juncture, the process of communal polarization was accentuated by the attitude of the Hindus particularly the leaders of the Congress party along with the Swarajyists regarding the opposition to the passing of the Bengal Tenancy (Amendment) Bill in 1928 in the Bengal Legislative Council. It may be mentioned that during the time of the passing of the proposed Bill, the Hindu members of the Legislative Council those who mainly belonged to the Congress party showed their support in favour of the interest of the Zaminders and neglected the interests of the Projas, because most of the leaders of the Congress party were Zaminder in class. In that context Abul Mansur Ahmed remarked, “Neither in terms of the Muslim interest, nor on the Proja interest, was it possible for any longer to rely on the Congress.”10 Centering the passing of the Bengal Tenancy (Amendment) Bill in 1928 in the Bengal Legislative Council, many Congress minded leaders among the Muslim communities were disillusioned about Congress party and subsequently they automatically joined anti Congress parties.11 The Bengalee Muslims who were initially loyal to the Congress Party started getting disillution due to opposing the Bengal Tenancy Act of 1928. This processes of disillutionment continued with the dominance of Hindu bhadralok and wealthy non- Benglaee Muslims. At the same time a powerful proja movement spawned among the Bengalee Muslims for attaining freedom from economic bondage. In the question of forming organization among the Muslims of Bengal- Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy (henceforth H.S. Suhrawardy) and Khaja Nazimuddin i.e. non Bengalee Muslims completely favoured a pure Muslim organization, but Abul Kashem Fazlul Huq popularly known as A. K. Fazlul Huq (henceforth Huq), Tamijuddin Khan and some others Bengalee Muslims favoured a concrete non-communal organization. Being influenced by the sentiment and fire brand oratory of Huq, the supporters of the non communal organization among the Muslims formed the Council Proja Party (later known as Bengal proja party) to work for ‘safeguarding the interests of tenants and labouring classes of the province’ against the economic oppression. A.K. Fazlul Huq 27 was elected leader of the newly formed Council Proja Party. Soon the Council Proja Party was expanded and it was renamed as the Nikhil Banga Proja Samity towards the end of 1929. Thereafter with the broadening of the support base of the Nikhil Banga Proja Samity, subsequently it turned into the historic Krishak Praja Party (henceforth KPP) in the 1936. A.K. Fazlul Huq’s prime motive was to protect the interests of the projas from the oppression of the Zamindars and money-lenders that is why, he opened the door of the praja movement to all.12In the question of the interest of the projas, Huq remarked “Hindus are not the enemy of the Muslims. Due to lack of proper education fanaticism has grown up into the minds of both communities and as a result of that they sometimes engaged themselves in communal violence. In case of the exploitation of the Hindu Zamindars, money lenders and lawyers, Huq categorically told that practice was not confined only within a particular community, at the same way the Muslim Zamindars, money lenders and lawyers also exploited the poor peasants as well as projas irrespective of caste and communities”13It is mention worthy that parallel to the proja movement, there was all along another movement among Muslims in Bengal, primarily of non- Bengalee Muslims who were harping on the slogan of ‘Islam in Danger’ and who aimed consolidating only the Muslims, but at the beginning that slogan was not greeted by the Bengal Muslims.14 In that context of Bengal politics there were five separate groups which were- i. A upper class Muslim group that was mainly influenced by the non-Bengalee Muslims like Khwaza Najumuddin and H.S. Suhrawardy, ii. Muslim peasantry and professional classes consisted by rural and middle class Muslims of Bengal, dominated by A.K. Fazlul Huq iii. Hindu bhadralok class of Bengal under the fold of the Congress party, dominated by the so-called ‘big-five’ of Bengal namely Sarat Chandra Bose, Bidhan Chandra Roy, Nalini Ranjan Sarkar, Tulsi Charan Goswami and Nirmal Chandra Chunder, iv.