Sociology Study, April 2017, Vol. 7, No. 4, 205‐211 D doi: 10.17265/2159‐5526/2017.04.003 DAVID PUBLISHING

Tokyo Playground: The Interplay Between Infrastructure and Collective Space

Alice Covattaa

Abstract Playground aims to investigate the leftover space produced when the infrastructure overlaps with the urban tissue and to highlight how these are metabolized, then transformed into meaningful public spaces. The “hybridization” of Tokyo is examined using three references as a starting point. First is the spatial typology of sakariba that transformed what were transitional zones into pleasure districts during the Edo period, creating what was arguably the most definitive type of collective space for citizens of Edo. The second reference is Roland Barthes’ description of the infrastructural experience. Thirdly, the book Made in Tokyo illustrated the strong mutual dependence among infrastructure, architecture, and the city as a unique characteristic of Tokyo. Transit space can be reused on the human scale with different programs related to time for pleasurable activities. Tokyo Playground aims to capture the idea of emotional space within infrastructure. It aims to highlight some possible design strategies and tools that help to domesticate the infrastructure through the injection of pleasure and playful programs with an understanding of how humans experience, occupy, and interpret such spaces. Leftovers within the infrastructure are opportunities for social and ecological reuse and these precious voids contribute to creating the contemporary soul of the city as it becomes the source of vibrant energy for transcultural urban regeneration.

Keywords Infrastructure, recycle, leftover, sakariba, collective space

Every day, Tokyoites typically spend one hour Yokohama, Saitama, and Chiba that are home to more commuting each way to and from home and work, than 40 million people4. which accumulates annually into a staggering 21 days On one hand, there is the massive metropolitan spent commuting1. On average, free time available to scale characterized by fast movement and Tokyoites after work is 2 hours 28 minutes while the mechanization that constitutes the hard apparatus average in Germany is 4 hours 15 minutes essential for the urban economy. It can be described in (Kowalczyk 2011). All but seven of the 20 busiest terms of the “bigness”, coined by Rem Koolhaas, in railway stations in the world are located in Tokyo2. which identity coincides with dimension and quantity. Each day, an average of 3.64 million people 3 pass through , making it by far the most crowded railway station in the world. These data aKeio University, Japan give insight into the conditions of the second largest Correspondent Author:

urban agglomeration in the world, covering a 〒 Alice Covatta, 155‐0032 Tōkyō‐to, Setagaya‐ku, Daizawa, sprawling metropolitan area encompassing Tokyo, 2 Chome−19−7, Japan

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On the other hand, there is the soft dimension of the center. Finally, a diagram of a scrambled egg human beings who inhabit it, with their emotions, represents no clear distinction between yolk and beliefs, and aspirations. albumen, and in which instead, everything is blended This paper aims to provide a picture of a possible together. Tokyo, in Cedric Price’s metaphor, is a design tool for answering the following question: How scrambled egg for breakfast. can design help merge these two seemingly opposing dimensions? TOKYO LEFTOVER FOR PLEASURE

From a Japanese historical perspective, Tokyo’s TOKYO SUPER­INFRASTRUCTURE hybridization between infrastructure and collective In contrast to other mega-cities, even those that have a space takes its roots from the typological form of comparatively dense population, the Tokyo sakariba, considered by some scholars as its precursor Metropolitan Area is a paradigmatic case study (Kowalczyk 2011). Sakariba was the term used to defined by its uniquely extensive network of public collectively refer to the entertainment and pleasure transportation. The region has the highest average districts of the Edo period. Etymologically, the term number of people using public transportation to derives from two words that clearly explain the commute to and from the outskirts, and in the essence of this place: sakaru, which means to be Biennale of Venice in 2006, it was highlighted that 75% active, to be vigorous, and to flourish; and ba, of residents use public transportation in Tokyo, while meaning “place”. Together, they make up the word in London, the proportion is half (Burdett 2006). sakariba, which is a catch-all term for settings that The bigness of Tokyo, in terms of the flow of provide pleasure and amusement such as tea rooms, people and transportation systems conveying them, places of gathering for street artists, food stall districts has resulted in a complex and idiosyncratic in earlier periods; and bars, pachinko parlors, izakaya, infrastructural network. This system forms the urban and nightclubs in the present. tissue into multiple layers: above ground, underground, Spatially, the sakariba was defined as the busiest commercial buildings, manufacturing facilities, retail part of the city associated with pleasure and complexes, residential areas, public spaces, etc. entertainment. It took form during the Edo period and Each urban element hybridizes its identity as it henceforth grew spontaneously in open spaces and interacts with its surrounding infrastructure, resulting transitional zones because originally sakariba was the in what can be described as a “scrambled” landscape. place of refuge in case of fire and the place of trade The term “scrambled” is taken from an illustration and shipping, then it later expanded around bridges titled “The City as an Egg” created by Cedric Price. (Kowalczyk 2011). Generally, they were located at a The English architect, who often used food as a fair distance from residential areas and were closer to metaphor to illustrate architectural concepts, created a business districts, making them easily accessible after diagram of three eggs in 1982 as a schematic for the work for the masses. The spatial gap between work evolution of city planning. The first is the boiled egg, and home assumed an important cultural aspect in or the “walled city” in which the distinction between citizens’ lives. the yolk/center and the albumen/surroundings is However, the temporal aspect of sakariba is what well-defined by clear borders. Second, a fried egg gives this spatial category its soul as the activities represents the early modern formless expansion of the associated with it took place only in a precise interval peripheral area but still retains its historically defined of time between the Japanese concepts of hare and ke.

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The time of work and everyday commitments falls what this new complex should be called?) is stripped of that sacred character which ordinarily qualifies the major under ke (profane) and in contrast, the time of prayer landmarks of our cities: cathedrals, town halls, historical and rest falls under the category of hare (sacred). It is monuments. (Barthes and Howard 2009) the gap in between work and rest which is devoted to pleasurable activities, such as socializing over glasses Barthes rightly predicted the crucial role that of sake in an izakaya establishment where work is infrastructure would play in forming the culture of this temporarily forgotten or window-shopping on the way city. It is archetypal of Tokyo’s DNA described in the home. The most important aspect of this phenomenon typological research titled Made in Tokyo (Kaijima, that persists to this day is that the sakariba negates all Kuroda, and Tsukamoto 2012). The case studies social constraints and hierarchies, providing people presented therein highlighted Tokyoites’ affinity with with an almost utopian “classless capitalism” (Slater infrastructural beautification and recycling: 2011) scenario. Traffic space has intruded into architecture in order to allow the execution of highly developed transportation “TO COMMERCE, TO TRANSITION, TO system… The development of the logistic network has DEPARTURE” affected a huge change, and is one of the defining elements which have shaped the form of the city. Several of the The infrastructural network does not consist only in building of made in Tokyo reflect this kind of change and the flow of people. Instead, it is a sophisticated beautifully condense the dynamism of this city. mechanism that functions on a multitude of scales and layers. When simplified, it is a combination of two THREE CASES main systems: one being the functional apparatus of infrastructural space composed by stations, railway The sakariba concept functioned as an interval of lines, exits, escalators, elevators, etc., and its space and time. It was a design example that shows accompanying components are the collateral activities how the transitional space compenetrates everyday life. aimed at completing and augmenting the commuting Today, this interaction is still visible in different experience such as shops, department stores, nuances within Tokyo’s infrastructure as pointed out convenience stores, restaurants, bars, and other by Roland Barthes and recently by Yoshiharu facilities that are associated with leisure and Tsukamoto et al. The second part of this paper aims to socializing. Both systems are deeply integrated into highlight this interaction through three case studies. the urban tissue and citizens’ lives. The subjects of the case studies found in the centre While visiting Tokyo, the French philosopher of Tokyo are selected as they serve as examples of Roland Barthes was impressed by the catalyzing infrastructural recycling and hybridization within their power of its infrastructure and wrote of his experiences: given surroundings. These are Ameyoko market, Fish Center, and Shimokitazawa Cage. The station, a vast organism which houses big trains, the What these have in common is that all are urban trains, the subway, a department store, and a whole underneath railways where the interstitial void underground commerce—the station gives the district this landmark which, according to certain urbanites, permits the between the structure and the ground is occupied by city to signify, to be read. The Japanese station is crossed by different programs related to playfulness and pleasure. a thousand functional trajectories, from the journey to the The leftovers found in between the infrastructural purchase, from garment to food: a train can open onto a shoe stall. Dedicated to commerce, to transition, to departure, and space become a new possibility of occupation and urban yet kept in a unique structure, the station (moreover, is that regeneration: an expression of the uncanny possibilities

208 Sociology Study 7(4) of void that can produce a unique landscape based on establishments have continuously evolved, adding free time and pleasure (see Figure 1). new design features to enhance their commercial performance. Some of these are discussed as follows. The existing infrastructure defines the dimensions CANDIES IN THE INFRASTRUCTURE: of retail establishments by factors such as the width of AMEYOKO pillars and ceiling height. Lights, neon signs, canopies, Ueno is situated in an intermediate zone resulting and air conditioning units hang haphazardly over the from the mutual interaction between diverse urban shops. Often, there is a small platform that extends typologies such as the residential districts of Taito from the shop, slightly raised from ground level, Ward defined by low-rise housing; the legacy of eastern which serves as a clearly defined division from the Tokyo’s shitamachi culture; the historical/touristic street. The actual trading takes place in the border of landmarks of Asakusa and Ueno Park; and the modern the shops’ thresholds. In fact, vendors typically commercial district of . conduct their trade in the exterior portion of their The scrambled nature of this urban landscape also shops, as if they were operating an outdoor stall. mirrors the diversity of social groups that mix in the Vendors and customers interact with one another narrow shopping streets and shotengai around Ueno on this border, each trying to get the best deal of the Station which was, in the pre- to post-war period the day. first point of entry into Tokyo for those arriving from Aesthetics is not a priority, as almost all available the north of Japan for employment and education. It is spaces are filled with products and tools of the trade to to this day a major transit hub on both the city and maximize profitability. regional scales with a direct railway link with Narita Ameyoko sets an example for maximizing the Airport as well as being an anchor-point in the circular reuse of leftover space. Firstly, on the small scale, Yamanote Line. each interstice assumes a consumeristic uniqueness In this environment, global and local scales are that is driven by constant design adaptation. Secondly seamlessly integrated. The elevated railway houses on the larger scale, the market extends its influence to countless shops, eateries, and bars beneath it and is an the buildings and narrows streets surrounding it. integral part of the Ameyoko market which emerged The economical benefits define how the after WWII. Ameyoko is an abbreviation of the words, infrastructure is occupied. ameya yokocho meaning “candy alley” firstly because candy was historically sold here and secondly because SHIMOKITAZAWA CAGE after WWII, this was the location for black market stalls where products originally from the US were Shimokitazawa Cage, operated by Keio Corporation, traded which led to the word ame taking on the consists of a pop-up space for street food trucks, a meaning of “America”. multipurpose event space called the “Cage”, and a Today, no one really knows exactly how many parking lot underneath the Keio railway line which is vendors operate in the district and it seems to be one currently still undergoing construction. The project of the last places in Japan where bargaining a price is was built in 2016 and is set to be open until 2019 recognized. The market stretches along a segment when the new railway line will begin operating. spanning 400 metres underneath the railway. Since its During the railway’s construction, there were various beginnings approximately 70 years ago, the conflicts with the locals.

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The Cage had to be built in such a way that it does where people can enjoy this outdoor activity while not come in contact with the infrastructural frame, so being in the centre of Tokyo. the entire structure is made up of an assemblage of The connection between the fishing centre and the modular component that allows the interior to be infrastructure is both topographical and visual in the altered in accordance with the program being held sense that they create a heterogeneous landscape with inside. The Cage has been designed by Speac a shared topographical section: with the railway Architect to accommodate a diverse mixture of station situated on the top, followed by a bank full of functions: some of them are periodical like markets, cherry trees, and at the fishing centre located at the film events, theatrical performances, and talk shows. bottom. Others are on a one-off basis in which the space is No visual barriers exist between these different rented according to availability, such as the promotion elements, and the topography enables a coincidental of tobacco products or private parties. There are also and almost voyeuristic interaction to take place: times when the Cage is simply open to the public as a Waiting passengers at Ichigaya Station watch the “chilling space”, with no prescribed purpose. people at the pond trying to catch fish, while they in Each program needs specific configurations and turn provide the unusual backdrop for the anglers as custom design solutions. One key feature for they patiently wait for a carp to take the bait. audiovisual functions, such as film screenings, This interstitial playground is a popular spot theatrical performances, and talk events, is the attracting a heterogeneous mix of clientele: suited wireless headsets which allow for the creation of a “salarymen” passing time during a lunch break, “sound bubble”, isolating noise within the Cage so families with children, fishing enthusiasts, young that audio is limited to the participants within and couples, etc. does not affect nearby residents and passersby. Although, the fishing centre is by no means an Its example highlights the effectiveness of using example of sophisticated urban design, it offers a leftover space in a way that helps local citizens uniquely juxtaposed view of the city to its clientele. gradually accept the transformation of their urban This hybrid context allows the mind to wander in new environment from the familiar to the new. ways amongst the bigness of the city.

CARPS IN THE INFRASTRUCTURE: CONCLUSIONS ICHIGAYA FISH POND Tokyo’s bigness is perpetual because part of the city Ichigaya Fish Center is located on Kanda River at the will always be dedicated to large-scale commerce and crossing by Ichigaya Station where Yasukuni Street industry. However, when the two opposite dimensions and Sotobori Street intersect at Ichigaya Bridge. It is of infrastructural bigness and the smallness of human adjacent to the railway tracks of the Chuo Main Line, activities are in mutual inclusion rather than exclusion, at one of the comparatively busier road and railway the leftover spaces become opportunities for social hubs in central Tokyo. In contrast to most other reaction and urban regeneration. Through the analysis waterscapes in Tokyo, i.e. rivers, bay area, and the of the case studies and theoretical references, some moat surrounding the Imperial Palace, here the urban strategies emerged to enable spatial inclusion waterway is not used for the purposes of industry, and give a soul to these residual spaces which would sewage, or defence. Rather, it has been formed into otherwise simply be inactive. Four aspects of this ponds for recreational fishing, creating a unique space phenomenon are presented as follows.

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Figure 1. The Three Case Studies: Ameyoko, Shimokitazawa Cage, and Ichigaya Fish Pond.

“Mirror”. The leftover space is a way of surroundings by virtue of its relative permanence. expression of the urban surroundings as a However, on the small scale of human activities, the manifestation and accumulation of contrasting stability and perceived permanence of bigness is experiences. Therefore, it is a tool that is not only mitigated by the ephemeral nature of pleasurable related to the infrastructural context but also activities5. highlights the complex dynamics of the human “Recycling”. In Tokyo, the recycling of experience within the city. infrastructure has been a long-standing practice that “Openness” of time and space as exemplified by comes hand in hand with a lifestyle defined by the the sakariba. If urban regeneration aims to initiate the city’s extensive railway network. Although the redevelopment of infrastructure, the new project needs phenomenon initially emerged in the form of to be designed in a way that addresses both space and bottom-up appropriation of space as exemplified by time, taking into consideration the spatial accessibility Ameyoko and Ichigaya, today, the driving force has to and from the surroundings and the diverse been replaced by a top-down approach, i.e. initiated possibilities for activities in which people can engage by major developers, government entities, and other in their free time. comparable organisations. The JR East Urban “Pleasure”. Upon completion, the bigness of an Development Corporation is redesigning many infrastructure induces a kind of stasis in its “leftover” spaces underneath the rails6 to improve the

Covatta 211 consumption experience for different social groups. If NY: Hill and Wang. Bauman, Z. 2003. Wasted Lives: Modernity and Its Outcasts. the recycling of the infrastructure shapes the city of Cambridge: Polity Press. tomorrow, then retail complexes would be the most Bestor, V. L., T. C. Bestor, and A. Yamagata. 2013. Routledge common end result of such recycling. Handbook of Japanese Culture and Society. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. Boontharm, D. and D. Radović. 2012. Small Tokyo. Tokyo: Acknowledgements Flick Studio. Burdett, R. 2006. Cities, Architecture and Society: La Biennale The author is grateful for research support from the Japan di Venezia; 10th International Architecture Exhibition. Foundation and their Fellowship for Intellectual Exchange. Milano: Marsilio Ed. Some of the ideas of this paper have been explored with the Hidenobu, J. 2011. Tokyo: A Spatial Anthropology. Berkeley: help and inspiration of Colabo Laboratory of Urban Design at University of California Press. Keio University. Isozaki, A. and D. B. Stewart. 2011. Japan-ness in Architecture. Cambridge, MA: MIT. Kaijima, M., J. Kuroda, and Y. Tsukamoto. 2012. Made in Notes Tokyo. Tokyo: Kajima Inst. Publ. Koolhaas, R. and B. Mau. 1998. S, M, L, XL. New York: 1. Tokyo Salary-Men Spend 20 Days a Year for Commuting. Monacelli Press. 2010. Retrieved May 24, 2017 (http://www.japanstyle.info/ Koolhaas, R. and H. Foster. 2013. Junkspace With Running 09/entry8884.html). Room. London: Notting Hill Editions. 2. The 51 Busiest Train Stations in the World—All but 6 Kowalczyk, B. M. 2011. “Invisible () City of Located in Japan. 2013. Retrieved May 28, 2017 Transformation: Social Change and Its Spatial Expression (https://japantoday.com/category/features/travel/the-51-busi in Modern Japan.” Asian and African Studies 15(3):23-38. est-train-stations-in-the-world-all-but-6-located-in-japan). Slater, D. H. 2011. “Social Class and Identity in Postwar Japan.” 3. The World’s Busiest Train Stations. N.d. Retrieved May 22, Pp. 103-116 in Routledge Handbook of Japanese Culture 2017 (http://www.railway-technology.com/features/feature and Society, edited by V. L. Bestor, T. C. Bestor, and A. worlds-busiest-train-stations). Yamagata. New York and Oxford: Routledge. 4. Major Agglomerations of the World—Statistics and Charts Zacharias, J., T. Zhang, and N. Nakajima. 2011. “Tokyo in Maps, Diagrams and Tables. N.d. Retrieved May 31, Station City: The Railway Station as Urban Place.” URBAN 2017 (https://citypopulation.de/world/Agglomerations. html). DESIGN International 16(4):242-251. 5. In different cultural contexts, the abandoned infrastructural landscape changes use classification and gives birth to park and new public space that happened for example to the Bio trendy New York’s High Line linear park or its predecessor the Promenade Plantée in Paris or the latest recently Alice Covatta, architect, researcher, and illustrator, she inaugurated Seoullo 7017 designed by MVRDV. All are achieved bachelor and master’s degrees in Architecture with design operation followed by a large mediatic circulation honor at IUAV University of Venice. Later she worked as on the local and global scale. architect in Italy and Spain dealing with architectural and 6. For a better overview about the Developer JR East Urban landscape projects. She received her Ph.D. in Architecture from Development of JR East group’s projects, see University of Udine with one-academic year at Keio University (http://www.jrtk.jp.e.wz.hp.transer.com/). in Tokyo. Nowadays, Alice is PostDoc research fellow in Architecture and Urban Design at Keio University granted by Japan Foundation Fellowship. Her works have been exposed at References MAXXI Museum in Rome, Toronto University, Venice Biennale, and LoopHole in Melbourne; research fields: Barthes, R. and R. Howard. 2009. Empire of Signs. New York, architecture and urban design.