California State University, Northridge a Cultural

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

A CULTURAL STUDY OF ZEN BUDDHISM

IN AMERICA AND JAPAN

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in

Anthropology

Joy Lynn Hathaway

August, 1981 The Thesis of Joy Lynn Hathaway is approved:

Lynn Mason, Committee Chairman

California State University, Northridge

ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the members of my Graduate Committee--Richard Goldberg,

Evalyn Michaelson, and especially my Committee Chairman,

Lynn Mason--for their patience and helpful suggestions in the preparation of this thesis.

iii TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii

LIST OF PLATES . vi

ABSTRACT . . . vii

INTRODUCTION . 1

PART ONE

ZEN BUDDHISM IN JAPAN

CHAPTER

I. Development of Zen in Japan 27

II. Influence of Zen on Japan . 91

III. Practice of Zen in Japan 139

IV. Zen's Future in Japan 156

PART TWO

ZEN BUDDHISM IN THE U.S.A.

V. Development of Zen in the U.S.A. 159

VI. Extent of Influence 187

VII. American's Interest in Zen 192

VIII. Zen's Influence on Western Thought 197

IX. Zen's Adaptation to Western Culture . 199

X. Practice of Zen in the U.S.A. 203 ' . I XI. Los Angeles Zen 213

XII. Zen and Christianity 220 .I

iv ~ .

TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)

CONCLUSION . 227

BIBLIOGRAPHY . 235

APPENDIX .. 242

v LIST OF PLATES

Plate

1 Tung-shan (Tozan) crossing the stream 243

2 A solitary angler . 244

3 Hui-neng (Eno) cutting the bamboo . 245

vi ABSTRACT

A CULTURAL STUDY OF ZEN BUDDHISM

IN AMERICA AND JAPAN

Joy Lynn Hathaway

Master of Arts in Anthropology

This study analyzes the ways in which Zen Buddhism has adapted itself to each of the countries it has entered.

Background information is supplied on the transmission of

Zen from India to Chin~ then the transmission of Zen to

Japan and the United States, and its later development in both countries is analyzed. As Zen has traveled from country to country, through the process of diffusion, it has adopted new characteristics, while leaving some of its old traits behind. Zen has had to change in order to meet the needs of the people in the countries it has entered.

The view that is taken is that Zen must continue to adapt

vii itself to each new culture that it enters, in order to survive.

Some of the questions that are asked by this study are: 1) Why has Zen been brought to the United States?

2) How has Zen adapted itself to American culture? and 3)

What is the future of Zen in both Japan and the United

States? Although there are practitioners of Zen in the

United States, Zen has not yet acquired an American form.

Instead it is part of the movement of new cults, which is operating outside of the mainstream of religion in the

United States. Many changes must be made if Zen is to survive and become a part of American culture.

viii INTRODUCTION

Description of Zen Buddhism

Zen is one of the most important schools of the

Mahayana branch of Buddhism. It is a discipline that teaches meditation as the most direct route to 'Enlighten- ment' or 'Reality.' Its aim is to direct people to see their own nature; to come into touch with their minds so they can understand and perfect them.

The intent of Zen Buddhism is to bring man into union with life and with himself, or in other words, to awaken in him the knowledge of who he really is ( S u z uk i 19 6 2 : xi i i) .

It teaches that all forms of life have a Buddha-nature, unrealized through ingnorance .

... one does not practice Zen to become a Buddha; one practices it because one is a Buddha from the begin ning--and this 'original realization' is the starting point of the Zen life (Watts 1957:154).

Zen is the bridge which lies between the world cognizable by the five senses and the mind, and the world of Reality (Humphreys 1974:102). The individual seeks direct awareness of this 'Reality' through zazen (Layman

1976: 54). Zazen is the Zen style of sitting in meditation, which is usually performed sitting cross-legged on a cushion. This practice leads to the 'death of self'

1 2

and the merging of the life within in conscious union with the spiritual life of the universe (Humphreys 1974:107).

Enlightenment (satori) occurs when the world of discrim ination, or dualism (the world of opposites), is trans cended and man, through intuitive knowledge, realizes who he really is. Enlightenment is another name for the com plete unfolding of the inner mind (Chen-chi 1959:25). It is a spiritual self-awakening that gives insight into the world beyond that of discrimination and differentiation.

When one becomes enlightened, he acquires a new way of looking at the world.

Zen stresses 'self-enlightenment'; a personal experience brought about by self-effort, which gives a direct experience of Reality. "We teach ourselves; Zen merely points the way" (Suzuki 1962:9). Because of Zen's insistence on an inner spiritual experience, it does not attach any lasting importance to ceremonial rites, sacred scriptures, commandments, judgments, or concepts like God, sin, or soul. Zen teachers are merely guides who help the students on the most direct route to enlightenment by dis carding the student's deluded thoughts, illusory ideals, and personal opinions about 'Reality.' They help their students to walk the way they have gone themselves and help them to see clearly (Schloegl 1976:6).

The essence of Zen can be summed up as follows:

A special transmission outside the scriptures; p • 3

No dependence upon words or letters; Direct pointing to the mind in every one of us; And seeing into one's own nature, whereby one attains Buddhahood.

Description of Zen Sects

The two main sects of Zen, in Japan and America, are Soto and Rinzai. Both are methods whereby one may obtain enlightenment, but their techniques and aims differ. In Soto (Chinese Ts'ao-tung), the emphasis is on

'shikan-taza,' or sitting quietly, with an "empty mind," where enlightenment comes gradually through silent illumination.

In this type of meditation, as thoughts intrude them selves into the mind of the sitter, he permits them to float through his consciousness, neither clinging to them nor trying to forcibly eject them (Layman 1976:57).

"It is cross-legged sitting with no gain and no expecta- tion--a way of living in one's own true self" (Humphreys

1974:113). Soto Zen reminds us that satori is not an

'extraordinary experience' (Needleman 1970:46). In addition, this sect shows a more meditative temperament than the other sects, and places more emphasis on study and intellectual understanding.

Rinzai (Chinese Lin-chi) is distinguished from

Soto by its extensive use of the koan and mondo to attain sudden enlightenment. A koan is a riddle, problem or story handed down from the ancient Zen masters, that is offered to a student to open the student's eyes to the 4

truth of Zen. A mondo is a fast question-answer exchange between Zen masters and their students which guide the students to the true nature of Zen. In Rinzai, zazen is practiced with a koan, or mondo, as 'seed' (Humphreys

1974:112). An example of a koan is 'Why did Joshua answer 'Mu!' (literally "no" or "has not") when asked,

'Does even a dog possess the Buddha-nature?' (Kapleau

1980:107). In solving this koan the Zen student must reject logical reasoning and find a solution through the awakening of a deeper level of the mind (Layman 1976:57)

Usually the Zen disciple first seeks to solve a koan intellectually.

But this is impossible, a fact which is underscored by the severe rebuff and the sharp blows of the master. During his ceaseless intellectual toil anxiety mounts intolerably. The whole conscious psychic life is filled with one thought. Such assault against the walls of human reason inevita bly gives rise to distrust of all rational percep tion. This gnawing doubt, combined with the futile search for a way out, creates a state of extreme and intense yearnings for deliverance. The tension may persist for days, weeks, and even years, but there must be a reaction (Dumoulin 1963:130).

The solution of the koan constitutes enlightenment and results in a new way of seeing the world, in which the perceiver is one with the universe and has an ineffable sense of happiness (Layman 1976:57).

Some other slight distinctions in the practices of

Soto and Rinzai are: 1) during kinhin (Zen walking meditation), the students of Soto Zen walk very slow--only stepping forward one-half step with each breath, while

the Rinzai students walk very fast (kinhin is done during periods of rest from zazen, to loosen stiff joints); 2) when practicing zazen, Soto students face the wall, while

Rinzai students face each other.

Stated Purpose of Thesis

This thesis is a study of how Zen Buddhism has changed over time in response to the needs of the people

in the countries which have adopted it. The adoption of

Zen by both the Japanese and the American people will be covered. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how and why Zen has been brought to the United States, and what changes have taken place in the practice of Zen since its transplant to American soil. Some of the questions that will be asked are: What is it about the United

States that attracted Zen?, Has Zen been assimilated into

American society, or does it operate as a culture within a culture?, What is the present function of Zen in Ameri can society?, and How might this change over time? In addition, Zen in Japan will be analyzed to establish why

Zen was accepted by the Japanese, what its function was in Japanese society, how its function changed over time as the soceity changed, and how Zen itself changed since its introduction to Japan.

Bronislaw Malinowski theorizes that every culture 6 is a working whole, an "integrated" unity, in which every element has a functional contribution to make. He defines the "function" of any "institution" (organized system of activities) as the part it plays within the interrelated whole in fulfilling human purposes or "needs" (Keesing

1971:389). His definition of function will be used to analyze the relationship of Zen to American and Japanese cultures.

As a religion moves from culture to culture, through the process of diffusion, it changes as it is adapted to the new culture. Thomas Ford Hoult defines diffusion as "the spread of cultural elements from their center of origin" (Hoult 1958:38). His theory will be used to trace the diffusion of Zen from India, to China, to Japan, and finally to the United States.

People indigenuous or acculturated to a given culture area will borrow elements diffused to them from other areas of the elements seem to meet particular needs and are compatible with their own established values and social structures ... A variety of historical and sociocultural factors in any given case facilitates or prevents borrowing a specific trait or culture pattern (Houl t 1958: 39).

As Zen moved from culture to culture ne~ practices were adopted as old ones were found to be incompatible with the new culture. Because Zen has changed over time, it is necessary to understand its past, in order to envision its future. The practice of Zen in Japanese society will be compared with the practice of Zen in the United States to show the ways in which Zen has changed since it was 7

brought to this country. The question that will then be asked is "Has Zen acquired an American form?"

Methods and Literature Employed

Books and articles which dealt with the religions of Japan, Buddhism and Zen were consulted for insight into the history of Zen in Japan, the influence Zen has had on

Japan, and vice versa, and the practice of Zen in Japan.

For information on Zen in the United States, works corn paring the various religions of the United States and on the practice and history of Zen in the United States were consulted. Since a great deal of the literature on Zen portrayed only the Rinzai point of view, it was necessary to be careful to include authors of both schools of Zen.

In order to more fully understand the practice of

Zen in America, a participant-observation strategy was employed to study the practice of Zen in three Zen groups in Los Angeles: the Cimarron Zen Center, the Zen Center of Los Angeles, and the Zenshuji Soto Mission. The

Cimarron Zen Center expounds the philosophy of Rinzai Zen, while the zenshuji Soto Mission emphasized Soto zen. In addition, the Zen Center of Los Angeles calls itself a

Soto center, but in reality combines Soto and Rinzai practices, with an emphasis on Soto philosophy.

Introductory workshops on Zen at both the Cimarron

Zen Center and the Zen Center of Los Angeles were 8 attended. Following the first workshop, zazen was prac ticed both at home and at the two centers over a period of nine months. Services and lectures that were conducted at the Zenshuji Soto Mission, Cimarron Zen Center and the

Zen Center of Los Angeles were attended. I became a con- tributing member of the Zen Center of Los Angeles, and as such became part of a phone network which had been set up to let the members know of any new developments at the center which had not been included on the monthly calen dar. On each visit to the various centers, different monks and lay practitioners were questioned about the form of the Zen practice at the center, the people's beliefs, their interest in Zen, and information concerning the dif ferent groups which were connected with each center. In addition, the monks who were either from Japan, or had been to Japan, were questioned regarding the practice of

Zen there.

Historical Background of Zen

Zen is the Japanese translation of the Chinese word Ch'an, which is the Chinese translation of the Indian word Dhyana, meaning silent cross-legged meditation. Al though Ch'an, as a separate school of Buddhism, developed in China, it has a legendary history which links its teachings to that of the Buddha Sakyamuni in India. It is said that one day, when the Buddha was living on the 9

mount of Holy Vulture, a Brahmin came to him, offered him a flower, and requested that he preach the Law. Sakyamuni took the flower and looked at it in silence. None of his assembled monks understood the meaning of this symbolic gesture. Suddenly, the venerable Mahakasyapa's face broke into a smile which demonstrated his understanding of

Sakyamuni's teaching. Because of Mahakasyapa's compre hension of this silent teaching, Sakyamuni transmitted to him the wordless doctrine and entrusted to him the seal of the Buddha-mind. Mahakasyapa thus became the second patriarch in India, of what was to later become the Ch'an school of Buddhism. Mahakasyapa later transmitted his understanding to Ananda, who transmitted his understand ing to Sanavasa, and so on down to Bodhidharma, the twenty-eighth patriarch of this 1 ine of Buddhism in India.

Bodhidharma has been traditionally regarded as the founder of Ch'an Buddhism. Under the recommendation of

Prajantara, his teacher, he traveled from India to China in the sixth century A.D. (Takakusu 1947:159). Although uncertainty exists among scholars as to the precise date of Bodhidharma's arrival, it is generally believed that he arrived around A.D. 520. After an abortive attempt to establish his teaching in the South, he proceeded to the

North, where he eventually settled at a small temple.

When the emperor, a cultured ruler who lavishly patronized Buddhism, received word of the arrival of this 10

aged brahmin monk from the then fabled land of the Buddha,

he lost no time inviting him to the palace for an audience

(Kapleau 1980:109-112). The emperor questioned Bodhidharma

on the degree of merit he had gained by building monaster

ies and temples, copying holy writings, and supporting monks and nuns. Bodhidharma responded, "No merit at all,"

because such deeds are of limited use and true merit can

only be gained through the awakening of wisdom--seeing into

our own nature--and not through worldly pursuits (Kapleau

1980:112). Bodhidharma insisted that the Buddha is not to be found in images or books, but only in the heart of man

(Coomaraswamy 1964:254). The emperor did not fully grasp

the meaning of Bodhidharma's message.

After a short stay in Loyang, capital of Northern

Wei, Bodhidharma retired to the Shao-lin Temple in the country, where he meditated in silence for nine years

{Takakusu 1947:159). His style of meditation was termed

'wall-gazing,' or 'wall-contemplation.' Very few of the

learned Buddhists of northern China were willing to prac tice serious contemplation in accordance with the teach

ings of Bodhidharma (Masunaga 1956:212). But one monk,

Eka (Hui-k'o in Chinese), a strong Confucian scholar, persisted in following Bodhidharma's way until he at tained Enlightenment. He became the second patriarch of

Ch'an in China. ll

Heinrich Dumoulin contends that the story which portrays Bodhidharma as the first Ch'an patriarch in

China, is in fact a legend invented by the Zen school to protect against its enemies a sacred line of transmission which would safeguard its doctrine and spirit (1963:69).

He also states that reliable facts about the life of

Bodhidharma are extremely few (1963:69). Dr. HuShih goes one step further and doubts even the historical reality of Bodhidharma (Blofeld 1958:11).

Eka had studied not only Confucian and Buddhist philosophy, but Taoism and the Chinese classics as well.

After Bodhidharma's death, he became a wandering monk.

In his teaching, he stressed direct experience and self illumination (Saunders 1964:209). His disciple Sosan

(Seng-t'suan in Chinese) became the third patriarch of

Ch'an in China. Sosan had also been influenced by Taoism.

He spoke of the Way (Tao) in exactly the same manner as

Lao-Tzu and his followers (Eliot 1959:169).

After Bodhidharma, two types of monks evolved, the alms beggar, generally a solitary wandering monk, who depended for his livelihood on chance donations, and the teacher, a type that, particularly after Doshin (Tao-hsin in Chinese), the third Ch'an patriarch in China, tended to develop with the founding of communities and with the economic independence the sect gained through self support. Under Doshin, monks began to work for themselves 12 in the garden and field. From this point on, daily work became an important part of the Ch'an discipline. In addition, chores in the monastery were divided and a sys tem of shifts was set up, so that a part of each day could be set aside for religious practice. These important steps in the evolution of Ch'an practice opened the doors for lay participation in the religious exercises in a way that had not previously been possible (Saunders 1964:210,

20 9) .

The first important schism in Bodhidharma's Ch'an occurred under Doshin. As a result, Ch'an was divided into two sects. The one known as Gozuzen did not survive the passing of its founder, Hoyu, who is considered to have deviated from the orthodox line of Ch'an (Suzuki

1962:128). The other sect was headed by Gunin, who later became the fifth patriarch of Ch'an in China. The reason for this first schism is unclear.

The second important schism to occur in Ch'an thought was instigated by Gunin's two outstanding pupils,

Eno and Jinshu. Ch'an was divided into the Northern and

Southern Meditation Schools. Jinshu, the leader of the

Northern Meditation School, taught that the attainment of enlightenment is a gradual process, requiring time and concentration. This school flourished for awhile under

Imperial patronage, until a rebellion overthrew the em peror and captured Loy-ang, the city where the school was 13

centered. From then on, the influence of the northern

school declined (Masunaga 1956:212).

The criticism directed against the northern sect can be summarized in two groups: first, this sect was said to have deviated from the true line of tradition and to have usurped the patriarchate for itself; and second, it was said to have held an erroneous view of enlightenment and ascetic experience (Dumoulin 1963: 8 4) •

Eno, the founder of the Southern Meditation School, was the direct successor to Gunin, and thus became the

sixth patriarch of Ch'an in China. He was a poor and un-

lettered son of a family who sold firewood for a living

(Masunaga 1956:212). He taught an instant attainment of enlightenment. He settled in southern China and, as his

school grew, his followers built up houses of meditation throughout central and southern China (Masunaga 1956:212).

His school continued to expand and later to subdivide

(Blofeld 1958:13-14).

Bodhidharma had brought to China an Indian yoga meditation posture. He taught that meditation and self- discipline were the means by which one could obtain enlightenment. Man must save himself through his own effort. In addition, Bodhidharma taught that knowledge of the truth is obtained by a sudden enlightenment

(Eliot 1959:164).

Although Bodhidharma had successfully transplanted his line of teaching to China, it took two centuries for

Ch'an to become truly Chinese. The Chinese regarded 14

their bodies as gifts that their ancestors had put into their safekeeping, and as such, were not pleased with the practice of cremation, which had been brought from India by the Buddhist monks. In addition, the Chinese disliked the celibacy of the Buddhist monks and their shift of allegiance from the family to the religious master, be cause it was regarded as the duty of a son to provide for the memory of his father, and to raise up sons who would care for his own.

Eno is considered to be the second founder of Ch'an

Buddhism because he determined the course of later Ch'an thought and founded Ch'an as a school of its own (Suzuki

1949:9). Eno and his disciples were responsible for giving the final cast to the character of Ch'an which transformed it into a purely Chinese form of Buddhism, distinct from its Indian origins. As a result, Ch'an became almost the only ruling power in the Chinese world of Buddhism (Suzuka 1949:95).

There are several ways in which Ch'an has adopted itself to Chinese life. In India, Buddhist monks lived through mendicancy, and manual labor was looked down upon

(Sato 1972:149). There was even an express scriptural prohibition which forbade Buddhist monks to farm the land, because a farmer necessarily destorys plants and other living things. But the Chinese are a practical people, who viewed the begging habits of the Buddhist monks as 15

parasitism (Hoffman 1975:7,6). They believed that every man should work for his living. As a result, Ch'an monks began to work in the fields, which not only answered the accusation of parasitism, but also helped to maintain the

Ch'an community (Hoffman 1975:7}.

In addition, the teachings of the five Chinese patriarchs who succeeded Bodhidharma showed strong traces of Taoism (Eliot 1959:397). In China, Taoist sages had to a great extent anticipated Ch'an quietism and prepared the Chinese mind for the reception of a doctrine which was in many ways strikingly similar to their own (Blofeld

1958:13). Taoists had long honored the institution of the solitary hermit, which is pictured in Chinese paintings as meditating on the underlying truth of nature (Saunders

1964:206). As a result, the Chinese, with their Taoist outlook, developed Ch'an's peculiar form of dynamic medi tation, that 'stillness of the self,' that condition of full awareness, neit~er passive, nor aggressive (Ross

1960:10). Ch'an's relation to Tacist thought can also be shown by such concepts as closeness to nature, no attach ment to the ego and the importance of avoiding enslavement by things and events (Masunaga 1956:349}.

Since Buddhism had to be translated into terms the

Chinese could understand, key terms were translated into

Taoist symbols. For example, the ancient work Tao, the key term of philosophic Taoism, was sometimes used as a 16

substitute for the Buddhist term dharma (Saunders 1964:86).

As a result, Ch'an is an Indian form of mysticism which has been influenced by Chinese Taoism. It is the Chinese elaboration of the doctrine of Enlightenment (Suzuki

1962:95).

Eno's method of demonstrating the truth of Zen was purely Chinese (Suzuki 1964:147). He was the first to lay a firm foundation for the idea that the Buddhist life consists in awakening praj~~ (intuition), and not in dis ciplining oneself in dhy~na (meditation) exclusively.

Prior to Eno, dhy~na and prajn~ were somewhat separated.

Eno was the most explicit in identifying dhy~na and prajna, and if anything, placed prajn~ more in the fore front. Although Ch'an means dhyana, it proposes to bring about the awakening of a higher spiritual power so as to come directly in contact with reality itself; this power is called prajna. It is the highest form of intuitive knowledge humans possess (Suzuki 1968:18,22,24,3). The real aim of Ch'an is prajna, not d~yana--to grasp the truth of ''Reality' without the mediacy of the intellect or logic, but instead by intuitive or immediate percep tion (Suzuki 1974:preface).

The original idea of Eno was to do away with ver balism and literature, because mind can only be compre hended by mind directly, without a medium (Suzuki 1949:

14-15). Eno's statement "to see one's own face before 17

one was born" was the first proclamation of a new message which was destined to unroll a long history of Ch'an.

Eno's simple-mindedness, not spoiled by learning or philosophizing, could grasp the truth at first hand (Suzuki

1962:135).

Do not depend upon letters but let your own prajna illumine within yourself ... When the seeing into self nature is emphasized and intuitive understanding is upheld against learning and philosophizing, we know that as one of its logical conclusions the old view of meditation begins to be looked down on as merely a discipline in mental tranquillization. And this was exactly the case with the sixth patriarch (Suzuki 1962:144).

Eno was the last in the patriarchical line of the

Ch'an sect. He did not hand down his official insignia to any of his successors, because he feared that it might cause unnecessary strife and undesirable schism, as that which had occurred when he became the sixth patriarch.

By doing this, Eno destroyed the patriarchical system so that there were no more questions of heterodoxy and ortho- doxy, and any leader who was duly trained under a recognized master, and received his sanction for his spiritual attainment, was at liberty to develop the faith and practice of the Ch'an sect in any manner best suited to his own individuality (Suzuki 1955:18,19).

Eno's influence has been immediate and far- reaching; his disciples numbered in the thousands (Suzuki

1962:137). His school of Ch'an was divided into five sects (Blofeld 1958:10). Among Eno's disciples Seigen 18

Gyoshi, Nangaku Ejo, Kataku Jinne, Nanyo Echu and Yoka

Genkaku were known as 'the five great masters of the

school.' The lines of the three last-named disciples died out about the middle of the T'ang dynasty (616-905), as did the line of the northern school of Ch'an (Dumoulin

19 53: 4) .

The period from the death of Eno, in 713 A.D., until the persecution of Buddhism under Emperor Wu-Tsung

(845) was the Golden Age of Ch'an. Many changes occurred in the practice of Ch'an at this time. Soon after Eno's death, the master Hyak-jo founded the system, still in use, of the meditation hall.

In all other schools of Buddhism, and in most other religions, an image of the Founder is the central feature in a temple or a monastery. Only in Zen is the Meditation Hall of paramount importance (Humphreys 1968:36).

Then, in the third generation after Eno, Ma-tsu

(707-786) began using 'paradoxical words and strange actions' to awaken his disciples to 'reality' (Dumoulin

1963:99).

He was the first to use shouting, known as katsu ... as a means to bring his disciple to enlightenment, a means later made famous by Lin-chi (Jap. Rinzai) (Dumoulin 1963:97).

Ma-tsu was a follower of Huai-jang (677-744) (Dumoulin

1963:97). He transmitted the Wordless Doctrine to Lin- chi, the founder of the great Ch'an sect which bears his name and continues in China today (Blofeld 1958:14). 19

Next, Pai-chang (749-814) founded a system of

monastic rules with which to regulate the lives of the

Zen monks.

While in India 'a robe and a bowl on a stone under a tree' was adequate to the meager needs of a mendicant, in China, with its more rigorous climate and different customs, such simplicity did not suffice (Dumoulin 1963:103).

In the earliest years of Ch'an, Doshin, the fourth

patriarch, had set up certain rules for his five hundred

disciples, which stipulated that they should do manual work in order to supply their daily needs. Begging, how-

ever, persisted as a reminder of the renunciation of property, one of the spiritual foundations of Buddhist monasticism (Dumoulin 1963:102).

Since the monastic rules of Mahayana lacked clarity, all Buddhist monks in China, including the Zen monks, followed the Hinayanist rules, which stipulated a strict discipline for the community of disciples (San gha) . Building on the existing rules of the Mahayana and Hinayana Vinaya, Pai-chang combined what was good and useful in both and created a new order for the Zen monks. In this way he freed Zen from dependence on other Buddhist Schools (Dumoulin 1963:103).

Following the example of Doshin, Pai-chang emphasized the

necessity for manual labor in his statement, "A day without work is a day without eating" (Dumoulin 1963:103).

Pai-chang minutely and strictly defined life in the monastery (Suzuki 1968:31). His rules regulated the arrangement of the buildings, the hierarchy of offices, the

special ascetic practices throughout the year, and the penalties for infringing the rules. They also prescribed 20

the daily routine of the monk's life as an alternating

mixture of meditation, worship, and manual labor. Today,

Ch'an monasteries are still run by Pai-chang's rules

(Dumoulin 1963:103-104).

A fourth major figure among the Zen masters of the

T'ang period is Te-shan (780-865), who stands in the tradi-

tion of Hsing-ssu (d. 740), the first among the disciples

of En~. He made much use of his staff in the training of

his disciples (Dumoulin 1963:100-101). The Rinzai sect

has carried on this tradition.

In the Rinzai sect, striking and shouting play a great role. The blows are not intended as punishment, but rather as an incentive ... (Dumoulin 1963:101).

After the great persecution in the year 845 A.D. of

all the Buddhist schools at the close of the T'ang period,

only Ch'an was still flourishing (Dumoulin 1953:17). At

that time and during a later period (907-960), Ch'an was divided into five families, known as the "Five Houses"

(Dumoulin 1963:106). These five sects descended from the

lines of Eno's two disciples Seigen Gyoshi and Nangaku

Ej~--the Ummon, Hogen, and Sot~ sects stem from the line of Seigen Gyoshi, while Nangaku Ejo became the ancestor of the Iikyo and Rinzai sects (Dumoulin 1953:5).

Historians agree that during the Sung period (960-

1278) , a general decline took place in Buddhism (Dumoulin

1953:33). The main reason for the decline was the inner slackening of spirit and discipline in Buddhism (Dumoulin 21

1963:123}. Not only did Ch'an survive this decline, but it was during this period that it reached the height of its outward prominence and influence (Dumoulin 1953:33}. Dur- ing the Sung period, the Ch'an masters maintained friendly relations with the court and were often involved in political affairs (Dumoulin 1963:124}. It was also during this period that Ch'an was introduced to Japan, where it became known as the Zen sect of Buddnism.

During the Sung period, three of the 'five houses' of Ch'an became totally extinct. The earliest of the 'five houses' was the Ilkyo sect, but it died out rather quickly.

Then, the Ummon and Hogen sects died out after an incipient flowering in the middle of the Sung period (Dumoulin 1953:

37,17). As a result, the Soto and Rinzai sects were the only two to survive, and it is their tradition that continues today.

The Soto sect developed from the line of Yakusan

Igen, after a split occurred in the school of Seigen

Gyoshi (Dumoulin 1953:7}.

The name of the Ts'ao-tung sect (Jap. Soto} is a contraction of the ideographs of its two founders, Tung-shan (807-869} and Ts'ao-shan (840-901}, who in turn had been named after the mountains on which their respective monasteries stood (Doumoulin 1963:112).

After having flourished during the T'ang period, the Soto sect declined in popularity for awhile. But during the

Sung period it gradually regained strength, though it never attained an importance in China anywhere approximating 22

that of the Rinzai sect (Dumoulin 1953:37).

The most important of the 'five houses' was the

Rinzai sect (Dumoulin 1963:118).

Chinese Zen reached its finest flowering in the Rinzai sect, the sect upon which the originality of the Zen practice most sharply imprinted itself (Dumoulin 1953: 20) •

From about the middle of the tenth century, the Rinzai

sect rose rapidly and covered the country with its temples

and monasteries. Particularly eminent were the "Five

Mountains" and the "Ten Temples" of the Rinzai sect.

Numerous students were brought to the experience of

'reality' through the shouting and beating with a stick

that characterized the Rinzai sect (Dumoulin 1963:126,124-

125,119).

The distinctions between the two largest zen movements still existing in China and Japan today originated,

therefore, in the lines of transmission in the generation

following Eno. Doctrinal differences seem to have devel oped much later, for among Eno's disciples and their first

successors no fundamentally different conceptions of Zen can be found. In fact, many followers studied under several masters, blurring the lines of descent, and in later times disputes over these lines arose between the sects

(Dumoulin 1953:5).

Mahayana Buddhists are encouraged to think for them selves and are free to choose whichever path best suits their individual requirements; the sectarian bitter ness of the West is unknown in China (Blofeld 1958:12). 23

It was not until the Sung dynasty, when the Soto sect was represented by Wanshi (Huang-chih, 1090-1167) and the Rinzai by Daie (Tai-hui, 1089-1163), that the characteristics of the two schools became sharply differentiated

(Suzuki 1968:36). By Daie's time, with the exception of the Soto sect, all the teaching lines that had originally stemmed from Eno's disciples had been absorbed into the

Rinzai sect (Miura 1966:13-14). One of the major areas of disagreement among the Rinazi and Soto sects was in the use of the koan. Ma-tsu, teacher of Lin-chi, the founder of the Rinzai sect, was one of the first to use the koan.

Other Ch'an masters followed suit and, as a result, many of the koans in use today stem from this period (Dumoulin

1953:1).

As the numbers of students around the famous teachers grew larger, the personal contacts of the earlier days could not be maintained except with immediate disci ples. Then a master might give to a number of students a certain question that he had already found effectual ..• Such questions performed the function of koans and there is some evidence that by the end of T'ang (618- 907) the masters themselves were referring to them as koans (Miura 1966:10).

By the tenth century, the koan had become the recognized means or 'device' for attaining satori (Humphreys 1968:36).

The koans were used in the Ch'an monasteries and handed down from generation to generation (Dumoulin 1953:1).

Daie and Engo (Yuan-wu, 1063-1135), his teacher, were responsible for developing the koan methodology

(Suzuki 1968:36). Engo gave a commentary on some one 24

hundred koans which Seccho Juken (980-1052), a master of the Ummon school, had illustrated in verse and Engo's dis ciples collected these cases together and published them in the Hekigan-roku. Daie continued the work of his mas ter Engo. Under him the systematic koan practice of the

Rinzai sect gained widespread dissemination (Dumoulin

1953:39).

The giving of a koan to a student to accelerate an intuitional understanding was considered by Wanshi, the chief opponent of Daie, to be too artificial, unnecessarily trying to speed the process of enlightenment (Suzuki 1968:

37). The Soto masters, although they used koans, tended to place more emphasis on the practice of meditation

(Miura 1966:14). They believed that to do anything to force satori was against the very nature of Ch'an (Suzuki

1968:37). The Rinzai devotees called these masters follow ers of "silent illumination," implying that however long they may sit cross-legged waiting for reality to present itself, this will never take place, inasmuch as they do not do anything active towards this end. Thus the feud between the Rinzai and Soto sects has been going on ever since the days of Wanshi and Daie, the two great representative masters of the Sung dynasty (Suzuki 1968:37). 25

Overview of Parts

Part I continues the story of the history of Zen beginning with the transmission of Zen to Japan, through

Zen's development in Japan, until its final culmination in modern day Japanese Zen. In addition, an analysis is made of the influence that Zen and Japanese culture have had on each other. Then, the practice of Zen in Japan is de scribed, for later comparison with the practice of Zen in the United States. Finally, Zen's future in Japan is discussed.

Part II begins with the history of Zen's trans mission to the United States. This is followed by an analysis of who is attracted to Zen, why does this at traction occur, how many people practice zen in the United

States, and where are the Zen groups located. zen's influ ence on Western thought is examined and the ways in which

Zen has adapted itself to the U.S.A. Next, the practice of Zen is examined, with special attention paid to the practice of Zen in Los Angeles. Then, Zen and Christian ity are compared in order to understand their similarities and differences.

The Conclusion begins by presenting theories on the future of Zen practice in the West. This is followed by a summary of the work that has been done along with the conclusion of this study. PART ONE

ZEN BUDDHISM IN JAPAN

26 CHAPTER I

DEVELOPMENT OF ZEN IN JAPAN

Introduction of Buddhism to Japan

Buddhism was first introduced to Japan in 552 A.D., when a Korean king presented the Emperor and his imperial court with Buddhist images, scripture scrolls and other religious objects. By this time Buddhism had become a highly complex religious system, deeply colored by Korea and China, through which it had passed (Spiegelberg 1956:

335) .

The Soga family were the first to embrace this new religion. In 575, Soga no Umako, son of Emperor Bidatsu, erected a temple where he enshrinedan image of the future

Buddha, Miroka. The Soga family worshipped here until a pestilence broke out, and other families had their temple burned. But as conditions grew worse, the belief spread that this was the consequence of the rejection of Buddhism.

The Sogas were then permitted to practice their religion freely (Saunders 1964:94).

Forty years after Buddhism's entrace in Japan,

Prince Regent Shotoku (574-622) succeeded to the throne

(Matsunami 1973:61-62.) Prince Shotoku was a member of

27 28 the Soga clan and a devout disciple of Buddhist teaching.

Japanese Buddhism at this time was primarily a worship of relics, but Prince Shotoku's investigations into the essence of Buddhism helped to make it a more legitimate form of Buddhism (Saunders 1964:94,97-99). He established

Buddhism as the national religion of Japan. "He called for the foundation of a grand Buddhist institution composed of a temple, an asylum, a hospital and a dispensary"

(Yokoi 1976:22). He actively tried to incorporate

Buddhist teachings into the political and social life of

Japan. In 604 he promulgated the first Japanese consti- tution (composed of moral instructions) , in which he stated that the rulership of a single monarch implied the equality of all people, just as faith in Buddha as savior of all mankind presupposed the intrinsic value and destiny of every individual who was in communion with him. Bud- dhism was effective in bringing unity because it was a universal religion, unlike the native Japanese religion of Shinto, whose deities were identified with clans (Yokoi

1976:22). "Buddhism slowly began to exert its effect on

Japanese life and culture" (Saunders 1964:96).

Temples and images were built ... Embassies were ex changed with China in 608, and Japanese lay and clerical students went to the continent, where some reamined as long as fifteen years, studying contin ental Buddhism as well as Confucianism (Saunders 1964: 102).

By 623, there were in Japan some 46 Buddhist temples, 816 29

priests and 569 nuns (Saunders 1964:96). After Prince

Shotoku's death, Buddhism continued to flourish, but was confined to the privileged classes of court nobles, monks, scholars and artisans who had enough time to master the complicated philosophy and rituals of Buddhism (Matsunami

1973:68).

Introduction of Zen to Japan

"From the beginning of time when Buddhism was first transmitted to Japan, Zen was also known" (Watanabe 1970:

100). The first forms of Zen to be introduced to Japan were extremely simple and encountered difficulty in gather ing strong support from the ruling class (Covell 1974:25).

On several occasions, over several centuries, Zen was un successfully introduced before it finally caught hold.

The first known meditation teacher in Japan was the Japan ese monk Dosho (629-700), who traveled to China in 653

A.D. (during the T'ang period) to study under the famous

Buddhist scholar Genjo (Hsuan-tsang, 600-604) (Miura 1966:

17). At this time the followers of Eka, the second patri arch of Zen in China, had made Zen famous in China, so, as a result, Dosho came into immediate contact with the tradition of Bodhidharma and was, in addition, attracted to Zen through the influence of his Chinese teacher, under whom he studied the Yogacara philosophy. This philosophy was the central teaching of the Hosso school, which Dosho 30

transplanted to Nara, Japan in 661 A.D. (Dumoulin 1963:

138). He built the first Zen meditation hall at the Hosso temple at Gangoji, Nara, where he introduced and taught

Zen for the first time. "He lectured on the Yuishiki

(consciousness-only) doctrine and practiced Zen meditation

(zazen)" (Watanabe 1970:17). While traveling extensively throughout Japan over a period of about fifteen or sixteen years, he dug wells by the side of the road, built bridges and provided ferries to cross the rivers. He is an exam ple of an individual who was effective in social activity while pursuing high inner ideals (Watanabe 1970:17).

Dosho had requested that upon his death his body be cremated. This request was true to the tradition of Buddhism. Together with Buddhism, cremation had been transmitted from India to China, and now was brought by

Dosho to Japan (Watanabe 1970:17). After Dosho's death the early practice of mound burial began to die out and cremation gradually replaced it (Saunders 1964:102).

Gyogi, another monk of this period who taught Zen, had also studied the Yuishiki doctrine~ He practiced zazen in the mountain forests. As he traveled to various places thousands of people followed him. When people heard that he was coming, they gathered around him and revered him. With the help of his followers, Gyogi built bridges and constructed dykes along the rivers. He planted fruit trees in many places and built 49 dojo 31

(seminaries for Buddhist priests). He was so popular that the government became anxious and in 717 prohibited his religious activities and those of his disciples. But by 743 he was welcomed by the court and allowed to prac tice once again (Watanabe 1970:17).

In 710 A.D., a permanent capital was founded in the city of Nara. During the following two centuries numerous temples and monasteries were built. It was during this period that the three dominant schools of spiritual teach ing in Japan, Shinto, Buddhism,and Confucianism merged.

Shinto, the indigenous religion of Japan, was primarily a tribal cult combining local rituals with belief in clan protecting deities. Since Buddhism with its universal message which justified a central government was the dom inant force of the eighth century, Shinto decided to raise its prestige by identifying itself closely with Buddhism and thereby with the central government. It proclaimed that the Sun goddess of Shinto was identical with the

Buddha Vairocana and that the Shinto "God of Eight Banrers" was the symbol of the Eightfold Noble Path of Buddhist morality. In addition, Confucianism supplied Japanese

Buddhism with its practical ethical teachings, especially its emphasis on "virtue." Furthermore, the Hindu influenced Buddhist exercise of religious veneration of the dead was easily combined with the practice of ancestor-worship and filial piety taught by Confucianism 32

(Yokoi 1976:23). Thus, through the process of diffusion, each religion adopted elements of the other religions that

proved compatible with its own beliefs. As a result the populace came to regard Confucianism as the teaching for

the present life and Buddhism as the way to spiritual bliss in the future life (Yokoi 1976:23).

In 710 A.D., Tao-hsuan, the first Chinese Zen monk

to visit Japan, arrived in Nara in response to an invita

tion from Japanese Buddhist monks. Tao-hsuan belonged to

the northern school of Chinese Zen in the third generation after Shen-hsiu. He cultivated contacts, especially with

the Kegon and Ritsu shcools, and is said to have passed

the rules of Zen meditation to Gyoko, who in turn in

structed Saicho (Dengyo Daishi, 762-822) (Dumoulin 1963:

138).

Subsequently, Saicho journeyed to China to study at

Tendaizan, where he received the Tendai ordination and also instruction in Vinaya, Ch'an (Zen), and Chen-yen

(Shingon) (Miura 1966:17-18). While in China, Saicho met a master from the Niu-t'ou sect of Zen, thus the contemr plative element in the Tendai tradition, which held an

important place from the beginning, was strengthened in both China and Japan by repeated contacts with Zen

(Dumoulin 1963:138). On his return to Japan he founded

the Japanese Tendai sect on Mount Hiei, near Kyoto (Miura

1966:18). The Tendai school emphasized the universality 33

of salvation or attainment of Buddhahood (Yokoi 1976:34).

Dengyo Daishi, the posthumous title by which Saicho is better known, included the practices of all the schools he had studied in his teachings (Miura 1965:18). He

sought the favor of the court and the support of the no bility (Dumoulin 1976:219). His goal was to establish a

unified center of Japanese Buddhism with the support of

the state, but he was unsuccessful during his lifetime.

Mount Hiei later became the most powerful center of the

Buddhist heirarchy and even came to control state affairs

(Yokoi 1976:24).

Meanwhile, signs of corruption began to appear in

Buddhism. While land newly opened to cultivation was granted to cultivators as their private property, much of

it fell into the hands of Buddhist temples and monas

teries through donation, by virtue of their own enterprise, or even as mortgage forfeits. This led to the accumula

tion of wealth in Buddhist institutions, and while in the beginning the wealth was freely spent on social and educa

tional work, by the latter half of the eighth century it had become a cause of corruption of the clergy, with monks

striving for worldly power. Shinto priests became servile

followers and servants of the Buddhist clergy, who by this

time had divided themselves along Chinese lines into six competing scholastically oriented schools or "sects."

Both political and religious reform was needed, but it did 34

not take place until the capital was transferred from . I Nara to Heian (present-day Kyoto) in 794 (Yokoi 1976:

23-24).

In the middle of the ninth century, I-k'ung (Giku), a master of the Southern school and descendant of Lin-chi, came to Kyoto at the invitation of the Empress Tachibana

Kachiko, wife of the Emperor Saga, to teach Zen at the

Imperial court. The Empress later had the Danrinji temple in Kyoto built for him, where he taught Zen from 851 to

858 A.D. In 858 he returned to China, disappointed at his limited success. In the same year, another Japanese monk, Egaku, visited China, and after studying Zen there attempted to establish its teachings in Japan, but he was also unsuccessful {Eliot 1959:283).

All these first efforts to propagate Zen according to the Chinese pattern met with limited success, even though they were assisted by the court (Dumoulin 1963: 139). For the next three centuries, although Zen prac tices found their way into other sects, especially the

Tendai and the Shingon, and many became acquainted with the Zen approach to the truth, Zen evolved no further as an independent school {Saunders 1964:220). Although Zen had been introduced to Japan as early as the Nara period

(A.D. 646-794), it was not until the Kamakura period

(A.D. 1185-1333) that it became established as a distinct school in Japan. 3S

The Kamakura Period

In the Kamakura period, the specific character of

Buddhism was preeminently practical, markedly enthusiastic in preaching, exclusive in doctrine, more simplified and specific than ever, but extensive in the application or the realization of the ideal, since all Buddhist schools in this period preached salvation--i.e., the way of enlightenment--for all (Takakusu 1947:153). During this period a new breed of leaders emerged who rebelled against the aristocratic culture of the Heain period

(794-1185) which had preceded it (Yokoi 1976:9). All of these religious leaders entered the monastic life in the monasteries of Mount Hiei, and there learned the Tendai doctrine, yet all transcended this doctrine in their own respective ways (Matsunami 1973:68-69). Four new sects came into existence: Jodo, Zen, Shin and Nichiren. The

Tendai school had become worldly and power hungry, and these new Buddhist sects arose in Japan as a reaction against it (McCasland 1969:597).

The Kamakura period was the greatest religious epoch in Japanese history, and also the time in which Bud dhism exerted its strongest influence on all strata of the population (Dumoulin 1963:175).

Farmers, merchants and artisans were in a down- trodden state at the time, though they had been gaining social and economic powers. The ruling classes were characterized by corruption and indifference, social and 36

political conditions were chaotic, and there were omni-

present sufferings and miseries that led these disinter-

ested people toward something radically new that promised

to revitalize their spiritual life (Kim 1975:19). The new

schools of the Kamakura period answered the urgent reli-

gious needs of the people (Dumoulin 1963:139). Zen and

other sects exerted a growing concern for the common peo-

ple, as Buddhism for the common man was born (Yokoi 1976:

26) •

The popularization of Buddhism kept pace with its 'nationalization,' that is, as Buddhism filtered down to the people, it became for the first time truly Japanese in nature, and the sects that developed in the Kamakura period were more sincerely Japanese in feeling and expression than any that had come before (Saunders 1964:187).

The practice of Zen always has been connected to

the practice of compassionate mercy and love. At this

time, Zen priests lent a hand to increase the welfare of

the common people. For example, Eizen, a Zen follower who made a great contribution in the practice and dissem-

ination of the Buddhist precepts in this period, undertook

great social projects. One of his projects was the salva-

tion of the lower classes, who had been segregated from

society in general. Eizen gave them money and rice, re-

paired their dwellings, and conferred the precepts on a

great number of the outcasts. One of Eizen's disciples

built public baths, hospitals, and inns for beggars and

established a hospital for horses, showing his unlimited 37

compassion for all living beings. From the Kamakura to the Muromachi period (1185-1393) many social projects, such as charity and public works, were carried out by priests (Watanabe 1970:18-20).

The first half of the Kamakura period was characterized by nobility-warrior power struggles, with the court nobility centered in Kyoto and the military in

Kamakura (Kim 1975:14). By the time Zen first took root in Japan, the military had replaced the imperial court as the major wielder of power, and they looked for a religion that emphasized discipline (Covell 1974:25). The government at the time was the shogunate as feudalism began to take hold (Saunders 1964:185). Kyoto was the headquarters of Shingon and Tendai Buddhism, so it was in Kamakura, under the protection of the powerful Hojo family, that

Zen finally took root in Japan (Humphreys 1968:36).

By this time also, the Zen that was imported was a more sophisticated version of the doctrine, one that was patronized by the Sung emperor and had developed all the regulations necessary for the successful organization of thousands of monks living together in vast monasteries (Covell 1974:25).

Although Buddhism had been introduced to Japan from

Korea, it was to China that the Japanese Buddhists turned for guidance (Masunaga 1956:65).

From the middle of the twelfth century on, a steady exchange of Japanese and Chinese monks developed, which brought to Japan the flourishing Zen of the Sung period in its various branches (Dumoulin 1963:140). 38

All of the Japanese Zen sects introduced during this and

subsequent periods belonged to the Southern school of

Chinese Zen.

Eisai and the Rinzai Sect

Eisai is considered to be the actual founder of

Japanese Zen. He brought the Rinzai sect of Zen from

China and established it as the earliest independent Zen

sect in Japan. He came from a family of Shinto priests

in the district of Okayama (Saunders 1964:220). As a boy he studied Buddhism in the main temple of the powerful

Tendai school on Mount Hiei (Dumoulin 1963:140). He also acquired knowledge of the "secret doctrines" of the

Shingon sect, but finding no satisfaction in this he re turned to Hieizan and for eight years studied profoundly the voluminous canon of Mahayana Buddhism (Reischauer

1917:17). When the opportunity presented itself he car ried out a long-cherished wish and sailed for China in

1168 where he studied for a while at the headquarters of the Tendai (T'ien-T'ai) sect. His visit to China occurred during the time in which the Sung dynasty was reigning at

Hangchou, and the new forms of Confucianism popularized by Chu Hsi and Zen philosophy were in vogue (Eliot 1959:

283). Meanwhile, the Tendai had declined in popularity

(Matsunami 1973:70). Eisai was very impressed by what he saw at the Zen centers on T'ien-T'ai, and this gave rise 39

to the idea that Zen could bring about the salvation of

Japanese Buddhism. Eisai returned to Japan with thirty volumes of rare books, hoping to find the object of his earnest quest (Reischauer 1971:117). But he was unsuccessful in his effort to realize enlightenment (Yokoi

1976:20).

In 1187, Eisai began a second trip, intending to visit India, but was unable to proceed beyond the Chinese borders, so he returned to T'ien-T'ai once again. He studied under the Lin-Chi (Rinzai) master Hsuan (Kyoan) until 1191 when he was initiated into the true teachings of the Zen sect (Suzuki 1968:38). He received the seal of enlightenment in the Huang-lung line of transmission of the Lin-chi (Rinzai) sect which he brought to Japan.

In the seventh generation after Lin-chi, a split gave rise to two branches named for two disciples, Huang lung (1002-1069) and Yang-chi (992-1049) ..• Huang-lung was distinguished by his ingenious use of the paradox .•. (Dumoulin 1963:126).

When Eisai started for home his teacher bestowed upon him, as a special mark of his achievements, the Great Mantle, the symbol of his having mastered the truth of the Zen school (Reischauer 1917:117).

The Zen school dates its origin in Japan from the time of Eisai's second return from China in 1191

(Reischauer 1917:117). Eisai brought many Zen texts with him, including The Sayings of Rinzai, the Hekinganroku, and the Kai-an-koko-go (Matsunami 1973:70). Upon his 40

return to Japan he built the first temple of the Rinzai sect, the Shojukuji, at Hakata, on the island of Kyushu.

His return coincided with the advent of Yoritomo to power and he maintained extremely good relations with the

Kamakura shoguns (Eliot 1959:283). But when Eisai pro claimed, in word and writing, the superiority of Zen over

Tendai and expounded Zen meditation, he encountered oppo sition from the monks on Mount Hiei who periodically suc ceeded in banning his new school (Dumoulin 1963:14). As a result of this persecution, Eisai sought the protection of the Shogun Minamoto Yoriie who, in 1202, appointed him head of the new monastery of Kenninji, the first Zen tem ple to be established in Kyoto. Eisai worked diligently towards the recognition of Zen as an independent school, but because of the proximity of the court and the powerful headquarters of the Tendai and Shingon schools, he was forced to combine Tendai and Shingon rituals with his teaching of Zen (Dumoulin 1963:141).

Energetically he now promoted Zen by preparing a treatise called Kazen Gokoku-run (Propagation of Zen as the Protection of the Nation). Here he proclaimed that the practice of Zen would protect the prosperity of the

Empire (Takakusu 1947:161). He wrote that both Zen and the state have the common objective of ensuring peace and happiness for the people, but stressed that it was only by the state's support of Zen that this common objective 41

could be realized (Yokoi 1976:20).

He was right in his view, as the new religion greatly helped to pacify and strengthen the hearts of the warriors. Zen taught that even fighters must intro spect and think of morality and responsibility (Takakusu 1947:161).

Eisai was summoned by the Shogun to Kamakura where

he established and became abbot of the third Zen monastery

of the Japanese Rinzai sect, Jufukuji. One of the reasons

he took this new position was the bitter opposition of the

Tendai, Shingon and Nara sects. "On one or two occasions

at least, hostile parties attacked and burned down Zen monasteries" (Sansom 1943:338). Kamakura is the military

capital of Japan, so as a result, Zen came into close

relationship with the military caste.

Until his death at the age of seventy-five, Eisai

recited Shingon sutras, and to this day while the Kenninji has meanwhile become an exclusively Zen center, a Tendai

ceremony is still performed there. Eisai was not success-

ful in breaking completely with the Tendai and Shingon

sects of Buddhism. In addition, he did not live long enough to see the Hojo power completely established, but his successors continued to be influential (Eliot 1959:

28 7) .

Eisai taught that the Buddha-mind is transmitted directly from person to person so that the reading of the

sutras were of limited importance. Also, he taught that

the rules of the discipline were more important than the 42

practice of zazen. He preached that enlightenment could

be attained through the solving of increasingly difficult

koans (Yokoi 1976:20).

Dogen and the Soto Sect

Shortly after the founding of the Rinzai school of

Zen in Japan, the Soto school was brought to Japan by

Dogen.- Dogen was born in Kyoto, January 2, 1200, one of

thirteen children of an aristocratic family (Kim 1975:20).

His father, Kuga Michichika, was a high government official

and his mother was descended from the distinguished house

of Fujiwara. The highly gifted youth received careful

literary training befitting the son of a noble family

(Dumoulin 1963:152). By the age of four he could read

Chinese poetry. But although Chinese influences were pre-

dominant in his early education, they influenced but lit-

tle his later writings. He used Japanese rather than

classical Buddhist Chinese to record his teachings (Yokoi

1976:14).

When Dogen was two years old his father died, and

afterwards he was raised by his mother and his half- brother, Michitomo (Kim 1975:20). At the age of seven, his mother died. On her deathbed she urged Dogen to

strive to relieve the sufferings of mankind by become a

Buddhist monk. As Dogen watched the ascending incense at his mother's funeral service, in a state of profound 43 I '

grief, he realized how transitory life is. He became

determined to renounce the world and seek enlightenment.

After his mother's death, Dagen was adopted by his mother's brother, Fujiwara Moraie, a powerful aristocrat who desired to have Dagen his heir. In the spring of 1212

Moraie planned to hold a gempuko ceremony for Dagen as a

token of his initiation into aristocratic manhood. Degen

now had to choose either to become a mon~ or follow his

uncle's wish (Kim 1975:22). He decided to become a monk,

so at the age of twelve he fled his uncle's house just before the date set for the ceremony (Dumoulin 1963:152).

He went to see Ryokan, another uncle, who resided in the

Onjoji temple at the foot of Mt. Hiei, to persuade him to

convince Moraie of his intentions (Kim 1975:22). Ryakan was engaged in Buddhist studies and esoteric practices.

He was touched by Dagen's persistence and agreed to help him enter the monastic life (Dumoulin 1963:152,153). He advised Degen to begin his study at the Senkobo at Yokawa

Hannyadans on Mt. Hiei, one of the most renowned centers of Buddhist studies at that time. Moraie was greatly disappointed when he heard of Dagen's decision to enter the monkhood, but for Dagen, to study Buddhism was to also fulfill his duty to Moraie {Kim 1975:22).

In 1213, Dagen was ordained a Buddhist monk by

Koen, the chief abbot of the Tendai school. During his stay at Mt. Hiei, he devoted himself fully to a study of 44

·Buddhist sutras- and the practices of the religious life.

He finally left there when Koen resigned as abbot (Kim

1975:27}. He had become discouraged with his Tendai

studies (Miura 1965:18).

He now visited several monasteriesincluding the

Tendai temple in Miidera on Lake Biwa, whose abbot Koin

suggested that he go see Eisai, who had recently returned

from China and was residing at the Kenninji temple in

Kyoto. Following the abbot's advice, Dagen journeyed to

the Kenninji to meet Eisai (Yokoi 1976:28). He visited

the Kenninji temple in 1214 when Myozen, Eisai's successor was in charge. It is unknown whether he actually met

Eisai; Eisai died the following year.

The Kenninji visit was only one on the agenda of

Degen's extensive traveling. After three years wandering,

he decided to settle at the Kenninji temple in 1217 to study Zen under Myozen (1184-1225) (Kim 1975:28). Myozen was the highest ranking of Eisai's seven disciples and

under him Dogen studied Zen for nine more years (Yokoi

1976:28). During this period a warm relationship devel

oped between Myezen and Degen.

Throughout this period at the Kenninji, Zen was mixed with Shingon and Tendai practices. Since Degen had

learned esoteric practices and studied the sacred sutras on Mt. Hiei, only Zen was new to him. Here Zen was taught

in the strict manner of Rinzai--with the koan, and with 45

shouting and beatings (Dumoulin 1963:154). The influence of Eisai's Zen on Degen cannot be denied, but Degen still felt spiritually unfulfilled (Kim 1975:28).

Degen decided to go to China, and when he asked

Myozen for permission, Myozen decided to go also. So, in the spring of 1223, Degen and Myozen set sail for China.

The Sung dynasty was reigning at Hangchou when they reached China in April 1233. China suffered constant threats of foreign invasion, internal political factional ism, and military weakness at this time, and Nee

Confucianism was the predominant ideology of the day (Kim

19 7 5 : 3 3- 3 4) .

Dagen stayed on board ship for a short time after their arrival in order to adjust to the new culture, while

Myozen immediately entered the Chin-Te-ssu temple on Mt.

T'ien-T'ung (Kim 1975:31). One day Degen met an elderly kitchen steward from the Ayuwan-shan monastery who had come to the city to buy food (Yokoi 1976:29). This Bud dhist monk amazed Dagen by declining his urgent invitation to visit the ship because he felt it necessary to return to his work in the monastery (Dumoulin 1963:154). In Zen it is believed that daily work in the kitchen is a reli gious practice that can lead to enlightenment. The stew ard, as all Zen disciples since Hung-jen (601-674) and Po chang (749-814), regarded not only sitting in meditation and reading of the sutras, but also daily service to the 46

community as exercises and manifestations of enlightened conduct (Dumoulin 1963:154). Degen was profoundly struck by this stress the Chinese Zen discipline laid upon daily work (Saunders 1964:222). His belief that the practice of

zazen or the study of the koan were the most important aspects of Zen training showed that he was still deeply at tached to the doctrine of the Rinzai sect of Zen (Yokoi

1976:30).

Degen visited several temples and observed Chinese customs until early July when he enrolled at the Ching-Te ssu temple on Mt. T'ien-T'ung. This temple was one of the

"Five Mountains" regarded as the five most important cen ters of Zen Buddhism in China, and Eisai had also studied at this temple (Kim 1975:31-32). Wu-chi was abbot of the

T'ien-T'ung monastery as this time, and he had five hund red students. It was here that Dogen participated in com munity life and first encountered discrimination because he was a foreign monk. But in spite of this experience,

Degen significantly deepened his understanding of Zen during his stay here. At this monastery, he was once more impressed with the importance of the office of tenzo

(kitchen steward) (Yokoi 1976:31).

But, in spite of the deeper understanding of Zen

Dogen acquired, he did not receive the seal of enlighten ment which he sought. So, towards the end of 1224, he set out to visit the various temples and monasteries of 47

Chinese Zen Buddhism. He wandered for several months but

could not find a suitable master (Yokoi 1976:31). He

became acquainted with the many schools and sects of

Chinese Buddhism and met the noted masters of the time

(Dumoulin 1963:155).

Degen realized the futility of staying in China any

longer, so he set out to make one last visit to T'ien

T-ung where Myozen had been ill for some time (Kim 1975:

37). On his way there he learned of the death of his

former master Wu-chi. Disappointed, he decided to go

directly back to Japan. But, while revisiting the Ching

san Wan-shou-ssu temple along the way, he met an old monk who informed him that Ju-ching (1163-1228), well known as

a peerless Zen master, had been appointed abbot of Mt.

T'ien-T'ung monastery by the royal court, and the monk

urged him to go see Ju-ching as soon as possible (Kim

1975:37). On May 1, 1225 Degen and Ju-ching met for the

first time. Dagen finally felt he had found a worthy master. Ju-ching received him warmly and gladly gave

Dagen permission to visit him at any time, regardless of

the normal regulations (Dumoulin 1963:155).

Although the T'ien-T'ung monastery was tradition ally presided over by abbots of the Lin-chi (Rinzai) sect,

Ju-ching belonged to the tradition of the Ts 'ao-tung (So to) sect (Kum 1975:38). He was of the line of Hung chih chen hseuh, a great Zen monk who appeared in southern Sung 48

China about 1127.

Hung chih's style of Zen is called Mokushozen (Zen in which one is illumined through silence) • It indicates that one experiences inwardly a state of absolute freedom by earnestly undertaking zazen and pacifying the mind .•. Here the koan is unnecessary (Watanabe 1970:100).

Mokuskozen is in opposition to Kanna Zen, which emphasizes the koan (Watanabe 1970:100).

Ju-ching, like Dagen, had visited various monasteries before finding a true teacher (Yokoi 1976:31). He was a strict ascetic--he loved the crude temple diet and his coarse monastic robe (Dumoulin 1963:155).

Though given a purple robe and the title of Zen master (Ch'an-shih) by Emperor Ning-tsung in the Chia-Ting era (1208-25), he would not accept them and sent a letter of refusal to the emperor •.. This excellent deed of his was respected by monks everywhere and admired by knowledgeable men far and near. The emperor, too, was deeply impressed and honoured him with tea (Yokoi 1976:31).

Ju-ching not only refused the purple robe and title, but he did not wear a patterned (vari-colored) stole during his lifetime, as was the custom of the Chinese monks

(Watanabe 1970:49).

An enemy of honours and decorations, he kept aloof from the royal court and devoted himself unstintingly to the training of young monks (Dumoulin 1963:155).

Ju-ching opposed the sectarian divisions within

Zen and even disliked using the name of Zen over other

Buddhist sects and schools, but he also opposed the popular vaiw of the unity of three religions (Buddhism, Con- fucianism, and Taoism) . He thought that Buddhism should 49

be content with the virtue of poverty and live quietly in deep mountains (Kim 1975:42). Also, although he used certain koans in his teaching, he was one of the most out- spoken opponents of Kanna Zen ('introspection--the koan

Zen'} of the Lin-chi (Rinzai} school (Miura 1965:18-19).

This attitude influenced Dogen and determined the course

Zen was to follow in Japan {Miura 1965:18-19).

Dogen had a high regard for his master who taught

"zazen-only" (shikan-taza), which later became the heart of Dogen's religion and philosophy (Kim 1975:39). Ju- ching practiced zazen whenever and wherever it was possible to do so (Yokoi 1976:31). "At T'ien-t'ung-szu the disciples meditated literally day and night" (Dumoulin

1963:156). "Ju-ching was a severe master given to liberal use of the punishing stick" (Saunders 1964:222). He struck those who fell asleep during zazen and scolded them, calling them a disgrace.

The matchless zeal at this temple was an exception in China at that time. In this atmosphere Dogen gave his utmost, and soon he was prepared for the great en lightenment (Dumoulin 1963:156). Degen finally realized enlightenment when Ju-ching was scolding a monk for falling asleep. He rushed to the

Dharma Hall to kindle some incense and give thanks to the

Buddha (Dumoulin 1963:156). Then he went to Ju-ching and prostrated himself before him (Yokoi 1976:32). Ju-ching confirmed his enlightenment as genuine. On September 18, 50

1225, Ju-ching conferred on Dogen the seal of Enlighten- ment and the mantle of patriarchal succession of the Chen hsieh line of the Ts'ao-tung (Soto) sect. "On this day the sect saw the succession of a Japanese monk for the first time in the history of Chinese Buddhism" (Kim 1975:

45-46). After obtaining enlightenment, Dogen stayed on at the T'ien-t'ung monastery for two more years of training under Ju-ching, for in Zen there is no gap between practice and enlightenment (Yokoi 1976:33). Dagen and Ju- ching greatly admired each other and Ju-ching once asked

Dogen to be his assistant but Dagen declined the offer

(Kim 1975: 43).

Myozen had died soon after Dagen met Ju-ching, so in 1227, when Dagen decided to return to Japan, he had to go alone. When he asked for Ju-ching's permission to return, the latter readily granted it, for he highly valued the necessity and importance of Dagen's coming work. As a symbol of the transference of the Law to Dagen, Ju-ching presented him with the sacredotal robe that had been transmitted since Fu-yang Tao-chiai (1043-1118), a por trait of himself, and copies of the famous Sota Zen texts

Pao-ching Sam-mei (Hokyo Zammei) and Wu-wei Hsien-chueh

(Goi Keketsu) by Liang-chieh of Mount Tung (807-69). In parting Ju-ching gave this advice:

... stay clear of kings and ministers, make your home in deep mountains and remote valleys, transmitting the 51

essence of Zen Buddhism forever, if even to a single true Bodhi-seeker (Yokoi 1976:33).

Unlike other Buddhist pilgrims to China, Degen re-

turned to Japan in 1227 with no new sutras, pictures or

sacred images, but only his own experience. On his re-

turn, he once more took up residence at the Kenninji,

where he stayed for three years. Although Eisai had

stressed the careful observance of temple regulations,

discipline at the Kenninji had deteriorated after his

death. In addition, the temple was soon stifled by magic

rites and religious formalism. Dagen found no scope here

for his religious needs and aspirations (Dumoulin 1963:

143) . He was greatly distressed by the deterioration that

had taken place in Buddhism while he was away in China.

He had no intention of founding a new school, but instead

only wished to devote himself to the realization of the

truths of Buddhism through meditation. He wrote his first

treatise on Zen here "Fukan Zazen-gi" (A Universal Teach- ing for Zazen) (Yokoi 1976: 33}.

Then, in 1230, he moved to the small rural temple

called Any6in, in Fukakusa. While in Any5in Degen wrote

the first chapter of what was to become his most famous work, the Shobogenzo. The temple quickly became an impor-

tant Zen center as an increasing number of pilgrims vis

ited from Kyoto. "D~gen taught his disciples to sit in meditation and to realize their innate Buddha-nature ••. He 52

inspired them with confidence" (Dumoulin 1963:157).

Dagen's Zen Buddhism, though initially transplanted from

China, was gradually developing into a distinctly Japanese form that was the product of the symbolic model Dogen in herited from Buddhist tradition and his own idiosyncracies, and the social and historical pecularities of thirteenth century Japan (Kim 1975:49). Thus the Soto school was introduced into Japan by Dagen.

As the number of his followers increased, Dogen moved to a larger building called the Kannon-doriin temple, on the grounds of the Gokurakuji temple. It was here in

1234 that he met his most famous disciple, Ejo (1198-1280).

Ej5 was already well versed in Buddhism in general. He had met Dagen for the first time soon after Dagen returned from China, but it was not until two years later that he became Dagen's disciple. For nearly twenty years after this Eje and Degen worked together for the establishment of Seta Zen in Japan (Kim 1975:49-50).

Degen stayed at the Kannon-dariin temple from 1233 to 1243. This marked the height of his career. As he became known for his virtuous character and severe train ing, numerous disciples gathered around him, both male and female, until the hall he had built was unable to hold them all. Obliged to build a new hall, he decided to codify the regulations to be followed there in a work 5'

entitled 'Ju Undo-Shiki' (Rules of the Newly Built Medita

tion Hall) (Yokoi 1976:35).

In 1236 a new temple with a meditation hall (sodo) was constructed and it was named the Kosho-horinji. "The

Kosho-horinji was the first purely Zen temple in Japan"

(Saunders 1964:223). Here for the first time, the medita

tion hall was the center of monastic life (Kim 1975:51).

On December 29, Degen appointed Ejo to be the head monk who assists the abbot in all educational as well as reli gious matters of the monastic community. A year later the

Dharma hall (hatto) was added to the temple. Thus a com plete monastic community was established with the new meditation hall, new Dharma hall and the Buddha hall

(butsuden), which had existed from the beginning (Kim

1975:51).

It was not until Degen moved to this new temple that he began to give practical guidance in zazen, in earnest, to devout laymen as well as monks (Kim 1975:51).

He believed there is no separation between the monkhood and laiety, although he held from the very beginning that monkhood was the ideal lifestyle of rightly transmitted

Buddhism, which transcended both monkhood and laiety in the ordinary sense. He opened his monastic community to everyone, regardless of intelligence, social status, sex, or profession. His religion was truly the religion of the people. Thus the Soto sect in Japan was formed, deeply 54 committed to pure Zen (Kim 1975:53,51,55).

The now middle-aged Dagen was encountering more and more problems. Not only did his growing fame attract an increasing number of visitors, who tended to disturb his training and study, but he also was becoming the tar- get of persecution by the older, more established Bud- dhist sects (Yokio 1976:36).

Unlike Eisai, Dagen was uncompromising toward other sects and little disposed to associate his Zen with them as Eisai had done .•. His attitude earned him the hatred of the Tendai monks on Mount Hiei (Saunders 1964:223).

Because of this, Degen was forced to leave the capital.

In 1243 he followed the suggestion of his faithful lay disciple and friend, Hatano Yoshishige, and journeyed to the province of Echizen {Dumoulin 1963:1958). He arrived in Echizen on July 30, and entered immediately a small temple called Kippoji, which had long been in a state of desolation (Kim 1975:58). From there he went to a small temple, Yoshi-mine-dera, on the Japan Sea coast, where, with the support of Hatano Yoshishige, he wrote twenty- four more sections of the Shaba-genza. Then he moved to

Yasmashibudera where he stayed three months. Yoshishige built the Daabutsuji temple for Degen in the mountains of

Echizen (Yokoi 1976:36-37). On July 18, 1244, Degen moved into this temple and two years later changed its name to

Eiheiji "Temple of Eternal Peace." "Thus Degen signalled 55

the introduction to Japan of the eternal peace of

Buddhism (Kim 1975:59).

The Eiheiji temple is today one of the two head temples of the Soto sect and the largest Zen monastery in

Japan (Yokoi 1976:37).

Degen at last realized his long cherished dream: the establishment of an ideal monastic community as en visioned by Po-chang Huai-hai (720-814) in the bosom of mountains and waters ..• Echizen was an ideal place for such a purpose, for it was physically remote from Kyoto and Kamakura, hence free from the established Buddhism, the imperial-Fujiwara power complex, and the warrior class (Kim 1975:59).

Degen's fame spread throughout the whole country (Dumoulin

1963:158).

When Degen was residing near Kyoto, he had presented the cloistered emperor GoSaga with a treatise entitled Gokoku Shobe gi (The Method of Pacifying the

State by the True Law) . It is assumed that in this document he proposed that the state should be governed by the spirit of Zen Buddhism, that is, the spirit of the equality and identity of all things and all people (Yokoi 1976:

37). He believed that the peace and prosperity of the people could be ensured through the state's support of

Zen (Yokoi 1976:20). It was undoubtedly this view that led Degen, in the winter of 1247, to accept the invitation of Shogun Hojo Tokiyori, head of the feudal military government in Kamakura, to give him instruction in the

Buddhist precepts. Degen wanted to rectify the abnormal 56

system of government and went so far as to advise

Tokiyori to restore the regime to the throne {Takakasu

1947:161). His proposal was not complied with, so after conferring the Bodhisattva precepts on Tokiyori, in March

1248 he returned to Echizen, even though Tokiyori had offered to establish a temple for him {Yokoi 1976:37).

This deepened the ruler's respect for him and one of Degens pupils in Kamakura was persuaded to take the document of a generous grant of land to his teacher. The priest gladly did so ... Upon receiving it, Dogen was so enraged that he at once drove his pupil away. He ordered the chair the priest sat on destroyed, the ground under the chair dug three feet deep and the earth thrown away •.. After this incident he was admired more than ever and the Zen practice became popular among the people {Takakusu 1947:161).

In 1250, the retired Emperor GoSaga sent to Dogen an honorary purple robe and bestowed on him the title of

Buppozenji. Degen refused this honor twice, following

Ju-ching's example, but finally accepted it under the emperor's insistence, though he never wore the robe. At the age of 52 Degen became seriously ill (Yokoi 1976:38).

On July 14, Degen appointed Ejo to be his successor as the head of Eiheiji monastery (Kim 1975:61). In 1253 he journeyed to Kyoto at the insistence of his disciples, to seek medical care, but to no avail. He died August 28, 1253, at the Seido-in temple in Takatsuji, Kyoto (Yokoi 1976:38).

While Eisai sought to introduce Zen as a special school in Japan, Degen regarded Zen as transcending all schools that had previously been established (Dumoulin 57

1963:160). Degen attempted to reduce the process of splitting Buddhism into more and more sects and to restore the main tradition of the Buddha's own direct path to enlightenment (Humphreys 1974:111). But even this did not prevent the organization of his own school into a sect after his death (Dumoulin 1963:222). The period from

Degen's death to 1660 is characterized by the institu- tional expansion of the S5t5 sect (Kim 1975:3). In 1880 the honorary title of Sh5y6 Daishi was conferred upon

Degen (Eliot 1959:284).

Degen saw zazen as the "proven" style of meditation; the one used by the historical Buddha himself. He accorded the practice of zazen primary importance. He taught that practice and enlightenment are one and the same and that enlightenment should not be sought apart from the practice of zazen. "Degen's zazen is not a means to an end but the end in itself" (Humphreys 1974:113).

Zazen is training based on enlightenment, the training and the state being inseverable (Humphreys 1974:113).

The relationship between exercise and enlightenment is clarified in Mahayana philosophy by the important dis tinction between "original enlightenment" and "ac quired enlightenment." It is the primal enlightenment which makes the exercise possible ... As the exercise of the enlightened one, zazen is regarded as the self manifestation of original enlightenment. The Zen disciple who comprehends this •.• finds in himself the Buddha-nature as the foundation of his own being (Dumoulin 1963:167).

Zazen is the complete realization of the universal or true 58

self. To realize this it is necessary to realize non-ego through the practice of zazen--thinking beyond conceptual thought (Yokio 1976:39). As Degen states in Shobo-genze:

To study the Way is to study the self. To study the self is to forget the self. To forget the self is to be enlightened in all things. To be enlightened in all things is to remove the barriers between one's self and others (Yokoi 1976:39).

Degen did not reject the koan, as his master before him, but relegated its exercise to secondary importance.

He opposed the Rinzai use of the koan as an object of rned- itation, because the sudden intuitive enlightenment the koan helped one to achieve indicated a preoccupation with momentary experience. Instead, he stressed zazen, where the 'whole man' can participate in a gradual but lifelong awakening. For Degen, enlightenment was not an end to achieve but a state constant throughout life, which grows deeper through constant awareness (Saunders 1964:229). He trained his followers to blend an ever-increasing inner awareness of the Buddha-within with the practice of corn- passion for all and emphasized the reading of the sutras

(Humphreys 1974)111).

While Eisai actively sought the support of the court and the military leaders, Degen, to the contrary, avoided any contact with nobility and political authorities, even though he was of aristocratic birth. He took the original Buddhist ideal of total renunciation dead seriously (Dumoulin 1976:221). Even when persecuted, he 59

did not ask the feudal government for protection (Yokoi

1976:21). Instead he refused all worldly honors and kept to the mountains. The return to the origins, the renunci ation of politics and worldly possessions and the pre eminence of meditation have characterized Buddhist reform movements ever since Degen (Dumoulin 1976:221). Through out the history of Zen in Japan, the Rinzai sect always has attracted more intellectuals and members of the ruling classes, while the Soto sect has spread more widely among the common people.

Additional Zen Teaching Lines

After Eisai and Degen had led the way, other

Japanese monks journeyed to China to study under Zen mas ters, and, at the same time, Chinese monks came to Japan at the invitation of the shoguns, some fleeing the dis turbed political conditions at the end of the southern

Sung era (Takakusu 1947:160-161). Altogether, over a period of 175 years, 20 lines of Rinzai Zen teaching were brought to Japan. All the monks who brought these teach ing lines to Japan could trace their lineage back to the founder Lin-chi (Rinzai) (Muira 1965:20,21). Eisai's Zen had contained some Shingon elements that were later weeded out when these monks brought the unadulterated Zen doc trine over from its source (Sansom 1943:369). 60

Shoichi Kokushi (Enju Benen, 1202-1280) was the second Zen monk to transplant the Rinzai school of Zen to

Japan. Like Eisai and D5gen, he had received his Buddhist instruction in the Tendai school, but he enriched his development further by studies in Confucianism. During a six-year residence in China (1235-1241) he mastered Zen and received "the seal of the mind," i.e. the succession in the Yang-chi line of transmission of the Rinzai sect.

He became the first abbot of the Tofukuji temple. Under his leadership the Tofukuji temple quickly attained a high state of development. He saw no contradiction between Zen practice and esoteric rites, so Shingon and Tendai were also taught at this temple. Shoichi had numerous disci ples and extended his activity to other temples. Through him and later through Daio Kokushi (Jomyo, 1236-1308), who attained enlightenment under masters of the same lineage, this line was transplanted to Japan, where it became the chief exponent of the Rinzai form of Zen.

Shoichi's disciple and successor as head of the

Tofukuji temple was Daimin Kukushi (Mukan Fumon), a monk who spent twelve years under a Zen master in China before attaining enlightenment. Daimin was appointed first abbot of the Nanzenji temple by the Emperor Kameyama. Nanzenji was the first purely Zen temple at the capital and as such enjoyed the special favor of the emperor. The abbots were named by the imperial court and many of them were 61

people of great distinction (Dumoulin 1963:143,148).

Among the leading Japanese Rinzai masters of this period, only Eisai belonged to the Huang-lung lineage (Dumoulin

1963: 144).

Other Chinese monks who came to Japan were Tao-lung

Lan-hsi (Doryu Rankei, founded of the Kenchoji temple in

1249), who came to Japan in 1246, followed by Tsu-yuan

Wu-hsueh (Sogen Mugaku, founder of the Engakuji temple in

1273), and I-ning I-shan (Ichinei Issan, who, though not invited, came to the Shuzenji temple in 1299) (Takakusu

1947:160). These various monks were noted for different things. Tao-lung, like Dogen, admitted women to the Zen practice (Dumoulin 1963:180). Hojo Tokimune, the only son and successor of Hojo Tokiyori, was greatly influenced by Tsu-yuan and built Engaku temple for him. After

Tokimune's death, his wife, also a devout Zen follower, founded the Tokeiji nunnery, built on a hill opposite

Engakuji. I-ning was the teacher of the famous Muso

Soseki and it is from this line that the so-called 'liter ature of the five temples' developed (Watanabe 1970:101).

The Chinese and Japanese monks brought to Japan texts as well as koans handed down to them by their teachers and continued to use them in instructing their disciples. They also brought works on Nee-Confucianism of the Sung period and were the first to introduce these to Japan. They received their Japanese disciples 62

individually in their rooms and instructed them through an

exchange of written questions and answers because of a

language problem. They could write Chinese, but not all

could speak it. The Japanese monks have continued this

practice of giving koan instruction in private (Miura

1965:21,22).

The stream of Rinzai Zen that has survived to the

present day was imported to Japan by Daio in 1267 and can

be traced back to Kido, who was the last of its Sung

dynasty abbots. Daio (1235-1309) spent nine years in

China studying Zen under Kido (1185-1269) and learning

Chinese. He served as a translator and advisor to the

military governments of the Hojo regents. In 1308, the

Hojo regents invited Daio to become the chief abbot of

Kencho-ji in Kamakura, Japan's oldest Zen temple, and

Daito (Myocho, 1283-1337) accompanied him there. Ten days

after arriving, Daito Kokushi experienced enlightenment.

Daio gave him a robe and inka (certificate of enlighten

ment) (Covell 1974:26-27).

Daito, like all early Zen leaders in Japan, began

his religious life as a Tendai monk but later broke com

pletely from the Tendai school. He grew in popularity

among court circles, and in 1324 the Emperor Go-Daigo

called him to be the first abbot of the Daitokuji temple

(Dumoulin 1963:175). Daito, with his first disciple

Tetto, upheld a rigorous discipline at Daitokuji (Covell 63

1974:26). From the very beginning, the temple of Daitokuji

was held in high esteem, and it is from this temple that

the temple of Myoshinji was later established in 1335.

Daito proposed his disciple Kanzen as the first abbot of

Myoshinji. Kanzen inspired this temple with the spirit of

strict discipline which characterizes this temple today

(Dumoulin 1963:176).

Only two Chinese Soto masters, both descendants of

Hung-chih Cheng chueh, journeyed to Japan during this per

iod, one in 1309 and the other in 1351. "Both taught their

style of Zen at various Rinzai temples in Japan, and both

founded teaching lines that soon became extinct" (Miura

1965:19-20). During this time, Keizan Jokin (1268-1335),

the fourth teacher in the line of the Soto sect and first

abbot of the Sojiji temple, was working on popularizing

his sect of Zen (Dumoulin 1963:142).

The last of the Rinazi teaching lines was founded

by the Japanese monk Daisetsu Suno (1313-1377), who left

for China in 1344 and returned in 1358. After this the

intercourse between Chinese and Japanese Zen gradually diminished and no new teaching lines were established for another 300 years (Miura 1965:20).

The Kamakura period saw the rapid rise to promin ence of Japanese Rinzai Zen due to the patronage of the powerful Hojo family. Great headquarter temples were erected at Kamakura and Kyoto, and branch temples 64

established throughout the whole country under the control of emperors, shoguns and feudal lords (Miura 1965:20).

Five main temples (Gozan) were established, three at

Kamakura, namely, the Enkakuji, Kenchoji, and Jufukouii and two in Kyoto, the Kenninji, the earliest Zen monastery, and the Tofukuji (Eliot 1959:287). These five Zen temples are sometimes referred to as the "Five Mountains."

Zen temples are usually composed of a number of build ings, forming a compound, which are dispersed, when ever possible over a slope or a hilli for this reason these establishments are also called 'mountains' (Dumoulin 1963:145).

The temple of Kenchoji enjoyed the greatest prominence as • I the first of the "Five Mountains" to be established

(Dumoulin 1963:142).

The five temples were also a center of Chinese . I studies and produced somewhat later several historical works. Village temple schools were set up where Zen priests taught the young people of the villages religion and morality as well as reading and writing (Eliot 1959: 288) .

In 1255, a small subsection of Zen called Puke

{P'u-k'o) was brought to Japan by Shinchi Kakushini (Hotto

Emmyo Kokushini, 1207-1298). He had forsaken the world at an early age, was ordained at Todaiji in Nara, learned the esoteric doctrines in the Shingon temples on Mount Koya, and finally was introduced to Zen by a Japanese master

{Dumoulin 1963:148). He journeyed to China in 1249 to study under Wu-men-Hui-kai (Murnan Ekai, 1184-1260) (Miura

1965:20). From the beginning the relationship between master and disciple was exceptionally intimate. Under

Wu-men, Kakushin became acquainted with the Fuke sect, whose origin goes back to Ma-tsu's disciple P'u-k'o, of

the Tang period (Dumoulin 1963:149). In China, he learned not only theology but music as well, since flute-playing

is a characteristic of this sect (Eliot 1959:285).

On his return to Japan in 1254 he brought with him his master's famous koan collection, the Wu-men-kuan

(Mumonkan). He founded the school of homeless mendicancy, commonly called 'community of nothingness' (Takakusu 1947:

161) . He wandered about Japan preaching and playing the

flute (Eliot 1959:285). He quickly rose to eminence, built a temple near Wakayama, and was repeatedly invited to the

court in the capital at Kyoto (Dumoulin 1963:149).

This sect, which is often called Komuso, after one of Kakushin's successors, became a community of ronin

(lordless warriors) and as such helped the government and

the people in various respects (Takakusu 1947:161). Dur

ing the Middle Ages and the Tokugawa period the monks were able to carry on unmolested, but as outlaws were joining

in great numbers, it became such a method of evading jus

tice that Ieyasu subjected it to strict regulation and it was completely abolished after the Great Restoration in

1868. 66

In the final days of the Kamakura period Zen temples

began to perform the rite of segaki (feeding the hungry

ghosts). The psychological basis of this ceremony is to

offer food to the angry spirits who have been abandoned so

that they do not do injury to living people and do not act violently with the food which has been provided for the

ancestors. In addition, the Zen temples, which began as . I places for the practice of zazen, complied with the war rior's demands to become places of prayer (gokitosho) and

later on, they became family temples (bodaisho) where peo ple prayed for the en~ightenment of their ancestors

(Watanabe 1970:69,70).

The Ashikaga Period

The following Ashikaga period {1333-1573) is made

up of two subperiods, the Yoshino {1333-1393) and the

Muromachi (1393-1573) {Dumoulin 1963:175). In 1333, when

the Hojo regents were overthrown, long wars of succession followed, because Japan had two rival lines of emperors.

Finally, in 1393, the Ashikagas succeeded in bringing the land once more under central authority.

The peace under the Ashikaga shoguns was often less endurable than war, for the tax collector was more dreaded than the soldier or the plague and famine which usually follow wars. It is claimed that the peasants of this age had to pay about 70 percent of the produce of their field 67

as taxes. The money thus extorted from the people was not used to repair the ravages of the wars, but was squandered in extravagant and luxuriant living by the shoguns. For example, the third Ashikaga shogun, Yoshimutsu, spent enormous sums on magnificent palaces and private resi dences (Reischauer 1917:131).

While other Buddhist schools were declining in popularity, Zen was flourishing, due to the patronage of the Ashikaga shoguns (Dumoulin 1963:175). Zen monks were familiar guests at the palaces and mansions of civil and military nobles, where they were welcome for the wisdom

(Sansom 1943:371). Zen practically became an official religion as Zen priests acted as advisors to the shoguns in other than spiritual matters (Sansom 1943:354). The monks were active in diplomacy with China and supervised shipping and commerce. The third Ashikaga shogun,

Yoshimitsu, was especially generous towardsthe Zen sect and gave liberal gifts to the five great Zen temples.

Also, he directed each province to have its own Zen mon astery. In addition, the land owned by all the temples and monasteries was exempted from taxation, while the monasteries received additional money from special taxes that were imposed (Reischauer 1917:132,133).

With such favors extended to the Buddhist monks and priests it is only natural that, outwardly at least, reli gion was flourishing in this age of bloodshed and misery. 68

The pessimistic spirit of Buddhism fitted in remarkably

well with the temper of the age. Buddhism, though out

wardly strong, was really bankrupt, morally and spiritu

ally, and in fact this was a period of religious decay.

Not only had the Buddhist layman wandered from the path

of "righteous living," but the priests and monks went even

further astray. The woes of the people became a source of

prosperity to the unscrupulous priests, who were usually

quite ready to exchange their "spiritual treasures" for

deeds to land and stately manors. Some authorities claim

that by the early part of the sixteenth century the Bud

dhist priests were on the whole the strongest political

force in Japan. By this time all semblance of central

authority had vanished. The emperors were figureheads,

the shoguns mere puppets, and the various feudal chiefs

were each a law unto himself. At this time the rich mon

asteries often had greater authority than the feudal

chiefs. When the priests were not taking part in the

general civil wars of the age on one side or another,

the monasteries fought among themselves. Zen suffered most severely from the wars for it had a great number of

military men among its adherents and many of them were

killed (Reischauer 1917:133,132,135,134,142).

One of the most famous Zen monks of this period was Muso Soseki. After the death of the dethroned Emperor

Go-Daigo in Yoshino, the victorious shogun Ashikaga 69

Takauji erected the temple of Tenryuji, on the edge of

Kyoto (1339), for the consolation of the former's spirit

and for the atonement of his own sins. He appointed

Soseki (Muso Kokushi, 1275-1351), who had been an advisor

to the emperor, to be its abbot (Dumoulin 1963:177).

Soseki tried to apply the truths of religion to the prac-

tical problems of life. He sought to show Takauji that mercy, patience and serving others were not only the ex-

pression of the Buddha-heart, but also the surest and

quickest road to a reign of peace. He is an example of a

priest of real power who exercised a great influence for

good over one of the rulers of the day (Reischauer 1917:

135) .

A native of Ise, Soseki entered the monastic life

at the age of nine, and through the study of the sutras

and of Tantric rites, he mastered the religious knowledge

of his time. He attained the seal of enlightenment in the

zen school, under the master Kennichi (Bukkoku Kokushi,

d.l314), a son of the Emperor Go-Saga, who early in life

had renounced the world and chosen the way to enlightenment. Soseki was in charge of the Nanzenji temple from

1334-1336. In 1338 he induced the shogun to issue a gen-

eral decree that led to the building of Zen temples in

66 localities, 'temples to pacify the country' (ankokuji).

This was actually a continuation of the old system of provincial temples (kokubunji) which during the Nara 70

period assured the spread of Buddhism throughout all Japan (Dumoulin 1963:177,178).

These provincial temples received their inspiration and

spiritual direction from Kyoto and Kamakura and it was

through these temples that Zen achieved its great influ-

ence over the general populace (Dumoulin 1963:178).

While Soseki and other monks after him maintained

positions, often of political power, at the court of the

shogun, the provincial temple attracted disciples from

all walks of life. The ties with the populace were on the

increase as the provincial temples disseminated the influ-

ence of Zen throughout the country. Soseki and other

monks used a fluent Japanese style (kana-hogo), which was

easily understandable, to get their message across, and in

addition, adopted their message to the comprehension and

needs of the unlettered. Through this new teaching style

Zen reached the broad masses, without changing the content

of the doctrine. Chinese elements faded to the background.

Dropping the use of paradox, they stated forthrightly what

Zen was about (Dumoulin 1963:178,180,181).

The high point in the development of Japanese Zen

was achieved during the rule of the third shogun of the

Ashikaga, Yoshimitsu (1367-1395). At his request, in 1383,

the Shokokuji temple monastery was founded as a branch of

the Tenryuji. Its first abbot was Myoho, the nephew and most beloved disciple of Soseki, otherwise known as Master 71

Fumyo (d.l388). Then, in 1386, the shogun once and for all established the hierarchy of the Zen temples in Japan by placing the Nanzenji above all other Zen temples and rating the other temples accordingly (Dumoulin 1963:178).

As the fourteenth century drew to a close the es tablishment of new temples came to an end. From this period on the Rinzai sect had the tendency to associate with the aristocratic way of life and become a leisurely sport while the Soto sect spread in the provinces and developed as a popular religion (Watanabe 1970:101).

In the fifteenth century there were two Zen priests,

Yoso (1376-1459) and Ikkyu (1394-1481), who were both given inka (certificates of enlightenment) by their master Kaso.

Ikkyu, although of imperial blood, was placed in a Zen monastery at the age of five to learn the basic concepts of Buddhism (Dumoulin 1963:184). After Kaso's death in

1428, Yoso immediately moved into Daitokuji and served it so well that within three years he was elected its chief abbot, while Ikkyu adopted the life of a wanderer (Covell

1974:34). When Daitokuji caught fire in 1453, Yoso was given the title of 'Zen Master' by the emperor, in appre ciation for his quick rebuilding of the temple. Ikkyu was furious at this honor given to Yoso, because he felt that

Yoso was "selling Zen" at Daitokuji by talking and preach ing to those who really could not understand it simply because they were rich. Furthermore, he accused Yoso of 72

selling inka to swell the temple coffers and his own private wealth. Rinzai Zen had sunk to such a low point by this time that enlightenment was "sold," and money was raised by the temples in sake-brewing and through usury.

In the mid-fifteenth century one Zen temple, Shokoku Jl furnished all the advisors to the shogunate's government and received most of the bribes. The imperially-sanctioned temple of Daitoku-ji was only on the fringe of this corruption, but Ikkyu felt he could not criticize it enough (Covell 1974:37). In 1462, Ikkyu became so angry over Zen that he converted to Jodo Shinshu. He felt that institutionalized monasteries were a farce, because Zen belonged to everyone. Daitokuji was burned once again in the Onin war and this time it stood deserted for seven years. Then Ikkyu was asked to take the post of chief abbot there and restore the institution. Ikkyu had hated Daitokuji and fled from its ceremonies. Yet, because Zen was his only love he took the post (Covell 1974:34-40).

By the end of the Ashikaga period, the five great temples of Rinzai Zen were only ghosts of their former selves and Rinzai Zen continued to flourish only at Daitokuji and Myoshinji {Sato 1972:133). Of the 500 abbots installed at Daitokuji since 1388, when Daito died, only Ikkyu, and later Takuan, stand out in popular memory.

Although Takuan Soho {1573-1645) was the offspring of a poor samurai farmer and Ikkyu was an emperor's son, Zen brought them both the same outlook. Ikkyu, though he was 73

born of the highest class of society, tended to associate with the ordinary people, while Takuan associated with the rich and powerful of the land, the shoguns and emper ors. Nevertheless, he maintained his independence and was even sent into exile for his views. Takuan became the chief abbot of Daitokuji at 36, an unprecedented youthful age, while Ikkyu had become chief abbot at age 80, the oldest in its record. As a man and a priest, Takuan was extremely popular, and had a number of Zen temples built

(Covell 1974:49,50). He stood in the service of the shogunate, performing important political transactions and enjoying close relations with the shogun Iemitsu. Al though he received his training at the Daitokuji temple, the shogun later had him transferred to Edo, the rising center of Tokugawa rule. Takuan feared that Buddhism would become the monopoly of the shogun, for the Tokugawa used the Buddhist temples of Japan to consolidate their own feudalism (Covel 1974:51).

Like Ikkyu, who added natto (fermented beans) to the meager diet of the Zen monastery, Takuan added a pickle to perk up the rice, called takuan. He devised this pickle while trying to find a way to utilize each autumn's more than adequate crop of daikon, or giant radish. Like Ikkyu before him, he refused to give inka to any of his disciples (Covell 1974:52,51). He died at the Tokaiji in Shinagawan (Dumoulin 1963:227). 74

During the Tokugawa period (1603-1868) the intel-

lectual life of Japan came to a standstill and social conditions became sterile and rigid.

In a narrow and authoritarian political framework, religion and religious bodies were degraded into instruments of politics (Dumoulin 1963:225).

The Rinzai monk Suden of Konjiin (d.l633) who under the rule of Ieyasu achieved a position of power, was instrumental in introducing a new legal order in which all the

Buddhist schools and sects were classified according to major temples and branch temples. Under this new system, every family was forced to register at a Buddhist temple

(Dumoulin 1963:225-226). Suden had put himself at the disposal of the government in order to pursue his political goals, and the shogun had richly rewarded him for his services. Zen, for the first time, was clearly designated and fitted into the total Buddhist scheme (Dumoulin 1963:

222,227,226). The Buddhist priests became census-takers and funeral directors (Covell 1974:50).

The new law, which was intended to facilitate the execution of the edict against the Christians, resulted in a stagnation of Buddhism (Dumoulin 1963:223,225). "In return for state protection, Buddhism had to submit to strict controls, even in regards to doctrinal questions"

Dumoulin 1963:225). Innovations in teaching were not tolerated, as tensions and contradictions within the Bud- dhist schools nearly always were resolved in favor of the 75

major temples. Nonetheless, the political unification and pacification of the country and the resultant economic prosperity brought outward gain to the Buddhists. Many new buildings were erected in temple districts. But despite the material prosperity, Buddhism lost much of its vitality. Zen, like other Buddhist schools, sided with reactionary forces throughout this period (Dumoulin

1963:226). The pilgrim Tao che Ch'ao yuan came to Japan in

1651, stayed barely eight years, then returned to his country. While residing in Nagasaki he was continuously visited by Rinzai and Soto Zen monks. Bankei Yotaku, who studied under Tao che, advocated Fushuzen--a teaching that the Buddha-mind is innate and not acquired in life

(Watanabe 1970:102).

Ingen and the Obaku Sect

Ingen Ryuki (Yin-yuan Lung-chi, 1592-1673), a

Chinese Rinzai master, arrived in Nagasaki, Japan, three years after Tao chi (1654), as a refugee, fleeing the troubles after the fall of the Ming dynasty. He brought with him the Obaku (Huang-Po) sect of Zen, which belonged to the lineage of the Rinzai school (Watanabe 1970:102).

He stayed first in Nagasaki at the Kofukuji temple, but the following year moved to Kyoto. Numerous Chinese Zen masters were found at three temples in Nagasaki: Kofubuji, 76

Fukusaiji and Sofukuji, all of which were incorporated

into the Obaku sect during the stay of Ingen (Dumoulin

1963:228-229). The introduction of the Obaku sect of Zen

in the Edo period brought new life to the stagnation into which Rinzai Zen had sunk by the beginning of the Tokugawa

period.

Neither the Rinzai nor the Soto sects of Japanese

Zen received this new sect with much cordiality (Miura

1965:22). Twenty Chinese priests had accompanied Ingen

to Japan and at Nagasaki a disagreement arose between them

and 70 Japanese priestsbecause they were not conversant in

the Japanese language. Also, their customs did not ex

actly correspond and so both sides felt uneasy (Watanabe

1970:9). Half of Ingen's disciples returned to China, but

the remaining monks were soon reinforced by new arrivals, among them Mokuan (Mu-an, d.l684), who had received from

Ingen both the seal of enlightenment and the rule of the order. At the beginning, the majority of monks were

Chinese, but the new movement soon attracted a rising generation of Japanese followers (Dumoulin 1963:229).

Eventually, the reigning emperor granted Ingen land at Uji, near Kyoto, where an imposing monastery and tem ple were built in late Ming style, which Ingen named

Obakusan Mampukuji, after the original temple at Huang-po shan (Miura 1965:22). After that, there was no end to the slander which the Japanese priests spread about Ingen 77

(Watanabe 1970:9). Tetsugen (1630-1682), a native of

Kyushu and an outstanding Japanese monk, on hearing of the fame of Ingen, hurried to his temple and eventually at tained enlightenment under the guidance of Mu-an. After this, Tetsugen dedicated himself to the propagation of the

Obaku sect (Dumoulin 1963:229).

In the Ming period, this sect became so flavored with nembutsu practice and doctrine that it is often re ferred to as Nembutsu Zen, a combination of Zen and Pure

Land beliefs. It proclaimed that though sudden enlighten ment can be attained by the highly gifted, a more gradual approach is open for those with less talent. While zazen and the koan practice are the most useful means for the sudden attainment of enlightenment, the gradual method makes use of calling on the name of Buddha (nembutsu) in order to be reborn in the Pure Land. The Pure Land is inside one's own heart and like the koan, nembutsu aims at the realization of this innate Buddha-nature (Dumoulin

1963:220).

The Obaku sect preserved the Chinese spirit in its teachings, religious ceremonies, architecture, and its way of life down to the present. Here the sutras are recited in modern Chinese to the accompaniment of Chinese musical instruments, as opposed to other sects which still use ancient Chinese along with modern Japanese translations

(Dumoulin 1963:231). The manner of eating has even 78

remained Chinese. "The monks eat from a common bowl into which each dips with his chopsticks" (Dumoulin 1963:230).

But the effect of the Chinese influence which Obaku Zen brought to bear on Japanese life cannot be compared cul turally or religiously with the profound impact of the

Chinese Zen masters and their disciples during the Middle

Ages (Dumoulin 1963:230). This sect never attained many adherents but it exerted a great influence at the time of its arrival in Japan (Reischauer 1917:142-147).

The Tokugawa Period

During the Tokugawa period, Zen occupied a leading role among Buddhist schools. After the middle of the seventeenth century, notable Zen masters got recognition as reformers and heralds of new religious life. Manzan

Dohaku (1636-1714), a member of the Soto sect, vigorously intervened against the abuses in the transmission of of fices which had become rampant due to greed. He got the shogunate to pass new directives regulating the succession in the temples. A generation later another Soto monk,

Tenkei (1648-1735), labored successfully for a religious renaissance. The attraction and comprehensibility of his teaching won him a large audience (Dumoulin 1963:231,232).

Bunan (1603-1676), a disciple of the Abbot Gudo

(d.l661) of Myoshinji, from whose line of descent Hakuin was to come two generations later, spent the last years of 79 his life at the hermitage of Shidoan. He warned people against seeking a personal enlightenment without thought of other people (Dumoulin 1963:232).

Bankei (1622-1693), a Rinzai master, was a man of the people. Powerfully eloquent, he was unequalled in attracting multitudes of followers. His audience even tually reached fifty thousand. He explained the Way to simple people without complicated citations from the Bud dhas, and he spurned such artificial devices as beating and shouting. He instead laid all his emphasis on the

"unborn Buddha-heart." Guided by his mystical concept of single-mindedness, Bankei succeeded in finding an answer for the difficulties of daily life and taught the simple and uninstructed an attitude of mind that would overcome them. High and low alike came to receive from Bankei directives for their lives (Dumoulin 1963:232-233).

Hakuin

The renewal of Japanese Zen during the Tokugawa period reached its apogee in Hakuin (1685-1768) (Dumoulin

1963:234). Next to Dagen, Hakuin was the greatest of the

Japanese Zen masters. His efforts toward the renewal of

Rinzai Zen laid the foundation for the modern development of Japanese Zen (Dumoulin 1963:242). It was not until

Hakuin appeared that the Daito stream of Zen returned to its earlier earnestness (Covell 1974:26). 80

Sugiyama Iwajiro was born January 19, 1686, in the valley of Hara, at the foot of Mount Fuji (Miura 1965:21-

22). He was the youngest of five children (Dumoulin 1963:

243). His father was a samurai, of noble birth, and his mother belonged to the Nichiren sect. The name Hakuin

Ekaku, by which he is most widely known, is a combination of his two religious names (Miura 1965:23). From earliest

childhood he showed unusual religious responsiveness, and

as he grew up his mother's religious nature strongly im pressed him. With increasing zeal he devoted himself to

Buddhist piety (Dumoulin 1963:243-244).

At the age of fifteen, being convinced that his pious exercises were of no avail as long as he remained

'in the world,' he became determined to leave his home and

take up the monastic life. He received permission from his parents to become a monk at the Shoinji, a small Zen

temple in his native village. There he was ordained a monk by the master Tan Reiden, who gave him the name

Ekaku. Shortly after Tan Reiden fell ill, so Hakuin went

to live at the Daishoji temple in the nearby town of Numazu, there to continue his training for several years under the master Sokudo. But here also, he was unsatis

fied. At the age of nineteen, he was plunged into a deep despair, so he took up the staff of a wanderer and tra veled from temple to temple. In the Zuiunji temple, while reading a collection of Zen stories, Hakuin's zeal for the 81

practice of Zen was aroused. He became determined to

return to the Zen hall and persevere until he attained

full enlightenment. He set out again to visit various

temples.

In 1708, upon hearing the discourses of the master Shotetsu, he entered the Eiganji temple and devoted him

self to zazen and koan study. Here he attained his first, ·I

although imperfect, enlightenment experience. He then

approached the master Etan of the Shojuan hermitage who

trained him with merciless vigor (Dumoulin 1963:244,245).

Under him he attained his first real enlightenment.

Though Hakuin had other masters before and after him,

Shoju Rojin, as Etan was popularly known, was his only

real master {Miura 1965:24}. For the rest of his life,

Hakuin was thankful to the old monk. Hakuin's stay at

Shojuan was cut short when he was summoned back to the

Daishoji temple in Numazu to care for his sick old master

Sokudo. He continued his practice with the greatest in

tensity. He had a series of ecstatic experiences and

suffered a series of nervous breakdowns as a result

(Dumoulin 1963:245}.

In 1710, Hakuin went back to the little temple in

Hara where he had first been a novice. As a result of the

strenuous practices he had subjected himself to, he had a

severe nervous breakdown that same year (Muira 1965:24).

With the help of the hermit Hakuyu, he learned of a 82

psychological treatment by which he was able to cure him self completely (Dumoulin 1963:246). The news of his father's death brought him back to his native village, and in 1716 he settled permanently at the Shoinji temple, not far from his birthplace, where he gave his first sermon.

The temple was in a state of disrepair, but under his guidance it was destined to become the center of the strongest Buddhist movement of the Tokugawa period. The

Myoshinji temple accorded him rank, the right to succes sion, and the name Hakuin as his fame spread throughout

Japan (Dumoulin 1963:246). Disciples and lay followers came to him in ever-increasing numbers (Miura 1965:25).

He continued to teach and lecture for the rest of his life. "The impact of his personality was widened through the numerous writings which he composed in the simple kana style for the common people" (Dumoulin 1963:247). Through his undemanding goodness, his candor and religious enthu

siasm, he won the hearts of the common people (Dumoulin

1963:247).

Hakuin trained his disciples severely in tradi tional methods, exhorting them to practice zazen and study the koans. He created a considerable number of new koans, the most famous of which is called 11 The Sound of The Single

Hand." He restored one other temple, in addition to his own Shoin-ji, and was instrumental in the rebuilding of two more. Where his Zen students were concerned, Hakuin 83

was opposed to any sect but the traditional Rinzai, and he often spoke harshly against the Soto and Obaku sects

(Miura 1965:26,27). According to Hakuin, the superiority of Zen derives from the koan (Dumoulin 1963:257). In addition, he taught that without morality there can be no true practice and therefore no true attainment, and that health of body must be preserved in order to carry the practice to its completion. He died in 1769 at the age of 83 (Miura 1965:27).

The Meiji Period

The upsurge of vitality in Rinzai Zen, to which

Hakuin had given the impetus, was dealt a heavy blow in the first years of the Meiji era (1868-1912), when the government withdrew its support from all Buddhist temples and monasteries, deprived many of them of their land hold ings and even openly persecuted them for a short while

(Miura 1965:30). Daitokuji subtemples were forced to sell off some of their land and even some of their buildings.

A large number of priests and monks were forced to return to lay life to keep themselves in daily necessities. The economic base of the temples was destroyed. Zen masters capable of training their own disciples declined in number to such an extent that the sodo system was begun, in which many disciples studied under a master (roshi) who showed them the path to enlightenment (Covell 1974:181). 84

Until this time, the relation between Chinese and

Japanese Buddhism was one of mother and child; all the

Chinese schools and stages of teaching, ritual, and medi tation were imbedded in Japan and actually lived longer there than in their mother country (Dumoulin 1976:218).

Buddhism had been accepted by the Japanese as part of their culture and tradition. Therefore, apart from its religious beliefs and practices, Buddhism had permeated even to the lowest levels of society and was now taken away from very few (Matsunami (1973:78).

Due to the ban that had been placed on Buddhism, its influence gradually declined and was overshadowed by the rise of Confucianism and Shinto. Buddhism was no longer a vital religion but retained only its tradition, handed down by the priests and monks from the Kamakura period. The influence of Zen at this time was limited to isolated circles formed around eminent masters. Only gradually has Buddhism managed to free itself from the oppression it suffered at the beginning of this period (Dumoulin 1963:234).

In the early 1900s, Buddhist priests were stung into activity by their enthusiastic Shinto rivals, and also by the growing influence of Christianity, from whom they adopted various methods of propagating religion. An effort was made to make their sacred scriptures accessible to the general public. The leading sects circulated what 85

might be called "Sectarian Bibles," volumes containing the chief scriptures of the sect with commentaries on the same. Biographies of Buddhist saints, sayings of Buddhist philosophers, essays and sermons on various moral and religious topics appeared in greater numbers each year

(Reischauer 1917:311-312).

In addition, Young Men's Buddhist Associations,

Women's Buddhist Societies, Buddhist Sunday Schools and similar organizations patterned after Christian models were organized. "Street preaching" and "evangelistic" campaigns were not unheard of. Also, an increasing number of temples began holding regular preaching services several times a month in order to instruct the people

(Reischauer 1917:312).

World War II

By the end of the nineteenth century a strong spirit of nationalism had developed in Japan (Miura 1965:

31). But when World War II occurred this positive outlook was destroyed. The situation of defeat that occurred at the end of the war called for all Japanese religions to give hope to the people, who faced despair and collapse.

All of the Buddhist sects were hard hit during and after the war. The bombings destroyed numerous temples, resi dences, and administrative offices. In addition, the land reform act of the early postwar years took vast amounts of 8~

land away from the Buddhist temples. While the population grew rapidly at this time, the traditional Buddhist sects showed no significant increase in numbers. Many temples became funeral institutions whose administrators concerned themselves primarily with the well-paid rites for the dead

(Dumoulin 1976:216,217). Even today, most Zen temples and monasteries have become places of mystic prayers and cere monies for the dead where zazen is rarely, if ever, prac ticed. In addition, many of the monasteries have become principally boarding schools for the sons of priests

(Watts 1972:120). Still, there are diligent seekers of the way and not a few who work hard at Zen as active laymen.

During the Tokugawa period there was an emphasis on a worldly ethic for lay people. Zen masters taught that you fulfill the Buddhist law by observing the laws of the world. But, at the end of World War II, the need for a

Buddhist ethic for the laiety was even more urgently ex pressed. Buddhism, according to some, should not be ex clusively a matter for monks, but it should penetrate the daily life of the laiety with their family, occupation, and society, accordingly, an effort is now being made to provide the laiety with suitable religious motives and ethical guidelines for everyday living. But, the Japanese still consider Buddhism as a religion for the future and not a religion for the present (Dumoulin 1976:228,229). 87

Zen in Modern Japan

In modern times, a few of the Buddhist sects, in cluding Rinzai and Soto Zen have regained some of their earlier vigor (Miura 1965:30). Since 1945, Buddhist studies have been accelerated by the priests, ministers, and scholars in temples, institutions, and universities.

Once-ruined temples were restored and have become centers of study and worship (Matsunami 1973:79). Frequent pil grimages have been undertaken to the holy places of early

Buddhism, as intensive studies are made of the Indian sources of the Buddhist religion (Dumoulin 1976:238).

Particularly in recent times Buddhism has increas ingly attracted the attention of intellectuals who wish to make it into a universal system of thought (Watanabe 1970:

103) • They want the differences between the sects to be underplayed in the interest of Buddhist unity (Dumoulin

1976:232). In addition, International Buddhist Confer ences have been held in which a number of exchange pro grams of individuals and knowledge have been initiated

(Matsunami 1973:79).

The western ideal of humanism has become an inspira tion for a large part of the new orientation and moderni zation of Japanese Buddhism. The Buddha is now honored as the 'first humanist in the world,' and Buddhist leaders take great pains to present a consistent humanistic view of their religion (Dumoulin 1976:223). Leaders in 88

Japanese Buddhism are attempting to accommodate their religion to modern needs and reconcile it with modern science. Reiho Masunaga believes that the Buddhism of the future will be 'grounded on a philosophy which in cludes the natural sciences, • in a humanism which 'liber ates• human nature, and 'will be open to all the world. •

He believes that Buddhism is 'the only religion which is able to adapt itself to the scientific spirit' (Dumoulin

1976:224,226). He states: " ... the teachings of the

Buddha set the natural sciences straight; the natural sciences confirm the teachings of the Buddha" (Dumoulin

1976:227).

To some Japanese Zen priests, modernization seems to mean secularization. Very few of today•s priests are celibates, vegetarians, or teetotalers. Most of them wear western style suits and some have long hair. Moderniza tion of temple buildings and rituals also have occurred, with some newly built temples resembling Christian churches (Dumoulin 1976:235).

Of all the forms of traditional Buddhism in Japan,

Zen attracts the most youth. Recently Zen has regained much of its former popularity, as a result of the inspira tion of Daisetz T. Suzuki and the Zen movements in the west. It is now practiced by a large number of Japanese students (Dumoulin 1976:236). 89

The Soto sect is now one of the largest Buddhist denominations in Japan, equal in size to the Jodo Shin or

True Pure Land sect (Yokoi 1976:38-39). It has over

6,750,000 followers, 15,800 priests and 14,900 temples

(Saunders 1964:298). Its two headquarters, the Eiheiji at Fukui and the Sojiji at Tsurumi, are united under one governing body (Suzuki 1968:44). The Rinzai sect is also an influential sect with more than 290,000 followers,

5,900 temples, and 5,700 teachers (Suzuki 1968:111). It is divided into fourteen administrative branches each with its own administrative body, with the Myoshinji being the largest of the branches (Suzuki 1968:44). Kenninji,

Tofukuji, Daitokuji, Myoshinji, Tenryuji, and Shokokuji are the Kyoto headquarters, and Kenchoji and Engakuji are the Kamakura headquarters (Saunders 1964:297-298). The

Obaku sect now has over 160,000 followers, 503 temples, and 500 teachers (Suzuki 1968:111}. Its only headquarters,

Mampukuji, is at Uji. It is a very small sect and has had virtually no influence in the west, although both the Soto and Rinzai sects have prospered in Japan and have spread to Europe and the United States (Layman 1976:55).

All three Zen sects are similar in their doctrine although their histories differ. Adherence to one sect or the other in Japan is determined largely by the spiritual bent of the monks who are inherently suited to one tradi tion or the other and pursue enlightenment in a way 90

appropriate to their character. Thus one can find in Soto

temples men of brilliant wit and dynamic character who

devout themselves to the koan exercises, while, on the

other hand, certain Rinzai monks of subdued character

scarcely can be distinguished from Soto disciples

(Dumoulin 1963:135). Many of the S5t5 masters of today were, in fact, Rinzai trained (Humphreys 1974:114). The

Rinzai school in Japan could almost be called the 'Hakuin'

school, for all the Rinzai Zen masters now follow Hakuin's methodology (Suzuki 1968:44).

This historical background of Zen in Japan has been

presented so that one may better understand some of the

changes which have occurred in Zen since its adoption by

the Japanese. Through the process of diffusion, some ele ments have been added to Zen, while others have been dis

carded. Next, the tremendous influence Zen has had on

Japanese culture will be discussed. CHAPTER II

INFLUENCE OF ZEN ON JAPAN

Japan's Adoption of Zen

Zen Buddhism was brought to Japan as an element of the expansion of Chinese culture to foreign cultures.

Since Japan is known for her readiness to adopt foreign culture, it is no surprise that Zen has exerted a strong influence on Japanese culture. Throughout Japanese his tory, foreign thought has always quickly influenced

Japanese thought and action. In addition, of all the systems of foreign thought which were brought to Japan,

Buddhism exerted the most influence over the longest period of time (Watanabe 1970:3,1).

There are four reasons why Japan so readily adopts elements from other cultures: first, the Japanese islands are located on the eastern side of the Eurasian continent.

Because of their geographical location, various religious beliefs from the continent drifted eastward until they reached Japan which became a 'cultural snowdrift.' Se condly, the diversity of Japan's ecological conditions sustains folk beliefs. In the mountain districts live hunters, foresters, and artisans; on the plains, people

91 92

engaged in rice cultivation; while at the seashore, fish ermen and salt producers reside. Because the people were dependent on the elements they turned to various gods- gods of the forest, the plains, and the sea--who they be lieved would help to increase their food production. In addition, the delayed start of the modern industrial rev olution helped the traditional folk beliefs to persist and influence even modern religious life. Thirdly, there is a national character of generosity towards beliefs and religions brought to Japan from outside. Like Buddhism, many foreign religions were introduced with little resis tance or oppression, and they also have spread deeply into the religious life of the people and have had a great in fluence. Finally, the Japanese people are characterized by enthusiasm and deep piety. They tend to adore all objects of worship indiscriminately, without differentia ting them. For these reasons, Japan can be called a

'treasure-house' of all the religions of the world

(Sakurai 1968:14).

The Japanese people from the time of the introduc tion of Chinese culture in the Nara-Heain periods (710-

1159) have always taken a pragmatic, utilitarian attitude towards the acceptance of foreign ideas (Corwin 1972:114).

Instead of aiming at an objective understanding of foreign culture as such, they desired more to select from foreign culture what was convenient for them (Watanabe 1970:5). 93

This can be related to Thomas Hoult's theory of cultural borrowing. He states that cultural borrowing occurs in a non-random fashion when an imported religion is assimi

lated by a host culture. As the elements spread, they are

'borrowed' by people to whom they seem advantageous. A variety of historical and sociocultural factors facilitate or prevent the borrowing of a specific trait or culture pattern. People indigenous to a given culture area will borrow elements diffused to them from other areas if the elements seem to meet particular needs and are compatible with their own established values and social structure

(Hoult 1958:38,39).

The prior existence of a strong indigenous culture is generally believed to increase resistance to the influ ence of the imported religion and to increase the possi bility of a partial absorption of a new religion by an old faith, especially if the ancient faith has been strongly identified with national history and patriotism (Notting ham 1971:170). Such was the case in Japan. Shinto, the indigenous faith of Japan, has always been a hardy reli gious tradition with a strong patriotic emphasis (Notting ham 1971:170). It fostered nationalism as it functioned to fuse the country together. It taught that all the

Japanese had descended from the Emperor Jimmu and the succeeding imperial line. This functioned to give legit imacy to the structure of the government and set the 94

Japanese off as a distinct race linked to nature.anCJ..each other through ancestral gods (Corwin 1972:96). Since the emperor was the most powerful god, no one questioned his authority. Because of the near absorption of Shintoism by

Buddhism during the thirteenth century, the emperor's religious leadership was obscured and Japanese unity was dissolved into a period of four hundred years of feudal strife. It was not until the seventeenth century that pure Shinto was revived and it was once more possible for the Japanese emperor to claim religious supremacy. This aided him in gaining ascendancy over the powerful shoguns, the nobility, and the samurai (Hoult 1958:407). This illustrates the powerful influence a religion can have on the political structure of a country.

For a considerable amount of time, Buddhism had problems gaining acceptance in Japan, and it experienced fluctuating fortunes depending largely on its rise and fall in royal favor. There are two reasons why this occurred: first, the indigenous religion of Shinto was firmly entrenched and royally sanctioned. Second, the emissaries of the new faith were both foreign and few (Nottingham 1971:170). As a result, though the outward forms of Buddhism--the arts, architecture, ritual--were quickly absorbed, genuine Buddhist philosophy took centuries to sink into Japanese thinking (Corwin 1972:99). 95

Buddhism still had to come to terms with both Shintoism and Confucianism (Nottingham 1971:170-171).

Shinto was not strong enough to exclude Buddhism, partly because the belief of the Japanese people in the kami, god-like beings capable of bestowing benefits and misfortunes on human beings, can be readily accommodated to the Mahayana form of Buddhism which stresses the benef icent activity of numerous heavenly beings, such as the

Bodhisattvas, and preaches salvation through faith in heavenly grace (Nottingham 1971:170). In addition, some

Buddhist priests asserted that native Japanese gods were really Buddhas and Bodhisattvas who had appeared on the islands. This can serve as an illustration for the state ment made by Thomas Hoult that "elements in one culture are sometimes deliberately fused with borrowed traits to facilitate acceptance of new ideas" (Hoult 1958:406,40).

The very gradualness of the infiltration of Bud dhism and the variety of forms in which it came, coupled with the strength and nationalistic character of the

Shinto establishment made for a very strong impress of the indigenous culture on the imported faith (Nottingham

1971:172). Buddhist relics were placed in Shinto shrines and Shinto rites were altered to include the use of in cense, sermons, and other Buddhist traits (Corwin 1972:

16). Because of these changes and the fact that the Bud dhist gods were fused with those of Shinto, most Japanese 96

participate in the rites of both Shintoism and Buddhism

(Watanabe 1970:42).

Zen and the Ruling Class

In Japan, Buddhism was court-sponsored in the beginning, since the rulers and their families were the first to come into contact with the new religion. Temples were set up for the rulers and priests who were brought from China. Monks did not enter the order voluntarily, but instead were forced to enter in order to perform reli gious rituals for the ruling class. Gradually, Buddhism filtered down to the lower classes of society as it came to terms with Shinto, the popular religion of the masses

(Watanabe 1970:38,39).

What appealed so strongly to the ruling class was the Buddhist concept of protecting the nation which was propounded by both Degen and Eisai. In India, when Bud dhism first began, the country was divided into regional governments which lacked a national consciousness. The monks devoted themselves entirely to the religious life and were able to transcend the secular world. When a national government came into being, Buddhism received the protection of the Emperor, and the concept of Buddhism protecting the nation developed. This trait was welcomed in both China and Japan (Watanabe 1970:44). In Japan this 97

coincided with the beliefs of the Shinto religion. Both

fostered cooperation with national goals.

Japanese Buddhism continues to preserve a close

relationship with rulers, people of influence, and the

wealthy, and it still stands under their patronage. As

a result, it has developed a passive attitude, a compro

mising spirit toward the establishment (Watanabe 1970:42).

Zen and the Military Class

From the beginning of its history in Japan, Zen has

been intimately related to the life of the warrior class

(samurai). Through the encouragement of the shoguns

Tokiyori and Tokimune, it became firmly established in

Kamakura and Kyoto and began to spread its moral and

spiritual influence among the samurai (Suzuki 1959:61,69).

Buddhism has always been closely related to the military

in Japan. Since the tenth century, Japanese Buddhist monks had received not only spiritual training, but mili

tary training as well (Ferguson 1978:53). During the

Kamakura period, the military faction, fast rising to

power, saw Zen as a possible tool with which to accomplish

their goals (Miura 1965:31). Noble lords and knights re

tired periodically to the monasteries to prepare them

selves for their military vocation by meditating (Dumoulin

1963:187-188). In addition, the Rinzai sect of Zen 98

assisted the military by stimulating and sustaining the people's ardor (Miura 1965:31).

Zen has many traits which appealed to the samurai

(Sansom 1943:37). It gave religious motivation for self- denial and unflinching devotion to one's lord (Corwin

1972:114). It emphasized self-discipline, self-reliance, introspection, courage, perseverance, control over one's thoughts, and indifference to death. It held that book learning is useless and called for action instead (Eliot

1959:286). Also, it taught neither passivity, pessimism, nor non-resistance {Suzuki 1955:35). Its simplicity, directness, and efficiency quickly won the hearts of the warriors (Suzuki 1955:34-35). This gave an impetus to

Zen, because its lack of colorful ritual, together with its emphasis on periods of quiet contemplation, had put it outside the interest of most the the Japanese (Everett

1952: 197). Zen was used not only to train the warriors, but also to provide them with a standard for their daily actions (Yokoi 1976:19). Bushido, the samurai's code of conduct, developed out of the teachings of the Zen sect.

It was an ethical system which included the following precepts: loyalty to the emperor, gratitude, courage unto death, putting duty above self-regard, truthfulness, politeness, control of the manifestations of feelings,

. . ... ~-- . and honor, which was interpreted to mean that one should 99

prefer c;~ath to disgrace (Hoult 1958:406). It was glori- ....--'->~~~--·-.--...... ~--~·~-·- fied and held up as the ideal way of conduct for citizen and soldier alike (Miura 196~:31).

Bushido, composed of a blend of Shinto, Confucian and Buddhist philosophies, dominated Japan during the

Middle Ages. From the earliest times Confucianism had been a religious philosophy for the military class, and

Zen made a point of adopting Confucian ethics as part of

its practical teachings (Reischauer 1917:122). In the

Tokugawa period, Bushido was finally codified by the

Confucian Yamaga Soko (1622-1685) in a book entitled

Hagakure (Dumoulin 1963:228). Hagakure stressed the importance of the samurai being always ready to face death

(Suzuki 1959:70). In order to face death without fear, the samurai must be able to transcend the concepts of life and death (Dumoulin 1963:228). Zen was adopted for this reason, because Zen regards life and death with equal indifference (Everett 1952:194). The warrior class, whose

lives were constantly threatened by their enemies, adopted

Zen to learn how to master death.

Both Bushido and Zen have an absolute contempt of death, for in both, before becoming proficient, one must experience the death of self, in becoming one with the universe (Humphreys 1968:71). Zen seeks to release one from the bondage of birth and death, by means of certain intuitive modes of understanding. 100

All things are accomplished when one attains a mind of 'no-mindness' according to the great Zen master Takuan ..• It is a state of mind which is no more troubled with the questions of death or of immortality (Suzuki 1959:63, 74).

The thought of death proves to be the greatest stumbling block in the outcome of a life-and-death combat; to transcend the thought that inhibits the free and spontaneous exercise of the technique acquired, the samurai must discipline himself in Zen (Suzuki 1959:122).

The Zen monk Takuan was a swordsman. He taught Zen fencing (kendo) to the Tokugawa shogun Iemitsu's fencing teacher (Covell 1974:50). In a treatise he wrote to

Iemitsu's teacher, Yagyu Tajima no kami, he states:

In swordsmanship, as in Zen, everything depends on the proper attitude, namely, that the unperturbed mind should find itself in perpetual motion. No distrac ting or inhibiting concept must cloud the pure mirror of the mind, which must respond immediately to every stimulus ... The secret of swordsmanship is the mental spontaneity of the uninhibited, enlightened con sciousness ••. All inhibiting thoughts are cast out of consciousness, above all the concept of life and death. Only he who has passed beyond the border line of this dualism attains the total fearlessness which distinguishes the perfect fighter (Dumoulin 1963: 227-228).

Zen Buddhism maintains that nothing is real. The en tire world, including the Buddha, Buddhist teachings, and redemptions, is merely imaginary. The follower of Zen regards life as we regard our dreams ... (Spiegelberg 1956:335).

Life and death are regarded as deceptive shapes in this dream world. As a result, Bushido and Zen both demand composure and nonchalance toward death. Bushido makes forms of death possible that would be unthinkable in the 101

West. Thus the suicidal one-man torpedo was possible

(Spiegelberg 1956:352). This play with life and death can degenerate into unbelieveable cruelty. For example,

Iemitsu, the shogun and a devotee of Bushid6, wandered at night through the streets of Edo stabbing with his sword both the living and the dead (Dumoulin 1963:228).

Zen monks and samurais endure all changes in life's circumstances without complaining. They ignore self interest, shameful actions and sordid calculations. The man who is conscious of his Buddha-nature does not ernbar ass himself with meanness or fear (Steinilber-Oberlin

1970:139). Both Bushido and Zen demand self-discipline, contempt of pain and suffering, and the tremendous will to achieve the moment's aim (Humphreys 1968:70). The military class embraced Zen because it enabled them to be satisfied with a plain and simple life, and it promoted restrained behavior and thoroughness in action (Masunaga

1956:349).

Zen is a religion of will-power; it teaches us not to look backward once the course is decided upon. This will-power must be enlightened by intuition. Zen teaches the warrior to act instinctively and not intellectually

Suzuki 1959:63,61,182). He must be ready to follow any inspiration (Eliot 1959:286). Since Zen is intellectually· simple and the samurai's life is also simple and direct, the samurai finds a congenial spirit in Zen. He can go 102

about his business without fear of religious sanction or supernatural retribution (Everett 1952:194).

The essence of swordsmanship consists in giving yourself up altogether to the business of striking down the opponent. If the enemy is also ready to give his life, then you are well matched. Swordplay becomes an art when man is emptied of all thoughts, all emotions originating from fear, all sense of insecurity, all desire to win, and is not conscious of using the sword. The sword then becomes a part of his body, an extension of the man himself. The sword is thus intimately connected with the life of the samurai. It is the symbol of his dignity, honor, loyalty and self-sacrifice. The samurai carried two swords--the longer one for attack and defense and the shorter one for self-destruction when necessary (Suzuki

1959:62,73,141,89,93).

The mind is constantly flowing, never stopping at any point. It is necessary to forget your mind and become one with the work at hand. You should be alert all the time.

To be alert means to be deadly serious, to be deadly serious means to be sincere to oneself, and it is sincerity that finally leads one to discover the Heavenly Way. The Heavenly Way is above the self, which is mushin, 'no-mind,' or munen, 'no-thought.' When.mushin is realized, the mind knows no obstruc tions, no inhibitors, and is emancipated from the thoughts of life and death, gain and loss, victory and defeat ... The last thing can never be transmitted from one person to another. It comes from within. oneself (Suzuki 1959:108,114,133,135). 103

Many great swordmasters have received training in

Zen (Suzuki 1959:127). As a result many similarities have developed between Zen and swordsmanship. Swordsmanship is practiced in a hall called dojo. A dojo in zen is the place devoted to religious exercises. In olden days the samurai used to travel all over Japan in order to perfect themselves in the art by experiencing every form of hard ship which might befall them and by receiving training in the various schools of swordsmanship. They followed the example set by Zen monks, who did the same thing before attaining enlightenment. The monks refer to this as

"traveling on foot," whereas the swordsmen call it "training in warriorship." In addition, Zen monks use the phrase "A man of the sword" to denote a seasoned Zen monk who has gone beyond the bounds of life and death (Suzuki

1959:128,129).

At the present time, soldiers in Japan do not study

Zen, but fencers do and they are not considered perfect unless, in addition to acquiring a manual skill, they have also mastered a secret treatise which is confided by teachers to their pupils (Eliot 1959:286). In kendo, fencing with a two-handed sword, the most important thing is the intuitive state in which all is in motion except the inmost center of the mind. This reflects the Zen spirit, for nothing could be more 'direct' than the line of motion ahead. Judo, the modern term for Jiu-Jitsu, is 104

even ~ore the application of Zen principles. The oppo nent's power is turned against himself and the victor wins by giving way (Humphreys 1968:71).

Zen's Relation to the Arts in Japan

Zen Buddhism, in particular the Rinzai sect of Zen, has had a profound and lasting influence on Japanese cul ture. From the Kamakura through the Muromachi periods, the Rinzai temples on Kyoto and Kamakura were the centers of inspiration for an aesthetic flowering that made Zen and Japanese culture almost synonymous (Miura 1965:21).

This cultural movement was led by the temple of Daitokuji.

From the time of Ikkyu, Daitokuji had a strong effect on painting, the tea ceremony, and other art forms (Covell

1974:25,104). Poetry, calligraphy, painting, flower ar rangement, gardening, temple architecture, music, No drama, sculpture, pottery, the tea culture, fencing, wrestling and archery were all influenced by the spirit of Zen. Abiding works of art were produced and countless beautiful objects for daily life (Dumoulin 1963:188). Not only did emperors, statesmen, and generals come to see Zen masters, but also men of letters, artists, singers, ac tors, wrestlers, merchants, masters of tea ceremony, and swordsmen (Suzuki 1955:35). Not one phase of Japanese culture remained untouched. 105

The influx of Chinese culture and the Japanese assimilation of it began during the Kamakura period, when

Japanese Buddhist monks sought religious guidance and en lightenment from Zen priests in an unbroken chain of voyages to the mainland (Dumoulin 1963:149). The culture brought to Japan at this time was chiefly of a religious and intellectual nature, but in the following Ashikaga period (1333-1575) the influence of Chinese culture reached its peak. Particularly in the Muromachi era

(1393-1575), Chinese cultural influence pervaded the arts

(Dumoulin 1963:175). Buddhist disciples returning from

China brought with them scrolls, bells, porcelains, paintings, books, silk embroideries, lacquer ware and many other art objects. Chinese paintings, sculptures, and everyday articles such as lacquer, pottery, glass, and woven objects were imitated so closely by the Japanese that the imported object could scarcely be distinguished from the copy (Watanabe 1970:2). In addition, Chinese carpenters, masons, architects and cooks followed their

Chinese masters to Japan (Suzuki 1959:69).

The influence of Zen permeated the whole of life, in house and garden as well as in social usage (Dumoulin

1963:187). For example, the development of the cult of tea in Japan was greatly influenced by Zen. Kukai (Kobo

Daishi, 774-835), the founder of the Shingon sect of

Buddhism, was the first to bring tea from China to Japan 106

(Dumoulin 1963:141). But, tea, like Zen, was not appre ciated in the ninth century, so its cultivation was not continued (Eliot 1959:283). In 1191 tea was once again brought to Japan, this time by Eisai, the founder of the

Rinzai sect of Zen, who planted tea seeds on the temple grounds. In 1214, he wrote a book on the beneficial in fluence of tea-drinking entitled Kissa Yojo-ji (Saunders

1964:226). He believed that tea had some medicinal qual ities and was good for a variety of diseases. He pre sented a copy of his book on tea, together with some of the tea prepared from his plants, to Minamoto Sanetomo

(1192-1219), the shogun of the time who happened to be ill (Suzuki 1959:272). Tea gradually gained acceptance in Japan, especially among the upper classes, and Eisai came to be regarded as the father of tea in Japan. Dogen, the founder of the Soto sect of Zen, even established a center of pottery production which turned out an improved quality of teacup (Saunders 1964:226).

Tea-drinking originally had a religious purpose.

It kept the mind wakeful and alert for midnight devotion and was therefore drunk as an accompaniment to Buddhist services (Eliot 1959:283). The calming and stimulating effects of tea were especially suited to Zen since its disciples sought to perfect themselves in quiet but alert meditation (Dumoulin 1963:190). 107

The tea ceremony was brought to Japan in the thir-

teenth century by the Zen monk Daio (1236-1308).

The exact nature of the Chinese tea ceremony is un known, except that it was a religious ritual, per formed in silence and with great formality (Covell 1974:55).

In Daio's time, the whipped green tea was drunk from im-

ported temmoku bowls in front of a statue or painting of

Bodhidharma in the formal Chinese manner (Covell 1974:55).

After Daio, there were several monks who became masters of

the art (Suzuki 1959:272).

Then, in the early fourteenth century, Soseki (1276-

1351) constructed a simple hut in his garden where tea could appropriately be consumed. "The tea hut itself, with its simplicity and its garden setting, was to become

the model of domestic architecture" (Saunders 1964:226).

By 1490, the tea ceremony had become a profoundly moving religious and aesthetic experience performed in the silence of a dimly lit tearoom. Ikkyu, the noted abbot of Daitokuji, and his pupil Shuko, worked together to bring about this change under the patronage of Shogun

Yoshimasa. Ikkyu used the tea ceremony as a means to bring Zen back to its core of simple living, and this resulted in the tea ceremony's climb to fame. Tea drinking became a means of teaching Zen on an experiental level, without words (Covell 1974:55,56,33). Shuko (1422-

1502) succeeded in adapting the tea ceremony to Japanese 108

taste, while in the hermitage of Shinjuan, on the grounds of the temple of Daitokuji. He thus became the originator of the Japanese art of tea, which he taught to Ashikaga

Yoshimasa, shogun of the time, who was a great patron of the arts (Suzuki 1959:272).

One of Shuko's disciples, Joo (1504-1555), and his disciple Sen no Rikyu (1521-1591), further improved on this art and gave the finishing touches to what is now known as Cha-no-yu, the "tea ceremony" or "tea cult"

(Suzuki 1959:272). Sen no Rikyu was born the son of a wealthy merchant in the harbor city of Sakai, near Osaka

(Dumoulin 1963:190). Sakai was a flourishing port for foreign trade at that time and it was among the wealthy merchants here that the art of tea-drinking first devel oped (Suzuki 1959:317). Rikyu learned the tea ceremony early in life, while studying Zen from a monk of Daitokuji.

Later, as tea master under the Shogun Hideyoshi, he was universally recognized as one of the most accomplished masters of the art (Dumoulin 1963:190-191). The Emperor

Ogimachi gave him the special Buddhist name of Rikyu

( Suzuki 19 59 : 318 ) .

Rikyu believed the tea ceremony to be substantially bound up with Zen (Dumoulin 1963:213). He instructed his disciples to train in Zen so that they would be able to capture the spirit of the art. The ceremony as he per fected it was generally accepted as a model (Dumoulin 109

1963:191). Every tea master gets his or her certificate of qualification for the profession from the hands of

Rikyu's descendants (Suzuki 1959:317).

The tea ceremony survived and reached the epitome of its development as an island of peace during the con- tinuous wars from 1573 to 1600. Previously it had been a pastime for Japanese philosophers and artists, but at this time it was adopted by two new groups of people, the warriors and the bourgeois (Ross 1960:130). The ruler

Hideyoshi loved the tea ceremony so much that he instigated brilliant tea gatherings. He had a teahouse built for Rikyu on the grounds of his luxurious palace,

Jurakutei (Dumoulin 1963:191).

In those days of unrest, the tea was so much a favor ite pastime with the feudal lords that they could not do without it even while occupied with miltary affairs (Suzuki 19 59:318) .

During this same period of time, not only was the tea ceremony gaining in popularity, but the Christian mission was also flourishing and, as a result, the Chris- tian faith and the Way of Tea become memorably associated in the lives of many eminent representatives of Japanese society. The names of outstanding Christians were found on the guest lists of tea gatherings. The Christian participants replaced the Buddhist background of the art of tea with their own faith. In addition, not infrequently, they persuaded their tea companions to adopt the Christian 110

faith as well (Dumoulin 1963:214}. Francis Rodriguez

T9uzzu (1561-1634) writes:

The intimate interaction of persons engaged in the tea ceremony, and the society which grew out of it, pro vided unparalleled opportunities to exert religious influence. Important conversions were achieved among the tea-loving merchants of the cities, who from their capital or even from the sale of tea utensils con tributed notable sums of money to the building of churches and hospitals ... Even more significant and no less successful were the efforts to reach with the Christian message the higher nobles and knights, who for the most part were adherents of the tea ceremony and Zen disciples (Dumoulin 1963:216).

Among Rikyu's seven top disciples, who have gone down in history as 'the seven wise men of tea,' there were five Christians. Their recognized leader, and Rikyu's most valued disciple, was Justus Takayama Ukon (d.l615), one of the greatest men of his century. As one of

Hideyoshi's closest confidants he influenced many of the nobility to adopt Christianity. On Hideyoshi's orders,

Rikyu besought him in vain to recant his Christian faith, but Ukon set his faith higher than the art of tea or political power. His friendship with Rikyu survived his fall from Hideyoshi's grace and during the years of his exile he reached the height of his artistry (Dumoulin

1963:218,219).

Ukon transformed the tea ceremony into a Christian practice consonant with his beliefs. Father Rodriguez

T9uzzu stated, "He loves to pray in the tea house," and

"held this ceremony to be useful in acquiring the virtues lll

of purity, simplicity, and judgment" (Dumoulin 1963:219-

220). Ukon is responsible for the other nobles in Rikyu's tea circle adopting Christianity.

Rikyu's Way of Tea was greatly influenced by Zen, and until the end Rikyu remained a Zen devotee. However, because he had many Christians among his followers he in- curred the disfavor of Hideyoshi, who believed he had secretly embraced the faith (Dumoulin 1963:223). As a result, Hideyoshi ordered Rikyu to commit suicide and

Rikyu died the death of a samurai (Suzuki 1959:318).

After his death his teahouse was dismantled and erected near the temple called Jukoin within the precincts of

Daitokuji (Dumoulin 1963:191).

Although the tea ceremony was used as a means for influencing its participants to adopt Christianity, it was in fact intimately interwoven with Zen. A few friends, imbued with an exalted and gravely happy mood, met in a dimly lit tea room as a continuation of their meditation. The small and meticulously clean teahouse is still marked by the tranquility of the Zen hall, but the stark loneliness of the experience of enlightenment is softened here by the sense of communion with like- minded friends (Dumoulin 1963:191).

The practice of tea drinking, as well as of frequent ing the tea hut, became a formalized ritual presided over by Zen ideas, and it was meant to provide a Zen experience. The drinking of the beverage in sur roundings intimately bound up with nature provided 112

the means of perceiving the divine in the common (Saunders 1964:226).

Both Zen and the art of tea make a constant attempt at simplification (Suzuki 1959:271). The tea ceremony, the equipment for the tea ceremony, and th~ tea house, all suggest simplification, a reduction of all ideas to their barest forms (Humphreys 1968:72). It reminds people constantly of the significance of small things and the ex- pressive power of a delicate gesture (Spiegelberg 1956:

3 50) •

Its ideal, to come closer to Nature, is realized by sheltering oneself under a thatched roof in a room which is hardly ten feet square but which must be ar tistically constructed and furnished (Suzuki 1959: 271) .

The art of tea is intimately connected with Zen not only in its practical development but principally in the observance of the spirit that runs through the ceremony itself. This spirit is made up of four elements--harmony, reverence, purity, and serenity. These four elements are necessary to bring the art of tea to a successful end, but they are also all the essential constituents of a brother- ly and orderly life, such as that in the Zen monastery.

The Japanese character for harmony can also be read as

'gentleness of spirit.' The Japanese consider themselves to be of gentle nature. The tea room has a general atmosphere of gentleness--gentleness of touch, gentleness of

odor 1 gentleness of light, and gentleness of sound. A 113

handmade irregularly shaped teacup, quiet and unobtrusive, gentle and pervading incense, soft and restful light streaming through the paper shoji windows all add to the gentleness of the spirit (Suzuki 1959:273-274.) Takuan has stated:

The Way of Cha-no-yu is to appreciate the spirit of a naturally harmonious blending of Heaven and Earth ... In the tearoom ... guests of various social grades are entertained with no discrimination; for once therein, the commoner's knees touch those of the nobleman, and they talk with due reverence to each other on subjects in which they both are interested. In Zen ... no earth ly distinctions are allowed, and its monks have free approach to all classes of society and are at home with them all (Suzuki 1959:278).

In the teahouse, the host and the guest experience their identity with the universe together and taste the pleasure of the oneness of self and others in the great emptiness

(Masunaga 1956:348).

The teahut has three elements; its immediate surround ings, standing for evenescence; the gardens, standing for the selflessness of the dharmas; the interior, standing for nirvana. The outside of the hut, which is continually weathering, suggests that life is con stant change ... the arrival and departure of guests through the gate to the hut signifies the ceaseless movement inherent in life. Various aspects of the garden stand for selflessness; the stepping-stones, willing to be trodden upon, the basin, whose water willingly takes away impurities; in a corner, a stone lantern, whose wick consumes itself so there may be light. Within the room itself is absolute peace (Saunders 1964:227).

"Since the days of Riky~ the furnishings of the tea-room have been fixed" (Dumoulin 1963:191). The room is small and devoid of decorations, except in the alcove, where a scroll is hung and before which stands a flower vase 114

containing a single flower. The room is divided by a post

obliquely setting off one corner for tea utensils. The

floor has a small opening for the tea kettle (Suzuki 1959:

299}. Rising incense recalls the aspiration that man

should feel toward the celestial (Saunders 1964:228}. The

paintings in the teahouse are severe and gain their mean

ing only in emptiness (Masunaga 1956:348}.

The four principles of the tea room are represented

by the four schools of Oriental thinking. Confucianism

represents harmony and reverence, Taoism and Shintoism

represent purity, and Buddhism and Taoism represent tran

quility. The art of tea is a syncretism of all these

philosophical modes of thought (Suzuki 1959:304-305,307}.

The tea ceremony is a way of entertaining visitors

to the monastery and a way in which the monks entertain

themselves (Suzuki 1959:272}. Basically, it is a gather

ing, conducted according to a prescribed etiquette and in

simple, quiet surroundings, of friends who have artistic

tastes in common (Sansom 1943:397}. It became more secu

lar over time, and during many centuries it had a singu

lar fascination for the upper classes, who regarded its complicated etiquette as a test of manners, and temper of

a gentleman (Eliot 1959:283}. In the sixteenth century no less than one hundred rules for the ceremony were laid down (Ross 1960:132). 115

Every slightest movement necessary during the prepa ration, pouring and drinking of tea has been fixed exactly, so that a whole course of study is necessary in order to master all the formalities of greeting, the correct methods of sitting down, the posture and manner of acceptance, and the drinking itself (Spiegelberg 1956:350).

Today the tea ceremony is flourishing in all its forms (Covelll 1974:55). "The original tea ceremony as practiced in Zen monasteries is carried on independently of the art now in vogue among the general public" (Suzuki

1959: 272-273). Preparing and drinking a cup of powdered tea can be a religious act, for Zen recognizes ordinary actions to be equally important as acts which are designated 'spiritual.' Drinking tea, an ordinary action, can represent the spiritual dimension made concrete in the everyday world (Covell 1974:56).

The tea ceremony has become an expression of the cultural singularity of the Japanese nation. Many branches of art have grown out of the tea culture. Sa-do, the tea path, has stimulated architecture (Spiegelberg

1956:350). The art of landscape gardening grew up during the tea huts being situated in the middle of gardens.

Pottery, flower arrangement and poetry were also influenced. In addition, from the requirements for the pictures in the tea house grew the monochrome Zen paintings

(Masunaga 1956:348).

Zen has greatly influenced painting in Japan, but it was not the only influence that inspired this Japanese 116

art. Even before the introduction of Zen, the Japanese people, artistically gifted and sensitive to beauty, were

stimulated by Indian and Chinese influences during the early Nara (645-794) and Heian (794-1185) periods, and had produced some great works of art, most of which were in

spired by the Buddhist religion (Dumoulin 1963:187). Dur

ing the Kamakura period, when Zen first took root in

Japan, the art of portrait painting was advanced through the Zen Buddhist practice of paying respect to the master and the need for pictures as an object of honor (Masunga

1956:346). But the strongest creative impulse to influ ence Japanese art came from the consummate art of Chinese paintings of the Sung period (Dumoulin 1963:149).

When, in the fifteenth century, the Ashikaga

shoguns sent painters and scholars to China to master, among other things, Chinese paintings, they ignored the

Yuan and Ching period paintings and instead brought back to Japan paintings of the Sung period, which they copied and adapted to Japanese taste (Spiegelberg 1956:342).

A considerable number of works of great Chinese masters such as Liang-k'ai, Mu-chi, and Ma-yuan made their way to

Japan at this time (Dumoulin 1963:149). This period was marked by a wonderful development in pictorial art; the rise of the great schools of painters which has dominated the ideals of artists in one way or another down to almost the present day (Reischauer 1917:135). 117

Zen was the religion of the artists. In China, during the Sung dynasty, it had served as an inspiration to painters and poets (Waley 1920:59). In Japan, it was able to stimulate the artistic impulses of the Japanese people and color their works with ideas characteristic of

Zen (Suzuki 1959:28). Many great artists and scholars were Zen priests. Zen monasteries were repositories of learning and art during the Kamakura and Muromachi eras

(Suzuki 1959:28). Altough the monasteries often took part in the prevailing turbulence, they were, on the whole, a welcome refuge in troublesome times and, as a result, they became hermitages for the monks who detached themselves from worldly affairs and either concentrated their minds on meditation or engaged in artistic creations.

In addition, Zen monks had constant opportunities to come into contact with foreign cultures. They were actually encouraged by the foreign powers of the time to engage in communal enterprises to bring foreign objects of art and industry to Japan (Suzuki 1959:28). They helped the upper classes to appreciate the arts imported from China and thus stimulated the native artists to create their own (Suzuki 1968:41). The aristocrats who ruled Japan in the fifteenth century were great patrons of the Zen institutions and their arts and many willingly submitted themselves to the discipline of Zen (Suzuki

1959:28). 118 .. Zen art reached its peak in the realm of painting

(Dumoulin 1963:194). The great temples of Kyoto were all schools of painting. The works of the painter-monks often dealt with religious subjects, but, even when it did not, the inspiration seems to have come·. mainly from Zen philosophy. This philosophy had a special influence on landscape painting (Eliot 1959:294).

The landscapes of Chinese and Japanese painters, in spired by the religious world view of Zen, are the most abiding contributions of Zen to the fine arts (Dumoulin 1963:194).

The major preoccupation was a concern for the artistic transfiguration of life (Dumoulin 1963:188). In

Zen-inspired art, all emphasis is on the interior life, and the communication of ideas is reduced to the simplest, barest forms. The followers of Zen aimed at direct communication with the inner nature of things (Humphreys

1968:72,66).

There were many famous Zen painters who entered into the deepest unity of Zen and painting, expressing an intimacy with nature which was characterized by both strength and simplicity (Masunaga 1956:348). The Japanese people have a great love of nature. Zen greatly enriched this Japanese appreciation of nature by asserting that there is no essential distinction between man and nature

(Everett 1952:196). The primary aim of Zen is to restore man to his original state of purity; to restore the 119

experience of original inseparability. Since man and nature are one, Zen believes that true ascetism is living in accord with the totality of nature.

For this reason, Zen ascetism advocates simplicity, frugality, straight forwardness, virility, making no attempt to utilize Nature for selfish purposes (Suzuki 1959:351-352).

Zen respects nature as it is found. It treats nature not as an object to conquer and turn wantonly to our human service, but as a friend, as a fellow being, who is destined like ourselves for Buddha-hood (Suzuki 1959:351).

Zen inspires a sense of participation, of identification with all life. The Zen-inspired artist is thus able to find in nature clues through which to read and apprehend himself (Ross 1960:90).

Ching Hao, a Zen painter in the tenth century, listed the six essentials of painting as spirit, rhythm, thought, scenery (motif or subject matter), brush and ink, in that order (Spiegelberg 1956:342). The spirit of the painting is all important. For the Chinese and Japanese, painting is a sort of spiritual exercise (Spiegelberg

1956:342). The true artist, like a Zen master, is one who knows how to appreciate the spiritual rhythm of things (Suzuki 1959:221). One of the most popular objects of Chinese painting is the waterfall, bubbling and foaming from rock to rock. To the Zen follower, the water lS symbolic of the power that penetrates everywhere, and 120

conquers resistance with certainty, no matter how powerful

that resistance, by wearing it down. Paintings such as these are designed to be contemplated. If Zen cannot be put into words, at least it can be shown by the movement of the brush (Spiegelberg 1956:342). . I One of the greatest southern Sung artists, Bayen, developed the "one-corner" style psychologically asso ciated with the Japanese painters' "thrifty brush" tradi tion of retaining the least possible number of lines or strokes to represent forms on silk or paper. This is closely related to the elementof simplicity in Zen

(Suzuki 1959:22). The Japanese artist strives to achieve results with the minimum display, be it number of brush strokes in a picture, rocks in a garden, or flowers in a vase (Humphreys 1968:70). The element of simplicity is coupled with a deep appreciation of nature and everyday life (Saunders 1964:225). Zen's belief in the necessity of breaking through all forms of human artificiality and taking firm hold of what lies behind them, has helped the

Japanese to be friendly with nature and appreciate her unaffected simplicity (Suzuki 1959:23). Zen art suggests, rather than expresses (Humphreys 1968:72). The ''one corner" style and the economy of brush strokes effect an aloofness from conventional rules. Where you would or dinarily expect a line or a balancing element, you miss it (Suzuki 1959:24). 121

This brings us to another characteristic of Zen art: asymmetry. Every work of Zen art has seven charac teristics: asymmetry, simplicity, emancipated look, naturalness, profundity, unworldliness, and stillness

(Ogata 1959:24-26). The idea of asymmetry was doubtlessly derived from the "one-corner" style of Bayen. The plain est and boldest example of this trait is the plan of Bud dhist architecture--although the principle structures of the temple ground are laid along a straight line, build ings of secondary importance are not arranged symmetric ally as wings along either side of the main line. In stead, they may be found irregularly scattered over the grounds in accordance with the topographical peculiarities

(Suzuki 1959:26).

One of the major types of art influenced by Zen is the Japanese ink drawing called sumi-e. A sumi-e is a sketch in black and white. "The ink is made of soot and glue, and the brush of sheep's or badger's hair" (Suzuki

1962:420). The paper used is rather thin and is so ab sorbent that the flow of ink has to be free and contin uous (Ross 1960:89). No deliberation is possible. The lines must be drawn as swiftly as possible with only the necessary ones being indicated (Suzuki 1962:420). The brush cannot be put down until the drawing is finished

(Ross 1960:89). Once executed the strokes are irrevoca ble; a line drawn by the sumi-e artist is final. The 122

artist must follow his inspiration as spontaneously as it moves (Suzuki 1962:420,421). Through practice and train ing, the sumi-e artist acquires a sureness of technique, an exactness of brush stroke comparable to the psycho physical skills necessary for judo or swordsmanship (Ross

1960:89).

A similarity can be seen between sumi-e painting and life itself. A brush stroke once made is ineradica ble, which indicates the fateful law of cause and effect seen by Buddhists to govern all human activity (Ross 1960:

90) .

Sumi-e does not attempt to reproduce nature, but instead is designed to demonstrate the principles of its movement and growth. For this reason, a Zen painter would paint a leaf only as it grows, from the stem to the tip

(Spiegelberg 1956:342). Sumi-e only attempts to capture the spirit of the object on paper (Suzuki 1962:420). It expresses the inexpressible (Saunders 1964:225).

In the thirteenth century, Mu-ch'i, a Zen monk in a temple hear Hangchou, produced some outstanding paint ings which, on being brought to Japan, exerted a lasting influence on Japanese sumi-e drawings. Sumi-e found its home in the Zen temples where talented monks expressed their enlightenment by their brushwork. Kao (d.l345) was one of the pioneers of this new style. Almost a century later, Mincho of Tofukuji (1352-1431) created black-and- 123

white landscapes in the Chinese style. But it was not until the first half of the fifteenth century, when through the efforts of Shubun, a monk of the Shokokuji temple in Kyoto, sumi-e became popular and widely appre ciated. The shogun of the time was so impressed that he appointed Shubun as head of the government office for painting (e-dokoro). Shubun was both a sculptor and a painter. His ink drawings were for the most part imita tions of the pictures from the Sung and Yuan periods in

China, which had been imported to Japan (Dumoulin 1963:

194,195).

It was under Shubun that Sesshu began his career.

Sesshu is regarded as "the greatest painter, or at least the greatest landscape painter, that Japan has ever pro duced." Born in the proVince of Bitchu, he entered the local Buddhist temple at the age of twelve. He received his Zen training in the temple of Shokokuji in Kyoto.

Later, a sojourn to China under the Ming dynasty was of decisive importance to his artistic development. He did not submit himself to the influence of contemporary

Chinese paintings, but rather sought inspiration from the great masters of the Sung period, above all in May-yuan and Hsia-kuei. On his return to Japan, Sesshu settled in the quiet hermitage of Unkokuan in Yamaguchi. It was here that his talent soared to its full height and matur ity (Dumoulin 1963:195,196). He produced his masterworks 124

late in life, giving lasting form to his realization of

Zen (Dumoulin 1963:196).

The certainty and vigor of Sesshu's brush strokes are unexcelled. His piety speaks out of the spiritual ani mation of his nature scenes. Sesshu, more than any other painter, grasped the change of the seasons and comprehended the exquisite life of the plant world (Dumoulin 1963:196).

During the late fifteenth century, a style of ink painting emerged which was quite unattached to any large temple of the time, but was loosely clustered around the dynamic personality of Ikkyu Sojun (1344-1481). Ikkyu greatly stimulated ink painting, particularly of the Soga school. His landscapes and bird paintings are an expres sion of his sense of union with the life force of the universe. Like Ikkyu, Takuan taught ink painting also

(Covell 1974:104,33,105,49).

During the latter part of the Muromachi period, a great family of painters, the Kano, achieved fame. The founder of the school, Masanobu (1454-1550), was greatly influenced by Zen. The further development of painting during the Muromachi period illustrates the growing secularization of Japanese culture (Dumoulin 1963:196)

The Japanese adapted Chinese art to their own special needs. In Chinese art, a depicted storm is apt to be a transitory incident in a vast landscape of harmonious calm. However, when Japanese art presents us with a 125

peaceful landscape, it is much more apt to leave us with the impression that it represents a lull before the storm.

Also, Japanese art seems to reduce reality to a microcosm, in order to abstract from it its element of the Divine

(Spiegelberg 1956:34).

Brush paintings are generally executed in either the kakemono, or vertical style, or the makemono, or hori zontal style. Chinese art generally emphasized horizontal compositional values, while Japanese art puts more stress on verticals. In addition, the Japanese kakemono is gen erally apt to be narrower in proportion to its width than is the Chinese painting (Spiegelberg 1956:347). In both the spirit of eternal loneliness is expressed (Suzuki

1962:427). The pictures are chiefly composed of blank spaces, defined by a few lines. In all Chinese and Japan- ese paintings, the empty spaces are more important than what can be seen depicted there, and the drawing only takes on value as it is set into a vast emptiness, the nature of which it serves to define. Zen paintings appear to recede before the spectator, and to challenge him to read more into them than they show. One must meditate on the empty spaces and supply what is lacking (Spiegel berg 1956:345,346).

Zen is characterized by a love of poverty

Steinilber-Oberlin 1970:137). A sumi-e sketch reflects this characteristic. Compared to an oil painting, a 126

surni-e sketch is poverty itself, poor in form, poor in

content, poor in execution, poor in material, yet a moving

spirit hovers around the lines, dots, and shades of the

various forms (Suzuki 1962:421). This is related to the

Japanese concept of poverty--to be poor, not dependent on

worldly things, yet to feel inwardly the presence of some

thing of the highest value, above time and social posi

tion. This concept of poverty has entered deeply into the

cultural life of the Japanese people (Suzuki 1959:22,23).

Calligraphy belongs to the same class of art as the

surni-e sketch (Suzuki 1962:423). It also was brought from

China by Buddhist monks and it was furthered by the Zen

priests who mastered it. Ikkyu and Takuan, for example,

both won fame as calligraphers (Covell 1974:50). The

spirit pervading Zen pictures and calligraphy made such a

strong impression on the intellectual classes that they

readily adopted the Zen way of life (Suzuki 1959:30).

Although Zen rejected scripture as a medium for

communicating truth, it encouraged literature as a help

and ornament of the religious life, and many secular works, such as Tsure-Dzure Gusa and later the poems of

Basho, carne from the pen of Zen monks (Eliot 1959:398).

Because of this, the production of poetry in Japan was

greatly influenced by Zen masters (Masunaga 1956:348).

During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,

Japanese literature developed a new style of poetry called 127

the haiku, which had no equivalent in Chinese literature

(Spiegelberg 1956:347). The haiku was a mere play on words

which had little contact with life until Basho (1643-1694)

succeeded in adopting it to Zen philosophy (Suzuki 1962:

426). Basho was the greatest of the Zen haiku poets

(Spiegelberg 1956:348). He helped the haiku gain popular

ity, and as a result is known as the father of the haiku

(Suzuki 1959:227).

A haiku is the shortest form of poem in world lit

erature (Suzuki 1959:226). It has seventeen syllables in

three lines, in the rhythm of 5:7:5 (Humphreys 1968:141).

It sees the world from a moment in time and therefore cor

responds to the Zen spirit (Masunga 1956:348). Like Zen,

it abhors egoism; the author is to be an entirely passive

instrument for giving expression to the inspiration. As

Dr. R. H. Blyth states, "A haiku is the expression of a

temporary enlightenment, in which we see into the life of

things" (Suzuki 1959:225,228). It is a way of returning

to our Buddha-nature (Suzuki 1959:228). It uses the few

est words possible to suggest a simple feeling. It con

tains brief statements about ultimate experiences

(Spiegelberg 1956:347).

All haikus contain descriptions of nature and a

favorite subject is the change of seasons (Spiegelberg

1956:348). One of Basho's poems illustrates this: 128

A branch shorn of leaves A crow perching on it This autumn eve

This poem, as all haikus, expresses the spirit of eternal loneliness (Suzuki 1962:427). The Japanese people take notice of the small things of nature and tenderly take care of them (Suzuki 1959:231).

The haiku expresses feelings rather than ideas or conceptual constructions. It is short but significant.

Haiku masters are poets of poverty; they make a constant attempt at simplification. A second poem by Basho illustrates this principle:

The old pond, ah! A frog jumps in! The water's sound!

At the. supreme moment of life and death we just utter a cry or take to action, we never argue or give ourselves up to a lengthy talk. This reflects the Japanese character.

They are not given to verbosity, are not argumentative, and shun intellectual abstractions (Suzuki 1959:243,227,

262,230). In addition, both Zen and the haiku strongly correspond to the Japanese love of nature (Dumoulin 1963:

241). Because of this D. T. Suzuki believes,

Haiku is the poetic form most natural and most appro priate and most vital for the Japanese genius in giv ing vent to his or her artistic impulses, and for this reason, perhaps, it takes a Japanese mind to appreciate fully the value of a haiku (Suzuki 1959: 24 7) .

The haiku gained in popularlity, especially among women 129

and the court, and even today it is a popular form of

literature (Spiegelberg 1956:347).

Zen has always played a part in the development of the No theater in Japan. The No theater began during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Ross 1960:167). It

apparently had its origins, at least in part, in the

recitations of itinerant monks (Eliot 1959:294). Zen

ideas are used in a variety of ways in the plays. In most of them the secondary character is a priest, and sometimes he uses the language and ideas of Zen (Ross 1960:170). Zen's influence can also be found in the form of the No itself--the barrenness of the lines of the drama, the No songs with meaning beyond the intellect, the simplicity of the stage and sets, and the economy of the actor's gestures. The gestures were based in some measure on another Zen art, that of swordsmanship, a military prac tice which under Zen became the "art of protecting life"

(Saunders 1964:225). The study of the No play is really the study of Japanese culture. It contains the moral ideas, religious beliefs, and artistic aspirations of the Japanese people

(Suzuki 1959:419). The tone of the plays is serious and often tragic (Ross 1960:169). The No drama is just one more aspect of Japanese culture that was influenced by both Ikkyu and Takuan (Covell 1974:49). 130

Flower arrangement in Japan also reflects the Zen spirit. Simplicity is the keynote; there is not one bud or leaf too many (Humphreys 1968:72). The Zen monk Rikyu achieved distinction in this field (Dumoulin 1963:192).

In addition, Zen is responsible for an approach to gardens that is predominant in modern Japan (Saunders

1964:225}. Gardening has always been considered an art in Japan (Dumoulin 1963:188}. It was brought to Japan from China and was quickly adopted by the Japanese. Well cultivated, pleasant gardens could be found in the Nara period and even earlier. In the Heian period there were vast, luxurious parks with narrow paths, ponds, and arched stone bridges. In was not until Rinzai Zen took root in Japan that the Japanese gardens began to discard their flowers, blossoming trees and running water (Covell

1974:71).

Under the influence of Zen, a new style of garden planning developed, which aimed at the spiritualization of the nature lover (Dumoulin 1963:188). The Japanese began to look at nature not as something to admire from a dis tance, but rather as something to strive to become in one's self. By creating a small garden, the Japanese per son is really cultivating the inner world of his ego. By shaping the garden, he is shaping himself (Speigelberg

1956:351). As a result, Japanese gardens are distinct from all other gardens in the civilized world, because 131

the principles of religion and philosophy are applied to the garden composition. The Japanese adopted this from the Chinese, who had developed the garden art as a means of communicating high philosophical truths (Warner 1960:

101) .

There are three types of gardens in Japan: 1) a landscape painting rendered three-dimensionally, 2) a gravel-based garden with rock groups arranged within a rectangle, and 3) a garden around the path leading to the tearoom (Covell 1974:71). Soseki's gardens represent the transition from the landscape gardening of the Heian era to the symbolic stone patterns of the late Muromachi per iod. His gardens, dating from the early fourteenth cen tury, are the oldest that have been preserved and are among the most beautiful in all Japan (Dumoulin 1963:188).

He was not content merely to imitate nature, rather within the all-emcompassing framework of nature, he placed an image and reflection endowed with new meaning and spirit.

He attempted to give a Zen twist to the nobility's pleas ure garden (Covell 1974:71).

When Ashikage shogun Takuju was troubled by the ghost of Emperor Go-Daiga, Soseki advised him to build a temple to quiet the ghost's spirit. As a result, Takuji build the temple of Tenryuji, and Soseki was asked to de sign its garden. The garden had rocks, a pond, a bridge, and an artificial mountain, all set against a landscape of 132

wooded hills and distant mountains (Covell 1974:71). Here the spontaneity of nature is combined with symbolism.

At the center is a lake, fed by a natural spring and shaped like the Chinese ideograph for 'heart.' The pure, transparent water in the lake signifies the mind of man as it ought to be and, in enlightenment, indeed I is. In the middle of the lake there is an isle of paradise. Groups of stones depict turtles and storks, animals that are belived to be omens of good fortune. A bridge rests on stones rising above the water; they are spaced at intervals corresponding to the numbers 3, 5, and 7. In the Chinese view these numbers sig nify the perfect form of human life (Dumoulin 1963: 189) .

It is easy to see how all-pervading the Chinese influence was.

Equally famous is the moss garden at the Saihoji temple in Kyoto, which Soseki designed in 1339 (Covell

1974:71). Here, also, was a pond shaped like the Chinese ideograph for heart. This garden is distinguished by its splended trees, rare flowers, and above all by the impres- sive groupings of stones. It was designed as a symbolic representation of the ideal land of Zen described in the

Hekiganroku. It is called the 'moss garden' because of the more than twenty varieties of moss which can be found on its grounds {Dumoulin 1963:190).

Soseki's gardens have exerted a lasting influence on Japanese landscaping. There are many places throughout I the country where one can find gardens laid out with the heart-shaped pond (shinji-ike) and the characteristic stone arrangements. Frequently, these gardens are 133

credited to Soseki, although his connection with most of

them is doubtful. The Japanese bent toward imitation guarantees every new artistic motif numerous reproductions

(Dumoulin 1963:190).

After Soseki's innovations in garden planning, it was only in the poverty-stricken era of the late fifteenth century that Zen made further strides towards developing gardens with religious symbolism (Covell 1974:71). At this time the tea garden was developed and it quickly gained popularity. One of the more famous tea gardens is the "garden of a hundred stones" at Jukoin, designed by

Rikyu. Moss-covered turf, rocks, and three slight hills surrounded by green hedges give this small spot the appearance of a peaceful garden. The garden and the low, tile-covered teahouse are blended together in perfect unity (Dumoulin 1963:192).

The precedent of the tea garden was the so-called

'flat landscape' (hira-sansui) or 'dry landscape' (kare- sansui) style, which represented the highest degree of spiritualization at the time. Mountains were depicted by rocks, and instead of water, a plain of moss or sand signified the endless ocean or the universe. It represented the Buddha, whose body is the universe of nature.

In the garden of the Shinjuan hermitage, which goes back to early times and is ascribed to the tea master Shuko, the ground surface is formed by an exquisite, luminous coat of moss. Natural rocks of rare shapes, arranged in the 7,5,3 series, gives one the impression 134

of power and security. To view this garden purifies the heart, pacifies the mind, and directs the mind inward (Dumoulin 1963:192).

The most famous of all the Zen gardens is the level

stone garden adjoining the Ryoanji temple in Kyoto. This garden was planned in 1499 for General Hosokawa Katsumoto, . I who founded this temple and spent his declining years here. Its design has been attributed to Soami, the author of many important works of art during that period. The garden is rectangular in form and is enclosed by a low clay wall (Dumoulin 1963:192,193). It can be viewed only from the veranda of the temple (Peterson 1960:104). It is located next to a pine forest and in the background there are distant hills and mountains (Dumoulin 1963:193). The garden consists only of raked white sand and fifteen carefully selected rocks arranged in five groups.

The clean expanse of white sand evokes innumerable associations with the untouched white areas of sumi-e painting and calligraphy (Peterson 1960:104).

The vacant space of the garden, like silence, absorbs the mind, frees it of petty detail ... Yet, while noting the vacant space, the rocks cannot be ignored. Like sand and its attributes, rocks constitute a basic ele ment in the Japanese aesthetic; these, and other com ponents, help create within the garden a complex of interwoven associations ... It is at this point that we come to one of the basic paradoxes of Buddhist thought: only through form can we realize emptiness. From this 'fact of experience' is derived the princi ple of sumi painting. The blank sheet of paper is perceived only as paper, and remains as paper. Only by filling the paper does it become empty. Much in the same way the sound of the frog plopping into the still pond creates the silence in Basho's well-known 135

haiku. The sound gives form to the silence--the emptiness (Peterson 1960:105,107).

The composition of rocks within each group, and of the rock groups with each other and the surrounding space, is one of the supreme achievements of art. Not one stone could be added, eliminated or moved from its position without destroying the composition and, consequently, its meaning. Here form is arranged in vacant space in such a way that we perceive emptiness as form, and form as ern- ptiness (Peterson 1960:108). Void of all animal life and nearly all vegetation, the garden of Ryoanji is a symbol of the pure mind purged of all forms. In represents

Nothingness (Dumoulin 1963:193). In Japan, the emphasis for gardens falls on the sand, moss, stone lanterns, water, and above all on unusual rocks which have often been brought from tremendous distances. It is the subtle suggestion and understatement that pervade classical

Japanese landscape gardening (Ross 1960:100).

All of Zen art is based on the Buddhist principle of sunyata (emptiness). This sunyata is not the ernpti- ness of absence, it is not a nothing existing beside a something, it is not a separate existence, nor does it mean extinction. "It is always with individual objects, always co-existent with form, and where there is no form there is no emptiness" (Petersen 1960:110). Philip

Kapleau defines this concept of Buddhist emptiness: 136

... Suppose you are a craftsman working in silver, and you want to make a small figure of a buddha. When your silver is molten and flowing it has the possi bility of actualizing itself into any object--that's emptiness, no-thingness. Then you pour the molten metal into the mold and it hardens--that's form. But now let us say that after you have formed your buddha you are dissatisfied with it and wish to make some thing else with the same silver. So you melt down the figure, and the silver returns to formlessness. In essence, then, this emptiness is no different from the form (Kapleau 1980:64).

Functions of Zen in Japan

Paradoxical as it may seem, Zen, whose teaching is against all learning, all literary reconstruction, was the agency in Japan for encouraging the study of Confucianism and, furthermore, for promoting the art of printing, not only of Buddhist books, but also books on Confucianism and

Shinto literature, history, and general culture. Zen monks in China studied Confucianism as well as Zen, so, as a result, when the Japanese monks traveled to China to learn Zen, they brought back not only books on Zen, but

Confucian and Taoist books as well (Suzuki 1959:41,43).

Moreover, Confucianism has had a direct influence on Zen.

Zen not only adopted the Confucian vocabulary, but the rules of Zen also absorbed much of the ettiquette of

Confucianism.

Furthermore, Buddhism taught the Japanese to mu- tually help each other and to have reverence for all life.

The Buddhists were influential in promoting the virtues of vegetarianism and helped to abolish capital punishment. 137

Buddhism taught the Japanese the harmony of man and nature, and extolled a philosophy similar to today's humanism

(Watanabe 1970:124,125).

What other functions did Buddhism, in general, and

Zen, in particular, serve in Japan? When Buddhism was first brought to Japan, it was embraced by the rulers be cause it justified the establishment of a central govern ment, yet served to pacify the lower classes and help them to accept their lot in life. In the Kamukura period, Zen was adopted because it helped to sustain the warriors dur ing a period of developing feudalism, and at the same time served as a sort of welfare system for the poor. While

Zen monks were helping to develop the country by building roads and bridges and planting trees, Zen philosophy gave the poor hope, and a way of attaining salvation from the suffering of the world.

Zen contributed to the Japanese people the idea that the ultimate truth of life and of things generally is to be intuitively, and not conceptually, grasped

(Suzuki 1959:219). Zen was adopted as a means of enrich ing Japanese culture (Corwin 1972:114). It served as a stimulus and source for artistic expression. Moreover, it encouraged selflessness and ascetism as an honorable way of life. During the Meiji era the virtue of self-denial was used to justify working long hours and voluntarily investing earnings back into fledgling enterprises (Corwin 138

1972:125). As a result, much progress occurred during this era. There can be no doubt that Zen has had a pro found influence on Japanese culture which continues even today.

In the following chapter, the practice of Zen in

Japan will be described along with an analysis of how it has changed over time. This is necessary for later com parison to the practice of Zen in the United States. CHAPTER III

PRACTICE OF ZEN IN JAPAN

The practice of Zen in Japan is basically the same for all the Zen schools. The training of the Zen monk is quite severe, for the rules and regulations to be followed in a monastery are the same ones that were transmitted to

Japan from China over seven hundred years ago. The train ing involves long days and years of deep meditation, which assumes a monastic life (Humphreys 1974:137). All aspects of the daily life are strictly regulated and a curriculum of study is followed that consists of zazen, koan study, daily labor, prayer, begging, and sutra chanting (Miura

1965:27). Humility is taught by both precept and prac tice (Humphreys 1968:75). An example of the practice of humility is that the monks take their turn to be bath-boy whose work in the bathroom is to scrub the back of the bather. The spirit of mutual help and service is evident everywhere in the life of the monastery (Suzuki 1974:53).

The purpose of Zen training is to control the mind and cure oneself of the three primary evil desires: greed, anger and ignorance (Sato 1972:157). When this is accomplished, enlightenment can be obtained. In addition to

139 140

maturing the monk's spiritual development, the Zen life

aims at turning out good citizens (Suzuki 1974:4).

Contrary to the Chinese practice of situating Zen monasteries on the sides or tops of mountains, in Japan many monasteries are located on level land near or within

cities (Sato 1972:2). These monasteries are marked by quiet, order, and cleanliness. Most of the monasteries

follow the Chinese plan for seven buildings laid out in

a certain pattern (Dumoulin 1963:147). Heinrich Dumoulin describes this pattern and its symbolism in the following manner:

One enters the temple area through the 'Mountain Gate' (Sammon), which symbolizes the purging of desires and conceptual thinking as one enters the Void, and then mounts directly toward the Buddha hall. But the ador ation of the Buddha image must be preceded by clean sing and purgative exercises. In these exercises washing and the purging of bodily filth are necessary. For this purpose there are two wooden buildings, be tween the gate and the Buddha hall, one to the right, and the other to the left, namely, the bath (yushitsu, furo) and the latrine (tosu) ... The meditation hall (zenda) and the storehouse (kuri) and refectory (jikido) provide for the nourishment of mind and body. These buildings are likewise located to the left and right, but slightly behind the Buddha hall. The seventh building is the Dharma hall (hatto), in which an enlightened monk lectures on the sutras (Dumoulin 1963:145).

The Dharma hall is situated directly behind the Buddha hall. In some cases additional buildings have been added to this basic plan (Dumoulin 1963:146,147).

A Zen monastery is not a place where just anyone may train, but instead its doors are open only to those 141

who earnestly desire to study the Way (Sato 1972:140).

The novice must first be provided with a certificate as a regularly orgained disciple of a Zen priest (Suzuki 1974:

4-5). Then he must set out on a pilgrimage called angya

(trip on foot) in a certain traveling outfit (Ogata 1959:

34). He wears a bamboo hat, a pair of straw sandals, and white cotton leggings. Over his shoulder, he carries a traveling bundle containing a priestly robe, a razor, his home address, some money, a book or two, a set of bowls, and some other small items (Suzuki 1974:8). Upon his ar rival at the monastery, he presents a letter of introduc tion from the teacher who ordained him. A monastery official comes out to tell him that admittance is impos sible because the meditation hall is full (Ogata 1959:39).

Being refused entrance until you have proven your earnest ness is traditional (Sato 1972:141). The novice must show his perseverence by waiting three or four days, head bowed, at the entrance to the Zen training hall. If he proves himself to be earnest in his quest he will be given permission to enter the monastery temporarily. He is placed in a special room (tanharyu) where his deter mination to enter monastic life is tested for another three to five days (Sato 1972:17). After all this, if he decides he is really ready to undergo the monastic discipline, he is given permission to join the community of monks. He is taken to the meditation hall where senior 142 monks are seated in the meditation posture. After making three formal bows in front of Manjusri, the main image in the hall, he is introduced to the other monks (Ogata 1959:

3 7) •

The Zen sect has a number of training centers organized for the purpose of guiding the monks to the realization of enlightenment. They are called 'Semmon

Dojo,' or simply 'Sodo' or 'Zendo' (Suzuki 1968:5). These training centers are attached to almost all the principal

Zen temples in Japan. All Zen monks must go through at least a few years of severe training at these institutes

(Suzuki 1974:3). The average period of study here is three to six years.

Sodo were developed because of a growing lack of interest in the kozo, or disciple system, which had been so strong in medieval times. The kozo were apprentices who took up service in a temple between the age of ten and the early twenties and who took their first vows as a priest at around age sixteen. They learned Zen by watch ing the abbot of the temple and by following the temple routine, and they provided the temple with a system of free labor. But due to the ban placed on Buddhism during the Meiji Restoration in the late nineteenth century, Zen masters capable of training their own disciples declined to such an extent that the S5d5 system was begun. Under this system, many disciples study under a master who is 143

enlightened enough to help others along the path to enlightenment (Covell 1974:181). Soda were gradually established in connection with headquarter temples and some subtemples as well (Miura 1965:27).

The kozo system has now almost completely dis appeared from the temples of the Rinzai sect. It is a feudal custom basically unsuited to the twentieth century.

In addition to the constant hard physical work the kozo must undertake, the conditions in which they live are pur posely kept totally lacking in comfort. In modern times, only the sons of the priests grow up in the temples.

The Soda system which has replaced the kozo system has had mixed success. Because of the declining interest in Zen, any Soda graduate, whether enlightened or not, who has learned the proper postures, traditional chants, and ceremonial gestures is rewarded with a position (Covell

1974: 182).

For six months out of the year residence at the temple is not required and the student may return home and pursue his ordinary occupation, make pilgrimages, or stay at the main temple and continue his studies. The other six months of the year are divided into two three-month terms. During these terms the monks and lay disciples maintain the temple, practice zazen, have private inter views with the roshi (sanzen), and hold certain rituals that serve as an aid to zazen (Wienpahl 1964:82). The 144

roshi or Zen master is a man of tremendous spiritual development, in the direct line of the Buddha's experi ence, who gives spiritual guidance to the monks. Each roshi has been sanctioned by his master. Generally speak ing, there is no distinction made in Zen between priests and lay followers, except that priests undergo a special discipline in order to serve as religious teachers (Hanayama 1969:87).

Certain days are set aside for certain tasks that must be done. At one Zen temple, the 1st, 3rd, 6th, 8th,

11th, 13th, 18th, 21st, 23rd, 28th, and 31st are set aside for lectures on Zen: from the 2nd on, every third day is for mendicancy (begging); and the days in which the figure four or nine appears are for bathing and head-shaving

(Sato 1982:142). On the 1st, 15th, and 22nd of each month and on special occasions, a dawn ceremony is held in the

Buddha hall lasting three hours (Covell 1974:153). The monks sleep from nine in the evening to three or four in the morning. Meditation is practiced for four periods each day--early morning, forenoon, late afternoon, and after sunset (Dumoulin 1963:165). The early afternoon is reserved for two to three hours of manual labor (Sato

1972:142). Each monastery celebrates Buddha's birthday on

April 8, and has its own founder's day holiday (Covell

1974:173). 145

On certain fixed days the roshi gives a teisho, or lecture, to the monks (Miura 1965:30). Teisho consists of the roshi's discourses on Buddhist sutras and traditional

Zen anecdotes (Sato 1972:42). For this lecture the roshi of the Rinzai sect of Zen takes a high seat facing the altar in the center of the main hall of the monastery and discourses in the fashion set by Hakuin on one of the old koan collections, taking up one "case" or part of a case at successive lectures until he has covered the entire collection (Miura 1965:30).

During the training periods, approximately once a month, a seven-day period of intensive zazen called sesshin is held. Sesshin means to collect thoughts. "The sesshin are said to be an institution peculiar to Japanese

Zen and the exact period differs in various sub-sects"

(Eliot 1959:406). During a sesshin, work in the temple is cut to a minimum and every effort is devoted to zazen, sanzen and in Rinzai temples, koan study. Each day the students sit in zazen for hours and have up to five sanzen interviews with the roshi. Except for chanting sutras and sanzen, absolute silence is the rule (Wienpahl 1964:82,83).

Once a day during sesshin, the master gives an exposition of one of the Zen classics to the students (Suzuki 1968:

13) .

During the first week of December, the monks are urged to forego sleep entirely. This period is called 146

the Rohatsu Dai Sesshin, and it commemorates the anniversary of Gautama Buddha's enlightenment in the sixth century B.C. (Covell 1974:151).

A strong seven-day sesshin heals and strengthens one's mind, body, and emotions to a degree that would require between one and three years of sitting by oneself

(Kapleau 1980:94).

Zen students in Japan whose other occupations keep them away from the temples at times of sesshin conduct their own sesshin, minus sanzen, whenever they can at someone's home (Wienpahl 1964:87).

In order to bring out the fruit of zazen, monks are encouraged to see the master in his room to discuss their progress. In the Rinzai school, they also submit for his criticism their views on their given koan. During the periods between sesshin, sanzen occurs twice a day (Suzuki

1968:12). It is not a simple task to have a 'solution' accepted by the roshi. The trainee could be thrown out of the master's teaching chambers under a barrage of physical and verbal abuse. If, as a result of this, the monk hesitates to visit the roshi, then the monastery official who acts as the monk's supervisor will drag him out of the zendo and force him to go to the roshi's room (Sato 1972:

150). At the sosan (general sanzen) no monks are allowed to stay away from seeing the master (Suzuki 1974:106).

The system of koan instruction that is used originated with Hakuin and was later modified by his disciples. 147

In addition, either Hakuin or his disciples began using

jakugo or 11 capping phrases 11 in koan study. Now when the

student has satisfied the master as to his understanding of a koan, he is asked to bring to the master a line or

two in verse or prose which summarizes the importance of

the koan. This phrase is to be a quotation taken from

secular literature of any period (Miura 1965:28).

Zen style consists of a puzzling language, baffling attitudes and surprising methods (Chen-chi 1959:2). The only thing that matters to the Zen teacher is to bring the individual to the waking state of enlightenment. Thus the teacher may suddenly fling himself upon the seated pupil, take him by the throat, strike him, push him, or shout at him. In addition, the teacher demands that the student wrest knowledge from him by sudden force (Spiegelberg 1956:

339). When questioned, the master might run away or sim ply keep his mouth shut and pretend to be dumb (Chen-chi

1959:13).

In Zen monasteries, the students are not permitted to sit in zazen all day. The mind-to-mind interviews with the roshi and the practice of meditation are not complete without action. Each one must do his allotted share of the work. If these daily tasks are based on a

Buddha-mind, they have the same value as sitting in medi tation (Hanayama 1969:87). The first rule of Zen monas tic life is 'A day of no work is a day of no eating.' 148

Hyakujo, the founder of the monastic institution, was always found engaged in some manual task with his monks.

This contrasts sharply with the beginning of Buddhism in

India, when Buddhist monks did little work, but instead begged for their food. It was the practical Chinese who saved Buddhism from sinking into a life of mere contempla tion (Ogata 1959:43). To the Chinese, life meant physical labor; to move their hands and feet, to use tools, in order to accomplish visible and tangible ends (Brandon

1970: 662).

In the life of the monks, meditation, worship, and energetic manual labor alternate (Brandon 1970:662). The masters, as well as the monks, are equally employed in all kinds of manual labor, which are needed to maintain their monastery (Suzuki 1974:38). They sweep the gardens, clean the buildings, split firewood, cut bamboo, work in the fields, heat the bath water, make Japanese pickles, and cook their vegetarian meals.

The office of kitchen steward (tenzo) is an honor reserved for a monk who has passed a number of years at the monastery and has shown great diligence in his train ing. He has the heavy responsibility of providing food for the community of monks (Sato 1972:76).

Since Zen monasteries attempt to be self-supporting in their food requirements through mendicancy and the cul tivation of their own vegetable gardens, it follows that 149

their daily meals are extremely plain (Sato 1972:159).

Breakfast is composed of rice gruel and pickled Japanese radishes (takuan); lunch and supper both consist of rice mixed with barley or wheat, miso (soybean paste) soup, vegetables and pickles. Supper is usually smaller than lunch, consisting mainly of leftovers (Suzuki 1968:15).

In addition, various kinds of vegetables are liquefied in a juicer and drunk (Sato 1972:185). On special occa sions an extra vegetable dish is added (Ogata 1959:49).

None of the materials used in the preparation of the food is to be wasted (Sato 1972:160).

Zen monasteries are basically vegetarian. Since meat and fish are never served, animal fat and protein are missing. Therefore, as a replacement, large amounts of vegetable protein and fat are acquired through eating soybeans and sesame seeds (Sato 1972:161). On rare occa sions, very small portions of fish or meat are eaten as medicine (Covell 1974:145). Tea is the only drink allowed at meals, although sake drinking is prevalent among Zen priests today. Not counting the sweets served with the tea, the caloric intake of the adults amounts to less than

1500 calories daily (Covell 1974:145). However, the monks have opportunities to be served rich dinners when they are invited to homes of supporters, for Buddhists consider it meritorious to invite to a meal monks who have performed certain rituals in their homes (Ogata 1959:49). 150

The Obaku Zen sect's Mampukuji in Uji, Kyoto, is famous for its wide variety of vegetarian food. Umpen, comprised of burdock, carrots, lilybulbs, bamboo sprouts, gingko nuts, green peas, lotus roots, Juda's ear and mush rooms, and mafu (bean curd in which sesame seed has been mixed) are the two most characteristic dishes of Obaku

Zen (Sato 1972:159,160).

The table manners of Rinzai Zen have become some what simplified over time. For example, in Rinzai meals are eaten not in the zenda but in a separate dining room, while in Soto, they are still eaten in the zenda, using traditional eating utensils, many of which are no longer used in Rinzai. In addition, S6t6 makes more use of var ious sounding instruments such as gongs and bells during the mealtime than does Rinzai, and Soto monks repeat more sutras before and after meals than do their Rinzai coun terparts (Sato 1972:156).

To eat, the monks file to the refectory in a pro cession, each carrying his own bowl and each one meditates before eating (Steinilber-Oberlin 1970:140). The meals are eaten in silence except for the sutra chanting which accompanies each meal. At noon, the monks each take seven grains of rice out of their bowls and offer them to the

'hungry ghosts,' i.e., to the spirits of those deceased persons who have not yet realized Buddhahood and are thought to be suffering from hunger as one of the torments 151

of hell. In actuality the rice is collected in a wooden scoop which is placed outside the monastery to be eaten by birds (Sate 1972:34).

The chief means of support for the zenda life is through begging (takuhatsu).

The practice of mendicancy was begun by Sakayamuni; and in present-day Japan it has been handed down chiefly as a practice of Zen monasteries (Sate 1972: 153) .

In Zen, begging is a regular practice, while in other sects the observance is only occasional (Eliot 1959:406).

In addition to its economic value, begging has a two-fold moral significance: it teaches the beggar humility and allows the donor to accumulate the merit of self-denial.

Not only does mendicancy serve as the Buddhist method through which one is bound to ordinary people, but it can also provide the opportunity for one's own realization of enlightenment (Sate 1972:155).

There are certain specified days each month when mendicancy is practiced (Sate 1972:152).

At present Daitoku-ji monks go begging in the morning on days that have the numbers two, five or seven in them and on days that are multiples of ten (Covell 1974:152).

Certain monks, designated for this task, leave the monastery at eight a.m. to go begging (Steinilber-Oberlin 1970:

140). They wear the same inner white komono and outer black robes as always, but on this day they pull up the lower part of their robes and tie the excess cloth 152

securely around their waists with a cord. In addition to their white leggings, they wear straw sandals, a large wicker hat, and a mendicant's bag suspended by a strap around their necks. They walk in an orderly fashion, chanting Buddhist sutras as they go (Sato 1972:153). Men and women in sympathy with the monastic life come out and offer money (Ogata 1959:41). The donations they receive are placed in their mendicant's bags (Sato 1972:57).

Upon receiving a donation, the monk recites a short sutra, but without acknowledging who the donor is and without the donor knowing the identity of the monk.

Attached to a zenda there are generally many households who regularly contribute large amounts of rice towards the maintenance of the institution. Monks are detailed to go out once a month to collect such offerings

(Suzuki 1974:25). In autumn the monks go into the coun try when the farmers are ready to gather up vegetables such as pumpkins, radishes, turnips, and potatoes. They load the vegetables into a hand-cart and return with it to the monastery (Ogata 1959:41).

Although there is no worship in the western sense, prayer and sutra recitation occurs daily in the Zen monas teries. Prayers are offered to all the Buddhas and

Bodhisattvas of the past, present, and future (Suzuki

1974:27). Every morning in front of an image of Sakyamuni the monks chant sutras and say Daie's prayer. The Prajna- 153

paramita-hridaya sutra is one of the most used sutras.

In addition to the sutras and prayers, the monks recite

the 'Inscriptions on the Right-hand Side of the Sect' written by Echu (Ogata 1959:46,45,49). Echu, the first

National Teacher of Zen in China, was a disciple of the

sixth patriarch Eno (Senzaki 1976:106).

Not only the recitation, but the reading and copy

ing of the sutras is merit-producing. Sutra reading can be regarded as a sort of prayer. Even when the full mean ing is not grasped, the reading detaches one's mind from worldly concerns and self-centered interests. The sutra reading is also an expression of gratitute towards one's teacher, ancestor, and other sentient beings (Suzuki 1974:

77) .

Each monk has a space of 3 x 6 feet in the zendo allotted to him on an elevated platform. There he prac tices zazen by day and sleeps by night (Suzuki 1968:8).

One quilt is allotted to each monk. At the end of the day, the monks remove their outer robes, unroll their quilt and sleep wrapped up in it; monks in Soto Zen monas teries sleep on their right sides, while those in Rinzai

Zen monasteries sleep on their backs (Sato 1972:164).

The Zen monk does not pledge his allegiance to any particular monastery; he may leave his particular monas tery or the monastic life at will (Humphreys 1968:74).

Upon first entering the monastic life he will choose a 154

master under whom he will learn the essentials of Zen.

As his Zen training deepens, he will, as a rule, make pilgrimages to visit various masters and monasteries to become familiar with their individual styles. For example, the founder of the Chinese Rinzai sect, Lin-chi, studied devoutly under Hei-yun of the Obaku Zen sect for three years (Sato 1972:167).

Although the marriage of Zen priests is discouraged, it is not absolutely forbidden (Eliot 1959:406). In China, a priest would usually lose his status if he married, how- even in Japan, the situation is different. Although ordinary Zen priests marry, the chief Zen masters, for the most part, remain unmarried. Although many leading Zen figures of the past were married at one time or another, when they achieved the status of leaders none of them were bound by family encumbrances. Today, however, in the vast majority of the approximately 20,000 Zen temples in Japan, it is safe to say that the head priest is married and living together with his family and, in most cases, zazen is not practiced by the entire family (Sato 1972:179,186).

Institutions like the zendo are becoming anachronistic and obsolete; its tradition is wearing out, and the spirit that has been controlling the discipline of the monks for so many hundred years is no more holding itself against the onslaught of modernism (Suzuki 1974:114).

Zen is attempting to accommodate itself to the times. At one Zen temple 200 high school girls came for a three-day -~-

155

zazen course of eight thirty-minute sitting periods per day, in addition to brief lectures dealing with the prob lems of education and everyday life, and including periods of singing, dancing, and discussion. Such a program con trasts sharply with the ascetic, unvaried sesshin that 1s still practiced today. In addition, today Zen is fre quently practiced in gatherings called zazenkai, held once a month for a half or a whole day. This type of practice is less strict than the monastic sesshin (Dumoulin 1976:

236). These are but a few of the changes which have occurred in the practice of Zen in modern times. The next chapter presents additional details on this subject and the reason for these changes. CHAPTER IV

ZEN'S FUTURE IN JAPAN

Modern Japan has almost forgotten the old samurai ideals of virility, simplicity, and artistic appreciation.

Instead, it is bent upon the pursuit of happiness and the raising of standards of living, mainly on the materialis tic side of human existence (Suzuki 1968:134). As are sult, Zen is losing its appeal. There has been a drastic decrease in the number of novice monks training at Zen monasteries. They are only a shadow of what they were in the past. "If Zen is simply the product of an earlier age that has lost its former value, then its decline is un avoidable" (Sato 1972:182).

New ideas are being implemented in an attempt to promote increased interest in Zen Buddhism. Akizuhi roshi, leader of a Zen group at Tokyo's Ochanomizu

Women's University, the Kikusui-kai, feels that a place is needed where laymen can study Zen and practice living apart from the normal Zen monastery where monks train.

In 1972, he was not ready to open such a center, but his goal was to provide a place where zazen could be united with the practice of more active Japanese arts. In

156 157

addition, he feels that the students need not limit them selves to reciting sutras to the accompaniment of the mokugyo drum, but they might also try to write hymn-like songs as well (Sato 1972:182,183).

Another innovation was the creation of a Creative

Life Society, where people with various spiritual problems live together as one family, training both their minds and bodies as they seek to create a new life. This idea was similar to that Akizuhi-roshi proposed. The practice of

Zen is combined with yoga exercises, fencing, and other activities (Sato 1972:184-185).

In recent years, Zen has turned missionary in an attempt to establish roots in other countries. Zen institutions have been established in Hawaii, America, Canada, and Europe. In addition, Zen is experiencing a small in crease in popularity due to the large number of books which have been written on the subject. However, in order for Zen to remain a viable force in the culture of Japan, it must adapt itself to conform with the needs of the modern Japanese. PART TWO

ZEN BUDDHISM IN THE U.S.A.

158 ' '

CHAPTER V

DEVELOPMENT OF ZEN IN THE U.S.A.

Buddhism has always been the preferred religion of

Asian immigrants to the United States (Layman 1976:xvi)

In 1854, when Japan once more opened its doors to the

West, large numbers of Japanese began to emigrate to Cali

formia, bringing their Buddhist religion with them

(Dumoulin 1976:305). As a result, by the end of World

War I, almost all of the Buddhists in America were of

Japanes ancestry (Needleman 1978:157).

Meanwhile, Buddhism remained merely a curiosity

for most non-Asian Americans (Needleman 1978:155). It was

not until the organization of the Theosophical Society in

New York in 1975 that interest in Buddhism was first stim

ulated on the part of a substantial number of Caucasian

Americans. Through the publications and lectures spon

sored by this society, many people became acquainted with

concepts such as reincarnation, karma and nirvana (Layman

1976:27). According to Nakagawa Soen Roshi, the three objectives of the Theosophical Society were: 1) to form a nucleus of the Universal Brotherhood of Humanity, with out distinction as to race, creed, sex, caste or color;

159 160

2) to encourage the study of comparative religion, phi losophy and science; and 3) to investigate the unexplained laws of nature and the powers latent in man (Senzaki 1976:

127). The Theosophy movement emerged in the 1870s from out of the spiritualistic milieu and American Zen is linked to this movement (Needleman 1978:269).

To a large extent, the history of Buddhism in

America up to 1960 among Caucasian-Americans is really the history of Zen in America (Prebish 1979:9-10). In addi tion, the Zen Buddhism which was brought to the West was largely Japanese Zen. It began as a literary phenomenon, with hundreds of books and articles being written about

Zen, but a growing number of Caucasian-Americans have begun to practice Zen as a result of the efforts of a few

Japanese missionaries.

The history of Zen in America may be traced in terms of the influence of three Japanese teachers who served as the principal guides for each of the approaches to Zen now found in the United States: Rinzai master

Imkita Kosen, roshi of the Engaku Temple, who may be con sidered the founder of American Zen, Sogaku Harada of

Hosshin Temple, who taught a synthesis of Rinzai and Soto

Zen, and Soto Zen master Shinryu suzuki of the Eihei

Temple (Layman 1976:64). Rinzai was the first school of

Zen to take hold in Japan. In a similar manner, the initial activity of Zen in America was, for the most part, ..LO..L

dominated by the Rinzai lineage of Imakita Kosen.

Kosen was aware that Zen Buddhism was in danger of

dying out in the rapidly modernizing Japan of his day, and

he cherished the idea of its transmission to the West,

where it might flourish again (Wienpahl 1964:97).

In the same manner that Zen died out in China as a vital force at about the time it was imported to Japan, so it seems as though at the present time, when Zen has ceased to be all-important in the life

of Japan 1 it is being transported to America (Covell 1974:185).

Kosen looked to the United States as the best soil in which to transplant Zen seeds from Japan (Wienpahl 1964:

9 7) •

Kosen held meditation weeks for distinguished laymen in Tokyo, with the idea that this group would be useful in the transmission of Zen to the West. Eventually, this group was formed into a society. He also required

Soyen Shaku, his most brilliant disciple, to attend one of the first Japanese universities devoted to the study of Western culture (Wienpahl 1964:98). Although Kosen did not live long enough to see his dream fulfilled, he transmitted his convictions and determination to three of his disciples, Soyen Shaku, Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki, and

Nyogen Senzaki (Senzaki 1976:xviii).

In Japan, Soyen Shaku (1859-1919) was considered somewhat unconventional. After becoming a roshi, he not only undertook the study of Western philosophy and 162

culture, encouraging others to do as well, but he also went on a pilgrimage to Ceylon where he studied Theravda

Buddhism. This was odd behavior for a roshi at that time, but the appearance of this sympathetic attitude towards

Western ways was the first necessary step towards the transmission of Zen to the West (Senzaki 1976:xviii).

Since Soyen was the dharma heir of Kosen, it is only right that he should be the first Zen priest to visit the United

States (Layman 1976:64).

The beginning of Zen for non-Orientals in America began in 1893 when Soyen Shaku attended the World's Par liament of Religions at the Columbia Exposition in

Chicago. D. T. Suzuki was brought along as a translator

(Wienpahl 1964:98). At the time of their visit, there were no formal Zen groups in America. However, consider able interest was aroused among those attending the Con gress, as well as among those attracted to theosphy.

Part of Soyen's appeal to Americans may be attributed to his thorough understanding of Western culture and modern society {Layman 1976:64). In the decade following the

Chicago congress, Japanese Zen missionaries traveled to the United States, with hopes of expanding the interest in Zen which the congress had kindled.

Paul Carus, the owner of Open Court Publishing

Company, attended Soyen Shaku's lecture at the World Par liament of Religions and became interested in Buddhism as 163

a result. He was so impressed with what he heard that he asked Soyen to stay on in America as an editor in his pub lishing firm. Soyen declined the offer, but suggested in his stead Dr. D. T. Suzuki (Prebish 1979:8). When Soyen returned to Japan, Suzuki stayed behind to work as a translator (Wienpahl 1964:98). In 1897, he became the new writer and editor for the Open Court publication, where he worked until 1909, when he returned to Japan (Layman 1976:

28). He lived with the Carus Family in LaSalle, Illinois during this period.

In the summer of 1905, Soyen Shaku returned to the

United States at the request of Mr. and Mrs.Alexander

Russell of San Francisco, in order to promote the Rinzai school of Zen. Earlier that year, the Russells had gone to visit Soyen at Engaku-ji, to request instruction in

Zen. Mrs. Russell arranged for Soyen to visit many Ameri can cities during his stay (Prebish 1979:6). He gave a number of lectures, which were translated and edited by

Dr. Suzuki in a book entitled Sermons of a Buddhist Abbot, and published by the Open Court Publishing Company in

1906. These sermons, together with a translation by Dr.

Suzuki of the sutra of 42 sections, were the first infor mation published in the West on the subject of Zen

(Humphreys 1968:38).

Due to the books and articles written by Paul Carus and the books and journals published by his company, 164

interest in Buddhism began to develop among intellectuals other than orientals and faddists. The most important of the Open Court publications were the writings of D. T.

Suzuki. Although neither a priest nor a Zen master, he was instrumental in increasing the public's awareness of

Zen (Layman 1976:28,65).

During Soyen's nine-month stay in the United States, he became convinced that America was ready for Zen (Layman

1976:64). Upon his return to Japan in 1906, he selected three of his closest disciples for the task of promoting the Rinzai school of Zen in America: Daisetz T. Suzuki, who was still in America at the time, Sokatsu Shaku, and

Nyogen Senzaki. Each of these disciples have left a last ing imprint on the development of Zen in America (Prebish

1979:6).

Dr. Suzuki (1870-1966) returned to Japan in 1909 and became an English professor at Otani University

(Layman 1976:65). In 1911, he married an American,

Beatrice Lane, who was a noted scholar of Shingon Buddhism and a Theosophist. In 1921, he founded and published in

Japan an English-language journal called The Eastern

Buddhist. His wife helped him with the editing and by the time of its final issue in 1939 he had written a great many articles on Zen, many of which were used as the basis for his later books (Humphreys 1968:38).

Beatrice Lane Suzuki died in 1939 (Suzuki 1970:xiv). 165

During this same period of time, Dr. Suzuki wrote many books in English on Zen as well as on Mahayana Bud dhism. By 1928, the year he published his Essays in Zen

Buddhism (First Series), he began to be fairly widely read

(Wienpahl 1964:99-100). After the 1930s books and articles on Zen written by other authors began to increase in quan tity, all of them influenced by Suzuki's works(Humphreys

1968:39). Various Buddhist societies in Europe and the

United States, which had been oriented towards Hinayana

Buddhism, and were often outgrowths of Theosophical

Societies, began to develop an interest in Zen Buddhism

(Wienpahl 1964:100).

Dr. Suzuki traveled to America in 1936, but returned to spend the war years in Japan. In 1949, he was made a member of the Japanese Academy and the emperor decorated him with the cultural medal (Suzuki 1970:xiv). Here turned to America once again in 1950, where he lectured and taught at various American universities until 1958.

The most notable of his lecture series were the talks he gave at Columbia University in 1951 (Prebish 1979:9).

This lecture series, combined with Suzuki's writings, were directly responsible for the growing intellectual interest in Zen in the 1950s, and prompted several future leaders of American Zen to go to Japan to study and practice Zen meditation under the direction of Japanese Zen masters

(Layman 1976:30). The Zen boom which took place following 166

World War II was directly influenced by Dr. Suzuki. In

1956, the Zen Studies Society, Inc., was founded in New

York by Cornelius Crane to help Suzuki with his work.

In addition, Dr. Suzuki served as president of the

Cambridge Buddhist Association, which was founded in

1957, although his leadership was mostly from a distance.

When Mr. Crane died in 1962, the Zen Studies Society,

Inc., was for the most part, inactive until Eido Roshi

came to assume the presidency (Prebish 1979:9).

The strengths (universality, psychology, awareness,

freedom) of Zen in the West, and also its weaknesses (lim

ited concern for the actual practice of monastic Zen in

the East, impatience with discipline) stem from the pre dilections of Dr. Suzuki and his followers (Ellwood 1973:

259). Dr. Suzuki returned to the Engakuji Temple in

Kamakura where he spent the last years of his life, dying at the age of 95. Due to the numerous English works on

Zen Buddhism written by Dr. Suzuki, Rinzai is the best known of the Zen sects outside Japan (Yokoi 1976:38).

Dr. Suzuki, along with Sekibutsu Koji, who later took Shaku's name and came to be called Sokatsu Shaku, had been lay students of Soyen Shaku since the 1880s

(Weinpahl 1964:98). After Sokatsu finished his Zen studies with Soyen and traveled some, he was ordained and commissioned by Soyen to go to Tokyo and continue

Kosen's work with lay students which had fallen in 167

abeyance after Rosen's death in 1892. Sokatsu established

a small temple there. Many of his students were from the

Imperial University of Tokyo (Wienpahl 1964:98,99). In

1906, Sokatsu took six of his disciples to California,

with the intention of establishing a Zen temple in the San

Francisco area. The group included a lay student who was

an artist and writer, Shigetsu Sasaki. After brief per

iods in Berkeley and Hayward, they opened a Zen Center in

San Francisco, where about fifty Japanese students and a

few Caucasian-Americans came to practice (Layman 1976:64).

Altogether, Sokatsu spent four years in America, from

1906 to 1908, and again from 1908 to 1910. During this

time, Sokatsu decided that the West was not yet ready for

Zen so he returned to Japan with five of his students.

Shigetsu Sasaki remained in the United States.

Sasaki wandered around the country for nine years,

finally arriving in New York in 1919. During these years he had continued his zazen, and in 1919 he decided to re

turn to his roshi to complete his Zen study (Weinpahl

1964:99). Over the next several years he made several

trips between New York and Japan (Layman 1976:65). Fin ally, in 1928, he was made a roshi by Sokatsu. He re

turned to New York as Sokei-an Roshi, charged by his teacher with the mission of bringing Zen to America.

Shigetsu Sasaki (1882-1945) became the first Zen roshi to make his home in the West. 168

In 1930, Sasaki founded the Buddhist Society of

America in New York City. It was comprised of a walk-up on West Seventy-fourth Street, where he gave instruction, not in zazen, but in sanzen, along with lectures (Watts

1972:142). It was incorporated the following year. "In

spite of the growing interest in Zen in the thirties, few people came to listen to and sit with Sokei-an Roshi"

(Weinpahl 1964:100). The struggling center made some impression and published a periodical, eat's Yawn, until

1941, when Sokei-an was imprisioned in a detention camp for enemy aliens during the war (Ellwood 1973:258). In

1944 he was released because of ill-health, due to the efforts of his disciples, and in the same year he married one of them, an American, Ruth Fuller Everett (Wienpahl

1964:100). In 1945, The Buddhist Society of America was renamed The First Zen Institute of America.

After Sokei-an's death that same year, The First

Zen Institute had a difficult time (Layman 1976:65).

Sokei-an had left no dharma heir (Prebish 1979:8). His widow continued his work. After the New York center had been well launched in postwar American culture, she moved permanently back to Japan (Ellwood 1973:258). Before she studied under Sokei-an, Ruth Fuller Saski had been ad mitted to study at Nanzen-ji, through the help of Dr.

Suzuki (Covell 1974:185). In 1947, after her husband's death, she went to live at the temple of Daitoku-ji, 169

where in May 1958, she was ordained the first woman abbot of the subtemple of Ryosen-an. She assumed the Buddhist name of Jyokei and accepted a richly brocaded red and gold silk scarf, which signifies the Zen priesthood (Layman

1976:15).

Sokei-an had charged his wife with three tasks be fore his death. One was to return to Japan, where she had engaged in Zen studies in the 1930s, and find a roshi who would come to the United States to continue Sokei-an's work. Another was to make possible translations of Zen texts that are needed for the teaching of Zen. The third task was to establish a center for Zen study for western ers in Japan. Futh Fuller Sasaki has since been hard at work successfully accomplishing these tasks. Isshu Miura

Roshi has been installed as the permanent roshi of The

First Zen Institute of New York. Through her direction a team of translators has been assembled in Kyoto to pro vide translations of important Zen texts (Wienpahl 1964:

100,101). In addition, after years of negotiation and preparation, she has persuaded the governing body of

Daitoku-ji to rebuild a very old subtemple on its grounds, and use it as a Zen training school for Western students of Zen (Humphreys 1977:34).

In 1905, Soyen's third disciple, Nyogen Senzaki came to California. Unlike Dr. Suzuki, Senzaki spent his life in comparative obscurity. He did not begin to teach 170

Zen until 17 years after his arrival. During those years

he worked as a waiter, cook, dishwasher, houseboy, teacher

of Japanese and even hotel manager. As a result, he came

to know Americans and American culture quite well, before

actually beginning to teach Zen (Senzaki 1976:xix).

Nyogen Senzaki was born in 1876, the son of a Rus

sian father and a Japanese mother. He was abandoned in

Siberia as a baby, but was found by a passing monk, who adopted him and gave him his family name. When this monk passed away, Senzaki renounced the world and became a home

less monk, wandering throughout Japan visiting various Zen monasteries. He had been ordained a Buddhist monk under a

Shingon teacher, but later had entered a Zen monastery where he studied meditation. He first studied Soto zen, then, later, Rinzai. Shingon Buddhism influenced not only

Senzaki's Zen, but also the Zen of Nakagawa Soen Roshi and

Eido Roshi (Senzaki 1976:6,7,80,8).

Nyogen Senzaki came to the United States partly be cause he felt that Zen in Japan had begun to drift in the direction of decadence, and like Soyen Shaku before him, he hoped America would prove to be the "happy field" of his teacher's dreams. He hoped to bring about an inter national Buddhism with an American base, a Buddhism that would transcend not only church and sect affiliation, but language affiliation as well. He saw America as a place sympathetic to this internationalist vision. Senzaki 1./1.

considered the American spirit to be essentially "Zen" in character (Senzaki 1976:xx,l2).

Nyogen Senzaki established a zendo in San Francisco in 1928, and started another in Los Angeles in 1929, where he stayed, except during the war years, until his death in

1958. When the war broke out, he was sent to a camp for

Japanese nationals on Hart Mountain in Wyoming and was confined there from 1942 to 1945. He established a zendo on Hart Mountain and called it Tozen Zenkutsu or "Medita tion Hall of the Eastbound Teaching." In 1945, here turned to Los Angeles.

Since Senzaki was not, technically speaking, a roshi, because he was not a formal dharma heir of Soyen

Shaku, he could have no successors to carry on his dharma vision (Senzaki 1976:xx). His influence lives on in the

California Bosatsukai of Los Angeles and in the work of his most immediate disciple, Robert Aiken, who founded the Diamond Sangha in Honolulu in 1959 (Layman 1976:65).

Whereas Dr. Suzuki was largely responsible for the birth of intellectual Zen in America, Nyogen Senzaki fostered the actual practice of zazen. While Dr. Suzuki and

Shigetsu Sasaki worked on the east coast, Nyogen Senzaki cultivated the west coast (Senzaki 1976:xix).

Nyogen Senzaki informally transmitted his belief in

American Zen to Soen Nakagawa Roshi. The friendship be tween Senzaki and Soen Roshi began in 1934, through a 172

correspondence that resulted from the publication of

Nakagawa Seen's poems and diary entries in a Japanese magazine (Senzaki 1976:xxi,l67). In 1949, Soen Roshi

came to America for the first .time, at Senzaki's request.

Six months later, he returned to Japan to be installed as

Abbot of Ryutakuji. Senzaki and Soen Roshi saw each other

only two times after this--in 1955, when Soen went to

America once again, and in 1956, when Senzaki visited

Japan (Senzaki 1976:14-16,17).

In 1958, upon hearing of the death of Nyogen Sen

zaki, Soen Roshi traveled to the United States and founded

the Los Angeles Bosatsukai (later called the California

Bosatsukai) from among his friend's students. Then he returned to Japan with Senzaki's ashes in an urn and three

large cartons of unpublished manuscripts (Senzaki 1976:

179-180). In 1960, he came to the United States once again. This time he held a sesshin which was attended by twenty people on an irregular basis, although four or five were there the whole time. By now he had not only these people in Los Angeles to help with their Zen study, but had American students in his own temple in Japan as well (Wienpahl 1964:101). During the 1960s many people interested in Zen began going to Japan and, of the Ameri cans who went, many ended up at Ryutakuji ("Dragon Tem ple"), where Soen Roshi was the Abbot, both because Soen

Roshi spoke English and because of his association with 173

Nyogen Senzaki. On June 3, 1973, Soen Roshi retired as

Abbot of Ryutakuji, so that he would have more time to devote to the movementof Zen from East to West (Senzaki

1976:xxi,xxii).

In 1960, Soen Roshi sent one of his most promising disciples, Eido Tai Shimano, from Ryutakuji, across the

Pacific, to waken the Zen eye in America. Eido received his monk's name, which predicted his future dharma activity in America, from Reverend Goto. Since Rinzai Zen was in troduced into Japan by Eisai, and Soto zen by Dagen,

Reverend Goto took the first characters of each name,

"Ei" and "Do," and put them together to arrive at Eido, which predicted a transmission in which Rinzai and Soto traditions would be blended together (Senzaki 1976:xi,

170,171).

Eido settled first in Hawaii, where he assisted the

Diamond Sangha, then, in 1965, moved on to New York

(Prebish 1979:7). After Dr. Suzuki's return to Japan and

Mr. Crane's death in 1962, the Zen Studies Society had become inactive and when Eido arrived, he was made the new president. In 1968, Eido opened the New York Zenda

Shoboji ("Temple of True Dharma"), on East Sixty-seventh

Street in New York City (Senzaki 1976:196,xi-xii). Then the search began for a place to build a Zen monastery.

Eido wished to construct a classical Zen monastery for lay persons, in a natural setting. In the 1930s, as a monk in 174

seclusion on Dai Bosatsu Mountain in Japan, Soen Roshi had dreamed of building a monastery there. Eido learned of this dream after the land had been purchased in 1971, in the_Catskill Mountains, for what Soen Roshi and Eido were to name "International Dai Bosatsu Zendo." Eido later added "Konga Ji" or "Diamond Temple." On September 15,

1972, with the formal transmission of dharma in the Rinzai lineage from Soen Roshi to Eido Tai Shimano, he became

Eido Roshi and Abbot of both the New York Zendo Shoboji and International Dai Bosatsu Zendo Kongoji (Senzaki

1976:xii,xxi-xxii).

Continuing the Rinzai tradition in the United

States is yet another Japanese Zen master, Joshu Sasaki

(Layman 1976:66). Joshu Sasaki Roshi entered Rinzai Zen training at the age of 14, and has devoted his life since to the practice of Zen. In 1962, he left his position as

Abbot of Sojuan Zen Temple in Japan to come to California to continue the work which was begun by Senzaki. He first used a garage in Gardena as his zenda, then he used a dentist's office. In 1966 he founded Cimarron Zen Center in Los Angeles. Then, in 1977, Mount Baldy Zen Center was established and affiliated with this center (Layman

1976:66). The Jemez Bodhi Mandala in New Mexico is also connected with this center, which has other affiliates in

California, New York, and Canada. Joshu Sasaki is on the road part of each year, conducting sesshin for other 175

regular and beginning students at colleges, monasteries, and retreat centers around the country.

In the 1950s America experienced a 'Zen boom.' New forms of Zen, such as Soto and a mixture of Soto and Rin zai, appeared on the scene for the first time. Moreover, the practice of Zen, as separate from a merely intellec tual interest in Zen, was growing as Zen centers were established in different parts of the country. It was during this period that the influence of Sogaku Harada was first felt in the United States. Although Harada, master of the Hosshin Temple, never set foot in the United

States, his impact is felt through the combined Rinzai and

Soto teachings of his three dharma heirs: Hakuun Yasutani,

Philip Kapleau, and Taizan Maezumi.

Yasutani first had his head shaved at the age of five. He was then sent to live in a Zen temple where, at the age of thirteen, he became a novice. At the age of thirty he married, and since no temple was available for him, he turned to teaching. He broke with the Soto sect because they were vague as to the nature of satori. At the age of forty, he met Harada Roshi, abandoned his work as an educator, and became a temple priest. During his very first sesshin with his new master, he attained enlightenment. At the age of fifty-eight, Harada named him a dharma heir (Prebish 1979:11). ~/0

In 1962 1 Yasutani Roshi made his first trip to the

United States, during which he held sesshins in New York,

Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Boston, and Washington D.C.

(Prebish 1979:11). From that time until his death in

1973, at the age of eighty-eight, he made periodic visits to the United States. He served as Zen master for such varied groups as the Zen Studies Society of New York, the

Diamond Sangha of Honolulu, and the California Bosatsukai of Los Angeles.

The most well-known of Harada's disciples in America is Philip Kapleau. Kapleau first learned of Zen in 1946, in Tokyo, where he was a court reporter for the War Crime's

Trials. After returning to America, he began attending

Dr. Suzuki's lectures at Columbia University in 1951

(Prebish 1979:11). Discontented with the 'intellectual' approach to Zen, he returned to Japan in 1953 in search of enlightenment. For 13 years he lived a monastic life, first studying with Nakagawa-roshi at the Ryutakuji tem ple, then with Harada-roshi at Hosshin temple. Finally,

in 1956 1 Nakagawa Soen took Kapleau to meet Yasutani roshi, who urged Kapleau to bring Zen to America (Prebish

1979:11). Under Yasutani, Kapleau was ordained a Zen priest, and in 1966 Yasutani sanctioned him as a teacher of Zen.

Several spiritual groups in the United States in vited Kapleau to establish Zen centers in their cities, 177

but in 1966, he settled in Rochester, New York, and

founded the Zen Meditation Center there (Kapleau 1980:

268) . Since then he has conducted many seminars and work-

shops on Zen at various universities throughout the coun

try. His Zen center is now affiliated with groups through

out the United States and Canada (Layman 1976:67).

Philip Kapleau is one of the few who have tried to

promote Zen as an American religious practice. He has

introduced such innovations as adapting Western clothing

for zazen, modifying Zen rituals for American audiences,

and chanting in English. These "deviations" from the

traditional forms of Zen led to Kapleau's break with

Yasutani-roshi in 1967. Nevertheless, Philip Kapleau

remains one of the most sincere, hard-working and effec

tive teachers of Zen in America (Prebish 1979:12).

Not as well known as Kapleau, but with an ever

increasing following, is the third of Harada's dharma heirs, Taizan Maezumi-roshi, spiritual leader of the Zen

Center of Los Angeles (Layman 1976:67). Maezumi-roshi was born into a prominent Soto family in 1930. He was

trained first in Soto practices, under Hakujun Kuroda roshi, at Eisai Temple, then in Rinzai Zen, under Koryu

Osaka-roshi, and later under Yasutani-roshi, who combined

Rinzai and Soto teaching. Hence, he represents all three lineages (Prebish 1979:10). Maezumi-roshi came to Los

Angeles in 1956 and established the Zen Center of Los 178

Angeles, where he supervises the training of several monks, as well as lay students. Like Harada, he emphasizes both koan use and shikantaza, adjusting the method to the needs and temperament of the individual student. He is American, yet traditional. He has introduced some chanting in En glish, yet with respect to structure and discipline, he is a traditional Zen master, being very specific in his in structions to students about their responsibilities

(Layman 1976:67).

The most influential proponent of Soto Zen in the

United States has been Shunryu Suzuki-roshi, who arrived in San Francisco in 1959, to lead the Japanese congrega tion at the Zen temple of Sokoji on Bush Street. Suzuki roshi was born the son of a Soto Zen master in 1905. At the age of 13, he became an apprentice to one of his father's students, Gyokuju Soon, also a roshi and one of the leading Soto masters of the time. When he turned 19,

Gyokuju sent him to the high school at the Komazawa Uni versity. Here he completed both high school and under graduate school. Next, he traveled to Eiheiji and became a monk there. Then, after visiting a few more temples, he requested that his master send him to North America, but his request was denied. Shortly thereafter Gyoku-ju died and Suzuki-roshi took over his responsibilities at

Rinso-in. As head of this major temple, Suzuki-roshi had

200 temples under him. The following year he married and, 179

contrary to tradition, lived in the temple with his new wife. When his wife died in 1951, he devoted himself to

the restoration of Rinso-in, which he completed in 1957.

In 1958, he married again and that same year accepted a

three-year position as priest of Sokoji Temple in San

Francisco (Prebish 1979:86,87).

At the Sokoji Temple, Suzuki-roshi practiced zazen

alone, until some Americans began to seek him out for in

struction in zazen and practiced sitting with him. As the group grew, it became necessary to build a small zendo up

stairs in the temple. Within a year, Suzuki-roshi was

lecturing regularly in English (Layman 1976:67-68). In

1961, the group was large enough that a Zen center was needed, so the San Francisco Zen Center was opened, and

it incorporated the following year. About this time

Suzuki-roshi requested an additional three-year leave of absence (Prebish 1979:83,87). Students began moving into communal apartments near the temple (Layman 1976:68).

Suzuki-roshi began to look for a site in which to open a mountain meditation center (Prebish 1979:83). In

1967, Tassajara Hot Springs, a secluded resort hotel, nestled in 500 acres of mountains near Carmel, California, was purchased and turned into a monastic training center named Zen Mountain Center, Zenshinji monastery. In 1968,

Suzuki-roshi's eldest son took over as priest of Rinso-in

(Prebish 1979:87). By 1969, the San Francisco group had 180

outgrown the facilities at the Sohoji Temple and moved to

its current headquarters at 300 Page Street. In addition,

other groups were formed which were affiliated with this

center in Berkeley, Mill Valley, Los Altos, and Monterey.

Shortly before his death in 1971, Suzuki-roshi

passed the dharma mangle to his disciple, Richard Baker

roshi who took over as head of the San Francisco Zen Cen

ter (Prebish 1979:12). In the spring of 1972, Richard

Baker-roshi directed the purchase of Green Gulch Farm in

Marin County for the San Francisco Zen Center.

In addition to Richard Baker-roshi, Suzuki-roshi was also close to Dainin Katagiri-roshi (Prebish 1979:91).

Karagiri-roshi was trained in the Soto tradition at Taizon

and Eihei temples, and came to the United States in 1964

to help with the Japanese congregation at the Zen temple

in Los Angeles (Layman 1976:68). After five months, he moved to San Francisco, where he was appointed a priest at both the Zen temple and the Zen Center, where he

assisted Suzuki-roshi until his death. He had wanted

to start his own group, but Suzuki-roshi and his students at the Zen Center convinced him to stay. Eventually it ended up that he spent half the year at the San Francisco

Zen Center and half with the Zen groups in the Carmel

Monterey area. Finally he moved to Monterey and estab lished a zendo in his home, but continued to maintain ties with the Zen Center. Later on, he moved to Minneapolis 181

to open a zendo where many of his old Zen Center students now live (Prebish 1979:11).

The Zen masters who traveled to the United States during these early years all shared the hope that in

America a rediscovery of the original spirit of Buddhism- nonsectarian, nonethnocentric and nonsacerdotal--would take place (Senzaki 1976:xxii). Since then, many other teachers of Zen have come to. America; notably, Soyu

Matsuoka-roshi, who founded the Chicago Buddhist Temple, and Jiyu Kennett-roshi, who founded the Zen Mission

Society and Shasta Abbey, a monastery in northern Califor nia. Not all of the new Zen instructors came from Japan,

Dr. Thich Thien-An, director of the International Bud dhist Meditation Center in Los Angeles and president of the College of Oriental Studies, came from Vietnam, Hsuan

Hua, Ch'an master of the Sino-American Buddhist Associa tion in San Francisco, in from China, and Dr. Kyung-Boseo came from Korea (Layman 1976:69).

It was not until after World War II that Americans for the first time became profoundly aware of the Orient in general, and Japan in particular (Needleman 1978:158).

During this period American soldiers returned home with their Japanese brides, more aware of things oriental.

Also, at this time, American universities began to expand their offerings on Asian history, politics, sociology, and religion. The study of Asian religions emerged as an 182

academic discipline in America, which encouraged serious and painstaking language training. It was not long before scholars indirectly aided in the task of establishing

Buddhism's first significant entry into America by pro viding excellent translations of Buddhist texts from vir tually all the Buddhist traditions and languages (Needle man 1978:159). These trends combined with the university lectures of Dr. Suzuki and others, and the missionary work of Zen priests in urban areas, to produce an upsurge of interest in Zen in the late 1950s.

In the 1950s two important factions developed within the Zen movement in this country. These two fac tions may be referred to "Square Zen" and "Beat Zen."

"Square Zen" was the Zen of serious students of philosophy and those who were seeking answers to the problems of the world, while remaining responsibly in the world (Layman

1976:70). It emphasized sound, basic doctrines and solid religious practice (Prebish 1979:51). It was the kind of

Zen adopted by Westerners studying in Japan (Watts 1960:

338). "Beat Zen" was the Zen of the artists and poets who sought an escape from the ills of society and a shying away from the dictates of social conscience (Layman 1976:

70) . It was a fad which emerged as part of a radical social movement and it based its attraction on the promise of something new (Needleman 1978:171). 183

The Beat movement was essentially a city movement

(Needleman 1978:161). Although it had its official be ginning at the Six Gallery in San Francisco in 1955, its roots went back to the initial meeting between Allen

Ginsberg and Jack Kerouac, near Columbia University, ten years earlier (Prebish 1979:23). The appeal of the Beats was their basis in the American heritage, a heritage which

they, in part 1 rejected (Needleman 1978:159). They adopted Zen because it was found congenial to American thought and feelings as expressed by Emerson, with his feeling for the here and now, by Thoreau, in his appre ciation of nature, and by John Dewey, in his stress upon

"immediate experience" (Ames 1960:26}. In building a myth of their own, the Beats replaced what they rejected of American culture with Zen culture. They identified themselves with the spontaneity of the Zen tradition.

In addition, they rather naively assumed that because some

Zen monks wandered over the countryside that all Zen monks must follow this practice. In so doing, the Beats not only ignored the very basis of Zen monastic life and its incumbent discipline, but they used this as justification for their own itinerant lifestyle (Needleman 1978:160).

Consequently, the erotic quality of life was overempha sized, as were their frequent excursions into the world of drugs and alcohol. Although the Beat movement was in herently unstable, they came close to providing a real 184

American beginning for Buddhism. They publicized Zen, but damaged it in the process (Needleman 1978:160,171,161).

In contrast, "Square Zen" was slow to develop, con servative in nature and remarkably stable in growth, activity and teaching (Prebish 1979:51). "Square Zen" was popularized through the writings of Alan Watts, but because he had neither the Buddhaological sophistication of Dr. Suzuki, nor the deep personal experience of Philip

Kapleau, Americans were suspicious of his scholarship.

Thus, by 1960, Zen in America was still groping for leadership, a Western identity, and a solid community of participants (Needleman 1978:161).

In the 1960s, the Free Speech movement, the Sexual

Freedom movement, the Peace movement, and a host of other polarizing forces developed, along with the proliferation of psychoactive drugs. At the same time, church atten dance was experiencing a decline, possibly indicative of an erosion of faith in the value of religion or its im portance in a secular society (Prebish 1979:31). The demonopolization of predominantly Western religious tra ditions created an environment in which many persons saw

Buddhism as a religious option which deserved exploration.

Thus, the 1960s witnessed a growth in Buddhist groups, with a greater diversity of traditional and sectarian affiliations than ever before in America. Buddhism's lack of God concept to express ultimate reality made it 185

attractive to those who were persuaded by the Death of

God concept and those feeling the fallout of the declining supernatural thrust of traditional religion in America

(Needleman 1978:163).

The Beat movement of the 1950s evolved into the hippie movement of the 1960s, from which Zen recruited its most ardent supporters (Needleman 1978:162). As a result of its association with the counterculture, Zen Buddhist community life became associated with radicals, who practiced everything from do-it-yourself macrobiotics to various forms of multilateral marriages. Alternative lifestyles, such as communal living, appeared, which were consonant with the Buddhist world view (Prebish 1979:32).

Such writings as Aldous Huxley's The Doors of Perception,

Timothy Leary's The Politics of Ecstasy, and John Lilly's

Center of the Cyclone increased interest in Zen by com paring the enlightenment experience with mental states induced by such drugs as mescaline and LSD (Dumoulin

1976:308). The result was that many people who had used drugs in the past became Buddhists, with the hope of an

'organic trip' which would be more powerful than drugs, but safer. Playing down the exotic experiences to be attained through Buddhist meditational systems, the wisest of the American Buddhist teachers constantly cited the "ordinariness" of Buddhist experience and the necessity of relating to the world "as it is" (Needleman 1978:164). 186 p '

In reaction to the countercultural elements in

Buddhism in the 1960s, some Buddhist teachers in the

1970s have returned to the traditional mode of instruction for laymen emphasizing abstention from theft, false speech, intoxicants and drugs of any kind and illicit sexual behavior. In so doing, the teachers have begun to realize that the traditional mode is generally outdated and consequently ineffective and ill-suited to modern

America (Prebish 1979:46). As a result, Buddhism is still searching for a lifestyle consonant with its pursuits in

America.

The following chapter deals with the questions: who is attracted to Zen, how many Zen practitioners are there, and where are they located? This will supply more of the background that is necessary in order to under stand the Zen movement in the United States. CHAPTER VI

EXTENT OF INFLUENCE

Zen appears to appeal mostly to hippies, intellec tuals, college students, artists, psychotherapists, phi losophers, and other professional men and women. Devotees are usually affluent, well-educated and politically lib eral (Spae 1979:119). This may be one of the reasons why the Rinzai school of Zen is better known in the West, be cause this school of Zen has always attracted intellec tuals (McCasland 1969:598).

In a study done in the Bay area of California, Zen students were shown to be more tolerant than the average resident. For example, 79 percent of those attracted to

Zen favored granting more freedom to homosexuals as com pared to 45 percent of the total sample. In addition,

62 percent of those attracted to Zen were politically liberal, 80 percent approved of cohabitation, and 70 per cent were in favor of legalizing marijuana (Wuthnow 1978:

25,26,37).

Many students had tried many other religions before arriving at Zen. Christian mysticism, yoga, existential ism, theosophy, spiritualism, and even Catholicism had

187 188

been tried without success (Humphreys 1977:178). Most religious experimenters are, on the whole, just casual experimenters (Wuthnow 1978:36). Some of them will remain with Zen, but others will go on to sample other oriental religions or go back to working "within the system" (Lay man 1976:71).

The majority of Zen practitioners are between the ages of 20 and 35, although a few meditational groups con sist predominantly of middle-aged members. Most Zen groups are made up of more males than females, although the gap seems to be closing. Also, most Zen practitioners are Caucasian, although there are a few black and oriental students. For example, in 1976, 98 percent of the stu dents at Zen Center of Los Ang~les were Caucasian (Layman

1976:256). In addition, there is a high percentage of

Jewish and Catholic Zen practitioners.

Zen students are disproportionately single. Among the couples that are married, it is not unusual for both the husband and the wife to practice Zen. In addition, a fair number of marriages have taken place within Zen groups (Layman 1976:256).

In a study of 1,000 people made by Robert Wuthnow in 1976 in the San Francisco Bay area, 3 percent knew a lot about Zen, 27 percent knew a little, and 70 percent knew nothing. Of the 303 people who had heard of Zen,

8 percent were strongly attracted to it, 32 percent were 189

mildly attracted, 11 percent were turned off, and 49 per cent had no feelings either way. The results of this

study showed that only 2.6 percent of the 1,000 people who had heard of Zen were practitioners of Zen (Wuthnow

1976:271).

Although this study showed a low percentage of Zen practitioners among those who have heard of Zen, dozens of

Zen centers have been establ.ished in the United States.

Two of the largest centers are the San Francisco Zen Cen ter, which claimed 150 residents in 1977, and the Zen

Center of Los Angeles, which claimed 120 residents in 1979.

No one knows for sure how many Buddhists there are

in America. Emma Layman and Joseph Spae estimated the number at half a million in the late 1970s, but other observers claim that serious practitioners number only

in the tens of thousands. One of the problems involved in getting a total number of the American Buddhists is that i~~t is di£f~cult to know what constitutes a Bud dhist today. Buddhist organizations determine membership

in various ways. Some groups designate financial contrib utors as members, and thereby Buddhists. Others identify members as those who frequently attend services or medi tation sessions. Still others limit members to those who have made a formal commitment to Buddhism through the taking of the Three Refuges. The result is that the mem bership rolls are inflated, at least with respect to the 190

traditional criteria for determining Buddhist affiliation

(Needleman 1978:169).

No estimates have been made as to the number of Zen

Buddhists in the United States. Zen groups have a high

dropout rate: more than three-fourths of those who begin

practice with a Zen group drop out within a year. Yet,

despite this high dropout rate, increasing numbers are re

maining. More students are spending extended periods of

time in one of the half-dozen Zen monasteries which have

recently been established in the United States (Layman

1976:30). In 1967, there were 70 students in training at

Zen Mountain Center outside of San Francisco, and now

there are more young people in training in Zen monasteries

in the United States than in Japan (Covell 1974:186). In

addition, a number of Westerners are now engaged in Zen

study in Japan (Wienpahl 1964:64).

At the present time, Zen is experiencing a rapid

growth in the United States. New groups and affiliates

are appearing throughout the country, zendos are expand

ing, and the number of Zen practitioners is increasing

(Layman 1976:70).

The Zen movement in the United States has been basically a city movement. Zen practitioners are largely

concentrated in urban areas on the east and west coasts

and in Hawaii, but new groups are springing up everywhere, most of them affiliated with some center under the 191

leadership of a Japanese Zen master or a Japanese-trained

priest (Layman 1976:30). There are Zen groups in San

Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley, Los Angeles, Hollywood,

Santa Barbara, Redondo Beach, San Diego, Santa Cruz,

Phoenix, New York City, Rochester, Boston, Honolulu,

Seattle, and Washington D.C. In addition, groups are

located in Connecticut, Colorado (Boulder), New Mexico

(Santa Fe), Iowa, Oregon (Cottage Grove, Ashland, and

Portland), Montana (Missoula), and Pennsylvania (Easton,

Philadelphia, and Pendle Hill). In the 1960s a large

number of Buddhists deserted the city and sought to prac

tice their religion in a wilderness setting, but most of

them have since returned to the city (Needleman 1978:166)

Now that we know who the Zen adherents are, how many people practice Zen, and where they are located,

there is one question which still remains to be answered:

Why are Americans interested in Zen? CHAPTER VII

AMERICAN'S INTEREST IN ZEN

There are many reasons for the extraordinary growth

of Western interest in Zen during the last twenty years.

First of all, Zen is an exotic, new religion, something out of the ordinary. In the 1960s, people who were re belling against the establishment, its religions, and the materialistic society they lived in, were drawn to Zen because it was non-Western and non-Christian. In addi-

tion, these people were drawn by the promise of a new

sensory experience, an ecstasy to be obtained without drugs, which Zen was said to provide.

Second, people took up the practice of Zen because of its emphasis on self-reliance in the attainment of religious salvation. This intense self-reliance is simi lar to the 'rugged individualism' of which the American people are so proud. In Zen, the practitioner must work out his own salvation, without relying on some savior,

God or Buddha, to help him. At the same time, Zen gives help to those who need it in the form of rituals to be performed, books to read, and masters to consult (Ames

1960:32).

192 193

Third, is the fact that Zen is the most tolerant religion known in the history of mankind. It does not claim the unique possession of truth and has never at tacked fellow-seekers who hold a different view (Humphreys

1968:146,147). It does not moralize, reward, or punish.

There are no commandments to follow, no judgment and no

sin. It poses no threat because it is completely non dogmatic (Senzaki 1976:89).

Fourth, some people have turned to Zen because they believe that the traditional Western religions have failed to come to grips with the problems of society (Layman

1976:71). In this respect, Zen has become religious psychotherapy for a technological generation. Success, in the technological, materialistic society of America, is measured by one's accumulation of conveniences. Zen teaches that in reality "success" and "failure" belong to the world of illusion. Instead, Zen offers self realization through contentment and contemplation. It merges man into his environment by giving its practi tioners a sense of oneness with the universe. As a re sult, it helps to relieve the pressures of everyday life

(Corwin 1972:15,25,14). In addition, it gives its ser ious practitioners a feeling of wholeness, so they may lead a more effective life.

Fifth, the turning of young Americans to Eastern religions, such as Zen, may be explained from one 194

p ' anthropological point of view as a matter of cultural blindness. These young Americans no longer "see" the

Western religions around them. They see instead only empty ritual. They have not been taught the religious significance of the "empty" practices of their parents.

They are not being educated about religious questions and values (Needleman 1978:296).

Sixth, Americans yearn for a freer, more personal, and creative way of living which Zen seems to offer. Yet, at the same time, the very rebelliousness of the young

American makes him feel the need of strict discipline, • I such as that required in the practice of Zen (Ames 1960:

30). This discipline is not threatening, because it is of his own choosing (Layman 1976:71).

Seventh, is the attractiveness of a religion which is concerned with the unconscious mind (Briggs 1977:414).

Some Zen students are clinicians interested in the thera peutic potential of Zen and are looking for analogies be tween certain Zen concepts and psychoanalytic concepts

(Layman 1976:70).

Eighth, Van meter Ames argues that part of the interest in Zen is due to the close affinity Zen has to

American thinking. He points out that Americans believe in the pursuit of happiness and feel comfortable with the naturalistic outlook of Zen. Moreover, he notes that the tone of the Zen masters is close to that of Jefferson, 195

Emerson, Thoreau, Whitman, and William James (Layman 1976:

80). Along this same line of thought, Nyogen Senzaki believes there are eight aspects of American life and culture which could be used to explain the current inter est in Zen: 1) American philosophy is practical, 2)

American life does not cling to formality, 3) the majority of Americans are optimists, 4) Americans love nature, 5) they are capable of simple living, 6) Americans consider true happiness to lie in universal brotherhood, 7) the

American conception of ethics is rooted in individual morality, and 8) Americans are rational thinkers (Senzaki

1976:59). All eight aspects correspond to Zen philosophy and practice.

One of the reasons why someone who begins to prac tice zazen might decide to continue until they attain en lightenment could be the result of the personality changes one goes through as a result of intense meditational prac tice. There are many benefits which one might obtain by practicing zazen: increased vitality, better physical health, alleviation of anxiety or depression, being able to work more efficiently, an improved disposition (short temperedness and melancholy disappear and are replaced by warmth and friendliness), a reduction in ego centeredness, a stronger will, serenity, a sense of purpose and direction, improved concentration, a freeing of creative potential, a withering of excessive 196

attachment to material things, and a more pliable per

sonality. Those who have taken drugs, such as LSD, in

the past gradually reduce and eventually stop the use of

drugs. They become more accepting of others, and more willing and able to accept themselves for what they are

(Needleman 1970:45).

This air of acceptance was particularly noticeable

on my first visits to the various Zen centers in the Los

Angeles area. In addition, after a few sessions of zazen

practice I began to feel more tolerant of others and not

as quick to anger as I began to deal with stress more

effectively. At first, I found it very difficult to sit

perfectly still for even fifteen minutes at a time. My

legs would begin to ache and my eyes would get sore from

focusing on one spot. But, as I persisted, I found that

the meditation had a calming effect. In addition, it made me feel at one with the universe, and gave me the

feeling that nothing really matters, because death is

really just an illusion.

Not only has Zen been influenced by the cultures

through which it has passed, but it has also left an

impression on them. In the following chapter the influ ence Zen has had on Western thought will be discussed. . I

CHAPTER VIII

ZEN'S INFLUENCE ON WESTERN THOUGHT

Perhaps more than any other areas of the cultural life in the West, modern psychology, psychotherapy, and psychiatry have felt the impact of Buddhism. The great discovery of the unconscious by Freud, Adler, and Jung paved the way to the investigation of hitherto unexplored regions such as the drives underlying human behavior, the sources of artistic and intellectual images and ideas, and the cause of mental disturbances and physical illness.

The breakthrough to the level of the unconscious caused

European thinkers to realize the importance of meditation, especially Buddhist meditation. Not only did the study of

Buddhist meditation lead to a deep knowledge of the un conscious, but it also served as a means of exercising voluntary control over the images, moods, passions, and intuitions of the unconcious mind. Thus a novel attempt was made to incorporate Buddhist meditation into European psychotherapy (Dumoulin 1976:320).

A number of American scholars, psychiatrists, philosophers, novelists and artists have also been influ enced by Zen. For example, psychiatrist Erich Fromm, who

197 198

wrote The Art of Loving shows a Buddhist influence in his writings. In addition, the trend toward simpleness and naturalness in food and clothes and the diminishment of the importance of careers and status seeking have all been influenced by the philosophy of Zen (Bellah 1976:341).

Just as Zen has influenced American thought, American cul ture has had a corresponding influence on the practice of

Zen. CHAPTER IX

ZEN'S ADAPTATION TO WESTERN CULTURE

Zen Buddhism underwent a metamorphosis in its pro

gression from India to China 1 and thence to Japan. It adapted itself to different countries in different ways.

Instead of imposing itself on the new culture, it blended into the culture, so that it became, over time, an expres sion of its most profound characteristic. As a result, it would be useless to bring Zen Buddhism, as it was prac ticed in Japan, to the United States. If Zen is to be adopted by people of all ages and lifestyles, it must adapt itself to the United States as it has adapted it self to every other country it has entered.

Zen is America has not, as of yet, developed an

American style. "Many monks are teaching the practice of

Zen there, but the practice still remains Oriental; for eign to Western culture" (Hanhh 1974:96). Most of the Zen meditation groups in the United States today adhere rather strictly to the rituals and procedures which characterize the routine in Japanese temples (Layman 1976:30). In most

Zen services, the chanting is done in Japanese, Korean,

Vietnamese or Chinese (Layman 1976:76,74). Shoes are

199 200

removed upon entering the zenda and zazen is performed sitting cross-legged on round, black cushions called zafus, which are placed on a larger, square cushion or a pad on the floor or on a low platform. Japanese termin ology is used to designate the various aspects of the Zen experience and in some zendos students wear kiminos and/or pleated skirts called hakamas (Layman 1976:78). Also, most of the Buddhist temples. in America are characterized by Asian architecture (Needleman 1978:166). In addition, for the most part, American monasteries have been modeled after Asian monasteries, with monks and students study ing, working, chanting, eating, and meditating together

(Layman 1976:16).

In order to get Americans to accept Zen as a

'Western' religion and not as a teaching and practice suitable only for Asians, it was necessary to begin adapting Zen to Western culture (Kapleau 1980:269).

Increasing numbers of Zen centers are now experimenting with modifications of rituals and established procedures in order to make Zen more acceptable to the American people (Layman 1976:30). One such innovation has been the introduction of the practice of chanting certain sutras in English. In some Zen centers, zazen may be performed seated on chairs, and Western clothes, such as jeans, are permissible. In American zendos, the kyosaku is used only when the student requests it. The kyosaku, 201

a Soto term, called keisaku by the Rinzai school, is a wooden stick which is used by the senior monk in the zenda during meditation to rouse students who are falling asleep or to smack shoulder muscles grown stiff from sitting. In addition, sessheins in the United States are generally shorter than those in Japan, to meet the needs of those who cannot spare more than a day or two (Layman 1976:78).

Some Zen centers do not require monks to shave their heads.

Also, in the United States, Zen monks do not practice mendicancy.

Although American Buddhist monasteries are run very similar to those in Asia, they differ from Asian monas teries in their physical layout, with monks, students, and guests frequently staying in cabins. In addition, in the

United States, monks and nuns are more likely to live in the same monastery than in Asia, and in the American Bud dhist monastery a few individuals remain at the monastery as permanent residents (Layman 1976:16).

Fundamental changes in American Buddhism are occurring. Sermons and lectures delivered by the clergy are beginning to make less use of illustrationsrecounted by ancient Buddhist saints and are instead becoming more applicable to everyday life in modern American society.

In addition, koans and mondos based on Western concepts are being composed for use by American students. 202

This background on some of the ways in which Zen has begun to adapt itself to American culture was neces

sary in order to better comprehend the practice of Zen in

the United States. The following chapter contains a gen eral description of this practice. CHAPTER X

PRACTICE OF ZEN IN THE U.S.A.

Sakyamuni Buddha believed that it would be impos sible for a lay person to obtain nirvana (enlightenment), because the lay person would have so many worldly respon sibilities that he would not be able to meditate with sufficient concentration to experience enlightenment.

Instead, the layman's reward was to be rebirth at a higher level of human existence or rebirth as a deity in one of the Buddhist heavens. However, in modern times, in most of the Buddhist sects, a layman or laywoman may formally become a Buddhist and a 'disciple' of some member of the sangha, the community of disciples, monks and nuns, who is

his, or her, precepter, or preceptess (Layman 1976:17 1 18).

In the United States, a Buddhist is more likely to be a lay person than a monk or nun.

A ceremony called 'jukai' is performed in order to formally initiate one as a Buddhist. At this ceremony, the disciple accepts the Three Treasures, and the ten precepts, and takes the four great vows. The three trea sures are the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. The ten pre cepts are aspirations rather than commandments. They are:

203 204

l) not to kill, 2) not to steal, 3) not to indulge in improper sexuality, 4) not to lie, 5) not to become intox icated by alcohol or drugs, nor cause others to do so,

6) to eat only at specified times, 7) not to attend dances, theaters or similar pleasures, 8) not to use perfume, 9) not to sleep on a large bed, and 10) not to possess silver or gold. The four great vows are: l) However innumerable beings are, I vow to save them, 2) However inexhaustible the passions are, I vow to extinguish them, 3) However immeasurable the Dharanis are, I vow to master them, and

4) However unobtainable the Buddha Truth is, I vow to attain it. (A dharani is an exhortation designed to produce a specific condition, or energy, by chanting the specific sounds themselves.) The disciple then takes refuge in the Buddha, is given a Buddhist 'dharma' name, and a robe, but does not have to shave his head.

In general, American Buddhists are expected to live their lives within the lay community rather than in a monastic setting, but are also encouraged to have at least a taste of the monastic life for spiritual enrichment. Most of the Zen Buddhist monasteries in the United States have a close relationship with some center or temple, which supplies its leadership and participates in its financial support. For example, the Zen Center of San Francisco is connected with the monastery at Tassajara, and the Cimar ron Zen Center of Los Angeles is connected with the 205

monastery at Mount Baldy, California. Those with member ship in a temple or center often spend periodsfrom a few days to a few months as students at the monastery. Other groups frequently arrange for retreats of several days or weeks in which their members lead a monastic life in the mountains or a rural setting (Layman 1976:18).

In the United States, a number of the Zen centers are residential and semi-monastic in nature. Some students are immersed in Zen twenty-four hours a day, others live at the center, but go to work or school outside of the center, and still others live and work outside of the center, but come to the center for zazen and services.

Examples of this type of center are at the Cimarron Zen

Center, the Zen Center of Los Angeles, the Zen Center of

Rochester, and the Zen Center of San Francisco. In this type of situation, members not living at the center fre quently rent rooms or apartments in the neighborhood, sometimes in a communal living arrangement, so that the members come to form a Zen "community." The students who live in or near the center report that this enhances their practice (Layman 1976:68,18,71).

Serious students of Zen attend services at the Zen center with some regularity. Some Zen practitioners seldom go to the temple or Zen center, but instead engage in zazen at home, but this is not considered desirable, especially for beginners. Zen priests conduct workshops 206

on university campuses, which often lead to the formation of zazen groups on the campuses, or in the students moving closer to the center to be near a Zen master (Layman 1976:

58, 71).

At the Zen center, temple or monastery, monks, nuns, disciples and uncommitted students participate in the chanting of sutras, repetition of the four vows, offering of incense, bowing and prostrations which assume a promin ent place in the devotional services that take place from several times a day to once a week, depending on the place where it is performed. These services are not essential to Zen, but rather are engaged in principally to help the

Zen practitioner to attain a frame of mind which will en able him to gain the most from his zazen. Maezumi-roshi has stated that the purpose of chanting is to harmonize the mind and the body (Maezumi 1976:38). To begin the service, candles are lit on the altar and incense is pre sented. This is followed by at least three prostrations before the Buddha, either by the priest or by everyone.

The purpose of the prostrations is to humble yourself.

During the prostration you lift your open palms above your head, as though you were lifting your teacher's feet above your head, in order to show appreciation to your teacher.

At various times throughout the service, Japanese bells and chimes are rung, and, during the chanting, a special drum is beaten. In every Zen service, the Sutra of the 20 7

Heart of Perfect Wisdom or Transcendental Wisdon (Prajna

Paramita) is chanted. Chanting of other sutras and dharanis follow the chanting of this particular sutra.

The service ends with another three prostrations.

In virtually all Zen temples there are images of a

Buddha and/or one or more of the bodhisattvas on an altar in the Buddha hall (where the services are performed.)

The Buddhist images, however, are not necessary. .The Zen

Buddhist is not required to have any faith in any Buddha- he may spit upon or curse the Buddha if he wishes (Layman

19 76 : 53) . In New York there is a zendo which has no Bud- dhist images, but instead has a circle with separate places for Catholics, Prostestants, and Jews to put their objects of worship.

A great deal of bowing takes place in the practice of Zen Buddhism. When bowing to the Zen master, the Bud dha, and the members of the sangha, an oriental gesture of respect called gassho is used. In gassho; the hands are raised to the level of the chest, the palms are placed together and the elbows are pointed outwards, at the sides. When one comes into the zendo he bows first to his cushion, then away from his cushion. During meals, the server of the food bows to each student and the stu dent bows in return. For Americans, this bowing to one another is difficult, but it is not the person you are 208

bowing to, but instead, it is the Buddha-nature in the person (Needleman 1970:54).

In a residential Zen center, or one at which meals are served, Zen practice includes meal chants and certain mealtime rituals which vary from one center to another.

Chanting usually occurs before and after breakfast and lunch. At the Zen monasteries, there may also be chants in connection with the evening meal. When these chants are omitted, it is because the evening meal is considered to be 'medicinal,' in keeping with the ancient rule which prohibits eating after noon for members of the sangha.

In the monasteries, the meals are usually eaten in silence and sometimes this is done in the zazen position in the zenda. Most Zen temples, center, and monasteries serve vegetarian food, and at some the meals are eaten with chopsticks (Layman 1976:76,77). In addition, some of the centers forbid the use of alcoholic beverages or drugs.

~ In the beginning, Sakaymuni Buddha was against the idea of ordaining women, or having nuns, but several of his disciples induced him to change his mind and now there are many nuns, particularly in the Mahayana school of

Buddhism. Some of the nuns have even become head priests in temples in the Orient. Monks and nuns are ordained in a similar manner and have similar lifestyles. In most monasteries in the Orient, nuns as well as monks shave 209

their heads and both are expected to be celibate. In

Japan, it has been permissible for monks to marry ever since the Meiji restoration, although celibacy is still required for ordained women (Layman 1976:15,16). In the

United States, it is not always necessary for a nun to be celibate, or to shave her head. The reason for the shav ing of the heads has to do with the principle of detach ment. You must become so detached from the world that it does not matter whether you have hair or not. Since monks and nuns are permitted to marry in some Zen groups in the

United States, in a few of the groups monks and nuns have married each other (Layman 1976:256}.

The principal function of the Zen center is the practice of zazen, and training in its techniques. The only essential building is a zendo, which may, in some instances, also serve as a Buddha hall. Any type of room which is free of furniture might serve as a zendo. There is usually an altar at one end of the room, with an image of the Buddha, candles, incense burners, flowers, and percussion instruments. If it is a zendo of the Rinzai sect of Zen, there is a low platform extending the length of the room on both sides, and possibly also in the cen ter, on which the meditators will set facing each other.

Such is the case at the Cimarron Zen Center. If it is a

Soto center, there is no such platform, but instead 210

sitting is done on the floor. Such is the case at the

Zen Center of Los Angeles.

A monitor strikes wooden clappers together as a

signal for everyone to prepare for zazen. Then, a small

handbell is rung three times. Zazen is usually performed

in two or more sessions, separated by the practice of

kinhin. If a roshi is present, dokusan (private inter

views with the roshi) may follow zazen, or individuals may leave the zenda for their session with the roshi some

time during zazen. Dokusan may take place from several

times a day to two or three times a week. When reporting

to the roshi for dokusan, the Zen student prostrates him

self at the door and again in front of the roshi, who is

seated on a cushion. The student then sits in the Japan

ese kneeling position in front of the roshi and reports on

the progress which he is making on his koan (if it is a

Rinzai or combination Rinzai and Soto center), or other

spects of his practice, and waits for the roshi's reaction

and instructions. When the roshi is finished with the

student, he rings a bell in dismissal (Layman 1976:75).

Most of the regular participants of zazen will eventually want to attend a sesshin (Layman 1976:58). The

difficulties and rewards of Zen practice are greatly ac centuated during these intense practice periods (Needleman

1970:48). Sesshin can last from a day or two to a week or more. It is a time when the students seclude themselves 211

from worldly affairs and stay in the zendo to practice meditation (Senzaki 1976:105). During sesshen, there are several periods of zazen a day, interspersed with kinhin, silent meals, dokusan, chanting of sutras, and lectures by the roshi or another Zen teacher. During this period the mind is concentrated and meditation deepens. For this reason, some people attend sesshin with the hope of becom ing enlightened.

In Rinzai temples, dokusan is sometimes referred to as sanzen, but actually sanzen covers several different types of individual contacts with a roshi. Sanzen may be of three types: general lectures on Zen practice and principles (teisho), scheduled private sessions with a roshi or teacher to give guidance and discuss one's prog ress in zazen, and special sessions, if the circumstances warrant them (Layman 1976:296).

At the Zen centers, there are special celebrations of such Buddhist holidays as Buddha's birthday, Enlighten ment Day, the anniversary of Buddha's death, and the Fes tival of the Dead, as well as special services of signifi cance only for the particular center, such as a celebra tion of the roshi's birthday, or the birthday of the founder. There are also special ceremonies for becoming a Zen teacher, and for becoming a dharma heir, which are analogous to these affairs in the Orient. A dharma heir is one who has been authorized by his Zen master to be a

. I 212

teacher of Zen and to pass on to future generations of Zen

students the teachings of his master (Layman 1976:77,297).

The American Zen priests perform marriage ceremon

ies, which combine Western and Oriental concepts, baptize

infants, and perform funeral and memorial services modeled

after those of the Orient. In their 'baptism' ceremony,

the infant is blessed and anointed with holy water.

The practice of Zen in Los Angeles is analyzed next, as an example of the varieties of Zen practice within one city. Los Angeles was chosen as a representa tive city because all three of the main teaching lines-

Rinzai, Soto, and a combination of Rinzai and Soto--are represented there. CHAPTER XI

LOS ANGELES ZEN

In order to describe more fully the practice of Zen in America, two Zen centers and one Zen temple, all lo cated in Los Angeles, were chosen to represent the three teaching lines of Zen which have been brought to America.

The first of these centers is the Cimarron Zen Center of

Rinzai-ji, located at 2505 Cimarron Street. This center is composed of three residences, a men's and women's dorm itory, a zendo, and a building which contains another small zendo, a library, a kitchen, a meeting room and a small room used for private interviews with the roshi.

Zazen is practiced in the main zendo every morning from four-thirty to six-thirty and on Monday through Wednesday from seven to nine in the evening. Every morning chanting and work, such as cleaning, maintenance of the buildings, and cooking are also performed. On Saturday mornings there is an introductory class in Zen practice, and there is all-day sitting on the first Saturday of each month.

During the summer and winter, sanzen is given three days a week and a lecture is given once a week. During the spring and fall, the roshi travels around the country

213 214

conducting sesshinfor various groups. On Sunday morning

from eight-thirty to twelve, there is zazen, a lectur~ and

sanzen, if the roshi is present. If not, there is zazen

then a taped lecture given by the roshi is played.

There is only one monk, one abbot, and one roshi at

this center. There are also about twenty members, but only about ten come to the center to practice at any one time. All the members are Caucasian, except for one

Oriental. The residents of the center have part- and full-time jobs outside of the Zen center. They help sup port the zendo and their residences, and attend the re quired zazen meetings and community meals. The food served at the center is vegetarian, although at potlucks me~ is sometimes brought. The meals are a combination of Japanese and American food. For example, one lunch consisted of tofu, brussel sprouts, takuan, salad, and potatoes. A donation of one dollar is requested for each visit to the center to practice zazen, and one dollar for each meal.

All the chanting done at the center is in Japanese and the monks wear the traditional black kimonos when practicing zazen. For sesshin, the students to to the

Mount Baldy Zen Center, which is also under the guidance of Joshu Sasaki Roshi. Classes in calligraphy and tea ceremony are now being held at the center, dharma talks 215

are being given on Wednesday nights at eight and sutra

study is given Sunday nights at eight.

The largest of these three centers is the Zen

Center of Los Angeles, which is located at 905 S. Normandie

Avenue. It is a combination monastery, Zen meditation center, and Buddhist temple. This center is composed of an administrative building, which includes a stitchery, a bookstore and library, a holistic health clinic, at least two residences, two zendos, one of which also serves as a

Buddha hall, both containing small rooms for dokusan, and a sangha building, which houses the kitchen and some sleeping quarters.

Zazen and dokusan take place in the morning, after noon, and evening on Tuesdays, and in the morning and eve nings on Wednesday, Thursday and Friday. On Thursday eve nings there is also a dharma talk given by the roshi

(teisho). The center is closed on Mondays. Services for various Zen patriarchs are held on different days through out the month. On Saturday mornings, there is a service with sutra chanting, followed by zazen and dokusan, then a ceremony for the renewal of vows. The chanting is done partly in Japanese and partly in English. A jukai talk is held at one-thirty in the afternoon on every other Satur day. There are a series of these talks, which deal with the implications of what it means to take the precepts and 216

become a practicing Buddhist. In addition, there is a children's service held at eight on Sunday mornings.

Once a month, an Introduction to Zen Practice work shop is held, divided over two Saturday mornings. Atten dance at one of these workshops is mandatory for anyone who wishes to join the Zen center or participate in cer tain other programs of the center. A donation of $35, $25 for students, is requested and lunch is included. There is also a program called Zen Meditation Hall, which offers non-denominational Zen meditation instruction followed by a short informal group sitting and a discussion. This is held Tuesday nights at seven and Sunday mornings at nine.

Community work, which combines cooking, cleaning, carpen try work, and pulling weeds, is done on Saturday and Sun day mornings at ten-thirty.

Another workshop, which is held four times a year, is called Zen Life Intensive. It is a concentrated two- day training period which combines Zen practice with group questioning, discussion, talks, dialogue with the teacher and Western-style self-encounter processes. In addition, there is a small college at the center which offers courses in Japanese papermaking, Zen painting, Buddhist poetry and Buddhist Bioethics.

There are about 120 residents at the center and about 260 members of the center, although all the members do not live in the Los Angeles area. The center is almost 217

totally Caucasian. There are fourteen or fifteen monks and nuns at the center. Of the five nuns, only two are allowed to have hair, and this is because one is a teacher and one is a doctor, and both are in the public eye.

Most of the meals are vegetarian, although chicken

is served about once a month. A wide variety of food is

served here. At one lunch there were two types of vege table soups, salad, a banana 'smoothee' drink, ginger bread, and pumpkin bread.

The monks wear kimonos and other Zen practitioners wear dark, flowing skirts or pants when entering the zendo.

Shorts, undershirts and bare shoulders are not allowed in the zendo. Bright colors, strong perfume, and jewelry that

jingles are out of place in the zendo because they hinder concentration (Maezumi 1976:37).

Sesshin is usually held twice a month and can be either two or seven days long. A special sesshin called

Rohatsu-sesshin is held the first week of December. Over this past New Year's day, a nine-day sesshin was held.

The monks and nuns at Zen Center of Los Angeles have stated that their roshi is afraid of changing Zen too much to adapt it to American culture. He likes to keep the traditional customs, although he has instituted a few customs such as the practice of having novices at the center sit for one whole day before they are accepted as 218

trainees. In Japan, trainees still have to sit the traditional five days outside the monastery.

The last of the Zen centers and temples visited was the Zenshuji Soto Mission, located at 123 s. Hewitt Street. This mission is composed of two buildings: a Japanese style temple with a zendo, kitchen, and meeting room in the basement, and a building composed of classrooms and a kitchen. The main hall of the temple is equipped with pews and a pulpit, and if it was not for the Buddha images on the altar, and other Buddhist ornaments, it could be mistaken for a Christian church. The bishop in charge of this temple is Kenko Yamashita·.

Zazen is practiced in the zendo on Monday nights from seven-thirty to nine-thirty and on Saturday mornings from six-thirty to seven-thirty. Japanese chanting occurs in the weekly service on Saturday mornings, following the practice of zazen. There are three ministers at this tem ple, two of which have shaved heads. Only five to six people attend the weekly service and about the same number practice zazen. All the Zen practitioners here are Japan ese. No one is allowed to live at the temple. The monks and the bishop not only live outside of the temple but have jobs outside as well.

The food served at the temple is the traditional rice gruel, takuan, and vegetable that is served at the

Zen monasteries in Japan, and it is eaten with chopsticks. 219

The breakfast served following the Saturday morning zazen

and sutra chanting is free of charge.

This mission was set up to serve the Japanese

American people in Los Angeles. The monks all wear the

traditional black kimonos when chanting and practicing

zazen. There is only one sesshin a year--the Rohatsu ses

shin, which is held the first week of December. There is

a Sunday school on Sundays from ten to eleven-thirty in the morning, and there are classes held throughout the week on

the tea ceremony, flower arrangement, haiku composition,

cooking, dance, tennis, and some other areas of Japanese culture.

This mission is actually the administrative head quarters for all the Soto Zen missions in North America, but it appears to not be very involved with the activities of the other missions. Quite a few of the Soto Zen tem ples in the United States do not even practice zazen. The

Japanese people are more concerned with the chanting of sutras than with the actual practice of Zen.

In order to understand some of the changes which have occurred in the practice of Zen in the United States, one must comprehend the similarities and differences between Buddhism and Christianity. Since the United States is a predominantly Christian country, one should consider the Christian religion in theorizing about the future of

Zen in the U.S.A. CHAPTER XII

ZEN AND CHRISTIANITY

Christianity cannot be severed from the social life of the American people. As a result, Buddhism in America can take root only when it has established the proper relationship with Christianity. For this reason it is necessary to consider the similarities and differences between these two great religions, and the ways in which they are being reconciled.

Both Buddhism and Christianity have shown mission ary zeal ever since their respective founders admonished the disciples to spread the gospel throughout the world

(Layman 1976:235). While Christianity has dominated the history of Europe, Buddhism has profoundly influenced the history of Asia (Sangharakshita 1979:56). Both religions provide mankind with a means of obtaining salvation.

One of the basic differecnes between Christianity and Buddhism lies in their conceptions of God and Buddha

(Matsunami 1973:38). In Christianity, God is the creator of the universe, a supreme being. In comparison, Buddha is not a god who has supernatural powers, but a human being, who became enlightened enough to perceive the

220 221

ultimate truth and now serves as a model, guide, and

teacher. Zen takes no stand on the existence or non- existence of God, but denies the concept of a creator-God.

In Zen, worship is giving respect and gratitude to Saky amuni Buddha, while in Christianity, God, Jesus, and in

Catholicism, the saints, are the objects of worship. In

Christianity, man is saved through the grace of God, while

in Buddhism, each man must work out his own salvation through self-awakening.

Christianity is centered on belief in the divinity of Jesus Christ. Buddhists see Christ as an enlightened man, a small Buddha, but cannot accept the belief in the divinity of Christ and his saving grace. Many of the teachings of Christ and Buddha are very similar. For ex~ ample, both believe that you should be good to your par ents, love your enemies, not do anything to anyone you would not do to yourself, not envy, not quarrel with others, and not kill. Both agree that nothing deters a man from good as much as his clinging greedily to his ego

(Dumoulin 1974:85). Both Christ and Buddha use similar parables, and both advocated a direct approach to salvation rather than the use of rituals. In addition, both taught a spiritual death and rebirth or renewal (Layman

1976:235).

The Buddhist attitude is one of compassion, which is comparable to the Christian love of one's neighbor 222

(Dumoulin 1974:119). Buddhist loving-kindness and Chris tian love both stand opposed to ill-will, either in thought or in deed. The difference is that Christain love is spontaneously and intensely personal in spirit, practical and direct in its expression, historically and socially minded in viewpoint, while Buddhist loving kindness is systematic and calculated, indirect and im personal. Buddhism has no basic faith in the possibility of world-improvement and no vital drive toward historic ally and politically oriented action (King 1962:73,91,99)

While Christianity preaches being involved in the world but not of the world, Buddhism aims at detachment from the world in order to alleviate suffering (Layman 1976:

235). In Buddhism, one feels no sense of personal respon sibility for other people. Buddhists are unwilling to interfere with another person's spiritual destiny. This is attractive to many Christians who are not sure of their own faith and who are tired of the unlovely coer cions that litter Christian history. But it can also be a cover for a nearly complete unconcern for the welfare of others in any form whatsoever save in the most general terms of 'radiated' benevolence (King 1962:101).

Buddhists regard Chiristianity as dualistic, with

God and the self being seen as separate and distinct. In contrast, Buddhism has no separate entities of God or self

(Layman 1976:237). Buddhism teaches that man does not have 223

an individual soul, but instead, personality, individual ity, and self-hood are illusory concepts. It sees the craving for individuality as the source of man's ills

(Corwin 1972:98).

Many other differences exist between Buddhism and

Christianity. For example, man's suffering is viewed dif ferently. In Christianity, misery and pain exist because of man's disobedience or transgression of God's will. In

Buddhism, suffering occurs because of ignorance regarding the ultimate truth of life (Matsunami 1973:40). In addi tion, Christianity views the world as having a foreseen purpose and moving toward this purpose by the providence of God, while Buddhism believes that the world has no in herent or all-over purpose, only regulations of a causal order (King 1962:20). Also, Buddhism emphasizes logic, while Christianity stresses belief in Jesus Christ (Layman

1976:235).

The Christian's most characteristic form of worship is prayer. The Zen Buddhist's principal spiritual tech nique is meditation. Prayer is two-way, but meditation is not (King 1962:24). No other contribution of Buddhism to the world's religious heritage has been as highly appre ciated as that of Buddhist meditation. Meditation serves to integrate the self. According to Heinrich Dumoulin, modern Western man, in his drive for achievement, has to a large degree lost harmony with his self (1974:138,12, 224

13). The inner balance between stillness and motion has

been disrupted. He turns to Zen to learn stillness, so

that the inner balance might be maintained. Today, as

Buddhist meditation is spreading throughout the world,

it is, at the same time, being secularized (Dumoulin

1974:13,138).

Following the model set by Buddhism, Christian

religious life has rediscovered the importance of system

atically practiced meditation for the devotional life and

religious consciousness (Dumoulin 1976:320). Today, many

Christians, especially those belonging to contemplative

religious orders, have adopted the practice of Zen medita

tion. This is particularly noticeable among Catholics,

possible due to the fact that the practices of Zen have

more of an affinity with Catholicism than with Protestant-

ism. To a Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, or Episcopal

person, the incense, priestly robes, bowing and chanting

do not seem too strange (Layman 1976:244). While attend

ing my first Buddhist service at the Zen Center of Los V' Angeles, the first thing that came to mind was how similar the service was to masses I had attended at the Roman

Catholic church. In addition, Buddhism and the Roman

Catholic church both have tonsure, rosaries, cloisters,

nunneries, public confession, clerical celibacy, and mon-

astic orders (Muller 1964:351). Other similarities can be

seen in the emphasis upon a mysterious reality which yet 225

is near at hand, in love of ritual and in architecture

(Arne s 19 6 0 : 3 0 ) .

Protestant and Roman Catholic clergymen are joining

Zen groups, and Zen masters are often invited to conduct

training sessions in Zen meditation at Catholic monasteries

(Layman 1976:31). An association of Zen Buddhist monks and

Catholic priests has been formed with the aim of improving religious understanding (Enomiya-Lassalle 1979:113). Re cent times have even witnessed a certain amount of discus

sion about the possiblity of a Catholic Zen.

Zen meditation can be used to teach the Christian how to relax, be calm, think in a deeper way, dispose him self to receive God's love, and conceive the truths of faith not only in his brain, but in his whole body. It can also be used to deepen the prayer life of those who are already contemplative (Johnston 1970:170,171). Jesuit father H. M. Enomiya Lasalle not only practices zazen, but he uses dokusan (an interview with the Zen master) in his teaching in order to guide his students to come to the

Catholic faith (Graham 1968:10). He has given many popu lar meditation lectures in Europe on Zen meditation for

Christians and Westerners over the years. With the finan cial support he has received from his audiences and read ers of his books, he has built a Christian Zen center in the mountains above Tokyo (Dumoulin 1976:320). Here, Zen methods are used to help people deepen their Christian 226

faith. In addition, William Johnston suggests that

scriptures should be read as koan, contemplated upon, in

order to assist Christians in understanding the Bible.

He believes in the possibility of a Christ-centered Zen

(Johnston 1971:19,64,66,48).

Although Buddhists are tolerant of other faiths, it

would be impossible for a committed Christian to be a com

mitted Buddhist also (Layman.l976:236). Christianity de

mands fidelity to the ideas of God, the Bible, of dogma-

all of which are obstacles to enlightenment in the Bud

dhist sense (Johnston 1970:179). When a Christian becomes

a Buddhist, he gives up his concept of God as creator, he

gives up prayer, he gives up his belief in an 'immortal'

soul which will live on after the death of the body, in

short, he gives up his Christianity (Layman 1976:239). J In order for Christians to practice Zen, they must 'Chris tianize' it, rid it of all its Buddhist trappings. Be

cause of the growing interest in meditation today, the

Christian church should, according to Emma Layman, con

sider reviving the practice of meditation and contempla

tion within the church for both the monk and nun, as well

as the layman (1976:247). CONCLUSION

Zen's Future in the U.S.A.

Thomas Ford Houl t sta.tes that people indigenous to a given culture area will borrow elements diffused to them from other areas if the elements seem to meet particular needs and are compatible with their own established values and social structures (1958:39). The rise of interest in

Zen in the United States seems to correspond with a rise in interest in the practice of.meditation, which suggests ._, _____ ,__ ---- that some Americans have a need for contemplation; a time of quiet where one could separate himself from the problems of life in order to be more efficient in coping with the fast-paced society in which we live. Th~. gtbLcaL values of Zen Buddhism have been shown to be closely related to those of Christianity. In addition, vegetarianism, a Buddhist characteristic, is on the rise, particularly on the West coast, where the majority of Zen adherents are concentrated.

However, the system which is used to train Zen monks in the Orient is very different from the religious learning systems usually employed in American culture.

227 228

The emphasis on experience rather than book learning, the

communal lifestyle, and the teachers who use physical and

verbal abuse to get their message across are just a few

examples of the ways in which Zen training differs from

American religious beliefs and practices. American Bud-

dhists who are genuinely interested in Zen must find an

alternative to the traditional method of Zen training

taught in Japan. Not only is the traditional Zen training

foreign to American culture, but it is also outdated, in

Japan as well as in the United States. It is perhaps un-

reasonable to expect Americans in the twentieth century to • I

adopt a system of spiritual training formulated for the

Chinese in 700 A.D. (Humphreys 1974:137,138). Many of the

rules and regulations in the Zen monasteries originated

for use in the training of adolescent boys who grew up in

the monasteries in the early days of Zen (Watts 1972:120).

Zen still contains many Japanese characteristics.

In order for Zen to survive in America, it must acquire an

American form. "One cannot become a practitioner of Zen

by imitating the way of eating, sitting, or dressing of

the Chinese or Japanese practitioner~ (Hanh 1974:96). As

of yet, Zen is just beginning to establish roots in the

American soil, but it has a long way to go in order to

become an integral part of American culture. The cul- i ! ' tural, economic and psychological conditions of the West v

are not the same as those in Japan. Americans are 229

abstract thinkers and they use logical approaches to

problems, yet Buddhism teaches one to reject logic and

abstraction. In addition, although some Americans are

finding a need for meditation, Americans on the whole are

action-oriented; they are not use to sitting still long hours. So far, Zen in America has grown up more or less

isolated from American society and its stress on monastic

living is increasing the trend toward further isolation

from that society (Layman 1976:72,37).

Leaders are needed in order to propagate the prac

tice of Zen in America. A few Americans have gone to

Japan, learned Japanese, and studied Zen there under the guidance of Japanese roshis, but because of the time and money that are needed in order to do this, this way is open to only a few. Japanese roshis could learn English,

study Western modes of life and thought and come to the

United States to teach those who are ready to learn, but because of the time and effort that would be required, this method would not be feasible indefinitely. What is needed is for Americans to not only become enlightened, but to also be taught how to teach others, and thus become roshis (Humphreys 1977:201). More American priests are being ordained every year, and some of these have already been approved as teachers. At the Gold Mountain Monastery in San Francisco, there are twenty such monks, fully or dained in the most orthodox of the Zen schools (Briggs 230

1977:413). In this way, Americans are first learning Zen from the Japanese, so that they will be able to modify it ) v in accordance with American ways and customs. The Japan-, ese cannot modify Zen for the Americans, because they arei not familiar enough with Western ways. /

Although only a small percentage of the American people practice Zen Buddhism, the number is growing, as the American Zen Buddhists are increasingly trying to apply Buddhist principles to find answers to the problems of American society. The traditional pattern of Buddhist ethics is being altered to make it more consistent with the modern world (Needleman 1978:170). The interest that has been generated by the young adult population is being cultivated, as Zen groups are beginning to spring up on university campuses, especially in large metropolitan areas. Buddhist texts are being translated into English at such places as the Nyingmo Tibetan Institute in

Berkeley, California, and the Center for the Study of

World Religions at Stoney Brook in Long Island (Briggs

1977:143). In addition, virtually all of the Zen centers are discussing the need for further changes (Layman 1976:

72). Buddhist masters are hoping that this surge in interest in Buddhism in the United States will rejuvenate the tradition in Japan, and other parts of Asia, where it has fallen into decline (Briggs 1977:413). The future for 231

Zen in America looks promising as long as it continues to adapt itself to the needs of the American people.

Summary

Zen Buddhism has been brought from India to China, to Japan, and recently, to the United States. As it moved from culture to culture it adapted itself to each new cul ture differently, in accordance with the needs of the peo ple of the new culture. In each country there were cer tain men who were instrumental in adapting Zen to the new culture. Zen began as a method of meditation used in

India by wandering mongs, but, over time, it developed into a formal religious practice performed in a monastic setting, where many rules were imposed upon its practi tioners.

Bronislaw Malinowski theorized that every culture is a working whole, an "integrated" unity, in which every element has a functional contribution to make. He defines the "function" of any "institution" as the part it plays within the interrelated whole in fulfilling human purposes or "needs" (Keesing 1971:389). Zen has adapted itself to each of the cultures it has entered in order to better fulfill the needs of the people in those cultures.

In Japan, Zen was adopted by the nobles, to be used as a tool by which to pacify the country, and by the mili tary, because it was non-judgmental on the issue of taking 232

lives, and it emphasized a direct approach which corres- ponded to the military philosophy. Zen greatly influenced

the development of the arts in Japan. Zen monks helped to educate the people and were instrumental in developing trade with other countries. When Zen began to die out in

Japan it was brought to the United States with hopes that it might fourish once again.

In the United States, it was the counterculture which first adopted the practice of Zen, and they used it to justify their actions. More recently, Zen has been adopted primarily by college students who see Zen medita tion as a method by which one can receive an inner calm which better prepares one to handle the stresses and strains of everyday life. Zen has added a mystical dimension to religion in America. In addition, the philosophy of Zen has influenced Western psychotherapy.

Conclusion

As in Japan, Zen in America has exercised an influence completely out of proportion to the number of its full-time devotees (Bellah 1976:345). Zen in America began as a literary phenomenon, and as a result, Zen is fairly well known, although the number of its practi tioners is relatively few. Because of its newness, inno vation and alternative method of religious expression,

Zen has suffered from an enormous amount of public 233

suspicion (Prebish 1979:174). Although Zen started as a fad in America, it is beginning to develop into an Arneri- can religion (Briggs 1977:413). Through the influence of

Zen, some Christians have begin to use meditation as a way of becoming closer to God, and other Americans are beginning to wonder who they really are and what life is really all about.

The practice of Zen in America can easily be fit into Robert Ellwood's typology of a cult. He defines a cult as:

... a group derived from the experience of one or a few individuals who are able to enter (or are fascinated by the possibility of entering) a superior, ecstatic state of consciousness in which contact and rapport with all reaches of a non-historical and impersonal universe are possible with the help of intermediaries (human and/or supernatural) (Ellwood 1973:19).

In a cult~ an outer circle of members experience the presence of the sacred in these individuals, so they seek to participate in their experience. Cults are usually small groups which develop around a charismatic leader, have beliefs greatly at variance with those of the broader community and are.basically concerned with individual problems. The contemporary American cult is a movement based on the hope of ecstatic experience (Ellwood 1973:19,21,

27). This perfectly describes the beginnings of Zen in

America; the religion which was embraced by the counterculture in their search for a new 'high.' 234

As part of the process of becoming an American religion, Zen is beginning to seek legitimization by adapting itself to American culture and thought. In order to further adapt itself to American thought, Zen could start by emphasizing the unique qualities of freedom, equality and personal effort which are held dear by so many Americans. It would also be beneficial for American

Zen groups to manifest their American nature in their holiday observances, art, music, and ritual (Prebish 1979:

192). To date, Zen is still operating as part of the cult movement in the United States.

As it stands right now, Zen is operating as a slice of Japanese culture within the United States. Only minor changes have been made thus far in the practice of

Zen, and major changes will be necessary if it is to rid itself of its Japanese trappings. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ames, Van Meter 1960 Current Western Interest in Zen. Journal of Philosophy of East and West 10:23-34.

Bellah, Robert 1976 New Religious Consciousness and the Crisis in Modernity. In The New Religious Consciousness. Charles Y. Glock and Robert N. Bellah, eds. Pp. 333- 352. Berkeley: University Press.

Blofeld, John, trans. 1958 Introduction to The Zen Teaching of Huang Po on the Transmission of Mind, by P'ei Hsiu. New York: Grove Press.

Brandon, S. G. F., ed. 1970 A Dictionary of Comparative Religion. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.

Briggs, Kenneth A. 1977 Despite Rigors, Buddhism Continues to Win Adherents in U.S. In Religion in America. Gene Brown, ed. Pp. 413-414. New York: Arno Press.

Chen-Chi, Chang 1959 The Practice of Zen. New York: Harper & Bros.

Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. 1964 Buddha and the Gospel of Buddhism. New York: Harper Torch Books.

Corwin, Charles 1972 East to Eden: Religion and the Dynamics of Social Change. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Co.

Covell, Jon and Yamada Sobin 1974 Zen at Daitoku-ji. Tokyo: Kodansha Inter- national.

235 236

Dumoulin, Heinrich, ed. 1976 Buddhism in the Modern World.- New York: Macmillan Co.

1974 Christianity Meets Buddhism. John C. Maraldo, trans. LaSalle, Illinois: Open Court Co.

1953 The Development of Chinese Zen after the Sixth Patriarch: In the Light of Mumonkan. Ruth Fuller Sasaki, trans. New York: The First Zen Institute of America.

1963 A History of Zen Buddhism. Paul Peachey, trans. New York: Pantheon Books.

Eliot, Sir Charles 1959 Japanese Buddhism. New York: Barnes & Noble.

Ellwood, Roberts., Jr. 1973 Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modern America. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice- Hall.

Enomiya-Lassalle, Hugo 1979 Buddhist-Christian Dialogue in Japan. In Buddhism and Christianity. claude Geffre and Mariasusai Dhavamony, eds. Pp. 113-117. New York: Seabury Press.

Everett, John R. 1952 Religion in Human Experience. London: George Allen & Unwin.

Ferguson, John 1978 War and Peace in the World's Religions. New York: Oxford University Press.

Graham, Dom Aelred 1968 Conversations: Christian and Buddhist: Encounters in Japan. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.

Hanayama, Shoyu 1969 Buddhist Handbook for Shin-shu Followers. Tokyo: Hokuseido Press.

Hanh, Thich Nhat 1974 Zen Keys. Albert and Jean Low, trans. Garden City, New York: Anchor Books. 23 7

Hoffman, Yoel, trans. 1975 The Sound of One Hand: 281 Zen Koans with Answers. New York: Basic Books.

Hoult, Thomas Ford 1958 The Sociology of Religion. New York: Dryden Press.

Humphreys, Christmas 1974 Exploring Buddhism. London: George Allen & Unwin.

1968 Zen Buddhism. New York: Macmillan Co.

1977 Zen Comes West: The Present and Future of Zen Buddhism in Western Society. London: Curzon Press.

Johnston, William 1971 Christian Zen. New York: Harper & Row.

1970 The Still Point: Reflections on Zen and Chri·stian Mysticism. New York: Fordham University Press.

Kapleau, Philip 1980 Zen Dawn in the West. Garden City, New York: Anchor Press.

Keesing, Roger M. and Felix M. Keesing 1971 New Perspectives in Cultural Anthropology. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.

Kim, Hee-Jin 1975 Dagen Kigen--Mystical Realist. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press.

King, Winston L. 1962 Buddhism and Christianity: Some Bridges of Understanding. Philadelphia: Westminister Press.

Layman, Emma McCloy 1976 Buddhism in America. Chicago: Nelson-Hall.

McCasland, S. Vernon, Grace E. Cairns, and David C. Yur 1969 Religions of the World. New York: Random House.

Maezumi, Taizan 1976 What is Sesshin? In On Zen Practice. Hakuyu Taizan Maezumi and Bernard Tetsugen Glassman, eds. Pp. 32-41. Los Angeles: Zen Center of Los Angeles. 238

Masunaga, Reiho 1956 Zen Buddhism. In The Path of the Buddha: Buddhism Interpreted by Buddhists. Kenneth W. Morgan, ed. Pp. 339-349. New York: Ronald Press Co.

Matsunami, Kodo 1973 Introducing Buddhism, revised edition. Rut- land, Vermont: Charles E. Tuttle Co.

Miura, Isshu and Ruth Fuller Sasaki 1966 Zen Dust: The History of the Koan and Koan Study in Rinzai (Lin-chi) Zen. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.

1965 The Zen Koan: Its History and Use in Rinzai Zen. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.

Muller, F. Max 1964 Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated by the Religions of India. Varanasi, India: Indological Book House.

Needleman, Jacob 1970 The New Religions. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co.

Needleman, Jacob and George Baker, eds. 1978 Understanding the New Religions. New York: Seabury Press.

Nottingham, Elizabeth K. 1971 Religion: A Sociological View. New York: Random House.

Ogata, Sohaku 1959 Zen for the West. New York: Dial Press.

Peterson, Will 1960 Stone Garden. In The World of Zen: An East- West Anthology. Nancy Wilson Ross, ed. Pp. 104-111. New York: Vintage Books.

Prebish, Charles S. 1979 American Buddhism. North Scituate, Massachu- setts: Duxbury Press.

Reischauer, August Karl 1917 Studies in Japanese Buddhism. New York: Hacmillan Co. 239

Ross, Nancy Wilson, ed. 1960 The World of Zen: An East-West Anthology. New York: Vintage Books.

Sakurai, Tokutaro 1968 The Major Features and Characteristics of Japanese Folk Beliefs. In The Sociology of Japanese Religion. Kiyoma Morioka and William H. Newell, eds. Pp. 12-14. Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill.

Sangharakshita, Mahasthavira 1979 Dialogue Between Buddhism and Christianity. In Buddhism and Christianity. Claude Geffre and Mariasusai Dhavamony, eds. Pp. 55-63. New York: Seabury Press.

Sansom, G. B. 1943 Japan: A Short Cultural History, revised edition. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts.

Sato, Koji 1972 The Zen Life. New York: Weatherhill.

Saunders, E. Dale 1964 Buddhism in Japan: With an Outline of Its Origins in India. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Schloegl, Irmgard 1976 The Wisdom of the Zen Masters. New York: New Directions Co.

Senzaki, Nyogen, Soen Nakagawa, and Eido Shimano 1976 Namu Dai Bosa: A Transmission of Zen Buddhism to America. Louis Nordstrom, ed. New York: Theatre Arts Books.

Spae, Joseph 1979 The Influence of Buddism in Europe and America. In Buddhism and Christianity. Claude Geffre and Mariasusai Dhavamony, eds. Pp. 118-123. New York: Seabury Press.

Spiegelberg, Frederic 1956 Living Religions of the World. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall.

Steinilber-Oberlin, E. 1970 The Buddhist Sects of Japan: Their History, Philosophical Doctrines and Sanctuaries. Marc Loge, trans. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. 240

Suzuki, Daisetz Teitaro 1949 Essays in Zen Buddhism (First Series) . New York: Grove Press.

1962 The Essentials of Zen Buddhism. Bernard Phillips, ed. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co.

1970 The Field of Zen. Christmas Humphreys, ed. New York: Harper & Row.

1964 An Introduction to Zen Buddhism. New York: Grove Press.

1955 Studies in Zen. Christmas Humphreys, ed. New York: Dell Co.

1974 The Training of the Zen Buddhist Monk. Berkeley: Wingbow Press.

1968 Zen and Japanese Buddhism. Tokyo: Japan Travel Bureau.

1959 Zen and Japanese Culture. New York: Pantheon Books.

Takakusu, Junijiro 1947 The Essentials of Buddhist Philosophy. W. T. Chan and Charles A. Moore, eds. Honolulu: Univer sity of Hawaii.

Waley, Arthur 1920 The No Plays of Japan. New York: Grove Press.

Warner, Langdon 1960 Gardens. In The World of Zen: An East-West Anthology. Nancy Wilson Ross, ed. Pp. 101-103. New York: Vintage Books.

Watanabe, Shoko 1970 Japanese Buddhism: A Critical Appraisal. Tokyo: Kukusai Bunka Shinkokai (Japanese Cultural Society) .

Watts, Alan W. 1960 Beat Zen, Square Zen, and Zen. In The World of Zen: An East-West Anthology. Nancy Wilson Ross, ed. Pp. 331-340. New York: Vintage Books.

1972 In My Own Way: An Autobiography 1915-1965. New York: Pantheon Books. 241

1964 The Way of Zen. New York: Vintage Books. Wienpahl, Paul 1964 The Matter of Zen: A Brief Account of Zazen. New York: New York University Press. Wuthnow, Robert 1978 Experimentation in American Religion: The New Mysticims and Their Implications for the Churches. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1976 The New Religions in Social Context. In The New Religious COnsciousness. Charles Y. Glock and Robert N. Bellah, eds. Pp. 267-293. Berkeley: University of california Press. Yokoi, Yuho 1976 Zen Master Degen: An Introduction with Selected Writings. New York: Weatherhill. APPENDIX

242 243

'•.

.,.

.--.~

:·;··.!.

·.··

(Suzuki l959:insert) 244

:·.~-·.: . " ..: \ : ::-:~-~:.: .....~ ,I•'. .. __ .,_... , '..::.-

• ~ l ... • • t _:~· '.: . . ':· .;:::;_:,"'!:

····\·.··.>....

. .• · . -~- ... •.

•. -...-: ·,-~;._...", :-::_di~:n.---::c_;__ __L_~-~~~~-

'::~. :_;:~~~~~2;~,;~t;~r;~,~ :c-v:~>.~ •·•• :·· : ~~ .: ;;_, . ,_· r . --<~-~.': , . .. . ' .

. '_'- :_._:~~--~_:,)_:__ :.·~_:_·.--~~-~-~--.·._··.·_._.... ·_-._'.- ·,·.-.-~--·--:·"--'-- - ,'_ -. ,·.• •· •. •.· o...l:-:1.:..~--!-.:.:..:...~----: •'- :' --:-.::~·::-:..-::.;•• :·· .... 't . :.::.,;~. :•:. Ascribed to ;\Ia Yiian !Bay en).:\ solitary ungler. Ltte l2tl1 century (Suzuki l959:insert) 24 s

Linn;: K'ai tltyi:l.. ai). I lui·n<·ng l Enu l n:tting t!:( Larnl•oo. Early t::th n~nlurr (Suzuki 1959:insert)