f!!l:::T~f1c.2: 1 ( 1985)

THE SPEECH OF THE NEG ROS CON GOS OF : AN AFRO-HISPANIC DIALECT

John M. Lipski The University of Houston

The Afro-Colonial residents of Panama's coast celebrate elaborate rituals during Carnival season, the conga games, which reenact aspects of life in colonial Panama. Part of this ceremony is the hablar conga, a special speech mode used principally during the games, and used occasionally at other times. This paper describes the linguistic structures of the conga dialect, and suggests the likelihood that it is an indirect deri­ vative of earlier Afro-Hispanic creole Spanish, supplemented by elements of distortion and exaggeration. The principal creole structures of conga speech do not coincide with those found in other major Afro-Iberian cre­ oles, which leads to the suggestion that a wider range of earlier creole Spanish dialects probably existed in the Spanish American colonies.

1. Hispanic-African contacts in Latin America are as frequent as they are misunderstood, and few would deny the all-pervasive African influence on the Spanish of the Caribbean region. Scrutiny of docu­ ments from earlier centuries and extending well into the present cen­ tury indicates that African slaves in Spanish America frequently spoke distinctly Africanized dialects of Spanish, ranging from slightly defective Spanish to what appear to have been true creoles (Alvarez Nazario 1959, 1974; Granda 1978). Except for literary attestations, which often involve exaggeration and idealization, few direct vestiges of such Afro-Hispanic language remain to be studied, and thus the re­ construction of earlier stages of Spanish usage by African subjects is fraught with uncertainty. Combining the case of the most carefully studied Afro-Hispanic dialect, the dialect of

!The most exemplary studies are Granda ( 1968, 1978), Whinnom (1965), Valkhoff (1966), Al­ varez Nazario (1974), Alleyne (1980), Taylor (1971), Boretzky (1983). See also Laurence (1974), Alsopp (1977), Gonzalez and Benavides 0982), Taylor (1960), Thompson (1961), Voorhoeve (1974). For an opposing interpretation of data, see Lopez Morales ( 1980, 1983).

23 24 JOHN M. LIPSKI I!! 2:1 (1985) SPEECHOF THE NEGROS CONGOS 25

Granda 1968, 1978:386-440). What is needed is the discovery of other groups, usually by imitation of family members or other recognized pockets of Afro-Hispanic language, providing additional data that virtuosos. Community participation in the congo ritual ranges from a permit a more accurate assessment of the existence of non-Portuguese small segment of the population, in Colon and even in Portobelo (the Hispanic creoles'. The present article will report on one such dialect largest settlement on the costa arriba and the closest to the trans­ pocket, the speech of the congos, an Afro-colonial population found on isthmus highway) to nearly 100% participation in the small towns of the Atlantic coast of Panama. A careful scrutiny of the speech of the the costa arriba. This study will report on field work done on congo congos promises to be of significance for general Afro-American speech of the costa arriba, specifically, in the towns of Portobelo, Caci­ studies. que, Nombre de Dios, Viento Frio and Palenque, during December of 1983 and Carnival season in January and February of 1984. Studies 2. The negros congos are a well-known folkloric phenomenon in of the congo speech of the costa abajo carried out by Joly (1981) indi­ contemporary Panama, for each year during Carnival season, the pre­ cate a considerable differentiation between two areas, perhaps due to dominantly Afro-American population of the Caribbean Coast, the the influence of creole English and/or the importation of Colombian costa abajo (to the west of Colon) and the costa arriba (from Portobelo speakers of palenquero in the costa abajo; the materials that Professor to Santa Isabel) celebrates an elaborate ritual of dancing, singing, Joly graciously furnished me are convincing proof that whatever the mock battles and other events which bear directly or indirectly on the anthropological similarities between the congos of the two regions, history of African slaves in colonial Panama. The anthropological as­ linguistically the two dialects share little in common, except for the pects of the congo ritual have been well studied (Beliz 1959, Zarate element of burlesque and exaggeration. 1962, Smith 1975, P. Drolet 1980, Cheville and Cheville 1977), al­ Among the towns of the costa arriba there is also considerable var­ though considerable controversy continues to surround the exact in­ iation, which is contained within the general limits to be described be­ terpretation of the events portrayed in the ritual, since some see in low, and consequently congo practitioners from different towns can these events the reenactment of specific historical events, while oth­ communicate adequately with one another. The ritual language has a ers attach a more symbolic significance. Of importance to Hispanic particular significance within the congo games, since it excludes non­ dialectology is the fact that the principal actors of the congo groups in participants or non-initiates and enables the expert congo to dazzle each town utilize a special style of speech during the Carnival games, and ensnare onlookers with elaborate verbal manipulations, all of the hablar congo, a ritual or play language derived from Spanish, which result in the levying of 'fines' which are paid off in rum or food which is all but unintelligible to the non-initiated. It should be noted (P. Drolet 1980). Naturally, outsiders are not normally initiated into that during ordinary speech, the Spanish spoken by these Panama­ the congo rituals, although anyone may observe them as a simple nians is indistinguishable from that of other rural residents of that spectator, and previous studies done on the congo groups have encoun­ nation (Robe 1960; Alvarado de Ricord 1971; Cedergren 1973, 1978), tered difficulties in gaining the confidence of the coastal residents. and there exists no distinctly identifiable dialect among the descen­ The present study was no exception, but I am happy to report that the dants of African slaves,2 in contrast, for example, to the accent which inherent generosity and pride of the costefws quickly overcame the remains among many Afro-Antilleans, descendants of West Indian la­ fear of ridicule and exploitation by unscrupulous outsiders, and it was borers contracted to build the Panama Canal, who in addition to West possible to obtain many hours of excellent tape-recorded materials, Indian English, speak a recognizably different form of Spanish. 3 The which include monologues in congo dialect, structured dialogues be­ congo speech is not a variant of regional Spanish, but is rather a spe­ tween congos and the interviewer, dialogues between two or more cial type of in-group slang learned by young aspirants to congo congas, and completely spontaneous interactions between congas and members of their respective communities. Before commenting on the linguistic details of conga speech, it is 2Granda (1978:321, 323, 382) suggests, based on reports that reached him, that a creolized necessary to consider the controversy surrounding the origin of this Spanish is spoken in the area of Palenque, Panama. However, such a dialect does not exist, nor speech mode. According to the oral tradition existing among the Afro­ does any memory of such a dialect exist among even the oldest residents. The original settle­ ment, founded by slaves, has long ceased to exist, and its remains have recently been excavated colonial population of Panama, the conga speech is a carryover from by archeologists (R. Drolet 1980). The current town of Palenque, some 10 km. from the original the days of the negro bozal, that is, a reproduction of the partially cre­ town, speaks regional Panamanian Spanish and most residents have considerable knowledge of congo speech, but use no creole dialect in daily communication. olized Spanish of earlier centuries. That this is not entirely accurate 3This accent is a natural consequence of the native creole English background of such speak­ becomes evident upon considering the high degree of deliberate dis­ ers, and may also be found among other Afro-Antilleans all al~g the Caribbean coast of Central tortion which characterizes contemporary conga America, from Guatemala to Panama. It must be noted, however, that in the costa arriba region and exaggeration of Panama no Afro-Antilleans were ever settled, and there is no identifiable English influence on speech, and yet, given the clearly traceable Afro-colonial roots of the either regional Spanish or congo speech. There is some slight evidence that suggests creole French origins for a few items, apparently transferred during the 18th century. J 26 JOHN M. LIPSKI (!! 2:1 (1985) SPEECH OF THE NEGROS CONGOS 27 congo ritual as a whole, this oral tradition may not be discarded out of together with the considerable syntactic and morphological transfor­ hand. No evidence exists of the use of congo dialect as a ritual lan­ mations, all of which combine to produce a speech mode which, while guage until ~t least the middle of the last century, that is, following clearly Hispanic in origin, is confusing if not unintelligible to the non­ the abolition of slavery in Panama, when the lifestyle of the slave so­ initiated. The principal phonetic modifications include the following: ciety disappeared and Panamanian Afro-colonials became more inte­ grated into the life of the new republic. The congo ritual in its present (a) Neutralization of intervocalic and phrase-initial /r/, /f/, /1/ and form is an attempt to recapture the spirit of the colonial days, replay­ /d/, in favor of [d]: carretera [kadeteda], color [kod6], etc. This is the ing the more colorful aspects of Afro-Panamanian history while mak­ most unusual change, not paralleled in any major Hispanic dialect, ing light of the element of suffering and tragedy which invariably ac­ although neutralization of /d/ and /r/ is common in some areas of companied such societies.4 Previous to this time, it was evidently not significant Afro-Hispanic presence (Granda 1977, Montes Giraldo necessary to artificially reconstruct a special Afro-Hispanic speech 1974, Tejeira 1964), whereas /r/ and /f/ have been neutralized in pa­ mode, since there was still direct awareness of earlier partially Afri­ lenquero (Escalante 1954, Bickerton and Escalante 1970, Arrazola canized patterns, at least in the more isolated regions of the coast. 1970, Ochoa Franco 1945, Friedemann and Patino 1983), the Spanish That the congo dialect has not been invented totally in the post­ of Equatorial Guinea (Gonzalez Echegaray 1959; Castillo Barrill abolition period is indicated by the fact that forms of this dialect exist 1969; Lipski 1984, 1985a; Granda 1984, 1985), and in bozal speech of in widely scattered and mutually isolated villages all along the length earlier centuries (Chasca 1946, Alvarez Nazario 1974, Granda 1978). of Panama's Caribbean coast, as well as some towns in the interior Intervocalic /1/ and /r/ were occasionally neutralized in bozal speech, (Tejeira Jaen 1974), and evidence exists that up until the last 50 years but a widespread neutralization is not normally found in con­ or so, even larger segments of the Panamanian population participa­ temporary Spanish dialects, although I have had informal reports of ted in the congo ceremonies (Franceschi 1960, P. Drolet 1980, Zarate such behavior in some areas of the Colombian Choc6 region, and in 1962). The variation that exists is the result of geographical isolation, the Poror6 dialect of the , where /d/ may also be the limited possibility for social transmission of the congo dialect and included. In congo speech, although /1/, /r/, /f/ and /d/ are normally the lack of widespread public diffusion of this speech mode outside of neutralized to [d] in intervocalic and phrase-initial position, the dis­ the confines of each individual town. tinctions among these phonemes are partially maintained in the pho­ Although it is beyond reasonable doubt that the original source for nologically weak implosive positions, in apparent contradiction of 'na­ congo speech is the earlier bozal speech of Afro-, the di­ tural' phonetic tendencies. For example, arma and alma may be pho­ rect awareness of this form of speech has faded into the indistinct nologically distinguished in congo speech, although as in all popular past, with the result that current attempts at reproducing the speech Panamanian Spanish dialects, there is also a potential for neutraliza­ of negros bozales contain a large element of sterotype, exaggeration tion of /1/ and /r/. The result is a variable realization of syllable-final and distortion, even when there is no conscious attempt at burlesque. liquids, which are sometimes distinguished and sometimes neutral­ An examination of the texts in the appendix will reveal that the origi­ ized, in contrast to intervocalic positions, where neutralization is the nal Afro-Hispanic structures have been affected by successive over­ rule in congo speech. In phrase-final position, /1/ is normally main­ lays of drift and modification, in addition to serving as the basis for tained as [l], while /r/ normally disappears from verbal infinitives and deliberate distortion of contemporary Spanish, with the result that often in such words as mujer, where, however, an [r] (but never [l]) oc­ the Afro-Hispanic roots must be searched for with considerable care. casionally appears. Similarly, word-final /d/ usually disappears, but may occasionally be realized as [d] in congo dialect. In syllable-initial postconsonantal position, [fl alternates with [r], as in popular Pana­ 3. Upon being questioned on the particulars of the congo dialect, manian Spanish (alrededor), but [d] never occurs in this position. most Panamanians, both in the costa arriba and in other areas, assert This points to the intervocalic neutralization of /d/, /1/, /r/ and /f/ as a that the congos speak Spanish al 'reves', that is, inverting the seman­ partial reconstruction of earlier periods, when these phonemes fell tic value of individual words, and this does occur, as will be seen. victim to processes of neutralization in various positions, using the Nonetheless, the most striking characteristic when first hearing con­ phonetically most prominent contexts (intervocalic and phrase-ini­ go speech of the costa arriba is the massive phonetic modification, tial) in conga speech to reintroduce a deformation which at one time must have affected all positions. Significantly, in the conga dialect of the costa abajo this four-way neutralization does not take place (Joly 4This phenomenon is not confined to Panama, but occurs throughout much of North and South America, as for example, in Brazil (Megenney 1978, Mendorn;a 1933), Trinidad, , Jamaica, 1981), although Ir/ and /f/ may be neutralized in intervocalic position, and many other areas. nor is this massive neutralization found in the rich song tradition of JOHN M. LIPSKI (!! 2:1 (1985) 28 SPEECH OF THE NEGROS CONGOS 29

the congas, which is characterized by archaic popular Spanish, ese momrenta esemomento evidently highly influenced by the Hispanic element of Panamanian botije Ilene botella llena ( vacia) society, but which evidences none of the linguistic distortion found in guguntu garganta muquino conga dialect. · maquina costumbro costumbre (b) Change of syllable-internal /1/ to Ir/, common in many Portu­ dos india los indios guese dialects, occurs occasionally in conga, although not with the bronzo bronce sumuna suntu regularity of other creole dialects: cravo (clavo), diabria (diablo), cum­ semana santa grucia gracia primento (cumplimento), crado (claro),jubri

zucria azucar 5Jt is possible that such use of conjugated verb forms points to the 'invented' nature of congo speech. However, simrlar examples of misuse of conjugated verb forms in Afro-Hispanic speech poquitria poquito have been reported for many other regions, not only in bozal speech of previous centuries, but in ahodamima alH>ra mismo the contemporary Dominican Republic (Gonzalez and Benavides 1982), Equatorial Guinea (Lip­ sagenta sargento ski 1985a), the Chota Valley of Ecuador (Lipski 1985b), vestigial Cuban (Alzola 1965), etc. (Lipski 1985c). 30 JOHN M. LIPSKI m 2:1 (19ss) SPEECH OF THE NEGROS CONGOS j1

5. In the syntactic dimension, conga speech is characterized by a may be used instead of yo. To a greater extent than in the rest of Pa­ somewhat reduced syntax vis-a-vis regional popular Spanish, particu­ nama, the declarative order is maintained in questions with pronomi­ larly as regards elaborate dependent clauses. In addition, a severe re­ nal subject: iQue tu quieres? duction of prepositional usage occurs, most frequently affecting de and a, but at times involving other prepositions: 6. Judging from the comments of congas and other Panamanians, the essence of conga speech consists of semantic inversion, putting yo te venia buhco 'Yo te venia a buscar' que permiso ta podaqui \Con que permiso estas por aqui?' meanings 'al reves.' Franceschi (1960) says 'los congos dicen si cuando madeda bronzo 'Madera de bronce (lamina de zinc)' es no y lo contrario a su vez ... la jerga que hablan, cortando las pala­ quevamose 'lQue vamos a hacer?' bras y haciendose dificiles de entender por el mismo hecho de decir las un botella fuda 'Una botella de fuda (ron)' cosas al reves.' The precise origin of this practice is not clear, but it caja sodiya 'Una caja de (agua de) chorillo = ron' cocopraya 'coco de playa (cocotero)' appears to be connected with the double meaning of al reves, both vamo praya 'vamos a la playa' 'backwards' and 'inside out', since during colonial times, black slaves during Carnival often put on their masters' clothing, wearing them Use of ser and estar is normally effected in accordance with gener­ in-side out as a form of mockery. This practice is continued among the al Spanish norms, although occasionally ser may disappear. Impor­ congas, as well as 'shaking feet' instead of shaking hands, and other tantly, there is no large-scale reduction of verb forms to a variant of inversions of social customs. In conga speech, virtuosity consists of in­ ser/estar plus a form of the infinitive, as in other Spanish/Portuguese troducing as many semantic inversions as possible, either by employ­ creoles. Despite the freely shifting morphological patterns, fully con­ ing words with an opposite meaning, or as a less desirable alternative, jugated verb forms are the rule, with the exception of the following by using negative words to counteract semantic content: cases: vivi muerto Bene pa onde tu ta di vacio 'lAd6nde fuiste?' endedeza enrevesar c6mo tu te maba 'lC6mo tu te llamas?' po que cadeteda tu llega cementedio iglesia 'lPor que carretera llegaste?' padase sentarse di venir Occasionally a copulative verb may be eliminated: macha esposa

tucomunita 'tu eres comunista' The syntax of negation is at odds with normal Spanish usage, esas bota cubano 'esas botas son cubanas' since the percentage of negative elements is higher, and no appears in contexts where normal speech would not indicate such usage: For the conga speech of the costa abajo, Joly (1981) has signalled the frequent use of the particle mi prefixed to verbs, but this never oc­ a donde tu no quede di 'i,A46nde quieres ir?' curs in the dialects of the cos ta arriba: que e do que tu no quede 'lQue es lo que quieres?'

turavia no mi frato 'todavia nos falta' Sometimes the semantic displacement does not result in total in­ mungaila cuando mi so la ocha 'mailana cuando sean las ocho' version, but rather in a simple shifting of meaning, as indicated in the following cases: The existence of this particle in the costa abajo may be due to the presence of Colombian speakers ofpalenquero, but after having listen­ negrimacha negro/congo bronzo zinc ed to the materials collected by Prof. Joly, I believe that this mi is an agua sodiya ron extension of the use of mi as a subject pronoun in a few common syn­ mujediego mujer tagms of the costa abajo: mi sabo (yo se), mi teno (yo tengo).6 In the costa arriba, use of subject pronouns is normally in accord­ quero permitted the creation of similarly-used elements in the congo dialects of the costa abajo. ance with universal Spanish norms, although very infrequently mi Another possibility is the creole English use of mi as subject pronoun, although other uses of English mi/me do not appear in the congo speech of the region. It is worth repeating at this point that in the costa arriba, there was no influx of Colombian workers from Cartagena and Palenque de San Basilio, so that there are no extra-Panamanian sources documented for particular phe­ 6Joly 0981) has suggested that the particle mi comes from palenquero, although no such par­ nomena in the congo speech of the costa arriba, with the possible exception of a few French ticle appears in the latter dialect. The suggestion was th,, the use of aspectual particles in pa/en- lexical items. 32 JOHN M. LIPSKI (!! 2: 1 (1985) SPEECH OF THE NEGROS CONGOS 33

As seen in the appendix, much congo speech is not meant to be co­ despite suggestive possibilities. Mere phonetic similarity is not suffi­ herent conversation, but rather a show of verbal expertise designed to cient, given the enormous linguistic diversity of African languages dazzle and confuse onlookers and result in benefits for the speaker. and the lack of accurate documentation on the origin of Panama's Congo speakers do engage in dialogues among themselves, but most of black residents (Granda 1978:185-215), and given the fact that Afri­ the interactions are in the form of monologues, or of speeches directed can lexical elements are not as frequent in Panama as in neighboring to non-congo-speaking participants in the ceremony, who answer in Colombia (Megenney 1976, 1982; Granda 1978; Castillo Mathieu Spanish. Since the ceremony is accompanied by a consumption of phe­ 1982), mere speculations as to the origin of congo words is a nonpro­ nomenal amounts of alcoholic beverages, it is possible that the asser­ ductive enterprise.9 tion by most congos that they cannot speak the dialect unless they are sudao means that congo speech is merely a drunken deformation and 7 8. Whereas the precise origins of Panama's congo speech are still improvization (P. Drolet 1980). That this is not true is evidenced by surrounded by uncertainty and historical obscurity, the basic similar­ the fact that my best materials were collected when the informants ities with Afro-Hispanic or bozal speech of other areas are beyond were entirely sober, and increasing drunkenness merely reduced pho­ question. The clearest cases include the following: netic precision and led to repetition of sterotyped phrases and a loss of improvizational skills. Alcohol clearly smooths the way for the free­ (a) Reduction of grammatical gender, resulting in partial or total ing of the spirit exemplified by Carnaval, but congo speech has noth­ neutralization of masculine and feminine forms. Both congo speech ing essentially to do with the linguistic modifications associated with and most attestations of earlier Afro-Hispanic speech contain consid­ drunkenness. erable instability, which effectively blurs and frequently neutralizes grammatical gender, without completely dismantling the morphologi­ cal system. 7. In addition to the above elements, congo speech contains some words and expressions which may not be clearly traced to Spanish: (b) Reduction of prepositional usage, under the influence of stan­ dard Panamanian Spanish, is moving away from the massive reduc­ judaminga/judumingue child tions of bozal speech, but enough cases remain to suggest earlier per­ fuda rum iods in which use of prepositions deviated significantly from other mojongo/mojobrio woman/wife Spanish dialects. jopri6n banana jota to drink (c) Congo speech has not eliminated verbal inflection, but the in­ potofta to leave stability of person, number, tense, and mood morphemes and even chochobria to drink (chupar?) mucuna congo dialect verbal stems leads to the systematic breakdown of morphological dif­ dumia to eat ferentiation, hinting at the possibility for a total elimination of verbal jopio to smoke inflection, as has occurred in som'e creole Portuguese dialects (Granda bosonilla cup/glass (vaso?) 1978, Morais Barbosa 1967, Scantamburlo 1981, ValkhofU966). cudia/jutia paca come here (acudir?) de fuche rich/luxurious (d) The elimination of Ir/ in favor of the single tap [r] as well as sopodin/chopodin small boat or other vehicle neutralizing the latter with Id/ is common to many Afro-Hispanic dia­ lects, although inclusion of /1/ in this neutralization is not frequent. Joly (1981) believes thatjuduminga is a deformation of hormiga, but the latter word appears freely in congo speech in unmodified (e) Partial neutralization of syllable-internal /1/ and /r/ is less fre­ form. 8 It is possible that some of the unidentified words are of African quent in congo speech than in Portuguese creoles, but is considerably origin, although a consultation with a number of speakers of West more frequent than would be due to random variation (Salvador 1978). African languages has not revealed any definitive etymologies,

7Bickerton (1975:172) notes that occasionally individuals actually increase linguistic precision as a hypercorrection while intoxicated. 8Aretz (1977:260) citesjuruminga in an Afro-Venezuelan dance, while Alegria (1954:7 4) gives 9Granda (1973, 1978:463) presents evidence that the lengua congo used in Cuba was really a a similar form in a song from the highly Africanized Spanish of Loiza Aldea, . The form ofKiKongo, but in Panama this is clearly not the case, and none of the congo words have in­ phonetic similarity among these forms may not be fo1tuitous, although Sojo (1943:29-30) derives disputable KiKongo etymologies. I personally verified this in numerous conversations with na­ the related arremingui from arremangarse 'arremangarse para bailar, sin duda.' Curiously, Ca­ tive speakers of KiKongo, both in West Africa and in the United States, none of whom could rec­ brera (1970, 1979) cites the use ofjuruminga as 'hormiga' in Cuban congo speech. ognize any of the Panamanian congo words. 34 JOHN M. LIPSKI (!! 2:1 (1985) SPEECH OF THE NEGROS CONGOS 35

to popular speech of black and white Panamanians alike, apparently 9. As significant as the similarities between congo speech and disappeared at an earlier time in Panama than in many Caribbean re­ Afro-Hispanic dialects attested elsewhere, are the differences which gions, although awareness of the existence of such speech modes con­ separate the con.go dialect from the Afro-Iberian creoles represented tinued. The early assimilation of Africans into colonial Panamanian by palenquero, Papiamentu, Cuban and Puerto Rican bozal Spanish, life is also evidenced by the nearly total lack of vestiges of African re­ and the Portuguese creoles: ligious or magical traditions, as compared with Cuba, Puerto Rico, the (a) Non-attestation of the second-person pronoun uos, despite the Dominican Republic, Brazil, and northern Colombia, where African fact that uoseo is common in much of rural interior Panama. ritual elements often survive nearly intact. The congas of Panama (b) General preservation of the distinction between ser and estar, have a rich song tradition, but as has been noted, these songs are sung and lack of reduction of verbs to a non-conjugated form plus an aspec­ in archaic popular Spanish and never in conga dialect, although some tual particle, of the form NP ta Vinf. conga speakers occasionally improvise short songs and poems in the dialect. The music itself is culturally hybrid, combining African (c) Lack of neutralization of pronominal case, and maintenance of drumming and dancing with recognizably European melodic struc­ subject and object pronouns, as well as non-use of subject pronouns as tures. possessive morphemes. During Carnival, the Panamanian Afro-colonials exaggerate all (d) Partial maintenance of nominal pluralization. The congo dia­ aspects of their culture, even including their African heritage, black­ lect partially neutralizes nominal morphology through the instability ening their faces with charcoal to become 'blacker', wearing tattered and interchange of ending, but when signalled, plural marking al­ clothes and garish costumes meant to be humorous imitations of Afri­ ways involves the addition of /s/, and never, for example, a subject pro­ can ritual costumes, and indulging in alcoholic excesses not typical of noun. the remainder of the year. As an integral component of these festivi­ ties, the imitation of Afro-Hispanic speech becomes ever more re­ 10. It is significant that in Spanish literature of the nineteenth moved from the original linguistic reality, as no viable models remain and twentieth centuries, certain phonetic traits (generally loss of syl­ to be imitated, and the element of game-playing and ritual supplants lable-final consonants) as well as occasional morphological and syn­ the oral transmission of historical information. Many older congas la­ tactic modifications have been used as literary concomitants of the ment the rapid deterioration of conga speech (a similar lament is speech of blacks, not only by white authors but also by black writers voiced by many palenquero speakers in Colombia) and my observa­ (Lipski 1981). This stereotyping occurs even when such speech pat­ tions of the attempts by the youngest apprentice conga speakers re­ terns are not exclusive to blacks in a given region, but characterize vealed a much higher degree of simple verbal invention and distortion popular tendencies with no direct racial connection. Such writers as and a lessened regard for a legitimate transmission of earlier modali­ Nicolas Guillen, Candelario Obeso, Nicomedes Santa Cruz and others ties. This cultural deterioration is speeded up by the commercializa­ have added to the stereotype of the black speaker by putting into the tion of the conga ceremony in Portobelo, where luxury cruise ships fre­ mouths of such individuals tendencies reminiscent of the popular quently visit the town even outside of Carnival season and 'schedule' speech of their respective countries. It is therefore not surprising that congo ceremonies for the (North American) tourists who come ashore the congo groups of Panama would similarly exaggerate and hit upon for an hour or two to witness an 'authentic' event. In the remaining certain linguistic tendencies felt, rightly or wrongly, to characterize towns of the costa arriba, a significant proportion of the residents black Spanish, or more accurately, bozal speech of culturally unassim­ have emigrated to Colon or other cities in search of employment, and ilated slaves of earlier centuries. These tendencies are often seen dis­ return with modified cultural profiles which affect the structure of the torted in whites' mistaken notions of bozal speech, as in Cirilo Villa­ communities. In several areas, these returned emigrees (many of verde's Cecilia Valdes (Lopez Morales 1966), and the distortion in­ whom only return to visit during Carnival season) are precisely the creases along with the distance, both chronological and cultural, from ones who are the protagonists of the congo rituals, and introduce into legitimate bozal-speaking communities. In Panama, due to the rela­ the games and the ritual speech not only a more cosmopolitan sophis­ tively early assimilation of Africans into Hispanic culture and the tication, derived from contact with congas from other areas of Pana­ lack of massive importations of slaves in the eighteenth and nine­ ma, but also a distinctly non-conga component which stems from the teenth centuries, 10 distinctly Africanized Spanish dialects, as opposed natural transculturation which occurs in the urban centers of

(1976), Saco (1921), Borrego Pia (1973), Bastide (1969), Romero 11965), Zelinsky (1949), For­ lDBasic sources include De la Guardia 11977), Diez Castillo ( 1975), Jaen Suarez ( 1979), Rout tune (1956, 1962). 36 JOHN M. LIPSKI (!! 2:1 (1985) SPEECHOF THE NEGROS CONGOS 37

Panama. The rate of transculturation has rapidly increased in the ALVAREZ NAZARIO, Manuel. 1959. Notas sobre el habla de! negro en Puerto last 20 years, with increased emigration from the costa arriba, and Rico durante el siglo XIX. Revista de! Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueila with the resu}t that the congo dialect has already evolved far away 2:43-48. from its originally legitimate Afro-Hispanic bases, which may be only ___ . 1974. El elemento afronegroide en el espailol de Puerto Rico. San Juan: partially reconstructed. Currently the congo dialect is spoken exten­ Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueila. sively only during the Carnival games, although at other times the ALZOLA, Concepcion Teresa. 1965. Hablar popular cubana. Revista de Dialecto­ costenos may use the dialect for semi-serious comments. Moreover, logia y Tradiciones Populares 23:358-369. when Afro-colonial Panamanians visit Colon and Panama City, they ARETZ, Isabel. 1977. Musica y danza (America latina continental excepto Bra­ may speak to one another in congo, so as not to be confused with the sil). In Moreno Fraginals (1977:238-278). Afro-Antillean Panamanians, whom they feel to be culturally infe­ ARRAZOLA, Roberto. 1970. Palenque: primer pueblo libre de America. Cartage­ na: Hernandez. rior. BASTIDE, Roger. 1969. Las Americas negras; tr. by Patricio Azcarate. Madrid: Alianza. 11. The linguistic features mentioned in section 9 are among the BELIZ, Anel. 1959. Los congos: Afro-Panamanian dance-drama. Americas ones most frequently cited in favor of the single-source hypothesis for 11:11.31-33. Hispanic creoles (Granda 1968, 1976, 1978:424-440; Alleyne 1980; BICKERTON, Derek. 1975. Dynamics of a Creole System. Cambridge: Cam­ Taylor 1971; Whinnom 1965; Hancock 1975; Boretzky 1983), since bridge University Press. they appear in the majority of Afro-Iberian dialects, as well as many ___ and Aquiles ESCALANTE. 1970. Palenquero: a Spanish-based creole of other English-, French- and Dutch-based creoles of the Atlantic re­ northern Colombia. Lingua 24:254-267. gion. Panamanian congo speech gives little evidence of having pos­ BORETZKY, N. 1983. Kreolsprachen, Substrate und Sprachwandel. Wiesbaden: sessed most of these features, which in turn leads to the conclusion BORREGO PLA, Maria de! Carmen. 1973. Palenques de negros en Cartagena de Indias a fines del siglo XVII. Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispanoamerica­ that congo speech, while undoubtedly derived from an earlier Afro­ nos. Hispanic speech mode, is not derived from proto-Portuguese creole the CABRERA, Lydia. 1970. Refranes de negros viejos. Miami: Editorial C.R. postulated to have been widespread in Spanish America at the height ___ . 1979. Reglas de congo. Miami: Editorial C.R. of the slave trade. This bit of evidence does not invalidate the creole CASTILLO BARRIL, Manuel. 1969. La influencia de las lenguas nativas en el es­ Portuguese theories of creolization, but simply highlights the likeli­ paii.ol de Guinea. Archivo de Estudios Africanos 20:46-71. hood that other local Afro-Hispanic speech forms coexisted in colonial CASTILLO MATHIEU, Nicolas. 1982. Esclavos negros en Cartagena y sus apor­ Spanish America, and perhaps preempted pidgin Portuguese among tes lexicos. Bogota: Instituto Caro y Cuervo. Afro-colonials in some areas. CEDERGREN, Henrietta. 1973. The interplay of social and linguistic factors in the Spanish of Panama. Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University. ___ . 1978. En torno a la variaciori de la S final de silaba en Panama. In ABOUT THE AUTHOR Humberto Lopez Morales, ed., Corrientes actuates en la dialectologia del Ca­ ribe hispanico, 35-50. Rio Piedras: Ed. Universitaria. John M. Lipski is Associate Professor of Spanish in the Department of CHASCA, Edmund de. 1946. The of the speech of the negroes in early Hispanic and Classical Languages, University of Houston. Spanish drama. Hispanic Review 14:322-330. CHEVILLE, Lia and Richard CHEVILLE. 1977. Festivals and dances of Pana­ REFERENCES ma. Panama: n.p. DE LA GUARDIA, Roberto. 1977. Los negros en el istmo de Panama. Panama: ALBA, Orlando, ed. 1982. El espailol del Caribe. Santiago de los Caballeros: Instituto Nacional de Cultura. Universidad Catolica Madre y Maestra. DIEZ CASTILLO, Luis. 1975. Los cimarrones y la esclavitud en Panama. Pana­ ALEGRIA, Ricardo. 1954. La fiesta de Santiago Apostol en Loiza Aldea. Madrid: ma: Instituto Nacional de Cultura. AROArtes. DROLET, Patricia. 1980. The Congo ritual of northeastern Panama, an Afro­ ALLEYNE, Mervyn. 1980. Comparative Afro-American. Ann Arbor: Karoma. American expressive structure of cultural adaptation. Ph.D. dissertation, ALSOPP, Richard. 1977. La influencia africana sobre el idioma en el Caribe. In University of illinois. Moreno Fraginals (1977:129-151). DROLET, Robert. 1980. Cultural settlement along the moist slopes of the Carib­ ALVARADO DE RICORD, Elsie. 1971. El espailol en Panama. Panama: Univer- bean, eastern Panama. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois. sidad de Panama. • ESCALANTE, Aquiles. 1954. Notas sobre el Palenque de San Basilio, una comu­ nidad negra en Colombia. Divulgaciones Etnologicas 3:5.207-359. 38 JOHN M. LIPSKI m 2:1 (19ss> SPEECH OF THE NEGROS CONGOS 39

FORTUNE, Armando. 1956. Estudio sobre la insurrecci6n de negros esclavos: los ___ . 1983. Estratificaci6n sociolectal frente a diglosia en el Caribe hispani­ cimarrones de Panama. Loteria 1:5-6-9. co. Linguistica Espanola Actual 5:205-222. ___ . 1962. El negro en la cultura panameila. Loteria 7:76.26-31. MEGENNEY, William. 1976. Elementos subsaharicos en el lexico costeno de Co­ FRANCESCHI, Victor. 1960. Los negros congas en Panama. Loteria 51:93-107. lombia. Revista Espanola de Linguistica 6:405-451. FRIEDEMANN, Nina and Carlos PATINO. 1983. Lengua y sociedad en el Palen- ___ . 1978. A Bahian heritage: an ethnolinguistic study of African influence que de San Basilio. Bogota: Instituto Caro y Cuervo. on Brazilian Portuguese. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. GONZALEZ, Carlisle and Celso BENAVIDES. 1982. i,Existen rasgos criollos en ___ . 1982. Elementos subsaharicos en el espanol dominicano. In Alba el habla de Samana? In Alba (1982:105-132). (1982:183-202). GONZALEZ ECHEGARAY, Carlos. 1959. Estudios guineas, tomo 1: Filologia. MENDONQA, Renato. 1933. A influencia africana no portugues do Brasil. Rio Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Africanos. de Janeiro: Saver. GRANDA, German de. 1968. La tipologia 'criolla' de dos hablas del area linguis- MONTES GIRALDO, Jose. 1974. El habla de! Choc6: notas breves. Thesaurus tica hispanica. Thesaurus 23:193-205. 29:409-428. ___ . 1973. De la matrice africaine de la 'langue congo' de Cuba. Dakar: Cen­ MORAIS-BARBOSA, Jorge. 1967. Estudos linguisticos crioulos. Lisboa: Acade­ tre de Hautes Etudes Afro-Ibero-Americains, Universite de Dakar, 19. mia Internacional de Cultura Portuguesa. ___ . 1976. A socio-historical approach to the problem of Portuguese creoles MORENO FRAGINALS, Manuel, ed. 1977. Africa en America latina. Mexico: in West Africa. Linguistics 173:11-22. Siglo XXI/UNESCO. ___ . 1977. Estudios sobre un area dialectal hispanoamericana de poblaci6n NARO, Anthony. 1978. A study on the origins of pidginization. Language 54: negra: las tierras bajas occidentales de Colombia. Bogota: Instituto Caro y 314-347. Cuervo. OCHOA FRANCO, Jose. 1945. Consideraciones generales sobre costumbres y ___ . 1978. Estudios linguisticos hispanicos, afrohispanicos y criollos. Ma- lenguaje . Cartagena: Direcci6n de Educaci6n Publica de Bolivar. drid: Gredos. ROBE, Stanley. 1960. The Spanish of rural Panama. Berkeley: University of ___ . 1984. Perfil linguistico de Guinea Ecuatorial. Homenaje a Luis Florez, California Press. 1-77. Bogota: Instituto Caro y Cuervo. ROMERO, Fernando. 1965. El negro en tierra firme en el siglo XVI. Loteria ___ . 1985. Fen6menos de interferencia fonetica de fang sobre el espanol de 1:47-68. Guinea Ecuatorial: consonantismo. Anuario de Linguistica Hispanica (Valla­ ROUT, Leslie. 1976. The African experience in Spanish America. Cambridge: dolid) 1:95-114. Cambridge University Press. HANCOCK, Ian. 1975. Malacca creole Portuguese: African, Asian or European? SACO, Jose Antonio. 1921. Historia de la esclavitud de la raza africana en el nue­ Anthropological Linguistics 17:211-236. vo mundo yen especial en los paises americo-hispanicos. La Habana. JAEN SUAREZ, Omar. 1979. La poblaci6n del istmo de Panama del siglo XVI al SALVADOR SALVADOR, Francisco. 1978. La neutralizaci6n 1/r explosivas siglo XX. Panama: Instituto Nacional de Cultura. agrupadas y su area andaluza. Granada: Universidad de Granada. JOLY, Luz Graciela. 1981. The ritual play of the Con gos of north-central Pana­ SCANTAMBURLO, Luigi. 1981. Gramatica da lingua criol da Guine-Bissau. ma: its sociolinguistic implications. Sociolinguistic Working Papers (South­ Bologna: Editrice Missionaria Italiana. west Educational Developmental Laboratory), 85. SMITH, Ronald. 1975. The society of los Congas of Panama. Ph.D. dissertation, LAURENCE, Kemlin. 197 4. Is Caribbean Spanish a case of decreolization? Or- Indiana University. bis 23:484-499. SOJO, Juan Pablo. 1943. Temas y apuntes afro-venezolanos. Caracas: Tip. La LIPSKI, John. 1981. On the sociolinguistic significance ofliterary 'black phonol­ Nacion. ogy' in Spanish America. Presented at annual meeting of the Linguistic So­ TAYLOR, Douglas. 1960. Language shift or changing relationship? Internation­ ciety of America, New York City. al Journal of American Linguistics 26:155-161. ___ . 1984. Observations on the Spanish of Malabo, Equatorial Guinea. His- ___ . 1971. Grammatical and lexical affinities of creoles. In Dell Hymes, ed., panic Linguistics 1:69-96. Pidgin and creole linguistics, 293-296. Cambridge: Cambridge University ___ . 1985a. The Spanish ofEquatorial Guinea. Tubingen: Max Niemeyer. Press. ___ . 1985b. El Valle del Chota: enclave linguistico afroecuatoriano. Boletin TEJEIRA, Gil Blas. 1964. El habla de! panameno. Panama: Imp. Nacional. de la Academia Puertorriquena de la Lengua Espanola. TEJEIRA JAEN, Bertilda. 1974. Los congas de Chepo. Patrimonio hist6rico ___ . 1985c. Black Spanish: the last frontier of Afro-America. Critica (San 1:3.129-148. Diego) 2. THOMPSON, Robert. 1961. A note on some possible affinities between the creole LOPEZ MORALES, Humberto. 1966. Elementos africanos en el espanol de Cuba. dialects of the Old World and those of the New. In Robert le Page, ed., Creole Boletin de Filologia Espanola 6:27-43. language studies II, 107-113. London: Macmillan. ___ . 1980. Sohre la pretendida existencia y pervivencia de! 'criollo' cubano. VALKHOFF, Marius. 1966. Studies in Portuguese and creole. Johannesburg: Anuario de Letras 18:85-116. Witwatersrand University Press. 40 JOHN M. LIPSKI m 2:1 (19ss) SPEECH OF THE NEGROS CONGOS 41

VOORHOEVE, Jan. 1974. Historical and linguistic evidence in favor of the re­ JL: no, pero son de fabricaci6njaponesa lexification theory in the formation of creoles. Language in Society 2:133- G: enjopi6n, fabrican en ese dao 145. T: i:J tu ede tambien jupufl.e, tu ede jopufl.6 o chinga? i,ede de Chinga? i,O frunce, WEBER DE KURLAT, Frida. 1962. Sobre el negro como tipo c6mico en el teatro itadiano? espafl.ol del.siglo XVI. Romance Philology 17:380-391. JL: polaco WHINNOM, Keith. 1965. The origin of European-based creoles and pidgins. Or­ T: podaca, e podaco, si bis 14:509-527. G: paisano de nosotra ZARATE, Manuel. 1962. Socav6n y tambor. Panama: Imp. Nacional. T: clado, ya nosotro tumbien venimo ai tie de Guine, ese dao de ... somo podaco, ZELINSKY, Wilbur. 1949. The historical geography of the negro population of pedo somo dubio, y tu edeh cododa ... mida, padece que te hiciedon e dia nosotro hi­ Latin America. Journal of Negro History 34:153-221. ciedon en e noche ... clado, cuando ehtaba amaneciendo... a da media duna, una mediaduna, mida, i,que mah quiedeh? G: pregunto APPENDIX 1: !FRAGMENT 1) PORTOBELO, CONVERSATION BETWEEN JL AND TWO CON GOS, T: buena, podai, nosotro dabo dando e dodando hahta que noh pueden pada, aho­ TRUMUY A (T) AND GRUY A (G) da, que noh pada ahoda edeh tu ... poque compromiso eda ton ti, i,sabo? ahoda, yo te dije, poque, ehpedame, i,no te dije? mida, y como se pada, se pade moechinga, T: Pa onde tu ta di, que yo note vite hahta ahoda padase chinga. JL: Ya me habia acostado. JL: i,Estuvieron en la fiesta, la ceremonia? T: Si, pedo yo dije que yo te venia buhco, y te dije aqui mineda fue pa con ehta, pe­ G: da cedemonia, tu puede ida mida ... puedeh ida mida ahoda do dije no voy a sadime poque pueden darme un ... un tido, yo te dije pedame que T: mida, e compromisa de sotra ... con ehte suetra ... mide, e quede que nosotro de tento mi cumpromiso contigo ... bueno, aqui me midas, que quedes? Ponga en 6r­ traducamo ... pedo yo te voy ajubia tu me vah a jmida! Gruya, dame u pingadigui bito, ahoda te acuedda que, ahoda somo Joh dos ... i,sabo? Gruya, tu midahte? A G: aqui do tenga ese poco de macha que habia en ese dao? T: Pretame un padita edectrica G: Si, seguda G: buena, padi edectrica aqui. .. tamo jodido T: no ma en da yunta, y yunta T: pa ecende uno pua G: Pudo yunta G: tamo jodido pa cuando no padita edectrica T: pedo, no hay que, quien ponga e vedodia, como no anda pediendo y no hay quien T: buena, no tiene nada dumia podai. .. i:J tu no traihte pada? deja.re G: pada tumpoca G: nada T: tumpoca, ah, buena, pedo yo traje mi cuchulu T: sodamente ... Trumuya y Arenuzo, podeso yo traje mi. .. mi trumuya, poque tu G: tumpoca sabo como soy, no, ahoda yo pehco son camad6n co cobeso ... que si yo no como T: tu ya tete cuchulu tumpoca, ni bosonilla ... entonce novas a dumia ... bueno, yunca, pedo mida, pedo do mi ni cencia, presenta ... mida aqui cuando e podoca ... cuando quede te candonga ... cuando tu dumia mida, e pudo compromiso que debe a ... que side deben a futonota y do que de de- G: entonce yo dumia hen a ... Fudotote a ... Trumuya, ahoda mi compufl.eda digade deja putte, se apa- T: pedo que yo quede ehta cafro yodao ... no, yo no pehco camad6n ... yo do que decia aqui en ehte dao ... tie de guine ... bucando a Gruya y bucando a ... pehco son sodina G: aqui do tenga, ... i,sabo? aqui tenga .. . G: ah, tu ... sudina T: clado, ahoda yo de dije a mi cumpufl.edo, no, bueno, yo te puedo asejala ... pi6 T: pedo e que no tengo defl.a que ehta ... pedo hay que acomodame, no te trahnoche, i,sabo? poque si va abria- G: bueno, pedo sin haber fumrod6 a do sudina yema muruga ... yo te vaya cote ... poque cuando queden apuga e dadio, se deb T: no puede adena son mocobi apufl.a, y tu ya ... clado, eso edoque fatta, entonce ... mida, ehto de quede ... que de G: ah, mocobi traduhcamo, de negrimacha ... en puda contosija. T: mocobi, dayao, pue, ese mocovi puedo, colonia, se dice condomia G: buena G: ah, pedo yo no guhta esa T: ahoda, dime, que te predique, y tu contehtame T: note guhto, buena, yo tiba degada G: clado, predica pue G: a mi me guhta son sieda T: pedo i,que e do que tu quiede? T: sieda, yo te dado sucuyo ... cuy6 ... i guabino, guabino, con da cabeza amadilla JL: solo oir hablar en congo G: ese que tenga pico dagga T: i,aonde tu conseguiteh ehto coyuca? T: si, exacta, e que tiene dagapa zapadilla JL: alla T: i,anondo? JL: En Estados Unidos T: i,son de fubrica, ah, yo mide dejopi6, de joi.i6n? i,Tu taba enjopi6n? SPEECHOF THE NEGROS CONGOS 43 42 JOHN M. LIPSKI (!! 2:1 (1985)

T: Bueno, no tienes nada para comer ahi, no trajiste pala Essential Spanish Translation of Fragment 1: G: Tampoco T: Bueno, pero yo traje mi cuchillo T: i,D6nde estabas, que note he visto hasta ahora? Te dije que te venia a buscar, G: Tampoco tengo cuchillo tenia un compromiso contigo, te dije esperame, ahora me tienes aqui, 6que quie­ T: No tienes cuchillo ni vaso, entonces novas a comer, bueno, cuando tu comas... po­ res? Pon la grabadora, te acuerdas que ahora estamos los dos, Gruya, 6viste la G: Entonces voy a comer cas mujeres que habia? T: Bueno, pero yo quiero colorado ... yo no pesco camar6n, lo que pesco son sardi­ G: Si nas T: Solo chicas G: Ah, sardinas G: Chicas T: Pero no tengo cana T: Pero, no hay quien quiera fiesta G: Bueno, pero sin haber sardinas ... moscovi, condomia G: Nada G: No me gusta eso T: Solo Trumuya y Arenuzo, por eso traje mi trasmallo, porque sabes c6mo soy, T: i,No te gusta? te lo iba a regalar estoy pescando camarones con cabeza, si no como yuca, pero tenemos ahora mira, G: A mi me gusta sierra un compromiso con ... Trumuya y Gruya, ahora, companero, dile que el apareci6 T: Sierra, y guabino, con la cabeza amarillo por la tierra de Guine, buscando a Gruya y ... G: Con el pico largo G: Aqui me tienes T: Exactamente, que tiene agallas amarillas T: Si, yo le dije al companero, te puedo ayudar, pero me tienes que acomodar, note trasnoches, porque si hay que apagar el radio, se debe agarrar ... este, lo que quie­ APPENDIX 2: (FRAGMENT 2) PORTOBELO, MONOLOGUE BY re es que le traduzcamos de congo a castellano TRUMUYA G: Bueno 6Y tu que haces ahi padao? Y situ te pones entedo. Te vas a ponede er cudo Ma­ T: Ahora, ha.blame, que te voy a contestar yadi aqui pade cubuyete ... y ahoda que vas a ayuda ... si no hay na que lloda, y G: Claro, habla tu, pues uhtede que hacen en mi dancho, eh, uhtede que tan bucando, contrubanda, yo no T: Pero i,que es lo que tu quieres? vendo opia, aqui do que vendo so gulin e' tieda, y tumbiende de pado ... Gumecin­ JL: Solo oir hablar en congo da, ve saca de tu e ponte dojo ... pue si pide e canadia dapido ... dapido da un anun­ T: i,D6nde conseguiste esas botas? cia ahi que llegado e contrubandista ... pue ... munga, munga, fruto, fruto, dom­ blin, pupaya, cadamedo, que dicen ustede, ya ehtama acuanda, e pa da utima toda- JL: Son de fabricaci6njaponesa via fatta prusupia, vengan.todo que sacua se ehta cuando ... Mayadi, que hace tu T: De fabricaci6n ... de Japan, 6tu estabas en Japan? con ehte pedo ahi. .. que te do pinto ... y si yo ya no pinto ... tu no de dah cadino ... G: Las fabrican en Japan ah pedo fue ya de cadamedo... Gumecinda ... y cuando tu ta puhando Mayadi. .. T: i,Y tu eresjapones o chino, o frances o italiano? un sodo cadino ... padece que eh cadinosa... ped6 e pediadeda o que e que de falde- JL: Polaco boya... que ta depadiando adepa? oh, ah, np, yo no dumia avoya, yo dumia fue T: Ah, polaco adepa, con mantequilla en e centra ... segudo, cuidao, te vas a pone entedo ... poc­ G: Paisano que yo note vo a da mi goyina pa que haga sopo ... 6te llamadon? 6Que quedes? T: Claro, nosotros tambien somos de Guine, somos polacos, solo que somos rubios y 6Que e do que vamos a mida? Mucho huacu oya, mida c6mo ta e gallinaza, qui este tu eres prieto, tu eres colorado, parece que te hicieron en el dia ya nosotros nos hi­ dao ... Suki, vaya pa tu dancha que no te llamadon ... putudonguito, dimi da Ma- cieron en la noche, cuando estaba amaneciendo, a la media luna ... 6que mas quie­ yadin ... que me mantle un pedazo arepa ... que mantle un tuhe cufiey, que gugun- res? tu me ehta poniendo deseca ... que dices chodicito? Metede nedo ojito, ya aqui yo y G: Preguntanos mi cumpuneda no comemo ahi chodicito, comemos odepa... que te do ponga en JL: 6Estuvieron en la fiesta? edotra ... Gumbercinda ... dimiaga, pa podete chuchabien, o ponte madejo ... pa T: Bueno, por ahi, anduvimos tomando por ahi hasta no mas poder, ahora quien chuchate mi viejo ... buena, que ma quedes, tu ubri ahoda, en que te puedo ayuda, nos detiene eres tu, te dije, esperame, 6no? pedo tu no quede, preguntame aga si pa' decite ... que te pueo deci ... tu me do tra­ G: La ceremonia, tu la puedes ver ahora duci en mucuna y yo te do traduco ingreh, pue tumbien yo te do puedo traduci nin­ T: Mira, nuestro compromiso es con este senor, el quiere que le traduzcamos, pero gre, y yo te do pongo en mucuna ... como tu queda ... o pun6, podaco, cuwuna, o yo te voy a hablar, y tu vas a ... Gruya, dame un cigarrillo frunce, ehpuii.o, itadiano, espun6, e bueno, hahtajudio tumbien yojuriya ... caado, G: Aqui lo tienes que do que no me jodan ... pocque do mado e que me jodan, bueno T: Dame un f6sforo (i,A d6nde van los cayucos?) G: No tengo Eso cuyuca, eso cuyuca an entrando ahoda van a buhcagua en cuwuya pa degada T: Para encender un cigarillo puebra ... tumbien van pa dio e moda pa ya pa josedico, josedico de dicen ahoda ... G: No tengo f6sforo ni mechero i,como degamajosedico? Si pidito, ponte adiba, ponte adiba que te puede pone pa- 44 JOHN M. LIPSKI (!! 2:1 (1985) SPEECH OF THE NEGROSCONGOS 45

dao y entedo a da vez ... buena, pedadojo, ahoda ta yodando ma duego vah cuntan­ para poderte oir, bueno, 6que mas quieres? habla tu ahora, 6en que te puedo ayu­ da ... oye pedaito ... que numedo tan fea ... mida, mida como ta e guyina e pado dar? 6pero tu no quieres? preguntame algo para decirte, que te lo puedo decir, tu aqui, mah duego voy a dimpia todo ehta pa tida un sadon de belleza aqui en ehte me traduces algo en Mucuna y yo te lo traduzco en ingles, o tambien en frances, dao ... godobote aqui mima, tumbien podemo hace frehca ... 6Que dice? Buena, espa-iiol, italiano, hastajudio, yo tambien soy judio, claro, con tal que no mejodan, ute no me ha midaba Gruya, a Gruya, o me Gruya se tiene un compromisa con ... por-que lo malo es que me jodan ... los cayucos estan saliendo ahora para buscar con Trumuya y no llega todavia, que deci que ... Trumuya sode e que lleva toae de agua para regalarsela al pueblo, van para el rio y para Joserico, 6que le dicen ehpiditu ... Buena, 6Putudunguito ye cofie? Putudunguito onde eta e cofie ... ma ahora? oye, peladito, bajate que te vas a caer y te vas a morir ... pela el ojo, ahora alla vienen de pa tienda Brum, Gumecinda, viene Brun, yo tengo da muntuquilla, te estas riendo pero despues vas a llorar, oye peladito, que cara mas fea, mira estas tengo queso dedondo tumbien, quesojudio, panadedo, Mayadi, aqui tengo un clavo galli-nas por aqui, despues voy a quitar esto y poner un salon de belleza, tambien de ... daduminio, y un pedazo madeda bronzo, Mayadi, aqui tengo un pedazo cravo pode-mos hacer frescos ... 6Que dices? ustedes no han visto a Grulla, que tenia un aduminio y una madeda bronzo, Sobrina, deshe, deshe, a que te diedan que e do com-promiso con Trumuya y no ha llegado todavia, Trumuya solo tiene que que te van a da, eh tu cudo queda, que note quede en edojo, otru vez, quien eh edo­ ocuparse de Espiritu, Putunguito, 6Y el cafe? 6D6nde esta el cafe? Compaiiero, tro cua ehte epiditu ... Mayadi, no queda otro pedazo muchete ... padese viene da aqui viene de la tienda de Brun, Gumecinda, aqui viene Brun, tengo mantequilla, punta doma, tiene que ponede un pedacito dima pedo dedachuta, seducho, do que queso redon-do, queso judio, panadero, Mayadi, aqui tengo un clavo de aluminio, te de sandodienta, o do cumilla, quede do comilla, Facho Facho, deche, deche, ya vo un pedazo de zinc, un clavo de aluminio y un pedazo de cine ... Sobrina, leche, dechedo, buena chipidita y tu tumbien, so codeposa, o pediodihta, o advancioso, ve leche, a que le die-ron 6que es lo que van a dar? queda en tu culo, que no te quede a buhcadeda comida a doh animadeh ... pocque nose puedo si, pocque si tu dumia en el ojo, 6quien es el otro con este espiritu? Mayadi, 6no quieres otro machete? elloh tumbien queden dumia, dapido, pongade adimento, pongade adimento, a doh parece que viene de la punta de la loma, tiene que ponerle un serrucho ... Facho, animadeh, buena, ante no ehta ehplicando de ... de que uhtede pueden y no pue­ Facho, leche, leche, ya voy lechero, bueno chiquito y tu tambien, 6eres den inoita ... suden, suden, suden que no sabo credo que ... cuando uno tengo un corresponsal, periodista, aventurero? ve, bu.scales la comida a los animales, apetita, buenu cumpuiieda, bueno do coge ... 6que dices ahoda? (6Los carros van a porque asi nose puede, si tu comes ellos tambien quieren comer, rapido, dales de Nombre de Dios?) Buena, do cadeteya oda subo, pedo no bajo, y cuando subo cojan comer, bueno, te estaba explicando que ... tomen, tomen yo creo que, cuando uno da mungaiia, o quede deci, baja amediodia y na ma sube como a da cinco o seia. tiene apetito, con un compaiiero (los carros). Para Nombre de Dios. Bueno, suben (6hoy?) Clado, pocque ello va lleva todo pasajedo que truja en Codon, pa degresa por la carretera, pero no bajan, cuando bajan es por la maiiana, es decir, suben al pa ya. Asi que tu puede coge, un sepedin como a dah cuatra o cine, pa i pa Nombre mediodia y luego suben a las cin-co o las seis. Hoy, claro, porque van a llevar todos de Diabra ... Mayadi, quedo otro pedazo pado, o un crava, oye tidame un tasa de los pasajeros que dejaron en Co-I6n, para regresar para alla. Asi que tu puedes cufie ahi, un cofie, pedo que te bien fria, un cufe, crado, padodos ... 6tu no quedeh coger un carrito como a _las cuatro o las cinco, para Nombre de Dios. Mayadi, un tinta? Clado, e quede un tin ta si somo doso ... Bueno, vamo a tene que ino da­ quiero otro pedazo de madera, tirame una taza de cafe. . . pero que este bien qui poque duna eta dando ... 6tu sabe cua ea duna? adiba puja ... buena, Fita epe­ caliente, claro, para dos, 6tu quieres un ca-fe? Claro, el quiere un cafe, que somos dame, que eto acomodandome. dos. Bueno, vamos a tener que irnos de aqui porque la luna esta pegando fuerte, i,sabes lo que es la luna? ahi arriba dan-do, bueno, Fita esperame, que estoy Essential Spanish Translation of Fragment 2: acomodandome. i,Y tu que haces ahi sentado? 6Y site mueres? Te vas a caer de culo, Mayadi. Y APPENDIX 3: (FRAGMENT 3) CONVERSATION BETWEEN ahora 6que vas a ayudar? si no hay que reirte, y ustedes, 6que hacen en mi rancho, TIGRILLO (T), JUAN DEDIOS (J) AND JL AT NOMBRE DEDIOS he? ustedes 6que estan buscando, contrabando? yo no vendo opio, aqui solo tengo gallinas, y palos, Gumecinda, ponle ojo, aver si abre la caiieria rapido, rapido, da T: Que shi que ta dando vuetra que no ta dando vuetra ese e un croche ... quede el anuncio que ha llegado el contrabandista, mango, mango, fruta, papaya, cara­ deci que entonce e no e ... un tocadisco ... compranende, comprunende pue ... sin melo, que dicen ustedes, ya se estan acabando, y para ultimo todavia falta Prusu­ comprunendre ... que e do que tu no quede que nosotro te jubriemo ahora en ete ju- briente ... vamo a diadogado entre Juan de Dio y Tigrillo... en a cadajos6n ... que- pia, vengan todos que se esta acabando, Mayadi, 6que haces tu ahi? 6que te lo pin­ to? pero si ya no pinto ... tu no le das cariiio, ah, pero ya fue para caramelo, Gume­ da fueda de venfrun de ello nojotro deno un triago ... pedo ... yo te vo a deci ... una cinda, y cuando tu estas trabajando Mayadi, un solo cariiio, parece que es cariiiosa cosa ahoda mihma ... porque fue ... con enojo pode oda ... de otedia ... yo no te dije i,estas preparando arepa? No, yo no como bollo, yo como arepa, con mantequilla en a ti Juan de Dio e diabro no ehta tacando, nojotro noh fuimo a bocadita... que tu el centro (a fuera), seguro, cuidao, te vas a morir, note voy a dar mis gallinas para cogihte podai mima ... e padio, deja, pon ete reda fueda de agua, sabiendo lo que tu no tronia que hagas sopa, 6que quieres, que es lo que vamos aver? Muchos huecos y hoyos, J: Tu ta doca, yo no vine pada po da causa de otria con da, con mira como estan las gallinas, por este !ado, Suki, vete de aqui que no te llamaron, ajuga ... T: Pero note prusihte a no fuite ai dio, note tirate deda fueda dedagua, con do Putudonguito, dile a Mayadi, que me mande un pedazo de arepa ... que me mande ... que Tu no tronia, oye dia tu tiene, cacajudo yo ten go jusupelia, yo ten go cutada una taza de cafe, que la garganta se me esta poniendo reseca que dices choricito? ... 6 J: Nicoda, Nicoda, yo no taba ni chucha y no tuve que i(r)me a tidaya en edagua. Metetelo en el ojo, que yo y mi compaiiero n• comemos chorizo, comemos arepa, T: Ubrie no taba muy dimpria que to lo pongas en el otro, Gumercinda, dime algo, para poderte escuchar bien, ... J: No taba nimpia, y nosotro fue a tidaya ai dao fueda de ... de dio 46 JOHN M. LIPSKI (!! 2:1 (1985) SPEECH OF THE NEGROS CONGOS 47

T: Bucriando, p6n e tigriu ci6n? vamos a dialogar entre Juan de Dios y Tigrillo, yen el coraz6n, vamos a dar­ J: Buena ... ese eta posible, tu tambien nos un trago, pero ahora mismo te voy a decir una cosa, porque fue con enojo en la T: Y si tu no te driera pueto brigo, ahoda, ahoda mima, en ehte tedeno ahoda mi­ loteria, te dije a ti Juan de Dios que el diablo nos esta tocando, fuimos a Bocadita, ma yo no tuvieda: .. tomandojotando cufrie ... como toquiba so po cudepadegobie tu fuiste ahi mismo, dejaste la red en el agua, sabiendo que tu tenias ... tro yao J: Estas loco, yo no fui ajugar la loteria con ... J: Nicoda ... cumpuiiedo, y poque tu no yebre? Que note toma un tavio? T: Pero pusiste, fuiste al rio, tiraste la red al agua, lo que tenias ... T: De do que dochate tu no do ha bebido J: Nicolas, yo no estaba escuchando, y no tuve que tirarla en el agua J: Si, vedda T: No estaba muy limpia T: Varno a chupria pue ... tu quede chupria, vamo a chupria, yo vo a sevvime e J: Estaba limpia, fuimos a tirarla en el agua, del rio mio T: Buscando ... pon a Tigrillo JL: Vamos a darnos un palo colectivo J: Bueno, es posible, tu tambien J: Un pado codetrivo T: Y si tu te hubieras puesto el abrigo, aqui mismo, yo no estaria tomando licor T: Jatatedo, e truyo ahora J: Y nosotro vamo brindra no vamo a brindra J: Nicolas, compaiiero, y por que no toma? ;,No quiere un trago? T: Buca tu vosonilla ... tu vosonilla, sojeda, no traiga su bosonilla sagenta, que tu T: ;,De lo que compraste no estas bebiendo? tamien no tiene que eta en e cataprazo ... tu bosonilla,jatatedo, vamo a hace una .. J: Si, verdad ahoda mimo vamo a brindado a como utede no quedan como no ... no mantle e seii.6 T: Vamos a chupar, yo me voy a servir ahora J: Da trunca, fueno daca J: Un palo colectivo T: Buena, entonce. son.ode, vamo fomria una devoruci6n ... y asi no do pide soii.6 .. T: Es tuyo, t6matelo e son.or que eta dedao debaja da tieda J: Vamos a brindar J: Si, seguda T: Sargento, coja su vaso, es para usted tambien, vamos a brindar T: Y nemo encontrao ... un pringuermiano, que viene con nosotro aqui en ehte J(a un nino): Fuera de aca dao, a bucarnoh ciedo sodamente, y tiene, dosade en tevisi6n, a mi no me intedesa, T: Bueno, sen.ores, vamos a hacer una revoluci6n, tal como nos lo pide el senor que que sagga po da tedevisi6n, tu veh, mida, togrillo, mida togrillo, pedo nadien me esta en el cielo crono-ce con mi nombri, mira tigrilla, pocque eh e nombre que llevo, tigrilla. J: Si entonce T: Remos encontrado a un primo hermano, que esta con nosotros hoy, venido de! J: Y tigrilla cielo, y se dice que vamos a salir en la television, pero a mi no me importa que sal­ T: Tigrilla y u brancusita ... que viene de dao baja ga en television, la gente va a decir, mira Tigrillo, pero nadie me conoce por mi J: En un cochito nombre, diran mira Tigrillo, porque asi me conocen T: Ehtado jun to J: Tigrillo J: Tu no abre en cochita: T: Tigrillo y el blanco, que viene de la costa abajo T: Er bruncucita que viene de ehtao junto, a un cumprimiento ... con cribani y J: En carro Juan de Dio, como uhtede todu bruncusita T: De los Estados U nidos J: Sadu J: ;,No llegaste en coche? T: Que se do lleve e diablo utede pedo a mi no T: El blanco que viene de los estados Unidos, a entrevistarse, con Cribani y Juan J: Seguda de Dios, con todos los blancos T: Compaiiedu, coge una frilla y toma un asienta, pa.date, coge un brangot, pa.date J: Salud ahi. .. ello e, pedo no ello no ... yo vo a groba, logrien, y depue, entonce ello que T: Que el diablo se lleve a ustedes, pero a mi no diadoguen, do que ello no quedan J: Si J: Seguda, eso no e asi T: (a otro): Compaiiero, coge una silla y sientate, t6mate un trago, ellos no, yo voy T: Si escroce, que taba edao fueda, de comprunente, no eh pada mi, yo no tengo de­ a grabar primero, y despues los que quieran pueden dialogar decho de brobado ... siete ajocica y aprieta duda J: Si,es asi J: Pedo si ya yo no de eh toy diciendo eso, hombre T: Este casette que esta en el aparato, es mio, y yo tengo el derecho a grabarlo (a T: B~eno, Jua de Dio otro) callate de una vez J: Que e do que tu no quiere, tigrillo J: (a otro): Pero si eso es lo que te estoy diciendo T: Bueno, Juan de Dios Essential Spanish Translation of Fragment 3: J: ;,Que quieres, Tigrillo? T: ;,Que es lo que esta dando vueltas? es un cas~te, quiere decir que no es un toca­ discos, un componente, ;,que quiere usted que le digamos ahora en esta conversa-