Mission Impossible: Afghan Peace Talks
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Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban
Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban A thesis submitted to the Miami University Honors Program in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for University Honors with Distinction by, Brandon Smith May 2005 Oxford, OH ABSTRACT AFGHANISTAN, 1989-1996: BETWEEN THE SOVIETS AND THE TALIBAN by, BRANDON SMITH This paper examines why the Afghan resistance fighters from the war against the Soviets, the mujahideen, were unable to establish a government in the time period between the withdrawal of the Soviet army from Afghanistan in 1989 and the consolidation of power by the Taliban in 1996. A number of conflicting explanations exist regarding Afghanistan’s instability during this time period. This paper argues that the developments in Afghanistan from 1989 to 1996 can be linked to the influence of actors outside Afghanistan, but not to the extent that the choices and actions of individual actors can be overlooked or ignored. Further, the choices and actions of individual actors need not be explained in terms of ancient animosities or historic tendencies, but rather were calculated moves to secure power. In support of this argument, international, national, and individual level factors are examined. ii Afghanistan, 1989-1996: Between the Soviets and the Taliban by, Brandon Smith Approved by: _________________________, Advisor Karen L. Dawisha _________________________, Reader John M. Rothgeb, Jr. _________________________, Reader Homayun Sidky Accepted by: ________________________, Director, University Honors Program iii Thanks to Karen Dawisha for her guidance and willingness to help on her year off, and to John Rothgeb and Homayun Sidky for taking the time to read the final draft and offer their feedback. -
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy
Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45818 SUMMARY R45818 Afghanistan: Background and U.S. Policy July 18, 2019 Afghanistan has been a significant U.S. foreign policy concern since 2001, when the United States, in response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, led a military Clayton Thomas campaign against Al Qaeda and the Taliban government that harbored and supported it. Analyst in Middle Eastern In the intervening 18 years, the United States has suffered approximately 2,400 military Affairs fatalities in Afghanistan, with the cost of military operations reaching nearly $750 billion. Congress has appropriated approximately $133 billion for reconstruction. In that time, an elected Afghan government has replaced the Taliban, and most measures of human development have improved, although Afghanistan’s future prospects remain mixed in light of the country’s ongoing violent conflict and political contention. Topics covered in this report include: Security dynamics. U.S. and Afghan forces, along with international partners, combat a Taliban insurgency that is, by many measures, in a stronger military position now than at any point since 2001. Many observers assess that a full-scale U.S. withdrawal would lead to the collapse of the Afghan government and perhaps even the reestablishment of Taliban control over most of the country. Taliban insurgents operate alongside, and in periodic competition with, an array of other armed groups, including regional affiliates of Al Qaeda (a longtime Taliban ally) and the Islamic State (a Taliban foe and increasing focus of U.S. policy). U.S. -
Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, and FUTURE by Andrew Watkins
PEACEWORKS Taliban Fragmentation FACT, FICTION, AND FUTURE By Andrew Watkins NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 Making Peace Possible NO. 160 | MARCH 2020 ABOUT THE REPORT This report examines the phenomenon of insurgent fragmentation within Afghanistan’s Tali- ban and implications for the Afghan peace process. This study, which the author undertook PEACE PROCESSES as an independent researcher supported by the Asia Center at the US Institute of Peace, is based on a survey of the academic literature on insurgency, civil war, and negotiated peace, as well as on interviews the author conducted in Afghanistan in 2019 and 2020. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Andrew Watkins has worked in more than ten provinces of Afghanistan, most recently as a political affairs officer with the United Nations. He has also worked as an indepen- dent researcher, a conflict analyst and adviser to the humanitarian community, and a liaison based with Afghan security forces. Cover photo: A soldier walks among a group of alleged Taliban fighters at a National Directorate of Security facility in Faizabad in September 2019. The status of prisoners will be a critical issue in future negotiations with the Taliban. (Photo by Jim Huylebroek/New York Times) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2020 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
Terrorist Organizations Leadership Takeover Mechanisms Within : ΩϭοϭϣϟϤϭϧϋ Terrorist Organizations 02/11/2016 : ΈηϧϟΦϳέύη
Leadership Takeover Mechanisms within : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ Terrorist Organizations Leadership Takeover Mechanisms within : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Terrorist Organizations 02/11/2016 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ΔϣΩϘΗϣϟΕΎγέΩϟϭΙΎΣΑϸϟϝΑϘΗγϣϟίϛέϣ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ Recently, many terrorist organizations, such as the Taliban in Afghanistan, the Almoravids in the Western Sahara, and Boko Haram in Nigeria, have witnessed radical changes in leadership, which have had an influence on these organizations as a whole. These changes had an evident impact on the activities of these organizations and how they faced the pressures imposed upon them by the states or other terrorist organizations. These changes are reflected in the various types of relations between these organizations, which vary from alliance to competition, and from conflict to balance. Remarkably, in this context, there is no one mechanism for dealing with the leadership shift inside these organizations. These shifts are attributed to several factors, relations with the other terrorist organizations, the external pressures facing them, and their ability to devote their efforts to internal cohesion and harmony among different wings of operation. Fundamental Characteristics: After the death of Taliban leader Mullah Akhtar Mansour in May 2016 by a U.S. drone which targeted his parade, the movement¶s Shura council issued a decree that Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada would be the leader of the movement, following his position as vice leader tothe former leader. Sirajuddin Haqqani, leader of the Haqqani network, and Mullah Yaqoub, son of the former leader Mullah Mohammed Omar, were appointed as vice leaders for Akhundzada. Following the death of Zahran Alloush, Commander of Jaysh Al Islam organization in Syria, in December 2015 due to a Russian raidEssam Al Buwaydhani, nicknamed Abo Hammam, was appointed as his successor. -
United States, Taliban and Fundamentalism in Afghanistan
American International Journal of Available online at http://www.iasir.net Research in Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences ISSN (Print): 2328-3734, ISSN (Online): 2328-3696, ISSN (CD-ROM): 2328-3688 AIJRHASS is a refereed, indexed, peer-reviewed, multidisciplinary and open access journal published by International Association of Scientific Innovation and Research (IASIR), USA (An Association Unifying the Sciences, Engineering, and Applied Research) United States, Taliban and Fundamentalism in Afghanistan: The Growing Instability in Afghanistan Naseer Ahmed Kalis Senior Research Fellow, Department of Strategic and Regional Studies, University of Jammu, J&K, India- 180006 Abstract: This paper aims to elucidate the causes of perpetual instability in Afghanistan since September 11, 2001. It argues that the foreign powers are responsible for “rolling back the stability” and making it a “zone of instability”. United States and Soviet Union, ‘the dancing evils of Cold war’, propel the Afghan descent towards extremism. United States produced so called Mujahedeen and freedom fighter and equipment them with weapons for their strategic interest (to roll back Soviet Union). After winning its Strategic Interest, United States estranged from these Freedom Fighters and remained a silent spectator. When these freedom fighters launched their full-fledged extremism and even not spared United States, United States act as a “wounded bear” and fought the longest war of its history without any conclusion and finally withdraw its NATO forces ‘by force not by choice’. This paper conclude that it is now the responsibility of neighbouring states like Pakistan, Russia, China and India to take comprehensive steps to stabilize Afghanistan and to made security alliances to make Afghanistan a zone of peace. -
“TELLING the STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: a Regional Perspective (2011-2016)
“TELLING THE STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective (2011-2016) Emma Hooper (ed.) This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. © 2016 CIDOB This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. CIDOB edicions Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] D.L.: B 17561 - 2016 Barcelona, September 2016 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTOR BIOGRAPHIES 5 FOREWORD 11 Tine Mørch Smith INTRODUCTION 13 Emma Hooper CHAPTER ONE: MAPPING THE SOURCES OF TENSION WITH REGIONAL DIMENSIONS 17 Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective .......... 19 Zahid Hussain Mapping the Sources of Tension and the Interests of Regional Powers in Afghanistan and Pakistan ............................................................................................. 35 Emma Hooper & Juan Garrigues CHAPTER TWO: KEY PHENOMENA: THE TALIBAN, REFUGEES , & THE BRAIN DRAIN, GOVERNANCE 57 THE TALIBAN Preamble: Third Party Roles and Insurgencies in South Asia ............................... 61 Moeed Yusuf The Pakistan Taliban Movement: An Appraisal ......................................................... 65 Michael Semple The Taliban Movement in Afghanistan ....................................................................... -
Making Sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: a Social Movement Perspective
\ WORKING PAPER 6\ 2017 Making sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: A social movement perspective Katja Mielke \ BICC Nick Miszak \ TLO Joint publication by \ WORKING PAPER 6 \ 2017 MAKING SENSE OF DAESH IN AFGHANISTAN: A SOCIAL MOVEMENT PERSPECTIVE \ K. MIELKE & N. MISZAK SUMMARY So-called Islamic State (IS or Daesh) in Iraq and Syria is widely interpreted as a terrorist phenomenon. The proclamation in late January 2015 of a Wilayat Kho- rasan, which includes Afghanistan and Pakistan, as an IS branch is commonly interpreted as a manifestation of Daesh's global ambition to erect an Islamic caliphate. Its expansion implies hierarchical order, command structures and financial flows as well as a transnational mobility of fighters, arms and recruits between Syria and Iraq, on the one hand, and Afghanistan–Pakistan, on the other. In this Working Paper, we take a (new) social movement perspective to investigate the processes and underlying dynamics of Daesh’s emergence in different parts of the country. By employing social movement concepts, such as opportunity structures, coalition-building, resource mobilization and framing, we disentangle the different types of resource mobilization and long-term conflicts that have merged into the phenomenon of Daesh in Afghanistan. In dialogue with other approaches to terrorism studies as well as peace, civil war and security studies, our analysis focuses on relations and interactions among various actors in the Afghan-Pakistan region and their translocal networks. The insight builds on a ten-month fieldwork-based research project conducted in four regions—east, west, north-east and north Afghanistan—during 2016. We find that Daesh in Afghanistan is a context-specific phenomenon that manifests differently in the various regions across the country and is embedded in a long- term transformation of the religious, cultural and political landscape in the cross-border region of Afghanistan–Pakistan. -
Pakistan's Future Policy Towards Afghanistan. a Look At
DIIS REPORT 2011:08 DIIS REPORT PAKISTAN’S FUTURE POLICY TOWARDS AFGHANISTAN A LOOK AT STRATEGIC DEPTH, MILITANT MOVEMENTS AND THE ROLE OF INDIA AND THE US Qandeel Siddique DIIS REPORT 2011:08 DIIS REPORT DIIS . DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1 DIIS REPORT 2011:08 © Copenhagen 2011, Qandeel Siddique and DIIS Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover photo: The Khyber Pass linking Pakistan and Afghanistan. © Luca Tettoni/Robert Harding World Imagery/Corbis Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN 978-87-7605-455-7 Price: DKK 50.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Hardcopies can be ordered at www.diis.dk This publication is part of DIIS’s Defence and Security Studies project which is funded by a grant from the Danish Ministry of Defence. Qandeel Siddique, MSc, Research Assistant, DIIS [email protected] 2 DIIS REPORT 2011:08 Contents Abstract 6 1. Introduction 7 2. Pakistan–Afghanistan relations 12 3. Strategic depth and the ISI 18 4. Shift of jihad theatre from Kashmir to Afghanistan 22 5. The role of India 41 6. The role of the United States 52 7. Conclusion 58 Defence and Security Studies at DIIS 70 3 DIIS REPORT 2011:08 Acronyms AJK Azad Jammu and Kashmir ANP Awani National Party FATA Federally Administered Tribal Areas FDI Foreign Direct Investment FI Fidayeen Islam GHQ General Headquarters GoP Government -
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’S Posture Toward Afghanistan Since 2001
Old Habits, New Consequences Old Habits, New Khalid Homayun Consequences Nadiri Pakistan’s Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001 Since the terrorist at- tacks of September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued a seemingly incongruous course of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and interna- tional intervention in Afghanistan both by allying itself with the military cam- paign against the Afghan Taliban and al-Qaida and by serving as the primary transit route for international military forces and matériel into Afghanistan.1 At the same time, the Pakistani security establishment has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban’s political leadership and many of its military command- ers to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. Why has Pakistan adopted this posture of Afghan Taliban accommodation despite its nominal participa- tion in the Afghanistan intervention and its public commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan?2 This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of insurgent violence directed against Islamabad by the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a coalition of militant organizations that are independent of the Afghan Taliban but that nonetheless possess social and po- litical links with Afghan cadres of the Taliban movement. With violence against Pakistan growing increasingly indiscriminate and costly, it remains un- clear why Islamabad has opted to accommodate the Afghan Taliban through- out the post-2001 period. Despite a considerable body of academic and journalistic literature on Pakistan’s relationship with Afghanistan since 2001, the subject of Pakistani accommodation of the Afghan Taliban remains largely unaddressed. Much of the existing literature identiªes Pakistan’s security competition with India as the exclusive or predominant driver of Pakistani policy vis-à-vis the Afghan Khalid Homayun Nadiri is a Ph.D. -
Taliban - UPSC International Relations Notes
Taliban - UPSC International Relations Notes The Taliban (spelt alternatively as Taleban) is an Islamic fundamentalist political and military organisation operating in Afghanistan. They have dominated Afghan polity for quite some time and feature regularly in international affairs. Hence, they are an important organization for the UPSC exam IR segment. In this article, you can read all about what is the Taliban, how it originated and the role it played and continues to play in the world, and especially Afghanistan. You can also read about its relations with India. What is the Taliban? The Taliban is a Sunni fundamentalist organisation that is involved in Afghan politics. It is also a military group that is involved in an insurgency against the currently elected government in Afghanistan. The Taliban controlled almost three-quarters of the country from 1996 to 2001 and was notorious for their strict implementation of the Sharia or Islamic law there. The period saw widespread abuse of human rights, especially targetted against women. The current head of the Taliban is Hibatullah Akhundzada. Mullah Omar is regarded as the founder of the Taliban. He died in 2013. The Taliban officially refers to itself as the ‘Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan’. The word ‘Taliban’ in Pashto means ‘students’. Taliban - Origins Background of the origins of the Taliban - Events that led to the rising in power of the Taliban The Saur Revolution in Afghanistan in 1978 installed a communist party in power there. This government introduced many reforms for modernisation and hence was considered too radical by some. Rural areas and the traditional power structures were unhappy with the new scheme of things and this led to anti-government protests in many places. -
Phd DISSERTATION
COMBATING TERRORISM IN PAKISTAN: POST 9/11 - A NEOCLASSICAL REALIST PERSPECTIVE PhD DISSERTATION This Dissertation is submitted to National Defence University, Islamabad in partial fulfillment for the degree of PhD in International Relations By ARSHAD MAHMOOD NDU-IR/PhD-13/S-023 Supervisor PROF. DR. SHAHEEN AKHTAR Department of International Relations Faculty of Contemporary Studies National Defence University, Islamabad Pakistan, 2019 ii Student’s Declaration This is to certify that this dissertation titled “Combating Terrorism in Pakistan: Post 9/11 – A Neoclassical Realist Perspective” submitted by the undersigned is accepted in its present form by Department of International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan. It is based on my own research work and has not been submitted to any other institution for any other degree. ______ Dec 2019 Arshad Mahmood i Certificate of Completion It is hereby recommended that the dissertation submitted by Arshad Mahmood titled “Combating Terrorism in Pakistan: Post 9/11 – A Neoclassical Realist Perspective” has been accepted in the partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in the discipline of International Relations. ___________ Supervisor ii Dedication I dedicate my work to those Pakistanis who laid their lives for the greater cause of fighting the menace of terrorism and confronting the obscurantist mindset, considered as an obstacle in the way of progressive and prosperous Pakistan. Table of Contents Ser Subject Page No 1. Introduction 1 Statement of the Problem 8 Objective of the Study 8 Significance of the Study 9 Theoretical Framework 9 Literature Review 13 The Research Design and Methodology 25 Scope and Limitations 26 Organization of the Study 27 2. -
Security Council ISIL (Da’Esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions Committee Adds One Entry to Its Sanctions List
Security Council 1518 Sanctions Committee Removes One Entry from Its Sanctions List On 30 June 2021, the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1518 (2003) removed the following entry from its Sanctions List of individuals and entities: B. Entities and other groups IQe.116 Name: STATE CONTRACTING WATER AND SEWAGE PROJECTS COMPANY A.k.a.: a) STATE ORGANIZATION FOR WATER AND SEWAGE b) GENERAL ESTABLISHMENT FOR WATER AND SEWAGE PROJECTS c) GENERAL ESTABLISHMENT FOR IMPLEMENTING WATER AND SEWERAGE PROJECTS d) GENERAL ESTABLISHMENT FOR OPERATION WATER AND SEWERAGE PROJECTS F.k.a.: na Address: a) Street no. 52, Alwiya, Al-Nahtha, near P.O. Box 5738, Baghdad, Iraq b) P.O. Box 1011, Basil Square, Baghdad, Iraq c) P.O. Box 1011, Al Wathba Square, Baghdad, Iraq Listed on: 26 Apr. 2004 Other information: Press releases concerning changes to the Committee’s Sanctions List may be found in the “Press Releases” section on the Committee’s website at the following URL: www.un.org/securitycouncil/sanctions/1518/press-releases. The updated version of the Committee’s Sanctions List, available in HTML, PDF and XML format, may be found at the following URL: www.un.org/securitycouncil/sanctions/1518/materials. The United Nations Security Council Consolidated List is also updated following all changes made to the Committee’s Sanctions List and is accessible at the following URL: www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/un-sc-consolidated-list. Security Council ISIL (Da’esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions Committee Adds One Entry to Its Sanctions List On 17 June 2021, the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 1267 (1999), 1989 (2011) and 2253 (2015) concerning ISIL (Da’esh), Al-Qaida, and associated individuals, groups, undertakings and entities approved the addition of the entry specified below to its ISIL (Da’esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List of individuals and entities subject to the assets freeze, travel ban and arms embargo set out in paragraph 1 of Security Council resolution 2368 (2017), and adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations.