Summer Reading: the Kaiserreich, 1871–1914
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The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: the Case of Industry
The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry Christoph Buchheim and Jonas Scherner, University of Mannheim, Germany Prof. Dr. Christoph Buchheim Dr. Jonas Scherner Chair of Economic History Seminar of Economic and Social History University of Mannheim University of Mannheim L 7,3-5 L7, 3-5 D-68131 Mannheim D-68131 Mannheim Germany Germany e-Mail: [email protected] e-Mail: [email protected] The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry Abstract. Private property in the industry of the Third Reich is often considered a mere formal provision without much substance. However, that is not correct, because firms, despite the rationing and licensing activities of the state, still had ample scope to devise their own production and investment patterns. Even regarding war-related projects freedom of contract was generally respected and, instead of using power, the state offered firms a bundle of contract options to choose from. There were several motives behind this attitude of the regime, among them the conviction that private property provided important incentives for increasing efficiency. I. The Nazi regime did not have any scruples to apply force and terror, if that was judged useful to attain its aims. And in economic policy it did not abstain from numerous regulations and interventions in markets, in order to further rearmament and autarky as far as possible. Thus the regime, by promulgating Schacht’s so-called “New Plan” in 1934, very much strengthened its influence on foreign exchange as well as on raw materials’ allocation, in order to enforce state priorities. -
Austria's Failed Denazification
Student Publications Student Scholarship Spring 2020 The Silent Reich: Austria’s Failed Denazification Henry F. Goodson Gettysburg College Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship Part of the European History Commons, and the Holocaust and Genocide Studies Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Recommended Citation Goodson, Henry F., "The Silent Reich: Austria’s Failed Denazification" (2020). Student Publications. 839. https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/839 This open access student research paper is brought to you by The Cupola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The Cupola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Silent Reich: Austria’s Failed Denazification Abstract Between 1945 and 1956, the Second Austrian Republic failed to address the large number of former Austrian Nazis. Due to Cold War tensions, the United States, Britain, and France helped to downplay Austria’s cooperation with the Nazi Reich in order to secure the state against the Soviets. In an effort to stall the spread of socialism, former fascists were even recruited by Western intelligence services to help inform on the activities of socialists and communists within Austria. Furthermore, the Austrian people were a deeply conservative society, which often supported many of the far-right’s positions, as can be seen throughout contemporary Austrian newspaper articles and editorials. Antisemitism, belief in the superiority of Austro-Germanic culture, disdain for immigrants, and desire for national sovereignty were all widely present in Austrian society before, during, and after the Nazi period. These cultural beliefs, combined with neglect from the Western powers, integrated the far-right into the political decision-making process. -
How Britain Unified Germany: Geography and the Rise of Prussia
— Early draft. Please do not quote, cite, or redistribute without written permission of the authors. — How Britain Unified Germany: Geography and the Rise of Prussia After 1815∗ Thilo R. Huningy and Nikolaus Wolfz Abstract We analyze the formation oft he German Zollverein as an example how geography can shape institutional change. We show how the redrawing of the European map at the Congress of Vienna—notably Prussia’s control over the Rhineland and Westphalia—affected the incentives for policymakers to cooperate. The new borders were not endogenous. They were at odds with the strategy of Prussia, but followed from Britain’s intervention at Vienna regarding the Polish-Saxon question. For many small German states, the resulting borders changed the trade-off between the benefits from cooperation with Prussia and the costs of losing political control. Based on GIS data on Central Europe for 1818–1854 we estimate a simple model of the incentives to join an existing customs union. The model can explain the sequence of states joining the Prussian Zollverein extremely well. Moreover we run a counterfactual exercise: if Prussia would have succeeded with her strategy to gain the entire Kingdom of Saxony instead of the western provinces, the Zollverein would not have formed. We conclude that geography can shape institutional change. To put it different, as collateral damage to her intervention at Vienna,”’Britain unified Germany”’. JEL Codes: C31, F13, N73 ∗We would like to thank Robert C. Allen, Nicholas Crafts, Theresa Gutberlet, Theocharis N. Grigoriadis, Ulas Karakoc, Daniel Kreßner, Stelios Michalopoulos, Klaus Desmet, Florian Ploeckl, Kevin H. -
Guides to German Records Microfilmed at Alexandria, Va
GUIDES TO GERMAN RECORDS MICROFILMED AT ALEXANDRIA, VA. No. 32. Records of the Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of the German Police (Part I) The National Archives National Archives and Records Service General Services Administration Washington: 1961 This finding aid has been prepared by the National Archives as part of its program of facilitating the use of records in its custody. The microfilm described in this guide may be consulted at the National Archives, where it is identified as RG 242, Microfilm Publication T175. To order microfilm, write to the Publications Sales Branch (NEPS), National Archives and Records Service (GSA), Washington, DC 20408. Some of the papers reproduced on the microfilm referred to in this and other guides of the same series may have been of private origin. The fact of their seizure is not believed to divest their original owners of any literary property rights in them. Anyone, therefore, who publishes them in whole or in part without permission of their authors may be held liable for infringement of such literary property rights. Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 58-9982 AMERICA! HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE fOR THE STUDY OP WAR DOCUMENTS GUIDES TO GERMAN RECOBDS MICROFILMED AT ALEXAM)RIA, VA. No* 32» Records of the Reich Leader of the SS aad Chief of the German Police (HeiehsMhrer SS und Chef der Deutschen Polizei) 1) THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION (AHA) COMMITTEE FOR THE STUDY OF WAE DOCUMENTS GUIDES TO GERMAN RECORDS MICROFILMED AT ALEXANDRIA, VA* This is part of a series of Guides prepared -
Hitler's American Model
Hitler’s American Model The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law James Q. Whitman Princeton University Press Princeton and Oxford 1 Introduction This jurisprudence would suit us perfectly, with a single exception. Over there they have in mind, practically speaking, only coloreds and half-coloreds, which includes mestizos and mulattoes; but the Jews, who are also of interest to us, are not reckoned among the coloreds. —Roland Freisler, June 5, 1934 On June 5, 1934, about a year and a half after Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of the Reich, the leading lawyers of Nazi Germany gathered at a meeting to plan what would become the Nuremberg Laws, the notorious anti-Jewish legislation of the Nazi race regime. The meeting was chaired by Franz Gürtner, the Reich Minister of Justice, and attended by officials who in the coming years would play central roles in the persecution of Germany’s Jews. Among those present was Bernhard Lösener, one of the principal draftsmen of the Nuremberg Laws; and the terrifying Roland Freisler, later President of the Nazi People’s Court and a man whose name has endured as a byword for twentieth-century judicial savagery. The meeting was an important one, and a stenographer was present to record a verbatim transcript, to be preserved by the ever-diligent Nazi bureaucracy as a record of a crucial moment in the creation of the new race regime. That transcript reveals the startling fact that is my point of departure in this study: the meeting involved detailed and lengthy discussions of the law of the United States. -
Mennonite Life
MENNONITE LIFEJUNE 1991 In this Issue The Mennonite encounter with National Socialism in the 1930s and 1940s remains a troubling event in Mennonite history, even as the memory of World War II and the Holocaust continue to sear the conscience of Western civilization. How could such evil happen? How could people of good will be so compromised? Mennonites have been a people of two kingdoms. Their loyalty to Christ’s kingdom has priority, but they also believe and confess, in the words of the Dortrecht Confession (1632) that “ God has ordained power and authority, and set them to punish the evil, and protect the good, to govern the world, and maintain countries and cities with their subjects in good order and regulation.” The sorting out of heavenly and worldly allegiances has never been simple. Rulers in all times and places, from Phillip II in the Spanish Netherlands to George Bush in the Persian Gulf region, have claimed to fulfill a divine mandate. In his time Adolf Hitler offered protection from anarchy and from communism. There should be no surprise that some Mennonites, especially recent victims of Russian Communism, found the National Socialist program attractive. In this issue three young Mennonite scholars, all of whom researched their topics in work toward master’s degrees, examine the Mennonite response to National Socialism in three countries: Paraguay, Germany, and Canada. John D. Thiesen, archivist at Mennonite Library and Archives at Bethel College, recounts the story as it unfolded in Paraguay. This article is drawn from his thesis completed at Wichita State University in 1990. -
From Charlemagne to Hitler: the Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and Its Symbolism
From Charlemagne to Hitler: The Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire and its Symbolism Dagmar Paulus (University College London) [email protected] 2 The fabled Imperial Crown of the Holy Roman Empire is a striking visual image of political power whose symbolism influenced political discourse in the German-speaking lands over centuries. Together with other artefacts such as the Holy Lance or the Imperial Orb and Sword, the crown was part of the so-called Imperial Regalia, a collection of sacred objects that connotated royal authority and which were used at the coronations of kings and emperors during the Middle Ages and beyond. But even after the end of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806, the crown remained a powerful political symbol. In Germany, it was seen as the very embodiment of the Reichsidee, the concept or notion of the German Empire, which shaped the political landscape of Germany right up to National Socialism. In this paper, I will first present the crown itself as well as the political and religious connotations it carries. I will then move on to demonstrate how its symbolism was appropriated during the Second German Empire from 1871 onwards, and later by the Nazis in the so-called Third Reich, in order to legitimise political authority. I The crown, as part of the Regalia, had a symbolic and representational function that can be difficult for us to imagine today. On the one hand, it stood of course for royal authority. During coronations, the Regalia marked and established the transfer of authority from one ruler to his successor, ensuring continuity amidst the change that took place. -
A History of German-Scandinavian Relations
A History of German – Scandinavian Relations A History of German-Scandinavian Relations By Raimund Wolfert A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Raimund Wolfert 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Table of contents 1. The Rise and Fall of the Hanseatic League.............................................................5 2. The Thirty Years’ War............................................................................................11 3. Prussia en route to becoming a Great Power........................................................15 4. After the Napoleonic Wars.....................................................................................18 5. The German Empire..............................................................................................23 6. The Interwar Period...............................................................................................29 7. The Aftermath of War............................................................................................33 First version 12/2006 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations This essay contemplates the history of German-Scandinavian relations from the Hanseatic period through to the present day, focussing upon the Berlin- Brandenburg region and the northeastern part of Germany that lies to the south of the Baltic Sea. A geographic area whose topography has been shaped by the great Scandinavian glacier of the Vistula ice age from 20000 BC to 13 000 BC will thus be reflected upon. According to the linguistic usage of the term -
The Censorship of Literary Naturalism, 1885-1895: Prussia and Saxony
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Peer Reviewed Articles History Department 2014 The Censorship of Literary Naturalism, 1885-1895: Prussia and Saxony Gary D. Stark University of Texas at Arlington Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/hst_articles Part of the History Commons ScholarWorks Citation Stark, Gary D., "The Censorship of Literary Naturalism, 1885-1895: Prussia and Saxony" (2014). Peer Reviewed Articles. 19. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/hst_articles/19 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History Department at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Peer Reviewed Articles by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SYMPOSIUM: THE CENSORSHIP OF LITERARY NATURALISM The of Censorship Literary Naturalism, 1885-1895: Prussia and Saxony GARY D. STARK has been written in recent years about the emergence of modernist culture in^w de siecle Europe and the resistance MUCH it met from cultural traditionalists. The earliest clashes be? tween traditionalism and modernism usually occurred in the legal arena, where police censors sought to uphold traditional norms against the modernist onslaught. How successful was the state in combatting emer? gent modernist cultural movements? Arno Mayer, in a recent analysis ofthe persistence ofthe old regime in Europe before 1914, maintains that: "In the long run, the victory of the modernists may have been inevitable. In the short run, however, the modernists were effectively bridled and isolated, if need be with legal and administrative controls."1 In Germany, the first stirrings of modern literature?if perhaps not yet of full modernism?began with the naturalists, also called the "real- ists," the "youngest Germans," or simply "the Moderns."2 Naturalists Research for this essay was made possible by generous grants from the National En? dowment for the Humanities, the German Academic Exchange Service, and the Uni? versity of Texas at Arlington Organized Research Fund. -
Cultural Vs. Economic Legacies of Empires: Evidence from the Partition of Poland I
Motivation and Background Contributions Discussion and Conclusion Cultural vs. Economic Legacies of Empires: Evidence from the Partition of Poland I. Grosfeld and E. Zhuravakaya Luke Zinnen, Presenter EC 765, Spring 2018 Luke Zinnen, Presenter Cultural vs. Economic Legacies of Empires Motivation and Background Contributions Discussion and Conclusion Outline 1 Motivation and Background 2 Contributions Empirical Strategy Results 3 Discussion and Conclusion Luke Zinnen, Presenter Cultural vs. Economic Legacies of Empires Motivation and Background Contributions Discussion and Conclusion Economic and Political Persistence of Historical Events Major and growing literature on connection between historical events and current political and economic outcomes Slavery Imperialism Unclear what carries through intervening time Economic factors Cultural Institutional Likewise, mechanisms important: which are overriden by later shocks, policy? Luke Zinnen, Presenter Cultural vs. Economic Legacies of Empires Motivation and Background Contributions Discussion and Conclusion Goals and Outcomes of the Paper Use 1815 - 1918 partition of Poland between Russia, Prussia/Germany, and Austria/Austria-Hungary as clean case to examine persistent and attenuated factors Homogenous before and after partition Partition arbitrary and with sharp borders Large dierences between absorbing empires Employ spacial regression discontinuity analysis on localities near empire borders during partition Find little persistent dierence in most economic outcomes (exception: railroad infrastructure), more for religiosity and democratic capital Latter have observable eect on liberal/religious conservative voting patterns Luke Zinnen, Presenter Cultural vs. Economic Legacies of Empires Motivation and Background Contributions Discussion and Conclusion Related Literature Persistence of culture and institutions, and their long-term eects on development Colonial rule and post-independence institutions: (Acemoglu et al. -
The Buildup of the German War Economy: the Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 by Samantha Carl I
The Buildup of the German War Economy: The Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 By Samantha Carl INTRODUCTION German-Soviet relations in the early half of the twentieth century have been marked by periods of rapprochement followed by increasing tensions. After World War I, where the nations fought on opposite sides, Germany and the Soviet Union focused on their respective domestic problems and tensions began to ease. During the 1920s, Germany and the Soviet Union moved toward normal relations with the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922.(1) Tensions were once again apparent after 1933, when Adolf Hitler gained power in Germany. Using propaganda and anti-Bolshevik rhetoric, Hitler depicted the Soviet Union as Germany's true enemy.(2) Despite the animosity between the two nations, the benefits of trade enabled them to maintain economic relations throughout the inter-war period. It was this very relationship that paved the way for the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of 1939 and the subsequent outbreak of World War II. Nazi-Soviet relations on the eve of the war were vital to the war movement of each respective nation. In essence, the conclusion of the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact on August 23, 1939 allowed Germany to augment its war effort while diminishing the Soviet fear of a German invasion.(3) The betterment of relations was a carefully planned program in which Hitler sought to achieve two important goals. First, he sought to prevent a two-front war from developing upon the invasion of Poland. Second, he sought to gain valuable raw materials that were necessary for the war movement.(4) The only way to meet these goals was to pursue the completion of two pacts with the Soviet Union: an economic agreement as well as a political one. -
A Little History of the Schulenburg Family
Fritz Schulenburg-Beetzendorf (Autor) A Little History of the Schulenburg Family https://cuvillier.de/de/shop/publications/6735 Copyright: Cuvillier Verlag, Inhaberin Annette Jentzsch-Cuvillier, Nonnenstieg 8, 37075 Göttingen, Germany Telefon: +49 (0)551 54724-0, E-Mail: [email protected], Website: https://cuvillier.de ForewordfromtheHeadof theSchulenburgFamily On28thofOctober1237,theMargraveandtheBishopofBrandenburgsigned acontract on the distribution oftaxes (“the tithe”)between thechurchand the Margrave’s government. Eighteen witnesses from both sides signed the treaty,whichcanstillbeseenintheMuseumoftheBrandenburgCathedral. OneofthewitnesseswasthepriestofCöln,avillagewhichlaterbecamepart ofBerlin.ThisiswhyBerlinclaimstooriginatein1237.Anotherwitnesswas Wernerus de Sculenburch, who was a knight and the head of the administration of the Margrave’s government; today this person would be called prime minister. Since Wernerus is the oldest proven ancestor of the Schulenburgs,thehistoryofthefamilydatesbackto1237aswell. Sincethenthefamilyhasexperiencedgoodandbadtimesandthelivesofthe family members reflect their respective times. Today, 777 years later, the family consists of 70 male cousins and their family members. A family gatheringtakesplaceeverysecondyear.The109thfamilygatheringtookplace in September 2013 in Vienna which is where the famous JohannͲMatthias SchulenburgmetPrinceEugenroughly300yearsago. As the current Head of the Schulenburg Family, I would like to express my gratitude to Fritz, for writing the first history of the