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November 2003
Nations and Regions: The Dynamics of Devolution Quarterly Monitoring Programme Scotland Quarterly Report November 2003 The monitoring programme is jointly funded by the ESRC and the Leverhulme Trust Introduction: James Mitchell 1. The Executive: Barry Winetrobe 2. The Parliament: Mark Shephard 3. The Media: Philip Schlesinger 4. Public Attitudes: John Curtice 5. UK intergovernmental relations: Alex Wright 6. Relations with Europe: Alex Wright 7. Relations with Local Government: Neil McGarvey 8. Finance: David Bell 9. Devolution disputes & litigation: Barry Winetrobe 10. Political Parties: James Mitchell 11. Public Policies: Barry Winetrobe ISBN: 1 903903 09 2 Introduction James Mitchell The policy agenda for the last quarter in Scotland was distinct from that south of the border while there was some overlap. Matters such as identity cards and foundation hospitals are figuring prominently north of the border though long-running issues concerned with health and law and order were important. In health, differences exist at policy level but also in terms of rhetoric – with the Health Minister refusing to refer to patients as ‘customers’. This suggests divergence without major disputes in devolutionary politics. An issue which has caused problems across Britain and was of significance this quarter was the provision of accommodation for asylum seekers as well as the education of the children of asylum seekers. Though asylum is a retained matter, the issue has devolutionary dimension as education is a devolved matter. The other significant event was the challenge to John Swinney’s leadership of the Scottish National Party. A relatively unknown party activist challenged Swinney resulting in a drawn-out campaign over the Summer which culminated in a massive victory for Swinney at the SNP’s annual conference. -
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Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2008 Imagining Scotland in Music: Place, Audience, and Attraction Paul F. Moulton Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF MUSIC IMAGINING SCOTLAND IN MUSIC: PLACE, AUDIENCE, AND ATTRACTION By Paul F. Moulton A Dissertation submitted to the College of Music in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2008 The members of the Committee approve the Dissertation of Paul F. Moulton defended on 15 September, 2008. _____________________________ Douglass Seaton Professor Directing Dissertation _____________________________ Eric C. Walker Outside Committee Member _____________________________ Denise Von Glahn Committee Member _____________________________ Michael B. Bakan Committee Member The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named committee members. ii To Alison iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In working on this project I have greatly benefitted from the valuable criticisms, suggestions, and encouragement of my dissertation committee. Douglass Seaton has served as an amazing advisor, spending many hours thoroughly reading and editing in a way that has shown his genuine desire to improve my skills as a scholar and to improve the final document. Denise Von Glahn, Michael Bakan, and Eric Walker have also asked pointed questions and made comments that have helped shape my thoughts and writing. Less visible in this document has been the constant support of my wife Alison. She has patiently supported me in my work that has taken us across the country. She has also been my best motivator, encouraging me to finish this work in a timely manner, and has been my devoted editor, whose sound judgement I have come to rely on. -
Stewart2019.Pdf
Political Change and Scottish Nationalism in Dundee 1973-2012 Thomas A W Stewart PhD Thesis University of Edinburgh 2019 Abstract Prior to the 2014 independence referendum, the Scottish National Party’s strongest bastions of support were in rural areas. The sole exception was Dundee, where it has consistently enjoyed levels of support well ahead of the national average, first replacing the Conservatives as the city’s second party in the 1970s before overcoming Labour to become its leading force in the 2000s. Through this period it achieved Westminster representation between 1974 and 1987, and again since 2005, and had won both of its Scottish Parliamentary seats by 2007. This performance has been completely unmatched in any of the country’s other cities. Using a mixture of archival research, oral history interviews, the local press and memoires, this thesis seeks to explain the party’s record of success in Dundee. It will assess the extent to which the character of the city itself, its economy, demography, geography, history, and local media landscape, made Dundee especially prone to Nationalist politics. It will then address the more fundamental importance of the interaction of local political forces that were independent of the city’s nature through an examination of the ability of party machines, key individuals and political strategies to shape the city’s electoral landscape. The local SNP and its main rival throughout the period, the Labour Party, will be analysed in particular detail. The thesis will also take time to delve into the histories of the Conservatives, Liberals and Radical Left within the city and their influence on the fortunes of the SNP. -
I Bitterly Regret the Day I Comgromised the Unity of My Party by Admitting
Scottish Government Yearbook 1990 FACTIONS, TENDENCIES AND CONSENSUS IN THE SNP IN THE 1980s James Mitchell I bitterly regret the day I comgromised the unity of my party by admitting the second member.< A work written over a decade ago maintained that there had been limited study of factional politics<2l. This is most certainly the case as far as the Scottish National Party is concerned. Indeed, little has been written on the party itself, with the plethora of books and articles which were published in the 1970s focussing on the National movement rather than the party. During the 1980s journalistic accounts tended to see debates and disagreements in the SNP along left-right lines. The recent history of the party provides an important case study of factional politics. The discussion highlights the position of the '79 Group, a left-wing grouping established in the summer of 1979 which was finally outlawed by the party (with all other organised factions) at party conference in 1982. The context of its emergence, its place within the SNP and the reaction it provoked are outlined. Discussion then follows of the reasons for the development of unity in the context of the foregoing discussion of tendencies and factions. Definitions of factions range from anthropological conceptions relating to attachment to a personality to conceptions of more ideologically based groupings within liberal democratic parties<3l. Rose drew a distinction between parliamentary party factions and tendencies. The former are consciously organised groupings with a membership based in Parliament and a measure of discipline and cohesion. The latter were identified as a stable set of attitudes rather than a group of politicians but not self-consciously organised<4l. -
Official Report
Meeting of the Parliament (Hybrid) Wednesday 9 September 2020 Session 5 © Parliamentary copyright. Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body Information on the Scottish Parliament’s copyright policy can be found on the website - www.parliament.scot or by contacting Public Information on 0131 348 5000 Wednesday 9 September 2020 CONTENTS Col. PRESIDING OFFICER’S STATEMENT..................................................................................................................... 1 POINT OF ORDER ............................................................................................................................................... 6 PORTFOLIO QUESTION TIME ............................................................................................................................... 7 ENVIRONMENT, CLIMATE CHANGE AND LAND REFORM ........................................................................................ 7 Flooding (Inverclyde) .................................................................................................................................... 7 Vacant and Derelict Land ............................................................................................................................. 8 Flooding (Urban Drainage) ........................................................................................................................... 9 Littering (Highlands and Islands) ................................................................................................................ 11 Emissions -
40 Years of EU Membership
Journal of Contemporary European Research Volume 8, Issue 4 (2012) Scotland: 40 Years of EU Membership Jo Shaw University of Edinburgh This chronology was commissioned by the European Parliament Information Office in the United Kingdom and has been published here with their kind permission and that of the author. Professor Jo Shaw is Salvesen Chair of European Institutions and Dean of Research of the College of Humanities and Social Science, Edinburgh Law School, University of Edinburgh. Citation Shaw, J. (2012). ‘Scotland: 40 Years of EU Membership’, Journal of Contemporary European Research. 8 (4), pp. 547‐554. Published in: www.jcer.net Volume 8, Issue 4 (2012) jcer.net Jo Shaw KEY DATES This chronology picks out the most significant UK and EU events, noting where possible how these affect Scotland in specific ways. It also identifies some Scotland specific events. 1967 Establishment by JDB Mitchell (first Salvesen Chair of European Institutions) of the Centre for European Governmental Studies in the Law Faculty of the University of Edinburgh, on of the first centres for the study of European integration institutions in the UK (now Edinburgh Europa Institute) 1972 European Communities Act adopted 1973 UK joins the European Communities 1973 George Thomson appointed as one of the UK’s first two European Commissioners 1973 Lord (Jack) Mackenzie Stuart becomes UK judge in the Court of Justice (President of the Court 1984-1988) (retired 1988) 1974 UK General Election leads to election of Labour Government committed to holding a referendum of UK membership of European Communities 1975 European Commission office in Scotland established 1975 UK referendum on European Community membership; Scotland votes in favour of retaining membership by 58.4% to 41.6%, although this majority is lower than elsewhere in UK. -
The Curioos Incident: Scottish Party Competition Since
committed without difficulty. Some of the central ideas in the new Government's manifesto were bound to hurt Scotland particularly. Cutting public expenditure would take cash away from the industries and public services on which Scotland was disproportionately dependent. "Improving the pro THE CURIOOS INCIDENT: ductivity" of the nationalised industries might easily lead to con siderable unemployment in Scotland. Cuts in regional employment SCOTTISH PARTY COMPETITION SINCE 1979 Henry Drucker grants, on which Scotland was dependent would hurt too. Only a curso Department of Politics ry glance at the history of recent Conservative governments lacking University of Edinburgh a Scottish plurality showed the danger. The Macmillan-Home adminis "Is there any point to which you would wish to draw my attention?" tration was harried to derision toward the end of its term by the "To the Curious incident of the dog in the night-time". Scottish Parliamentary Labour team led by Willie Ross. The Heath "The dog did nothing in the night-time". "That was the curious incident", remarked Sherlock Holmes. government had been forced into one of its most humiliating voltes The Conservative government formed after the May 1979 general face over the collapse of Upper Clyde Shipbuilders. election lacked a parliamentary majority in Scotland. For the seventh And the new Government had more than Labour to fear. If the election in succession the Scottish people had returned a Labour maj official Opposition failed to make the running against her, then the ority. The government owed its parliamentary strength to its victor SNP was only too anxious to do so. -
From Social Democracy Back to No Ideology? - the Scottish National Party and Ideological Change in a Multi-Level Electoral Setting
From Social Democracy back to No Ideology? - The Scottish National Party and Ideological Change in a Multi-level Electoral Setting Peter Lynch Accepted for publication in Regional & Federal Studies published by Taylor and Francis Introduction Nationalist and regionalist parties have often been characterised as ideologically heterogeneous (Hix and Lord, 1997; De Winter and Türsan, 1998). This situation makes regionalist parties difficult to classify in conventional left-right terms though viewing these parties as an ideological family is to misunderstand their role and significance. Ideological profile can be understood as a secondary characteristic of regionalist parties, as opposed to their primary characteristic of support for self- government – the core business of autonomy (De Winter, 1998, 208-9): which in itself contains a variety of constitutional options to reorganise the territorial distribution of power within a state (Rokkan and Urwin, 1983). However, though ideological positioning may be a secondary characteristic, most regionalist parties have adopted an ideology – in the SNP’s case social democracy. As will be explained below, the reasons for adopting an ideology in itself, in addition to a particular ideology, are complex. For the SNP, the ideological position of elites, the policy preferences of the party’s membership and the adoption of an electoral strategy to challenge a dominant political party in the region (Labour) were all influential. The adoption of an ideological position was not always uncontroversial but became easier due to party system change (the electoral decline of the Conservatives in Scotland from the 1960s), as the SNP came to focus much of its attention on Labour as its primary competitor. -
Écossais #Élections #Brexit #Nationalisme
EUROPE DÉMOCRATIQUE ET CITOYENNE LES RESSORTS DE L’INDÉPENDANTISME DÉCRYPTAGE 19 MAI 2021 #ÉCOSSE ÉCOSSAIS #ÉLECTIONS #BREXIT #NATIONALISME © Adobe Stock ▪ AZILIZ GOUEZ INTRODUCTION ▪ Chercheuse associée, identité européenne et symbolisme Le 6 mai 2021, les indépendantistes du SNP la demande adressée aux électeurs en préambule politique, Institut Jacques 1 Delors, Paris. [Scottish National Party] sont arrivés largement de son manifeste de campagne , à savoir l’octroi en tête des élections législatives écossaises. de leur « permission » à la tenue d’un référendum En remportant 64 sièges sur les 129 que compte sur l’indépendance, une fois passée la pandémie le Parlement de Holyrood, à un doigt de la majo- de Covid 19. Dans ses premières allocutions au rité absolue de 65 sièges, le SNP s’est assuré lendemain du scrutin, Nicola Sturgeon a pris soin une quatrième législature à la tête de l’Écosse. d’affirmer que ce référendum était « la volonté Avec l’appoint des huit sièges gagnés par les du peuple écossais » et non un simple dessein écologistes écossais, également favorables à la partisan, voire personnel. C’est donc forte de séparation d’avec le Royaume-Uni, le « camp indé- ce mandat démocratique que la première dame pendantiste » se trouve dans une position de force écossaise aborde la mission historique que s’est inédite face à Londres. Ces résultats ont immé- donnée son parti : celle de mettre fin à l’union diatement été interprétés par Nicola Sturgeon entre l’Angleterre et l’Écosse, scellée il y a plus de – leader du SNP et Première Ministre de l’Écosse trois siècles, en 1707. -
The Europhile Fringe?
European Union Politics The Europhile Fringe? DOI: 10.1177/1465116507073290 Volume 8 (1): 109–130 Regionalist Party Support for European Copyright© 2007 Integration SAGE Publications Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore Seth Kincaid Jolly University of Chicago, USA A B S T R A C T The relationship between European integration and regionalist parties is still a largely unexplored area of research. In this paper, I evaluate whether regionalist parties perceive the European Union (EU) as an ally or an enemy. Using expert surveys, I assess the views of regionalist parties on European integration and I find that regionalist political parties are consistently pro-EU across time, space, and issue area. I find further support for this finding in a case study of the Scottish National Party. K E Y W O R D S Euroskepticism multi-level governance regionalist parties 1 0 9 Downloaded from http://eup.sagepub.com at CHICAGO UNIVERSITY on February 28, 2007 © 2007 SAGE Publications. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 1 1 0 European Union Politics 8(1) In a Europe characterized by multi-level governance, regionalist political parties can frame the European Union (EU) either as an ally against the central state or as yet another foreign power threatening local autonomy. In one line of reasoning, European integration decreases the necessity for traditional large states, making smaller, more homogeneous states more viable (Alesina and Spolaore, 2003). Hence, the EU may be an unwitting ally of subnational groups against central governments, thereby encouraging regionalist parties to be Europhiles. On the other hand, regional political entrepreneurs may exploit fear of yet another foreign authority encroaching on local sovereignty or xenophobia to convince voters to leave mainstream parties and support alternative parties. -
The Revival of Scottish Nationalism and the Challenge Posed to the British National Identity 1960S-1980S
PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF ALGERIA MINISTRY OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH UNIVERSITY OF CONSTANTINE 1 FACULTY OF LETTERS AND FOREIGN LANGUAGES DEPARTMENT OF LETTERS AND ENGLISH LANGUAGE N° ordre: 68/D3C/2019 N° serie : 09/Ang/2019 THE REVIVAL OF SCOTTISH NATIONALISM AND THE CHALLENGE POSED TO THE BRITISH NATIONAL IDENTITY 1960S-1980S. Thesis submitted in Partial Fulfilment for the Requirement of the Degree of Doctorat LMD in British Civilisation. Submitted by Supervised by Djamila Hocini Prof. Brahim Harouni Board of Examiners Chairman: Prof. Saadi Hacéne University of Constantine 1 Supervisor: Prof. Brahim Harouni University of Constantine 1 Member: Prof. Nacif Labed University of Constantine 1 Member: Prof. Tolgui Laddi University of Guelma Member: Prof. Laggoune Abdelhak University of Guelma Member: Dr. Azoui Samih ENS Constantine 29/06/2019 I DEDICATION With the help of Allah and the support of my mother, I dedicate this to YOU … Father II Acknowledgments Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Pros. Brahim Harouni for his continuous support through the process of academic research and writing of this thesis. I thank him for his patience, motivation, and immense knowledge. I could not have imagined having a better advisor for the fulfilment of my thesis. He further asked hard questions which helped me to widen my research from various perspectives. Besides my advisor, I would like to thank the members of the jury who have given their time for reading, commenting and criticizing the work. My sincere thanks and gratitude also go to the members of my family: my mother, my brother and sisters for supporting me spiritually throughout writting this thesis and my life in general. -
SNP Election Manifesto
SCOTTISH NATIONAL PARTY MANIFESTO 2011 A SCOTTISH GOVERNMENT WORKING FOR SCOTLAND “Scotland is on a journey and the path ahead is a bright one. Now is a time for Scotland to keep moving forward.” Our record Our team Our vision Building a better nation Working for Scotland A fairer Scotland council tax frozen We will freeze the Council Tax throughout the next Parliament, enabling households to keep more of the money they earn nhs protected We will protect the NHS budget, allowing us to deliver faster and better treatment including the earlier detection and treatment of cancer extra police We will continue to drive down crime by keeping the 1000 extra police in our communities and by taking more money from criminals to give back to the communities they have damaged creating jobs We will work to win new job-creating powers for the Scottish Parliament scotland’s future We will give Scots the opportunity to decide our nation’s future in an independence referendum energy windfall We will increase our renewables target to 100% by 2020, ensuring 130,000 jobs are delivered in the low-carbon economy youth skills We will build the skills of young Scots with 100,000 training opportunities each year including 25,000 modern apprenticeships free education We will keep university education free so that access to higher education is based on the ability to learn, not the ability to pay futures fund We will deliver a fairer Scotland with a new £250 million Scottish Futures Fund, using the savings realised from the Forth Replacement Crossing better schools And we will ensure a fair start for young Scots with new investment in early years and a school building programme that will cut by half the number of pupils in crumbling schools These elections are about Scotland.