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Dressing the Donky Working Version Final 2 The Zen Master in America: Dressing the Donkey with Bells and Scarves Stuart Lachs1 Paper delivered at the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion, Washington D.C., Nov. 18, 2006. “It is almost always instructive to look at the actual evidence for what are taken to be ‘established facts’….”2 Modern day Zen masters/roshi,3 while enjoying the decided advantage of being part of a tradition that imputes to them quasi-divine qualities, suffer the disadvantage of living in an age of widespread information. Thus, while the image of the Zen masters of the past bask in the unquestioned glow of hagiography, modern day Zen masters risk charges of alcoholism, sexual harassment, and the threat of lawsuits, all of which can end up in books, newspapers or on the web. The accessibility to the lives of modern masters allows us to examine them more accurately than their counterparts, the ancient masters of China, Japan and Korea.4 1 I welcome comments from the reader. Please send to [email protected]. 2 Schopen, Gregory, “Monks and the Relic Cult in the Mahaparinibbasutta: An Old Misunderstanding in Regard to Monastic Buddhism,” in From Benares to Beijing: Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion, ed. by Koichi Shinohara and Gregory Schopen, Mosaic Press, 1991, p.187. 3 The terms Zen master and roshi while technically may have different meanings, for the purposes of this paper they will be used interchangeably. Most American Zen students use the terms interchangeably. 4See Downing, Michael, Shoes Outside the Door: Desire, Devotion, and Excess at San Francisco Zen Center, Counterpoint, 2001, and Butler, Katy, “Events are the Teacher,” The CoEvolution Quarterly, winter 1983, pp. 112-123 discuss the sexual scandals and other problems associated with Richard Baker roshi of the San Francisco Zen Center while Boucher, Sandy, Turning the Wheel: American Women Creating the New Buddhism, Harper and Row, 1988, pp. 225-235 discusses sexual improprieties associated with Soen Sa Nim, leader and founder of the Kwan Um Zen School in Providence, R.I. These are but three examples discussing improprieties with post WWII Zen masters in America. See Victoria, Brian, Zen At War, Weatherhill, 1997 for extending back to the late nineteenth century this closer look at Zen masters in 2 Whereas in America, they have knowable lives, capable of being documented, in the ancient Far East, we know almost nothing about them, or if, in fact, they even existed. These masters in America are flesh and blood humans about whom we may discern some very specific facts: how they behave, how they use their power, how they understand their position, etc. In this essay, I will show that, in America, the idealized presentation of the Zen master is frequently, if not always, substantially different from the actual person who fills the position, or, in other words, that the supposed all-wise, all-knowing Zen master is more fiction than fact. Some of these qualities imputed to the Zen master are simplicity, innocence, and lack of self-interest or desire. The master is said to be a person whose actions flow solely out of compassion for other sentient beings. He5 is imputed to possess a timeless and trans- cultural wisdom, the ability to see the truth behind appearances and to have the prerogative to speak expertly on all subjects. In fact, he is taken to be last in an unbroken chain of enlightened, unblemished masters reputedly going back 2500 years to the historical Sakyamuni Buddha. But, this portrait can only exist if we ignore the irritating complexity and contradictions of actual lives and real history. This image of the perfected being in the person of the Zen master was originally popularized in the West by the Zen books of D.T. Suzuki and Alan Watts, and later, by the bestsellers The Three Pillars of Zen by Phillip Kapleau and Zen Mind, Beginner’s Japan. Importantly, many of the Zen masters Victoria examines were influential in bringing Zen to America. See also papers by the author available on the internet. 5 Since traditionally most roshi have been male, and since all the roshi I refer to are male, I have kept the pronoun “he’ through out this paper. This in no way means women cannot be roshi; in fact, the number of female Zen teachers in western countries has increased dramatically in the last twenty years. 3 Mind6 by Shunryu Suzuki, each of which sold over one million copies. For those joining a Zen center, this image is further repeated in the talks (J. teisho) of the teacher, in the assurances of senior students, in readings in the vast Zen literature, in rituals, and, finally, for those practicing koans,7 in the practice itself. This is not to say that Zen practice under a Zen master is without merit. The well-trained Zen roshi may possess admirable personal qualities, a multitude of insights, and the ability to both correct his students’ practice and inspire them to practice diligently. But, the image held up in the standard model of Zen8 more accurately describes Zen mythology and ideology than the way a real person can, and does, actually live. Now that this myth of quasi-divine qualities and unbroken lineage back to the historical Buddha has landed in modern America, we must scrutinize a much more complex picture. In this picture, I will show that, while modern day masters are imputed to possess 6 Suzuki, D., T., Essays in Zen Buddhism, First Series, Rider & Company, 1949, Kapleau, Philip roshi, The Three Pillars of Zen, Weatherhill, 1965. Suzuki, Shunryu, Zen Mind, Beginner’s Mind, Weatherhill, 1970. See page 18 of Zen Mind for perhaps the most idealized description of the Zen roshi in the English language. 7 Heine, Steven and Wright, Dale S., ed. The Koan, Oxford University Press, 2000. This book has a wonderful collection of articles on many aspects of the history, use, and development of the koan. For concise instructions from the famous Ch’an master Hsu yun, on the actual way to practice with a hua t’ou, (Ch. Word-head) a simplified form of the koan used widely in China, see Luk, Charles Ch’an and Zen Teaching, First Series, Rider and Co., 1969, pp. 37 – 41. 8 By the standard model of Zen I mean the mythology that Zen lineage is unbroken and began with the mind-to-mind transmission between Sakyamuni Buddha and Mahakasyapa and continued in a unitary lineage through twenty-eight Indian Patriarchs and six Chinese Patriarchs before becoming multi-branched. It is, supposedly, always based on spiritual attainment and became institutionalized through the ritual of Dharma transmission. The master, supposedly, is beyond the understanding of ordinary people because he acts from the enlightened mind. Part of this model is that the Golden Age of Chan was the Tang dynasty along with the history of Zen presented as biography of masters interacting with their students in verbal repartee’ using colloquial language and sometimes rough physical contact. This model, however, was fully constructed later, during the Sung dynasty as discussed by many scholars: Foulk, Faure, McCrae, and Cole to name just a few. 4 the above-mentioned qualities, there is, frequently, an unconscious collusion between the institution, the master and the students to make believe that these qualities actually do exist. Arguably, both teachers and students internalize the Zen rhetoric of enlightened Zen master, Dharma transmission9, and unbroken lineage10 in direct connection to the historical Buddha, Shakyamuni and perhaps beyond, to include the six mythical Buddhas. The students expect the real teacher to be an ideal teacher and look forward to having such an ideal teacher lead and instruct them.11 The student who enters the practice having read a myth will expect to find the myth and will think they have found the myth. Unfortunately, they have found the myth without recognizing it for what it is. What they really have found, all too often, is another story of ordinary, flawed human behavior. Students, for their part, develop a desire for the master’s aura, recognition, and approval. They also learn to kow-tow to his authority and legitimacy. Further, they learn quickly that their advancement up the institutional ladder is completely dependent upon the master’s good graces. Because the Dharma transmitted Zen master acts not in his own name and authority, but rather as the delegate of the institution, with all the authority and power that entails, he also monopolizes the means to salvation. So, we can understand that there might be multiple motives for “not seeing” the master as he really is, whether 9 Dharma transmission is the formal empowerment by the teacher making his student a new teacher. This places the student in the teacher’s mythological unbroken lineage going back to the Buddha. 10 Zen is considered the most prominent form of Chinese Buddhism because it is the most Confucian. Its most eminent clerics and their patrons were from the literati class. They were all familiar with Confucian rituals, “especially those connected to ancestor worship and its corollary, genealogy.” Zen’s “pseudo- history was stated in terms of genealogy,” that is, Dharma transmission and unbroken lineage, when the study of genealogy in China was at its peak. For an in depth look at the Chan/Confucian connection in the T’ang dynasty see, Jorgensen, John, “The ‘Imperial’ Lineage of Ch’an Buddhism: The Role of Confucian Ritual and Ancestor Worship in Ch’an’s Search for Legitimation in the Mid- T’ang Dynasty”, Papers on Far Eastern History, 35:89-134, (March 1987). 11 This idea was suggested by Chang, Julia, Mysticism and Kingship in China, Cambridge University press, 1997, p.
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