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An Environmental History of the Middle Rio Grande Basin
United States Department of From the Rio to the Sierra: Agriculture Forest Service An Environmental History of Rocky Mountain Research Station the Middle Rio Grande Basin Fort Collins, Colorado 80526 General Technical Report RMRS-GTR-5 Dan Scurlock i Scurlock, Dan. 1998. From the rio to the sierra: An environmental history of the Middle Rio Grande Basin. General Technical Report RMRS-GTR-5. Fort Collins, CO: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research Station. 440 p. Abstract Various human groups have greatly affected the processes and evolution of Middle Rio Grande Basin ecosystems, especially riparian zones, from A.D. 1540 to the present. Overgrazing, clear-cutting, irrigation farming, fire suppression, intensive hunting, and introduction of exotic plants have combined with droughts and floods to bring about environmental and associated cultural changes in the Basin. As a result of these changes, public laws were passed and agencies created to rectify or mitigate various environmental problems in the region. Although restoration and remedial programs have improved the overall “health” of Basin ecosystems, most old and new environmental problems persist. Keywords: environmental impact, environmental history, historic climate, historic fauna, historic flora, Rio Grande Publisher’s Note The opinions and recommendations expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the USDA Forest Service. Mention of trade names does not constitute endorsement or recommendation for use by the Federal Government. The author withheld diacritical marks from the Spanish words in text for consistency with English punctuation. Publisher Rocky Mountain Research Station Fort Collins, Colorado May 1998 You may order additional copies of this publication by sending your mailing information in label form through one of the following media. -
The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec
Mesoamerican Ancient Civilizations The Olmec, Toltec, and Aztec Olmecs of Teotihuacán -“The People of the Land of Rubber…” -Large stone heads -Art found throughout Mesoamerica Olmec Civilization Origin and Impact n The Olmec civilization was thought to have originated around 1500 BCE. Within the next three centuries of their arrival, the people built their capital at Teotihuacán n This ancient civilization was believed by some historians to be the Mother-culture and base of Mesoamerica. “The city may well be the basic civilization out of which developed such high art centers as those of Maya, Zapotecs, Toltecs, and Totonacs.” – Stirling Cultural Practices n The Olmec people would bind wooden planks to the heads of infants to create longer and flatter skulls. n A game was played with a rubber ball where any part of the body could be used except for hands. Religion and Art n The Olmecs believed that celestial phenomena such as the phases of the moon affected daily life. n They worshipped jaguars, were-jaguars, and sometimes snakes. n Artistic figurines and toys were found, consisting of a jaguar with a tube joining its front and back feet, with clay disks forming an early model of the wheel. n Large carved heads were found that were made from the Olmecs. Olmec Advancements n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican societies, and the first to cultivate corn. n They built pyramid type structures n The Olmecs were the first of the Mesoamerican civilizations to create a form of the wheel, though it was only used for toys. -
Olmec Mirrors: an Example of Archaeological American Mirrors
1 Olmec mirrors: an example of archaeological American mirrors José J. Lunazzi Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Instituto de Física 13083-970 - Campinas - SP - Brazil [email protected] ABSTRACT Archaeological mirrors from the Olmec civilization are described according to bibliographic references and to personal observations and photographs. CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION 2. APPEARANCE OF THE MIRRORS 3. HOW TO FIND THEM 4. THEIR SIGNIFICANCE IN THE CULTURAL CONTEXT OF THE OLMECS 5. TYPES OF MIRRORS 6. ON THE QUALITY OF REFRACTIVE ELEMENTS 7. CONCLUSIONS 8. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 9. REFERENCES 2 1. INTRODUCTION This report was not intended to give all the available information on the subject, but just a simple description that may be valuable for improving the knowledge that the optical community may have on it. The author believes to have consulted most of the available scientific bibliography as it can be traced through cross-referencing from the most recent papers. Olmec mirrors are the most ancient archaeological mirrors from Mexico and constitute a very good example of ancient American mirrors. The oldest mirrors found in America are from the Incas, made about 800 years before the Olmecs, dated from findings in archaeological sites in Peru. How this technology would have been extended to the north, appearing within the Olmecs, later within the Teotihuacan civilization, a few centuries before the Spanish colonization, is an interesting matter. Mirrors are important also within the Aztec civilization, that appeared in the proximity of the Olmec and Teotihuacan domains at about the time of their extintion. The extension of the geographic area where these mirrors were employed seems to us not entirely well-known. -
Mesoamerican BALLGAME PHYSICAL EDUCATION, GRADES 5–8
MESOAMERICAN BALLGAME PHYSICAL EDUCATION, GRADES 5–8 “So tell me the rules!” “Two teams—like doubles tennis, but no net and no rackets. Use your hips; no hands, no feet. Got it?” Max pointed at a stone ring high up on the side wall. “Is that the basket? Because that looks impossible!” “No, that’s just a marker. Think tennis, not basketball. You score if the other side can’t return, or if they hit out—” Her voice was drowned out by the trumpet and drums. The crowd picked up the rhythm, and the frenzied stamping of their feet echoed through the ball court. The Jaguar Stones, Book Three: The River of No Return, page 240 ESSENTIAL QUESTION: What was the cultural and spiritual significance of the Mesoamerican Ballgame? Sub questions: - How was the ancient Mesoamerican Ballgame played? - How is it similar to and different from today’s ball games? - What are the origins of the ball games we play today? MATERIALS / RESOURCES: - Access to research materials and the Internet. - Kickballs or volleyballs, basketball court, masking tape to mark serve line and court boundaries, knee pads if available. - Rules and court design sheet (provided). MESOAMERICAN BALLGAME 2 OBJECTIVES: The student will know: - The history of the Mesoamerican Ballgame (‘pitz’) and its place in Maya mythology and society. - How to work as a team to overcome challenges placed upon them by the physical restrictions of the game. The student will be able to: - Understand how ‘pitz’ compares and contrasts to modern ball games. - Demonstrate a cultural understanding of the game and its place in ancient society. -
First Civilizations Cities, States, and Unequal Societies 3500 B.C.E.–500 B.C.E
c h a p t e r t h r e e First Civilizations Cities, States, and Unequal Societies 3500 B.C.E.–500 B.C.E. “Over 100 miles of wilderness, deep exploration into pristine lands, the solitude of backcountry camping, 4-4 trails, and ancient American Indian rock art and ruins. You can’t find a better way to escape civilization!”1 So goes an advertisement for a vacation in Utah’s Canyonlands National Park, one of thousands of similar attempts to lure apparently constrained, beleaguered, and “civilized” city-dwellers into the spacious freedom of the wild and the imagined simplicity of earlier times. This urge to “escape from civilization” has long been a central feature in modern life. It is a major theme in Mark Twain’s famous novel The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, in which the restless and rebellious Huck resists all efforts to “civilize” him by fleeing to the freedom of life on the river. It is a large part of the “cowboy” image in American culture, and it permeates environmentalist efforts to protect the remaining wilderness areas of the country. Nor has this impulse been limited to modern societies and the Western world. The ancient Chinese teachers of Daoism likewise urged their followers to abandon the structured and demanding world of urban and civilized life and to immerse themselves in the eternal patterns of the natural order. It is a strange paradox that we count the creation of civilization among the major achievements of humankind and yet people within these civilizations have often sought to escape the constraints, artificiality, hierarchies, and other discontents of city living. -
In What Ways Were the Maya, the Aztecs, and the Inca Advanced for Their Time?
DO NOT EDIT--Changes must be made through “File info” CorrectionKey=A perform the task In what ways were the Maya, the Aztecs, and the Inca advanced for their time? You will read: You will write: ▶ THREE INFORMATIVE ▶ AN INFORMATIVE ESSAY ARTICLES In what ways were the Maya, the Mayan Civilization Aztecs, and the Inca advanced for their time? Aztecs The Inca © Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company • ImageVision/Getty ©Digital ImagesCredits: Unit 2: Informative Essay 55 9_LNLEAS147591_U2S3O.indd 55 5/30/13 1:52 PM DO NOT EDIT--Changes must be made through “File info” DO NOT EDIT--Changes must be made through “File info” CorrectionKey=A CorrectionKey=A Part 1: Read Sources Source 1: Informative Article Mayan Civilization 30 by Suzanne Hopkins AS YOU READ Identify key Long before the rise of the Inca and Aztec Empires, Mayan terms that you might want to civilization flourished in Central America. The Maya first settled use in your essay. in the region as early as 1500 BC, growing maize and living in small agricultural communities. But by about AD 200, these villages were NOTES becoming cities. At its height, Mayan civilization included more than 40 cities, each with a population of 5,000 to 50,000 people. The cities had 40 huge stone buildings, including palaces, pyramids, and temples. Each city-state was ruled by a king. Mayan Society Mayan society was hierarchical, divided by both class and 10 profession. Below the king was a class of nobles; a middle class was composed of priests and commoners; at the lowest level were slaves. -
Knowledge of Skull Base Anatomy and Surgical Implications of Human Sacrifice Among Pre-Columbian Mesoamerican Cultures
See the corresponding retraction, DOI: 10.3171/2018.5.FOCUS12120r, for full details. Neurosurg Focus 33 (2):E1, 2012 Knowledge of skull base anatomy and surgical implications of human sacrifice among pre-Columbian Mesoamerican cultures RAUL LOPEZ-SERNA, M.D.,1 JUAN LUIS GOMEZ-AMADOR, M.D.,1 JUAN BArgES-COLL, M.D.,1 NICASIO ArrIADA-MENDICOA, M.D.,1 SAMUEL ROMERO-VArgAS, M.D., M.SC.,2 MIGUEL RAMOS-PEEK, M.D.,1 MIGUEL ANGEL CELIS-LOPEZ, M.D.,1 ROGELIO REVUELTA-GUTIErrEZ, M.D.,1 AND LESLY PORTOCArrERO-ORTIZ, M.D., M.SC.3 1Department of Neurosurgery, Instituto Nacional de Neurologia y Neurocirugia “Manuel Velasco Suárez;” 2Department of Spine Surgery, Instituto Nacional de Rehabilitación; and 3Department of Neuroendocrinology, Instituto Nacional de Neurologia y Neurocirugia “Manuel Velasco Suárez,” Mexico City, Mexico Human sacrifice became a common cultural trait during the advanced phases of Mesoamerican civilizations. This phenomenon, influenced by complex religious beliefs, included several practices such as decapitation, cranial deformation, and the use of human cranial bones for skull mask manufacturing. Archaeological evidence suggests that all of these practices required specialized knowledge of skull base and upper cervical anatomy. The authors con- ducted a systematic search for information on skull base anatomical and surgical knowledge among Mesoamerican civilizations. A detailed exposition of these results is presented, along with some interesting information extracted from historical documents and pictorial codices to provide a better understanding of skull base surgical practices among these cultures. Paleoforensic evidence from the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan indicates that Aztec priests used a specialized decapitation technique, based on a deep anatomical knowledge. -
Place Names Describing Fossils in Oral Traditions
Place names describing fossils in oral traditions ADRIENNE MAYOR Classics Department, Stanford University, Stanford CA 94305 (e-mail: [email protected]) Abstract: Folk explanations of notable geological features, including fossils, are found around the world. Observations of fossil exposures (bones, footprints, etc.) led to place names for rivers, mountains, valleys, mounds, caves, springs, tracks, and other geological and palaeonto- logical sites. Some names describe prehistoric remains and/or refer to traditional interpretations of fossils. This paper presents case studies of fossil-related place names in ancient and modern Europe and China, and Native American examples in Canada, the United States, and Mexico. Evidence for the earliest known fossil-related place names comes from ancient Greco-Roman and Chinese literature. The earliest documented fossil-related place name in the New World was preserved in a written text by the Spanish in the sixteenth century. In many instances, fossil geonames are purely descriptive; in others, however, the mythology about a specific fossil locality survives along with the name; in still other cases the geomythology is suggested by recorded traditions about similar palaeontological phenomena. The antiquity and continuity of some fossil-related place names shows that people had observed and speculated about miner- alized traces of extinct life forms long before modern scientific investigations. Traditional place names can reveal heretofore unknown geomyths as well as new geologically-important sites. Traditional folk names for geological features in the Named fossil sites in classical antiquity landscape commonly refer to mythological or and modern Greece legendary stories that accounted for them (Vitaliano 1973). Landmarks notable for conspicuous fossils Evidence for the practice of naming specific fossil have been named descriptively or mythologically locales can be found in classical antiquity. -
The Identity and Spectacle of Sport As a Modern Piazza
The Identity and Spectacle of Sport as a Modern Piazza A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture in the department of Architecture of the College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning by Mackenzie M Grause Bachelor of Science in Architecture University of Cincinnati May 2015 Committee Chair: M. McInturf, M.Arch. Committee Member: A. Kanekar, Ph.D. Abstract Sports have always been and always will be a significant part of our every day lives. This thesis contends that in order to continue to serve the community and cities in which the stadia are located, they must be designed as a modern day piazza. Historically, the Mesoamerican civilizations as well as the Ancient Greeks and Romans, treated their athletic facilities and buildings with such significance that they placed these facilities in the city center. This thesis argues that today these sporting facilities also serve the community the same way the Italian piazza serves communities. Major stadium facilities such as Detroit’s new professional hockey and basketball arena, the proposal for AC Milan’s soccer stadium, and the London Olympic stadium, all represent a sporting venue that effectively engages the community. They also serve as a polyfunctional spaces that can be used by many different clients at varying times. In doing so, these stadia have the ability to transform and completely rejuvenate areas of cities. This thesis contends that past, present, and future stadia are all examples of a piazza through their symbolic nature, social function, focal point of the community, and center of daily life. -
Oxnard Course Outline
Course ID: ANTH R113 Curriculum Committee Approval Date: 09/27/2017 Catalog Start Date: Fall 2018 COURSE OUTLINE OXNARD COLLEGE I. Course Identification and Justification: A. Proposed course id: ANTH R113 Banner title: Ancient Civ of the Americas Full title: Ancient Civilizations of the Americas Previous course id: ANTH R113 Banner title: Ancient Civ of the Americas Full title: Ancient Civilizations of the Americas B. Reason(s) course is offered: This course introduces students to the ancient civilizations of the Americas. It fulfills lower division anthropology requirements at the UC and CSU campuses, is part of the anthropology AA-T, and is on the local, IGETC and CSU GE lists. It also satisfies the ethnic studies requirements at most schools and is accepted as part of the core curriculum for anthropology majors at most colleges and universities. C. Reason(s) for current outline revision: 5 Year Update and course description D. C-ID: 1. C-ID Descriptor: 2. C-ID Status: Not Applicable E. Co-listed as: Current: None Previous: II. Catalog Information: A. Units: Current: 3.00 Previous: 3.00 B. Course Hours: 1. In-Class Contact Hours: Lecture: 52.5 Activity: 0 Lab: 0 2. Total In-Class Contact Hours: 52.5 3. Total Outside-of-Class Hours: 105 4. Total Student Learning Hours: 157.5 C. Prerequisites, Corequisites, Advisories, and Limitations on Enrollment: 1. Prerequisites Current: Previous: 2. Corequisites Current: Previous: 3. Advisories: Current: Previous: 4. Limitations on Enrollment: Current: Previous: D. Catalog description: Current: This course introduces students to the early civilizations of North America, South America, and Mesoamerica. -
La Huasteca: Correlations of Linguistic and Archaeological Data
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Calgary (Working) Papers in Linguistics Volume 11, Summer 1985 1985-06 La Huasteca: correlations of linguistic and archaeological data Thompson, Marc University of Calgary Thompson, M. (1985). La Huasteca: correlations of linguistic and archaeological data. Calgary Working Papers in Linguistics, 11(Summer), 15-25. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/51328 journal article Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca I I La Rua•tec:&: Con:elatiou of Li1S9Ubtic and Archaeoloqical Data I Marc Thompson Introduction I In modern Mexico and Guatemala there are between 2 and 2.5 million speakers of 28 Mayan lanCJU&qes. As a qroup they rank next to Quechua speakers of Peru and Equador as one of the most I impressive survivinq Amerindian linquistic and cultural units in the western hemisphere (Voqt 1969). As qeoqraphy and modern distribution suqqest, with the exception of the HUastecs, various Maya qroups have been in contact for many centuries. Linquists qenerally define three major subqroups of Mayan: l) Huastecan, I 2) Yucatecan and 3) southern Mayan. Today, Huastecan speakers are comprised of two linquistic units: l) Veracruzano, distributed alonq the tropical coastlands, and I 2) Potosino, spoken in the interior hiqhlands, correspondinq to the states of Veracruz, and San Luis Potosi, Mexico, respectively. Modern distribution of Huastacan speakers is represented by small, rather nucleated vestiqes of Precollllllbian territories: I "Only five towns in northern Veracruz and an equal nlllllber in Potosi could boast a population of l8 per cent or more Huastec speakinq inhabitants, and no town reqistered over 72 per cent. -
Mexico), a Riverine Settlement in the Usumacinta Region
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE From Movement to Mobility: The Archaeology of Boca Chinikihá (Mexico), a Riverine Settlement in the Usumacinta Region A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology by Nicoletta Maestri June 2018 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Wendy Ashmore, Chairperson Dr. Scott L. Fedick Dr. Karl A. Taube Copyright by Nicoletta Maestri 2018 The Dissertation of Nicoletta Maestri is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation talks about the importance of movement and – curiously enough – it is the result of a journey that started long ago and far away. Throughout this journey, several people, in the US, Mexico and Italy, helped me grow personally and professionally and contributed to this accomplishment. First and foremost, I wish to thank the members of my dissertation committee: Wendy Ashmore, Scott Fedick and Karl Taube. Since I first met Wendy, at a conference in Mexico City in 2005, she became the major advocate of me pursuing a graduate career at UCR. I couldn’t have hoped for a warmer and more engaged and encouraging mentor. Despite the rough start and longer path of my graduate adventure, she never lost faith in me and steadily supported my decisions. Thank you, Wendy, for your guidance and for being a constant inspiration. During my graduate studies and in developing my dissertation research, Scott and Karl offered valuable advice, shared their knowledge on Mesoamerican cultures and peoples and provided a term of reference for rigorous and professional work. Aside from my committee, I especially thank Tom Patterson for his guidance and patience in our “one-to-one” core theory meetings.