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2 the Manhattan Project for Biomedicine 3ne: Origins of one of the ke rg :rger’s commc in k of contempc Beatty’s essaj __ _.”JragGS 0)’ le “Manhattan - ,-,A came to be connected to genetics, and ;es by which this eventually involved human genetics. His .ves us both a long-term perspective, and a short-term history, relops some of the connections of the HGP and the older 2 Bomb Casualty Commission studies. =say by Alice Dreger on the use of metaphors of mapping in ;entation of the HGP to Congress underlines some of the The Manhattan Project I issues that surrounded the origins of the mass-sequencing for Biomedicine In this provocative essay, she illustrates how nationalistic I entered into the definition of a project that originally was to the cosmopolitan dimensions of science. Timothy Lenoir and Marguerite Hays various historical perspectives provided by these papers i with striking force the complex historical roots of modem A topic of central concern to policy makers since the close of the ics,” and the nature of the interpenetration of disciplines and Cold War has been assessing the importance of federal investment in it forms of training and socialization of the scientific scientific research. With economic competitiveness replacing concerns iity that has produced the dynamic enterprise we now see about military security as a rationale for national funding priorities, is. They also illuminate the importance of the World War I1 there have been calls for a new contract between science and society n bringing about the collaboration of government, politics and establishing a closer working relationship between academe, industry medicine with the theoretical developments in biophysics and and the national laboratories, and creating a supportive environment ar biology, all of which have become involved in the HGP. for the commercialization of innovative technologies generated through public research funds. A model for the new contract between science and society has been the Human Genome Initiative. Indeed the HGI has been heralded as a potential Manhattan Project for biology through the possibilities it affords of stimulating collaborative work i among physicists, engineers, computer scientists and geneticists in the national labs which may prime the pump for commercially viable biomedical and information technologies analogously to the way in which the World War I1 Manhattan Project was the technological incubator for important Cold War electronics, computer science, military, and aerospace technologies (DeLisi 1988,489; Kotz 1995). While the call for launching a Manhattan Project for biomedicine may have the rhetorical ring of newness about it-and its formulation in terms of mapping the human genome certainly is new-the fact is that since the days immediately following the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings there always has been a Manhattan Project for biology and 29 30 Timothy Lenoir and Marguerite Hays The Manhattan Project for Biomedi medicine. Our aim in this paper is to show how, well before the end and John Lawrence. John Lawrence seized upon the preferent of the War, the chief medical officers for the Manhattan Project sorption of inorganic phosphorous in hematopoietic tissue began to contemplate plans for adapting the work they had done rapidly multiplying cells, such as malignancies, and used P32 t under extremely close security conditions to the postwar world. They leukemia. This first therapeutic use of artificially producl not only contemplated how to continue the promising paths of dioisotopes occurred on Christmas Eve 1936 (Lawrence et al. research they had opened during the war but also how to carry their 1940). Also about the same time, beginning in 1936. research outside the confines of military classification into the civilian investigations with radioactive iodine, were undertak Robley Evans, Arthur Roberts, jmd Saul Hertz in the thyroid cl world. We discuss their plans to establish academic and medical disci- Massachusetts General Hospital, but its 25-minute half-life rend plines in health physics, biophysics, and nuclear medicine; we also difficult to use (Hertz et al. 1938; Evans 1969, 105). Stimula explore programs they initiated to train medical personnel in the use their Berkeley colleague Joseph Hamilton to construct an isotl of radioactive materials, as well as a strategic program to subsidize iodine with a longer half-life, Glenn Seaborg and J. J. Livi the development of radioisotopes, radiopharmaceuticals, and devised a method of manipulating the cyclotron to produce a 11 biomedical instrumentation as part of an effort to create the of twelve hour and eight-day isotopes of iodine, an infrastructure of a self-sustaining biomedical nuclear industry. We (Livingood and Seaborg 1938). This development not only sug argue that within roughly a decade, by 1960, this program of dis- that radioisotopes might be tailor-made for specific needs, bu cipline building was essentially complete, and with it perhaps the most given the specificity of iodine for thyroid tissue, a numl successful example of government technology transfer in the history researchers, including Saul Hertz, Arthur Roberts, Robley 1 of American industry. Earle Chapman, John Lawrence, and Joseph Hamilton, pursu localized therapeutic use of radioiodine in hyperthyroidis ATOMIC MEDICINE November of 1940 MIT physicists produced their first sample 1130-1'31 mixture in their new cyclotron, using the Be Initial efforts to use radionucleides for physiological studies and methodology. And in January 1941 Saul Hertz at the Massacl the first glimmerings of a medical research program into the effec- General Hospital and Roberts at MIT gave a patient thc tiveness of using selectively localizing radioactive isotopes to destroy therapeutic dose of 1130-1131 mixture, and started a program oi cancer cells preceded the Manhattan Project. In 1923 George Hevesy, with thirty patients. In late 1941, the Berkeley group also working with Hans Geiger and Ernest Rutherford in Manchester, treating patients with hyperthyroidism with 1130-1131,and, befc experimented with thoriumB to study the absorption and localization end of the war, several other groups were using this trea of lead in plants. He continued this line of exploration with naturally Marinelli and Oshry proved the therapeutic value of radioactive elements, but these early tracer studies were limited to between 1943-46 in their treatment of a patient with thyroid heavy elements and very slow sampling techniques. In order to (Seidlin et al 1946). Thus, by 1943 when the Manhattan Projc examine physiological function, radioisotopes of the lighter fully underway-the first nuclear pile went critical in Chicagc biologically active elements were needed. The first of these, heavy December 1942-there were already a number of major suc water, was made by Harold Urey in 1932, and a number of other and several well demarcated lines of research and therapy hac radioactive isotopes followed in rapid succession. Ernest 0. opened up by a small core group of biophysicist-physician tei Lawrence's construction of the Berkeley cyclotron in 1931 and nuclear medicine.' subsequent production of radiosodium obtained by bombarding From its inception the Manhattan Project incorporated a subs sodium with deuterons in 1934 opened the path to physiologic tracers medical research program (Anon.1945). Beyond the need for 11 (Lawrence 1934). Cyclotron-produced radioactive phosphorus, P32, care for project workers at Hanford, Washington, and Oak was used in a number of pathbreaking investigations of phosphorous metabolism by Hevesy, Otto Chiewitz, Hardin Jones, Waldo Cohn, 1 See Hertz et al. 1938; Hamilton and Soley 1939; Lawrence 1940; Ham 1942. gthy Lenoir and Marguerite Hays The Manhattan Project for Biomedicine 31 ine. Our aim in this paper is to show how, well before the end and John Lawrence. John Lawrence seized upon the preferential ab- War, the chief medical officers for the Manhattan Project sorption of inorganic phosphorous in hematopoietic tissues and to contemplate plans for adapting the work they had done rapidly multiplying cells, such as malignancies, and used P3* to treat extremely close security conditions to the postwar world. They leukemia. This first therapeutic use of artificially produced ra- dioisotopes occurred on Christmas Eve 1936 (Lawrence et al. 1939; nly contemplated how to continue the promising paths of 1940). Also about the same time, beginning in 1936, first :h they had opened during the war but also how to carry their investigations with radioactive iodine, were undertaken by :h outside the confines of military classification into the civilian Robley Evans, Arthur Roberts, and Saul Hertz in the thyroid clinic at We discuss their plans to establish academic and medical disci- Massachusetts General Hospital, but its 25-minute half-life rendered it in health physics, biophysics, and nuclear medicine; we also difficult to use (Hertz et al. 1938; Evans 1969, 105). Stimulated by e programs they initiated to train medical personnel in the use their Berkeley colleague Joseph Hamilton to construct an isotope of ioactive materials, as well as a strategic program to subsidize iodine with a longer half-life, Glenn Seaborg and J. J. Livingood evelopment of radioisotopes, radiopharmaceuticals, and devised a method of manipulating the cyclotron to produce a mixture .dical instrumentation as part of an effort to create the of twelve hour and eight-day isotopes of iodine, and :ructure of a self-sustaining biomedical nuclear industry. We (Livingood and Seaborg
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