Their
government
may
vicious—their
ated
are,
racy. good? volve
disposition can supposed will
will Jefferson,
annually
advantage
ond; nent
fore
judge
bulent
it maxim
of
people mass
the /nzcled
into
Hamilton
Presideizt
were Faith
Republican Popular
in opinions
in came 2.
bumble
disturb
contrast,
is
Philadelphia
the
God;
Alexander
Take
Can
not
ever
check
rich All
check
and
the
to
Their
upon..
act
and
written
share
passions.
of
in
Nothing the
or
in
light
the
has
Senator
communities
true has
Secretary
and
few
Rule
circumstances;
the
and
a
[through
what maintain
from
mankind
the
of
particitlarly,
and
Jefferson,
the
determine Jbrmed
steadily
as
cornerstone
‘ashiiigtoii
by
the
turbulent
the
requires
democratic
first
been
of
party;
the
been
in
in
a and
privately
people.
they
well
informed
changing; mass
.
(I
a
subsequent
passions
few
unsteadiness
however Hamilton
Take Hamilton
fact.
are
imprudence
There
more
but
the
Maclci’,
two
class
change,
(seep.
780s—l820s)
the
quoted
of
a
said
annual
to
good
distrust
born;
cannot
in
choice
they
The part
a
great
government.
of
checks.
a the
many.
and
right.
pursue
mankind
divide
a
The
worthy
general, permanent
may
and
S
of
was
to
Virginia
1
the
distinct,
assembly,
people
masses
Treasur).
may
government.
of
had
they
aristocratic
76). it
governed generally
the
Versus
and
uncontrolling
Hamilton
they
leaders
elections]
be
history 2
ho
voice
spirits, receive
his
of
in
prone
The
be
Give
people,
(1787) themselves
of of
the
To
other,
the
developed
became
be
the
the
therefore
believed,
five-hon
motives.
in
they
the
as
democ
first
are
seldom
perma
became
planter-aristocrat,
what
public
Thomas
of
there
every
heat
oper
over
Hamilton.
masses
voice
body
They
to
who
Who,
who
they
sec
any
tur
this
by?
s
are
the
the
are
re
be
exaggerate,
and
Federalist
extent
aJdilower
of
a
r
speech
on
period
a
the
bitter
and
Jefferson
profound
monarchical
balance,
wrong
(1788) not the when
sense The
depositories.
to
of favored
born
interest. safe.
sider
trust
confidence two were
tify
stantial
has the
had
cornerstone The
the
partisan
before
God.
ride
party.
of
and
honesty
I The
Every
of
themselves
Men.
made
Those
chosen
people
a
youthfi.t1financiei
afraid
parties.
years.
with
Hamilton
cultivation the
.
have
them
chosen
of
trusted
Thomas
on
championed
them
to
and
depository
(1826) few
was
distrust
(1824)
mass
that
the
the
people...
Following
saddles
his
struggles.
any
who such
.
of
appearance
themselves
in
The
genuine
government
people
booted
are
of as the
constitutional
of
Those
(1787)
some
legitimately,
body
people,
of
peculiar
Jefferson,
Jefferson
them,
to
their
Jefferson’s
and
their
with
the
length initial
more
of
mankind
labor
naturally
of
reliance
on
the
of
common
special
Jefferson
of who
.
and of
are
most
virtue. the
letting
Those
leaders
these
of cherish
the
their
whose
sound?
the
in
quotations
deposit
rulers.
God,
are
tho)gh
in
the
spurred,
may
common
bitt
fear
people, the
on
has
by
the
divided
Democratic
observations
backs,
degenerates
people honest
its
interests
any
convention
(1784)
who
conflicting
people.
things
if
breasts
that
both
it
the
the
and
Note
only
earth
not have
.
and
for
ever
did born
.
cause.
public
alone.
ready
ace
good nor
from
iden
I
been
have
right
folk.
con
sub
safe
that
and
into
and
dis
not
am
are
be
of
go
he
he
in
in a Hamilton Jefferson One great error is that we suppose Whenever the people are well- mankind more honest than they are. informed, they can be trusted with Our prevailing passions are ambition their own government; whenever and interest; and it will be the duty of a things get so far wrong as to attract wise government to avail itself of those their notice, they may be relied on to passions, in order to make them sub set them to rights. (1789) servient to the public good. (1787)
Your people, sir, is a great beast. I am not among those who fear (According to legend, c. 1792) the people. They, and not the rich, are our dependence for continued freedom. (1816)
I have an indifferent [low] opinion I have great confidence in the of the honesty of this country, and ill common sense of mankind in general. forebodings as to its future system. (1800) (1783)
I said that I was affectionately at My most earnest wish is to see the
tached to the republican theory. . . . I republican element of popular control add that I have strong hopes of the pushed to the maximum of its practica success of that theory; but, in candor, I ble exercise. I shall then believe that ought also to add that I am far from our government may be pure and being without doubts. I consider its perpetual. (1816) success as yet a problem. (1792)
ojAlexander Hamiltoiz (New York: -Lxcipts found for he most part in S. K. Padover, ed,, The Aiiiici ofAlexaflderHaIlil!1011 (1957): S. K. Padover, ed, & Row, 19S8>:P. B. Morris. ed., The Basic Ideas Harper App1eton-CentU Company, 1939). Thomas Jo//maui? (a? Deniocrac,r (New York and London: D. to government scribed judgment ernments. counteracting ernments, grassroots Hamilton, As ernment, the ments, [government] salutary.
tain 3. sions governments I United knowledge Connecticut, towards the that ernment their closer opinion, from powers moment propriety. and tion avow prostrate the states, ment. 3See should be
The the As If rival A Hence, preservation A national itself influence and to direction. the and the (1787) depredations firm to as that state able to States within
Clash thing erect the work.s of to insurrection. a power the consistent a strove the they is the against the supervision states decidedly deny distrusting As barrier Union the liberal the that a at the the to government Maryland, truth prevailing will As councils from as state destruction great every of
influence over now disposition already Hamilton to their bounds peace most will to preserve it. were of Padover if both national to of government their will not against any safeguard they (1792) in construction the the governments,
States’ and expense. with is, prove the the serious which fence regard and (1 the and of be all be safe penetrating and general combination influence. too however, consistent or and can 787) government? real of state national of able bias of constitutional domestic light of the will liberty government, fearing New on
Rights Morris and to useful potent those be preventing the the apprehen Jefferson, is, state anxiety states’ the to my national guard govern ever of circum govern of of Jersey, size utmost useful. in of previously main of I I subsequent
I (I local gov gov with gov and and the part into fac dis see my the the the ac my rights
780s—1820s) be of to is it states, distrzisting cited at stituents, overlook distance, and stituents, and its ing ment. the tion] would for ory office-building, corruptinn, of the the reduced thing tions. to let those manage getic general left commerce, sive. the more unexpensive a under he one (1822) its strove history, in very all affairs expense. performed everything free note states Our our general of What detection people. good I jobbing, If the from of is the and Public government. within It am of Let at ever our be a surely simple to the 2, government to same country places must, affairs the to will all state their be single particularly p. all directed fearing an not are under government build produced the manage Constitution plunder, this foreign 189. most (1787) which government. other Which servants, unable themselves, better, invite augmentation the one: the independent speculating, impossible powers circumstance, a by from ease, general Jefferson organization respecting vast government, the be up friend is the wisest a details extensive and a nations, a by too It themselves. the of few the the concerns potent a and the disentangled few may country to at by governors eye is at powerful the into a in large public government of circumstance to the administer such always servants. [strict merchants an waste. single more and plain office-hunting and necessary The he the two of to a the the except central foreign as plundering, assumption of expense and corruption. to by reduced very their their best—that a is matter only, it united construc agents men to true hands duties the they distance citizens; have And govern brought oppres central render will indeed every a (1800) ener as gov from con con field very was the and and will our na for are all be be of of to of as to of to to 4. The Spectrum of Disagreement (I 780s—1820s) At the rear entrance of Jeffersons imposing Virginia home, Monticello, busts of Hamilton and Jefferson stood opposite each other. The guide used to tell tourists that /ej/rson placed them there because the two men had opposed each other in qfe, and they might as well stand opposite each other in death. In the J’ollowing quotations, how what do they agree on, what a.i-c their most fundamental disagreements. and fair are they in assessing each other?
Hamilton Jefferson A national debt, if it is not exces No man is more ardently intent sive, will be to us a national blessing. to see the public debt soon and sa (1/81) credly paid off than I am. This exactly marks the difference between Colonel If all the public creditors receive Hamilton’s views and mine, that I their dues source their in from one ... would wish the debt paid tomorrow; terest will be the same. And having the he wishes it never to be paid, but al same interests, they will unite in sup ways to be a thing wherewith to cor arrangements of the port of the fiscal rupt and manage the legislature government, (C. 1791) [Congress]. (1792)
Real liberty is neither found in Were it left to me to decide despotism or the extremes of democ whether we should have a government racy, but in moderate governments. without newspapers, or newspapers (1787) without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. (1787)
Beware, my dear sir, of magnifying A little rebellion now and then a riot into an insurrection, by employ is a good thing, and as necessary in the ing in the first instance an inadequate political world as storms in the physi
force. ‘Tis better far to err on the other cal. . . . It is a medicine necessary for side, Whenever the government ap the sound health of government. pears in arms, it ought to appear like a (1787) Hercules, and inspire respect by the display of strength. (1799)
I believe the British government It is her [England’s] govern forms the best model the world ever ment which is so corrupt, and which produced, and such has been its has destroyed the nation—it was cer progress in the minds of the many that tainly the most corrupt and unprinci this truth gradually gains ground. (1787) pled government on earth. (1810) It must be by this time evident to But with all the imperfections of
all men of reflection. . . that it [Articles our present government [Articles of of Confederation] is a system so radi Confederation], it is without compari cally vicious and unsound as to admit son the best existing or that ever did not of amendment but by an entire exist Indeed, I think all the good of change in its leading features and this new Constitution might have been characters. (1787) couched in three or four new articles, to be added to the good, old, and ven
erable fabric. . , (1787)
Let me observe that an Executive I disapproved, also, the perpetual is less dangerous to the liberties of the re-eligibility of the President. (1789) people when in office during life than for seven years. (1787)
government.
inconsistent entertaining
ment
limated
does
once future.
tions
respecting
safety
ularity
der
honest
able
he
and
liberty.
[Washington]
That abilities,
The
It
Ejefferson
Standing
a
for
not
for
have
very
was
of
fanatic
(1781)
has
man.
4 See
(1787)
and
delicacy
General
him,
permit
America.
gentleman
not
influenced
him
the
often
much
with
and
and
His
(1792)
paradoxical
is
in
armies
works
long
is]
Hamilton
certainly
and
me
politics.
competitors
less
propagating
[Washington]
nor
dignified
been
was an
. esteemed,
.
before
of
to
Jefferson]
will
integrity.
atheist
good
are
These
Padover
my
retain
neither
essential
(1800)
a
influence
dangerous
past
imagination,
man
I
and
temper...
discovered
considera
in
have
that
and
but
opinions
His
is
conduct
whom
remark
orderly
of
Morris
to
a
senti
pop
slen
who
sub
very
my
the
to
I
previously
was
nation.
the yet
thorough
and
private
interested,
character,
broke
dous
cendancy
had
toned;
per wise,
ble most
deed,
be:
in
in land
our
cited
preference
which
I
sincerely
Hamilton
British so
His
liberties,
duly
A
I
essential
was
obtained
force
in
have
a
pure,
am
in
its
naval
in
(1818)
transactions,
good,
but
bewitched
his
note
[Washington’s]
every
valuing
bonds,
a
Of
naturally
he
conviction
over
honest,
ever
would
wrath.
his
Christian,
example
reflection
force
nor
2,
acute
and
attached
Ejesus]
to
to
was
a
p.
Jefferson
justice
known.
it. sense
all
firm
the
i89. he
occasion
virtue
a
do
and
(1814)
can
If
understanding,
great
and
others.
indeed
amiable
irritable
was
wished
government
both.
ever,
in
as
and
the
that
of
to
honorable
never and
.
in
the
perverted
man. integrity
.
to most
his
the
most bloodshed;
.
habitual
(1786)
(1803)
private
however,
He
corruption
a
only
in
be
anyone
resolution
and
doctrines,
endanger
words,
His
singular
tremen
society,
was,
inflexi
under
sense
in
of
tem
high
life,
was
dis
as
by
all in
to
a
it
a a posite
Jefferson
Hamilton
New
liberty,
cesses.
ernment came He I. est France, together He phy, pared of in feelings heaven the temperament late the the of same the Clouds rest own (1793?)
vorable At in
may in
a passionate, equally that be pices versity points,
and lution.
France
and which easy,
the (1794)
a free
The this
exciting,
the French
political
drank
the
came
In
likely
cause
same fermentation
same
comparison
revolution.
upon
Yorke;;
in
history None country. probable
sides
terminate
extravagances
I
Why
with electrified
solemnity,
France,
if wish
country
of and
rejoiced
French
The present and
(1794) religion,
we There
reason of
and there
of
do
view unite so
only has
the
possible,
and
freely
from
to order,
of those decorum,
on
the
opinion which
affairs deeply
can did
could
with good hands.
that
concerned
not
that and
of cause
two
well-informed darkness
take been
the
on Jefferson,
But of the
is in
was Hamilton
issue
he
issue
Revolution:
entertained
Hamilton and human France
time,
in
and over
Would deny
of
a in the
of the
the the
the the like
who American countries
were French which
in
he
government;
with agreeing concerned? discern
which
the Jefferson] place
great
the
(1792) a the
to
stained science,
as of
America
humanity of
French
doubt
time for as the side project
shared, troubles the
the
same
they
that
find the
to
same
situation would the establishment French France
now
in
affairs,
about
to
they just.
disagreeing
attachment
he
and
under which
Revolution.
liberation the
passions
same
of when
distinguished
reject in
the
French
all Conflicting
heaven comparison.
the
whether the
had
a in in
dignity,
by Revolution.
Revolution.
in
its of
men both
the
now humanity, buld during govern... serious real
saw
parallel
of property, these
still
the
not
recoil.
moment philoso
and
is same politics.
knitting
cause abuses. and
excesses
the
a gravity,
it
all
the
mirror France
share
merits
corn
Revo clos
is from gov
unite do.
then
must
men
and that
from
aus
parallel
the of two dis
He this
as
its not to fa
to
di
The
of
of
in
Views
I
oppressed
they
was
philosophical
did
ness
spicuously people whole twenty vices profoundly
be
are more reaches of French flight which of to heaps trying hope our happily.
must and powerful
sary, (I much the some
some
But would done time balm
their earth won the
(1793)
tyrs deeply
should
half an country, ter
human
the
790s)
on
in
that But
You nineteen
own
In than
humanity.
contest,
Adam My I
that of forms
the
be
many
to of
of
the
accursed
and American
their had
lives. of United
France, the was many with to
deplore
millions
as
innocent.
importance
never the are
it
Revolution you,
wounded their
have
their
I the a form
this
earth will
leans them
it
is preach
and
existence
French own
a
Tories
Viiginian,
anybody, feel
failure
argument
they wretched
truth
now
ground shocked struggle
depending
very
a
guilty
and
failure
The
of
of
so
and issues,
form
millions
have fact, cause, States.
have King. Jefferson
governors, failed
left
desolated; I
that
in
to
of
the
them
of
in
The
fallen
trial, affections
is.
little am Revolution?
of liberty
was
will an
into here. some
Revolution
liberty These
the
free, people
in
persons
by
government every
of
peril
hesitated
(1793)
the
the
is than to
naturally
heard, on there Such
practical-minded
by
which
(1785) I
and
but ever of spite
Eve
individual
as
day
some ever
would to government.
more and
rescue
our brought
innocent
in
powder
(1791)
it on present the
permanence
degree
idiots,
for into
opinion
I the
were
of I
circumstance would
dedicated battle. shall rather are
the
supposed
prove
left of would
of
should
favor.
the such
fell bloody before
was
deplore with
have which
of
wretched,
most to which the
Why
my
the
will
have
the
took
[French] and
there
in
the
on
offer without issue day and
deplore
by
by
of .
which a
neces be
than
blood?
mild death.
whole
there
I .
fruits
there
issue
be
them con was
every
have prize that;
op
been ex .
this
they
mar the seen
the still
em the the
are
But Of
to bet
to
but
of up
of
as
f
a
it
9
0
9
9 —
00 0 U
0 0
whole
would
powers
long instance
not not
tude]
any tion
powers.
ient,” not
only were
will
in
bank ried
ated
phrase. consequently carrying make
the
the prohibited
not, boundless
susceptible
for
of specifically
step served
(12th
financial
that
Constitution
United
posed
on
that about
views of
buttalfrom. views
cern
ing on
million,
.5.
7here
the
Congress
torture
the
one
sounder
non-enumerated
United
be It
those
The
carrying
Jeflersori
powers The
the
give
I
in
into
the
a
powers.”
will
congress
notes,
true; all
has
to
all
therefore
under
collection
[10th]
beyond
on
for
consider
swallow
of
allowed
to
the
list
my constitution,
[of
were
Bank
to
States
If
[power]
or
one
means
laws
second
incorporation
powers
one-fifth
into
execution
be his
great
go
the
been
which
into
such
Bank
the
the yet February
transactions.
States
effecting
of opinion,
field
by
other,
of
drawn
ground
ratified.
assumed
safeguarding
Hamilton, strict
amend.).
is only
power.... to
into
cabinet
implied
as
of
necessary
Versus
by
not any
But
execution
enumerated
is
states,
a
the
states], it
Jefferson
much
to
to
facility
which
every
England
a
the
is
the
up
laid
of
which of
convenience,
empowered
general
of
by
to
are
execution
the not
government
this
of
three
latitude
take
to
definition.
they
not
authorized
Constitution
the
around
without
all
which
been Hamilton,
in
power, 15,
the the
foundation
power,
powers
based
members.
urged on
Hamilton some
boundaries
the constitution,
merely
by
phrase
or delegated
one;
To
and
are
or
United
interpreting
possession also
of
necessary,
ingenuity
1791
can
banks
the
and
Constitution.
states,
Before
this
this
and
to
phrase
the
Suppose take
convenience
delegated
of
a
enumerated “necessary,”
suiplus
might
for
reduce
the
his
given
that
powers.
the
one
it
all
proper
no the
delegated
a
bank,
in
as
“to
construc
bill,
“conven ground—
located
States
[the
enumer
SuperviSion,
in
bank.
in
there
foregoing
a
the
case
Article
by
be
powers The
to are
on
sign
a
allows
people
longer
make
of
of
to
some
is single be
bank
the
below.
have
may
give
lati
loose
thus
and
of
car
the
this and
the
this
nor
“necessa,y”?
for held
“to opinions
so
the the
re tag
on as
It
is to
A
in entire
a
I,
all
Bank
the
the
money,
constructionist
Philadelphia,
such
Section
Note
b
powers.”
laws
keystone
it
belonging
the
specting
all
Congress
dently the which
vision
joint
bank,
Tenth
plates
the for
regulating
power bank
sound
the
by strictive
“necessary” tal,
good. more
liberally
constitution. that of there
or abridge sion: which country
of
deemed forbidden
of
obvious
powers,
hended
would
of
(1
that
a
federal
its
which
the
needful
Jefferson,
this
the
property
791) of
the
satisfaction useful,
A
bill
WI] bank
and
There
If
proprietor
Jefferson,
constitutionality.
it
Amendment
is
the
than
of
the
Which
immediately
has
hope
Does national
maxim
Art.
any
common of
be
may
of
brings
time,
the
Constitution,
a
the
paragraph
a
Necessary”
under
when
in
relation
the
shall
fdcilitating
to
interpretation
and within
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