Urban Danish Foodways and Ethnic Marketing Strategies in Bien, 1900-1950

The Bridge

Volume 40 Number 1 Article 7

2007

Catrine Kyster Christensen Giery

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Recommended Citation Giery, Catrine Kyster Christensen (2007) "Urban Danish Foodways and Ethnic Marketing Strategies in Bien, 1900-1950," The Bridge: Vol. 40 : No. 1 , Article 7. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/thebridge/vol40/iss1/7

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Bridge by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Urban Danish Foodways and Ethnic Marketing Strategies in Bien, 1900-1950

by Catrine Kyster Christensen Giery

Food culture is an integral part of popular culture. Fabio Para- secoli defi nes popular culture as “the totality of ideas, values, embod- ied experiences, representations, material items, practices, social relations, organizations, and institutions that are conceived, produced, experienced, and reciprocally connected within environments infl u- enced by markets and consumption, with or without the specifi c economic goal of reaping a profi t.”1 When food culture appears in the semi-public sphere—for example, in grocery stores, restaurants, bars, butcher stores, and bakeries, it demarcates a space where the desires and strategies of businessmen and consumers meet. Consumers want the products they need at an aff ordable price, and businessmen want to earn a profi t on their products. This study of Danish American foodways in San Francisco during the fi rst half of the twentieth century reveals how, in a society that caters primarily to the preferences of the dominant popular culture, members of an ethnic minority att empted to meet their own cultural needs. Based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of advertisements for food-and drink-related establishments in the Danish-language newspaper Bien in San Francisco from 1900 to 1950, this essay demonstrates that Danes and Danish Americans in this period, despite being an ethnic minority, were able to purchase Danish food products in a variety of stores and restaurants, associate with countrymen in these semi-public commercial sett ings, and patronize and support Danish-owned and Danish-friendly establishments. Although these culinary and retail establishments rarely catered exclusively to Danes, the market shift ed away from providing such services when these foodways were no longer as much in demand. While this essay focuses on Danes, the strategies refl ected in the advertisements off er insights into the bigger question of how foodways, ethnicity, and popular culture function in America. Studying foodways and how ethnic groups navigate the semi-public space of

11 food-related establishments in an American city can illuminate the role of traditional and ethnic food in the maintenance of ethnic identity, the adaptation of traditional food patt erns to American urban life, the integration and assimilation of ethnic minorities, and retail strategies to identify with and appeal to ethnic and non-ethnic cultures. It also points to the power of diff erent ethnic groups and the tools available to them, as well as the limitations of ethnic solidarity as an economic force. The number of advertisements for Danish food- and drink-related establishments in Bien tapers off toward the 1950s, suggesting a loss of critical consumer mass in the area, although Danish businessmen always marketed their establishments to both ethnic and non-ethnic American customers, not exclusively to Danes. Foodways represent and preserve culture on both an individual and a group level. Traditional food oft en functions as “comfort food” for immigrants as well as for native-born Americans. Roy Parama explains, “Migrants preserve their ties to a homeland through their preservation of and participation in traditional customs and rituals of consumption,” including their eating habits.2 Food is one of the primary means by which a group of people can maintain a collective identity. In his 1966 study of ethnic infl uence on urban groups, Noel J. Chrisman found that, in the Danish lodges of San Francisco, “behavior which could be seen as ethnic was largely limited to the use of the Danish language and consuming some kinds of Danish foods. I conceived of these two ethnic behaviors as ‘fl ags’ which announced that ‘something Danish was going on here.’”3 In Chrisman’s view, language and food remain important to immigrant Americans, even for immigrants who are well-integrated into their American communities. Furthermore, ethnic restaurants, bars, and stores can function as important places for people to meet their countrymen, to look for work, and establish support networks, etc. By way of example, Sophus Hartwick, the publisher of Bien from 1897 to 1930 (co-publisher from 1889) found a job in San Francisco by visiting an establishment run by Danes.4 It would, however, be simplistic to measure integration into a new culture by the degree to which a person abandons the cuisine of his/her country of origin. Drawing on anthropological theory that fear and curiosity characterize meetings between people and cultures, Donna R. Gabaccia argues that all eaters deal with mixed feelings of

12 conservatism and curiosity about new foods. She argues that “enclave eating” – sticking strictly to the food of one’s country of origin – is mostly a phenomenon of newly arrived immigrants. In her view, the most important characteristic of American eaters (eaters who are no longer solely dominated by their immigrant roots) is that they are “multiethnic eaters.” As an example, she mentions “African-Ameri- cans who eat Chinese food on Tuesday, lasagna on Wednesday, and collard greens with pot liquor on Thursday.”5 This openness to cross- cultural encounters was important for businessmen trying to appeal to consumers across ethnic lines. Gabaccia argues: During these years [1910-1940], ambitious businessmen in ethnic communities, eager to escape the fragile and changing loyalties of their enclave clientele, sought new consumers in their multi-ethnic urban and regional markets. As they moved out, however, they did not leave their cultural origins behind them. On the contrary, they frequent- ly created a variety of market niches where businessmen like themselves dominated particular types of food trade. These niches included marketing ethnic foods adapted for multi-ethnic eaters and selling new snacks or “street foods” of wide appeal to the national market. In some areas, immigrant retailers also dominated the grocery or restaurant trade, while not selling foods of any particular ethnic origin.6 Gabaccio highlights the economic dimensions that were oft en para- mount for food retailers, regardless of ethnic background. The fact that Danish-owned establishments marketed themselves to Danish customers may have been determined not only by the owners’ own ethnic identity and the emotions and meanings connected with that identity, but also by its eﬀ ectiveness as a marketing strategy for a successful business. This study focuses on San Francisco during the ﬁ rst half of the twentieth century because the city had a relatively large population of Danes and Danish Americans during these years, and because this period witnessed, according to Gabaccia, “a particularly intensive phase of cross-cultural borrowing” in the United States.7 San Francisco was the city in the United States with the third largest number of Danes in

13 1920: 3,389 people were Danish-born out of a population of 506,676, of which 29.4 percent were foreign-born. In addition, the city housed 2,889 Danish Americans. Thus 0.7 percent of the city’s population was Danish-born and a total of 1.2 percent were either Danish-born or had a parent who was born in Denmark.8 The weekly newspaper Bien was founded in 1882 for both Danes and Norwegians. It was published in Danish until around 1930/31, when it began appearing in English. The newspaper’s focus was the local ethnic communities and the Dan- ish homeland.9 Nationwide in 1910, almost one-third of Danish-born Americans subscribed to one of seven Danish-language papers, but by 1930, that number had dropped to one-ﬁ ft h,10 and in 1940, the read- ership of Bien had fallen to around 5,000.11

Danish-born Second generation Danish-born Second Year residents of Danes in San residents of generation Danes San Francisco Francisco California in California 1900 2,171 9,040 1910 3,237 14,208 12,287 1920 3,389 2,889 18,721 21,406 1930 3,678 23,175 37,640 1940 3,133 19,726 38,240 1950 18,053 48,470

Fig. 1: Danes and Danish Americans in San Francisco and California 1900-5012

As a big city inhabited by a multitude of both immigrants and native-born Americans, San Francisco oﬀ ered a competitive environ- ment for businessmen and customers. In addition, the city had a large enough population of Danes and Danish Americans to support a semi- public Danish food scene. Danish bars and restaurants were, however, already present in San Francisco prior to 1900, e.g., The Morning Call from 1892 reported, under the headline “Disgusted Danes,” that Danish saloon and restaurant keepers were upset about a tug-of-war contest on the waterfront that had been lost by Danish men.13 This study looks at ads for restaurants, bars, and stores, some of which were hybrid establishments, that sold food products and/or drinks to consume on the premises or take away. For instance, some grocers had a bar room/area (e.g., O. Jorgensen Urtekramhandel in 1900), many

14 bars served food (sometimes free lunch, e.g., Jens E. Nielsen’s bar in 1900), and some lunch restaurants served food around the clock (e.g., Market Street Quick Lunch in 1915).14 We can learn a great deal about Danish American foodways from the kinds and frequency of newspaper ads for Danish-oriented stores and eating establishments, but there are also signifi cant limitations to keep in mind. First of all, the number of ads that appeared in Bien in any given issue may not correspond exactly to the actual number of Danish restaurants, bars, and stores in San Francisco at the time. There may have been ads for establishments with no Danish affi lia- tion that simply wanted to communicate with Danish American consumers,15 while some Danish establishments may have chosen not to advertise in a certain issue or in any issues of Bien. Moreover, the ads do not refl ect how many customers the establishments att racted – i.e., the social impact cannot be determined based on a content analysis study.16 Nevertheless, since Bien was the only local Danish-language newspaper in San Francisco, its ads off er a picture of the Danish food- scape roughly indicative of the actual state of aff airs, as it is unlikely that advertisers would have advertised in the paper if they thought it a complete waste of money. Based on data collected from the year’s fi rst issue of Bien every fi ft h year over a period of fi ft y years, this study att ests to a continuous representation of Danish food and drink establishments in San Fran- cisco between 1900 and 1950. The graph below shows the number of ads by year. More ads appeared in the early twentieth century than towards the middle and the end of the time period under investiga- tion. The number of ads peaks in 1905 with sixty-two ads and is at its lowest in 1950 with nine ads. There appears to be a small elevation in the number of ads in 1930 but there is not enough data to establish if this is just a coincidence or if it is a trend.

15 Fig. 2: Total number of ads for Danish food- and drink-related establishments in San Francisco, 1900-50.

As Figure 3 illustrates, there tended to be more Danish-friendly restaurants and bars in San Francisco than stores, except for in 1930 and 1935, suggesting the possible impact of global events such as the Great Depression and World War II. However, the two categories follow approximately the same trajectory as the total number of ads.

Fig. 3: Ads for Danish food-and drink-related establishments in San Francisco, 1900-50, divided into establishments that are primarily serving food and drinks and establishments that are mainly stores.

16 Figure 4 includes a brief overview of the kinds of ads that appeared in a given year and a few notes of interest from the ﬁ ndings for each year of the sample, followed by a summary of the study’s ﬁ ndings.

Year Numbers Variety Notes of interest

Bars, cafés, coffee parlors, ice cream parlors, piano parlors, The ad for John Undersen’s establishment restaurants (lunch selling wine/spirits highlights “California 39 ads: parlors/lunch houses, wine” using a larger font than for “Aalborg 1900 21 for eateries/ lunch restaurants and Aquavit” (a Danish brand of sprits) which bars; 18 for stores. other restaurants), visually places more importance on the saloons (serving food), local connection than the connection to bakeries, dairies, Denmark. grocery stores, liquor stores, and hotels.

Bars (some serving lunch), cafés, coffee Two of the establishments are owned houses, coffee parlors, by “captains,” possibly indicating a link ice cream parlors, between Danish sailors and the city. restaurants/lunch 62 ads: restaurants, saloons, An article about a ﬁ re that destroyed 1905 39 for eateries/ bakeries, breweries, the Magnolia Café mentions that it was bars; 23 for stores. dairies, delis, grocery currently owned by the Dane Peter stores, liquor stores, Nielsen, who had managed to turn the store selling coffee/ café into one of the most successful spice, wine dealers, establishments of its kind in the city. and hotels.

One grocer advertises selling special cookery equipment to make homemade Danish æbleskiver (a type of doughnut). Bars (serving lunch), An example of a cross-over restaurant is cafés (serving lunch), The Gilt Edge, a “German grill” advertising coffee houses, coffee Aalborg Aquavit. parlors, coffee parlors/ 55 ads: houses, grills, lunch The front page includes a survey about 1910 41 for eateries/ houses, restaurants, what “well-known countrymen” think about bars; 14 for stores. saloons, bakeries building a Danish American building for (serving lunch), the upcoming 1915 exhibition. Among breweries, butcher the thirty-six people interviewed are stores, dairies, delis, four Danish American San Francisco and grocery stores. restaurateurs. This points to some of the Danish restaurateurs being well-known and inﬂ uential in the local Danish American community.

17 Year Numbers Variety Notes of interest

Bars, cafés, coffee house/parlor, grills, restaurants (including Mexico City Café is an example of a 45 ads: buffet restaurants), cross-over restaurant. It is owned by Peter 1915 37 for eateries/ quick-lunch places, Petersen (most likely a Dane) and is a bars; 8 for stores. saloons, breweries, Mexican restaurant which sells Danish creameries, dairies, Carlsberg beer and aquavit. delis, grocery stores, and liquor stores.

Cafés, coffee houses, lunch houses, quick- There are two ads for businesses for sale: lunch restaurants, a dairy was for sale due to the owner 31 ads: restaurants, saloons, returning home, and the Owl Quick Lunch 1920 23 for eateries/ taverns, wafﬂ e houses, Car was for sale for $400. bars; 8 for stores. bakeries, butchers, creameries, delis, At the ofﬁ ce of Bien, customers could grocery stores, and purchase a Danish cookbook. poultry dealers.

This issue contains an advertisement Bakery cafés, cafés, for a cookbook for Danish bakery goods coffee and lunch written using “English” weights and houses, ice cream 24 ads: measurements, thus possibly attesting sellers, quick-lunch 1925 15 for eateries/ to increased Americanization of Danish establishments, bars; 9 for stores. cooking. restaurants, butchers, delis, grocery stores, This is the ﬁ rst time that an ad mentions and poultry dealers. “Room for cars around our market” (Hub Market). Lunch restaurants, other restaurants, quick-lunch restaurants, 32 ads: bakeries, butchers, 1930 15 for eateries/ caterers, delis, donut N/A bars;17 for stores. shop, grocery stores, private persons offering food products for sale, and soda companies. An article about the Danish spirit snaps Cafés, coffee shops, talks about how it is expensive to import 14 ads: grills, restaurants, and how people do not know to drink it 1935 7 for eateries/bars; bakeries, butchers, cold. This article points to both economic 7 for stores. dairies, delis, and barriers to maintaining Danish foodways grocery stores. as well as cultural knowledge disappearing or changing.

13 ads: Restaurants, taverns, This issue contains an ad placed by a 1940 8 for eateries/bars; bakeries, butchers, and Danish chef looking for work as a manager, 5 for stores. delis. chef or waiter.

18 Year Numbers Variety Notes of interest Cafés, clubs, grills, An ad for a Scandinavian monthly lunch restaurants and magazine possibly indicates competition 13 ads: other restaurants, for advertisers as well as a consolidation of 1945 10 for eateries/ taverns, bakeries, delis, Danish, Swedish, and Norwegian readers bars; 3 for stores. hotels, liquor stores, and advertisers to a pan-Scandinavian and meat markets. media and identity. The Danish Kitchen offers a mix of Bars, cafés, groceries, deli products, home décor 9 ads: restaurants, bakeries, products, cook books, catering, etc. In this 1950 6 for eateries/bars; taverns, delis, grocery way, the store embraces all kinds of Danish 3 for stores. stores, and “The food stuffs and items, and seems akin to a Danish Kitchen.” modern online store which supplies all kind of Danish items for Danes living abroad.17

Fig. 4: Outline of Danish establishments in San Francisco by sample year plus notes of interest.

In years when many ads appeared, they tend to represent a greater variety of types of eating and drinking establishments, though this may simply be due to a greater number of ads rather than any other trend. Shift s in the types of restaurants and stores that advertised in Bien suggest a patt ern similar to general trends with regard to urban stores and restaurants/bars, customized for a Danish clientele. Vari- ous types of eateries are popular throughout the period, but others wax and wane in popularity. For example, dairies are only advertised until 1935. Many bars, saloons, and taverns place ads until 1920 when prohibition changes many of them into “soft drinks and cigars” places, while others seem not to have survived the cultural sea change. A number of breweries advertise in 1905, 1910, and 1915, but not aft er that. In 1950, one store shows a move towards catering to “Danish- ness” in all forms in contrast to most other stores, which appear to focus on traditional business areas such as bars or lunch counters. Many of the names appear only once or twice. See Appendix A for a listing of some of the longest-lasting establishments. Semiotic and linguistic elements of the advertisements reveal the degree to which the establishments placing ads in Bien identifi ed and marketed themselves as Danish, Scandinavian, or non-ethnic-specifi c. “American” is not included as a category, as very few establishments marketed themselves outright as American (one example is The Pa- cifi c Restaurant, 1940, which advertised “Scandinavian and American

19 cooking”). Five methods of signaling—or not signaling—ethnic identifi cation, are evident in the Bien ads: 1. Placing advertisements in a Danish-language newspaper, though this did not necessarily indicate that an establishment is owned or run by Danes. 2. Signaling Danishness in the name of the establishment. Most establishments do not signal overt Danishness in their names, which suggests that these establishments likely did not indicate any clear ethnic identifi cation to passersby. Some establishments appear to display a personal name that would signal Danishness or Scandinavianness, e.g., “Chr. Petersen” and “Ole’s Coff ee Parlor” (1905). Some places refer to Danish place names, e.g., “City of Copenhagen” (1905). However, the name of the successful Tivoli Café on Eddy Street may refer to the Tivoli theatre/opera house located on the same street rather than the Tivoli Gardens in Copenhagen, Denmark. Other names explicitly indicate Scandinavianness, e.g., “Scandia Saloon” (1900), “Walhalla Saloon” (1905), and the “Viking Restaurant and Coff ee House” (1905). In the ads, some store names are writt en in Danish or a mix of languages, e.g., “Dansk Saloon” (Danish Saloon) (1900) and “Lumskebugten” (the sneaky inlet) (1950) but this may or may not be the name which appeared on the outside of the building. 3. Using a Danish personal name in the ad. Most of the ads contain surnames and some fi rst names of people associated with the establishments (owners or managers). Many of the names, for example Jensen, Nielsen, and Hansen, indicate Danish heritage and whether or not the person was actually a Dane, the name has badge value. 4. Using Danish language or a mix of Danish and English language in the ad. As the graphs below indicate, Danish was used almost exclusively in the ads in the early years. From 1920 onward, mixed

20 language was more common. English did not come into regular use until about 1925. Later on, there was more of a mix of language; however, English was never the majority language of the ads.

Fig. 5. Use of Danish, English, and mixed language in food-related ads in Bien, 1900-50.

21 22 23 5. Stating directly that the establishment is Danish. Some of the tag lines and headlines in the ads include such phrases as “Where you meet your Danish friends,”20 “Danish butcher store,”21 “Countrymen very welcome!,”22 and “Headquarters for Danes.”23 However, only one restaurant has a rhyming slogan in Danish.24 Other ads specify what type of Danish dishes the restaurant serves or the store sells (for example, The Original Traffi c Lunch Counter & Restaurant off ered “fi ne Danish sylte” (headcheese) in 1925). This technique is mostly applied aft er 1930, peaking in 1935 in sixty-four

24 percent of the ads. However, most ads generally do not overtly indicate any speciﬁ c ethnicity in this way, especially during the early years, peaking at seventy-three percent in 1910. It should be noted, however, that some establishments may have been so well-known in the Danish community that they would not have needed to market themselves overtly as Danish. A few establishments specify that they are Swedish or Norwegian, and between seven percent (1910, 1920, 1935, 1940) and twenty-three percent (1945) identify themselves as Scandinavian.

Fig. 6. Non-ethnic and ethnic overt self-identiﬁ cation in food-related ads in Bien, 1900-50.

25 26 27 To sum up, while many establishments placed ads in Bien to at- tract Danish-speaking customers, only a few of them bore explicitly Danish names, except for personal names that could easily be under-

28 stood by non-Danes. It would therefore appear that most establishments that advertised in Bien did not identify themselves as Danish in a way that would exclude non-Danish customers. Based on the relatively small number of Danes in San Francisco in the fi rst half of the twentieth century, it is likely that many of the establishments con- sidered the Danish segment a niche market. Additional preliminary research indicates that when these establishments advertised in other media outlets, they did not highlight their Danishness.25 This impres- sion fi ts with the fi ndings of Jessica Ellen Sewell, who concluded that the restaurants and bars with non-ethnic names that advertised in Bien and listed food items that included non-ethnic food were aiming to appeal to a wide audience, in contrast to ads in the Italian-language newspaper in which all the restaurants advertised Italian food.26 An- other indicator can be found in guidebooks. For example, Tivoli Café is simply listed as “American” in a 1903 guidebook of San Francisco.27 More research would be needed to determine the exact advertising behavior as well as to which extent each store or restaurant/bar would actually have a Danish atmosphere, if Danish was the language used on the premises, if Danish food was served to any great extent, if the employees were Danish, etc.

Conclusion The old saying that the way to a man’s heart is through his stom- ach can be easily applied to this study of immigrant Danish and Danish American foodways in San Francisco—the way to a people’s history is through their stomachs. Based on a content analysis of advertisements in the Danish-language newspaper Bien, this essay has shown that although only 0.7 percent of San Francisco’s inhabitants were born in Denmark and only 1.2 percent were either ﬁ rst or second-generation Danes, there was a robust semi-public Danish food- scene in San Francisco from 1900 to 1950. It generally included more bars and restaurants than stores, with the total number declining over this period, but there was enough variety to warrant regular advertising. Establishments aiming to att ract a Danish clientele tended to place ads in Bien, but the nature of their ads suggests that only a minority of establishments made explicit reference to a Danish character or orientation. This lack of ethnic markers suggests that the majority of the establishments that advertised in Bien catered to a wide range

29 of ethnic groups and native-born Americans, not just San Francisco’s relatively small Danish population. While some establishments may have had a distinct Danish atmosphere, others are likely to have been chameleon-like crossover enterprises: Danish establishments catering to Danes and Americans or non-ethnic establishments catering to Americans and members of other ethnic groups. This crossover strategy may not have been available to other minority ethnic groups who were not generally as competent in English28 and as easily accepted by white Protestant Americans.29 San Francisco’s Danish food culture survived through two World Wars, but had dwindled signiﬁ cantly by the middle of the century. By 1950, there were relatively few Danish establishments in San Fran- cisco, possibly connected to a drop in the number of Danish-born people living in San Francisco, some of whom likely moved to the suburbs of the Bay Area or Los Angeles.30 The thinning population density created less demand, resulting in less frequent enclave eating and therefore fewer establishments catering to Danes. Having lived in America for many years, many Danish-born Americans may also have become multiethnic eaters to a higher degree. Moreoever, as they climbed the socio-economic ladder from newly arrived immigrants to well-established citizens, Danes and Danish Americans probably moved into more professional, higher-status occupations than saloon-, restaurant-, and grocery store-keeper, leaving these positions to more newly arrived immigrants. Danish American foodways in San Francisco did not necessarily die out as a result of this reduction of commercial options for accessing Danish food and drink, but they were likely either incorporated into the broader, multiethnic food culture or transferred from a semi-public transactional realm where consumer demand could ensure market proﬁ tability to a more private, noncommercial sphere.

Endnotes 1 Fabio Parasecoli, “Food and Popular Culture,” in Food in Time and Place: The American Historical Association’s Companion to Food History, ed., Paul Freedman, Joyce E. Champlin, and Ken Albala (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2014), 323. 2 Roy Parama, ”Reading Communities and Culinary Communities: The Gastropoetics of the South Asian Diaspora,” Positions 10, no. 2 (2002): 472.

30 3 Noel Judson Chrisman, Ethnic Infl uence on Urban Groups: The Danish- Americans (PhD diss., University of California, 1966), (reprinted by Saratoga, CA: R and E Research Associates, 1975), 4. 4 Hartwick tells his story in a Danish newspaper interview in the following way (however, he may be embellishing a litt le): “One day, I saw a tavern with a sign that read ‘Christensen & Hansen.’ They are probably Danes, I thought, and went inside. I got to talk with them and asked if they could direct me to a job. What do you do? Well, I am a typographer. Are you crazy, they said. Get a move on. Yesterday, a newspaper opened in the street next to here but it seems to be hard for them to fi nd typographers. Half an hour later, I had a job.” NPN, newspaper article about Sophus Hartwick [no title] – fi rst line begins with “The founder of the esteemed Danish-American paper…,” N.d., content from A421-1: ”Historien om ’Røde Kors-quilten’ af SH [The story of the ”Red Cross quilt” by SH], San Francisco, Cal. (1934); diverse udklip vedr. SH [miscellaneous clippings concerning. SH] (1915- 1953),” Det Danske Udvandrerarkiv [The Danish Emigration Archives], Aalborg, Denmark. 5 Donna R. Gabaccia, We Are What We Eat (Cambridge, Massachusett s: Harvard University Press, 2000), 228. 6 Ibid., 94-95. 7 Ibid., 120. 8 Torben Grøngaard Jeppesen, Danske i USA 1850-2000: En demografi sk, social og kultur-geografi sk undersøgelse af de danske immigranter og deres eft erkommere [Danes in the USA 1850-2000: A demographical, social and cultural-geographical study of the Danish immigrants and their descendants] (Odense, Denmark: Odense Bys Museer, 2005), 199, 277-80, 91: 290-91, 331, 333. 9 Jett e D. Søllinge, Niels Thomsen, and Ole C. Jørgensen, “California,” The Danish Newspapers, accessed April 16, 2015, htt p://dedanskeaviser.dk/ places/605. 10 Marion Marzolf, “The Danish-Language Press in America,” Norwegian- American Studies 28 (1979): 276, accessed April 16, 2015, htt p://www.naha. stolaf.edu/pubs/nas/volume28/Nor-Am%20Studies%20Vol%2028 %20 Article%20Eleven.pdf. 11 Jett e D. Søllinge, Niels Thomsen, and Ole C. Jørgensen, “Bien: Newspaper,” The Danish Newspapers, accessed April 16, 2015, htt p:// dedanskeaviser.dk/newspapers/605-4#this. 12 The numbers highlighted in in the second, fourth, and fi ft h lines of the fi rst column were generated from ancestry.com searches. The other data for this graph originate from census analysis presented in Torben Grøngaard Jeppesen’s book mentioned in the footnote above. 13 “Sea and Shore: Return of the Reliance With a Lost Center-board,” The Morning Call, San Francisco, February 8, 1892, California Digital Newspaper Collection, htt ps://cdnc.ucr.edu/cgi-bin/cdnc?a=d&d=SFC19070321.2.67&e=------en--20--1--txt-txIN------1. 14 Among the ads in Bien, there were a large number of ads for tobacco stores, but before including them in this analysis more research would be 31 needed to determine the nature of these stores and their role in the foodways of Danes and Danish Americans. 15 Jessica Ellen Sewell’s study shows that the Emporium and Hale’s occasionally advertised in foreign-language papers, including Bien. Jessica Ellen Sewell, Women and the Everyday City: Public Space in San Francisco, 1890- 1915 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011). 16 Jim Macnamara, “Media content analysis: Its uses, benefi ts and Best Practice Methodology,” Asia Pacifi c Public Relations Journal 6, no. 1 (2005): 2, accessed March 4, 2015, htt p://amecorg.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/ Media-Content-Analysis-Paper.pdf. 17 See for example Nordic House which is both a traditional store (located in Berkeley, CA) and off ers online shopping and shipping within the United States: accessed April 16, 2015. htt ps://www.nordichouse.com/. 18 Jack Tillmany, Theatres of San Francisco (Charleston: Arcadia Publishing: 2005), 57, accessed April 17, 2015, htt p://books.google.com/books?id=4SoMT Ct1KXoC&lpg=PP1&pg=PA4#v=onepage&q&f=false. 19 In terms of categorization, this analysis allowed the use of English in place names and addresses to be categorized as Danish because using English for these items does not seem to refl ect a lack of command of Danish but rather user-friendliness on the account of the advertiser. Also, it should be noted that it is possible that Bien had a policy regarding language use for its advertisers. 20 The Home Lunch, ad in Bien, January 1945. All translations from Danish are the author’s own. 21 Temple Market, ad in Bien, January 1930. 22 Pacifi c Lunch, ad in Bien, January 1930. 23 6th Street Casino, ad in Bien, January 1915. 24 Coff ee Pot Restaurant, ad in Bien, 1930: “Man spiser altid godt i Coff ee Pot restaurant” (underscored in this paper to indicate Danish rhyme) [You always eat well in Coff ee Pot restaurant]. 25 See for example Tivoli Cafe’s ad in Human Nature in August 1905: “Tivoli Cafe…,” Human Nature 15, no. 161 (August 1905): 15; and the ad for Alameda Cafe in The Seamen’s Journal in 1919: “Alameda Cafe,” The Seamen’s Journal 32, Sailors’ Union of the Pacifi c (April 2, 1919): 15. 26 Sewell. 27 San Francisco and Its Environs (arranged by Hamilton Wright, California Promotion Committ ee, San Francisco, 1903), 24. This guide book lists restaurants by American, French, Italian, Mexican, Spanish, Chinese, and Kosher, cuisine. However, the WPA guidebook which includes at least one Swedish restaurant (Bit of Sweden), does not mention any Danish restaurants. Federal Writers’ Project of the Works Progress Administration of Northern California, San Francisco in the 1930s: the WPA Guide to the City by the Bay (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), 86. 28 Philip S. Friedman, “The Danish Community of Chicago,” The Bridge 8, no. 1 (1985): 8. 29 Ibid., 36-7.

32 30 For example, many Scandinavians lived in San Francisco’s “Mission District” until around WWII but the neighborhood changed into a predominantly Hispanic neighborhood in the 1950s. “City within a City: Historic Context Statement for San Francisco’s Mission District,” City and County of San Francisco Planning Department, November 2007, accessed April 23, 2014, htt p://ohp.parks.ca.gov/pages/1054/ﬁ les/mission%20 district%20nov07.pdf.

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