The Correspondence of Dr. Martin Lister (1639–1712). Volume One: 1662–1677 History of Science and Medicine Library

VOLUME 48

Medieval and Early Modern Science

Editors

J.M.M.H. Thijssen (Radboud University, Nijmegen) C.H. Lüthy (Radboud University, Nijmegen) P.J.J.M. Bakker (Radboud University, Nijmegen)

Editorial Consultants

Joël Biard (University of Tours) Simo Knuuttila (University of Helsinki) Jürgen Renn (Max-Planck-Institute for the History of Science) Theo Verbeek (University of Utrecht)

VOLUME 24

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hsml The Correspondence of Dr. Martin Lister (1639–1712). Volume One: 1662–1677

Edited and translated by

Anna Marie Roos

LEIDEN | BOSTON Cover illustration: Letter of Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg, 12 March 1673/4, shelfmark EL/L5/70. © The Royal Society of London. Illustrations done by William Lodge to accompany Martin Lister’s catalogue of English snails.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The correspondence of Dr. Martin Lister (1639–1712) / edited and translated by Anna Marie Roos. p. ; cm. — (History of science and medicine library, ISSN 1872-0684 ; volume 48) (Medieval and early modern science ; volume 24) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-22553-4 (hardback : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-26332-1 (e-book) I. Roos, Anna Marie Eleanor, editor, translator. II. Series: History of science and medicine library ; v. 48. 1872-0684 III. Series: History of science and medicine library. Medieval and early modern science ; v. 24. 1567-8393 [DNLM: 1. Lister, Martin, 1638?–1712. 2. Physicians—Great Britain—Collected Correspondence. 3. History, 17th Century—Great Britain. 4. History, 18th Century—Great Britain. 5. Natural History—history—Great Britain. WZ 100] R486 610.941—dc23 2014046999

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual ‘Brill’ typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1872-0684 isbn 978-90-04-22553-4 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-26332-1 (e-book)

Copyright 2015 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper. To Ian, again. To K.

∵

Contents

Acknowledgments ix List of Illustrations xii Calendar of the Lister Correspondence xiii

section 1

Introduction 3 An Introduction to the Letters (1662–1677) 3 Lister’s Biography (1639–1677): A Summary 6 Lister’s Correspondence in Historical Context 21 A Note on the Ray Letters 24 Stylistic Considerations 27

Section 2

The Lister Correspondence (1662–1677) 37

Bibliography 879 Index 910

Acknowledgments

A number of colleagues, friends and institutions helped make this project possible. First, I would like to thank the Cultures of Knowledge Project in the Faculty of History at Oxford where I began the Lister Correspondence Project. The Mellon Foundation sponsors Cultures of Knowledge, and they were very generous with supporting this endeavor. I have had the distinct pleasure of working at Oxford with Philip Beeley, James Brown, Sue Burgess, Pietro Corsi, David Cram, Peter Harrison, Kateřina Horníčková, Howard Hotson, Neil Jeffries, Rhodri Lewis, Miranda Lewis, Noel Malcolm, Kim McLean-Fiander, Richard Ovenden, Leigh Penman, Michael Popham, William Poole, Richard Sharpe, and Kelsey Jackson Williams. Jim Bennett and Stephen Johnston at the Museum of the History of Science at Oxford have been extraordinarily helpful and kind. A big thanks also to my “Cultures of Knowledge” colleagues at the University of Wales—Helen Watt, Brynley Roberts, and Daffyd Johnston. In the course of publishing this volume, I have been given a new position as a senior lecturer at the University of Lincoln, where I have been made to feel welcome in a most beautiful and collegial atmosphere. I am most grateful to my colleagues in the Lincoln School of History and Heritage for their patience and kindness. Mary Stuart, our Vice-Chancellor, welcomed me with a private meeting and coffee to ask what I needed after I began the post, which was exceptionally considerate. Lister and I both now have significant ties to Lincolnshire. The assistance of the University of Oxford has also been essential to this project. The bulk of Lister’s correspondence and papers is in the Bodleian Library, and librarians in Special Collections have acceded to my numerous requests to examine manuscript material with consummate efficiency and professionalism. Clive Hurst, Alexandra Franklin, Colin Harris, and Bruce Barker-Benfield gave me the provenance of several manuscripts. Richard Ovenden was kind and generous with assisting me with finding appropriate images. Andrew Honey cogently answered my queries concerning Lister’s travel pocketbook (MS Lister 19). The Royal Society has also been extraordinarily supportive of this project, and many of Lister’s scientific letters from the 1660s and 1670s are in their collections. The Royal Society Librarian, Keith Moore, is especially to be thanked not only for his expertise, but also for his energy, wicked sense of humor and his friendship. Rupert Baker, Felicity Henderson and Jo McManus are simply super, as is the lovely Robert Fox. I was treated with every courtesy by the Royal x acknowledgments

Society’s Centre for the History of Science and continue to look forward to my visits. The bulk of the letters between Lister and John Ray are in the Botany Library at the Natural History Museum, and Armando Mendez assisted me with puzzling out their provenance. Lister Correspondence also resides in the collections of the British Library, Trinity College, Dublin, the University of Utrecht, the Durham Cathedral Library, and the Yorkshire Archaeological Society of Leeds. I greatly appreciated the cooperation and encouragement from these institutions. The masterly Michael Hunter kindly assisted with my queries about scholarly editing. I have also learned a good deal about the editorial process in conversations with Philip Beeley, David Cram, Kim McLean-Fiander, Felicity Henderson, Lisa Jardine, Dorothy Johnston, Miranda Lewis, Noel Malcolm, William Poole, Richard Sharpe, Richard Serjeantson, and Helen Watt. I have been extraordinarily lucky to work with many scientists who assisted me in identifying the myriad of flora and fauna that Lister discussed in his correspondence. Christopher Preston, with the assistance of John Edgington and David A. Pearman, provided many of the botanical identifications. Tim Birkhead gently and carefully corrected my preliminary and often fallacious identifications of birds. Aydin Örstan and Bob Cameron helped me identify land snails, and I could not have possibly commented on the arachnids were it not for the expertise of the late John Parker, whose edition of Lister’s English Spiders was so crucial to this work. Bill Ausich and Hans Hess provided their expertise about fossil crinoids that Lister collected, and Monica Price assisted with questions about the mineral samples that Lister was swapping with other virtuosi. Jeff Carr, who wrote the first Ph.D. dissertation about Lister, was as usual a wealth of information about his biological studies. Being a virtuoso meant that Lister was also interested in archaeology. Roger Tomlin introduced me to the wonderful world of epigraphy so I could analyze the Roman altars that Lister liked to collect. Arthur MacGregor supplied many crucial insights about the culture of collecting during the early modern period. My colleagues at Brill, including Christoph Lüthy, Sabine Steenbeek, Michiel S. Thijssen and Rosanna Woensdregt have made the publication process a pleasure. I have been pleased to publish with Brill a third time, this time as an editor rather than monograph author. Victor Boantza, Tom Holland, Vivienne Larminie, Noel Malcolm, and Ruth Whelan assisted me with the translations from Latin and French. Richard Sharpe assisted with the Greek. Miranda Lewis employed her eagle eye as editor and copywriter, though of course any mistakes made in the text are my acknowledgments xi own. I also would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of this edition whose comments enriched and improved the work. Other colleagues and friends that provided encouragement and support through this process included Helen Bynum, Pratik Chakrabarti, Julie Davies, Mordechai Feingold, Robert Fox, Alex Franklin, Sallyanne Gilchrist, Anita Guerrini, Mark Harrison, Jo Hedesan, Sachiko Kusukawa, Lisa Jardine, Mike Jewess, Karin Leonhard, Belinda Michaelides, Margaret Pelling, Will Poole, Richard Serjeantson, Jon Sheard, Anke Timmermann, Kathie Way, Charles Webster, and Jeremy Woodley. My colleagues on the Council of the Society for the History of Alchemy and Chemistry have been unfailingly kind and encour- aging during this process. Andrew, Ruth, and Joseph Bramley, June Benton, Lori Rausch, Sally Sheard, and Connie Jacoby and Mari Trine remind me there is more to life than editing, and Neil Storch, my dear mentor and friend, has always been a calm and wise presence. And last but not least, my husband Ian Benton continues to support my scholarly endeavors with good grace, humor, and much love. Like Lister, my husband is also a Lincolnshire man. Nunc scio quid sit amor. List of Illustrations

1 and 2 The token of a wax seal given by Sarah Jenyns to her uncle, Martin Lister, affixed to the wrapper of her mother Frances’s letter of 30 May 1667. The Bodleian Library, The University of Oxford 95–96 3 Ulisse Aldrovandi’s figure of door snails to which Lister refers in his correspondence. Wellcome Library, London 219 4 Francis Jessop’s figures of cycloid curves. © The Royal Society, London 566 5 Francis Jessop’s figures of cycloid curves, drawn by the editor 572 6 and 7 William Lodge’s drawings of crinoid fossils, subsequently published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. © The Royal Society, London 632 8 Francis Jessop’s figures of cycloid curves, drawn by the editor 673 9 William Lodge’s figures of English snails. © The Royal Society, London 690 10 William Lodge’s figures of a spider web and egg sac. The Bodleian Library, The University of Oxford 717 11 The botanical illustrations of George Plaxton. The Bodleian Library, The University of Oxford 722 12 and 13 Illustrations by William Lodge of natural history specimens, including a hummingbird. The Bodleian Library, The University of Oxford 762–763 14 and 15 Martin Lister’s drawings of a Roman altar. © The Royal Society, London 870–871 Calendar of the Lister Correspondence

Sender Recipient Date

1 Newcomen, Thomas Lister, Martin 17 October 1662 2 Lister, Martin Lady Pye ca. 1663 3 Lister, Martin Lister, Susanna ca. 1663 4 Lister, Martin Hartopp, Sir William ca. 29 August 1663 5 Lister, Martin Lister, Michael ca. 29 August 1663 6 Lister, Martin Grove, Robert ca. 29 August 1663 7 Lister, Martin Sharpe, [Thomas] 2 October 1663 8 Lister, Martin Briggs, Thomas 2 October 1663 9 Lister, Martin Sharpe, [Thomas] 30 October 1663 9 November 1663 10 Lister, Martin Lister, William 30 October 1663 9 November 1663 11 Lister, Martin Lister, Michael 30 October 1663 9 November 12 Lister, Martin Sharpe, [Thomas] 6/16 November 1663 13 Lister, Martin Lister, William 6/16 November 1663 14 Lister, Martin Lister, Michael 6/16 November 1663 15 Lister, Martin Briggs, Thomas 6/16 November 1663 16 Lister, Martin Briggs, Thomas 6/16 November 1663 17 Lister, Martin Lister, Susanna 6/16 November 1663 18 Lister, Martin Hartopp, [Dorothy] 6/16 November 1663 19 Lister, Martin Peck, John 6/16 November 1663 20 Lister, Martin Camby, Mr. 12/22 November 1663 21 Lister, Martin Lister, William 13/23 November 1663 22 Lister, Martin Sharpe, [Thomas] 13/23 November 1663 23 Lister, Martin Peck, John 13/23 November 1663 24 Lister, Martin Bataliers, M. 16/26 November 1663 25 Lister, William Lister, Martin 27 November 1663 26 Bataliers, M. Lister, Martin 5/15 December 1663 27 Lister, Martin Sharpe, [Thomas] 13/23 December 1663 28 Lister, Martin Lister, Susanna 13/23 December 1663 29 Lister, Martin Lister, William 13/23 December 1663 30 Lister, Martin Lister, William 18/28 December 1663 31 Lister, Martin Lister, William 20/30 December 1663 32 Camby, Mr. Lister, Martin 9/19 January 1663/4 xiv calendar of the lister correspondence

Sender Recipient Date

33 Lister, Martin Lister, William 30 January 1663/4 9 February 1663/4 34 Lister, Martin Sharpe, [Thomas] 30 January 1663/4 9 February 1663/4 35 Lister, Martin Lister, Susanna 30 January 1663/4 9 February 1663/4 36 Lister, Martin Lister, William 13/23 February 1663/4 37 Lister, Martin [Peck, John] 13/23 February 1663/4 38 Lister, Martin [Grove, Robert] 13/23 February 1663/4 39 Lister, Martin Camby, Mr. 13/23 February 1663/4 40 Lister, Martin Camby, Mr. 5/15 March 1663/4 41 Lister, Martin Lister, William 5/15 March 1663/4 42 Lister, Martin Peck, [John] 26 April 1664 6 May 1664 43 Lister, Martin Grove, [Robert] 26 April 1664 6 May 1664 44 Lister, Martin Sharpe [Thomas] 26 April 1664 6 May 1664 45 Lister, Martin Lister, William 30 April 1664 10 May 1664 46 Lister, Martin My Lady 30 April 1664 [Lister, Susanna] 10 May 1664 47 Lister, Martin Lister, Michael 30 April 1664 10 May 1664 48 Verchant, H[enri] Lister, Martin 21/31 May 1664 49 Lister, Martin Briggs, [Thomas] 1/10 June 1664 50 Lister, Martin Lister, William 10/20 June 1664 51 Lister, Martin Lister, Sir Martin ca. August 1664 52 Lister, Martin Peck, [John] 3/13 August 1664 53 Lister, Martin Sharpe [Thomas] 6/16 September 1664 54 King, R. Lister, Martin 22 September 1664 2 October 1664 55 Lister, Martin Lister, William 27 September 1664 7 October 1664 56 Lister, Martin [Hartopp, Dorothy] 27 September 1664 7 October 1664 57 Lister, Martin [Lister, Susanna] 27 September 1664 7 October 1664 58 Lister, Martin [Paman, Henry] ca. November 1664 calendar of the lister correspondence xv

Sender Recipient Date

59 Lister, Martin Lister, Michael ca. November 1664 60 Lister, Martin My Lady ca. November 1664 [Lister, Susanna] 61 Lister, Martin Briggs, [Thomas] ca. November 1664 62 Lister, Martin Gunning, Peter ca. November 1664 63 Lister, Martin Peck, [John] ca. November 1664 64 Lister, Martin Lister, William ca. November 1664 65 Lister, Martin Lister, William ca. January 1664/5 66 Lister, Martin Lister, Richard ca. January 1664/5 67 Bruce, Robert [Lister, Martin] ca. 29 January 1664–1665 ca. 8 February 1664–1665 68 Lister, Martin Unknown ca. 1664–1666 69 Briggs, Thomas [Lister, Martin] 22 August 1665 70 Unknown Lister, Martin ca. 1665/6 71 Lister, Martin Mademoiselle ca. February 1665/6 72 Lister, Martin Ray, John 25 March 1665/6 73 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. May 1666 74 Ray, John Lister, Martin 9 June 1666 75 Lister, Jane Lister, Martin ca. July 1666 76 Lister, Jane Lister, Martin ca. 1667–1668 77 Peck, John Lister, Martin 25 February 1666/7 78 Jenyns, Frances Lister, Martin 30 May 1667 79 Ray, John Lister, Martin 18 June 1667 80 Lister, Martin Ray, John 26 June 1667 81 Hartopp, Dorothy Lister, Martin ca. June 1667 82 Ray, John Lister, Martin 4 July 1667 83 Lister, Martin Ray, John 26 July 1667 84 Ray, John Lister, Martin 1 August 1667 85 Hartopp, Dorothy [Lister, Martin] 5 September 1667 86 Lister, Martin Ray, John 22 September 1667 87 Ray, John Lister, Martin 1 October 1667 88 Ray, John Lister, Martin 12 October 1667 89 Lister, Jane Lister, Martin 13 October ca. 1667–1668 90 Moulin, Jaques Du Lister, Martin 16 October 1667 91 Lister, Jane Lister, Martin 18 October ca. 1667 92 Lister, Susanna Lister, Martin 4 November ca. 1667 93 Lister, Jane Lister, Martin 23 November ca. 1667–1668 94 Ray, John Lister, Martin 23 November ca. 1667 xvi calendar of the lister correspondence

(cont.)

Sender Recipient Date

95 Lister, Susanna Lister, Martin 23 November ca. 1667 96 Lister, Susanna Lister, Martin 27 November ca. 1667 97 Grove, Robert Lister, Martin 9 December 1667 98 Lister, Susanna Lister, Martin 10 January ca. 1667/8 99 Hartopp, Dorothy Lister, Martin 19 February 1667/8 100 Moulin, Jaques Du Lister, Martin 20 February 1667/8 101 Ray, John Lister, Martin 5 March 1667/8 102 Lister, Martin Ray, John 15 March 1667/8 103 Briggs, Thomas Lister, Martin 20 March 1668 104 Hartopp, Dorothy Lister, Martin 23 March 1668 105 Moulin, Jaques Du Lister, Martin 7 April 1668 106 Ray, John Lister, Martin 19 April 1668 107 Briggs, Thomas [Lister, Martin] 28 April 1668 108 Briggs, Thomas Lister, Martin 20 May 1668 109 Lister, Susanna Lister, Martin 7 July 1668 110 Moulin, Jaques Du Lister, Martin 24 July 1668 111 Ray, John Lister, Martin 26 July 1668 112 Lister, Anne [Lister, Martin] 17 August 1668 113 Moulin, Jaques Du Lister, Martin 24 August 1668 114 Ray, John Lister, Martin 10 September 1668 115 Lister, Susanna Lister, Martin 26 September ca. 1668 116 Bayulay, J. Lister, Martin 29 September 1668 117 Lister, Susanna Lister, Martin 26 October 1668 118 Ray, John Lister, Martin 31 October 1668 119 Lister, Jane Lister, Martin 9 November 1668 120 Lister, Susanna Lister, Martin 20 November 1668 121 Lister, Martin Ray, John 22 November 1668 122 Ray, John Lister, Martin 6 December ca. 1668 123 Lister, Martin Ray, John 19 December 1668 124 Moulin, Jaques Du Lister, Martin 6 January 1668/9 125a Lister, Martin Ray, John via 16 February 1668/9 125b Phillip Skippon 126 Ray, John Lister, Martin 7 May 1669 127 Lister, Jane Lister, Martin 31 August 1669 128 Ray, John Lister, Martin 15 November 1669 129 Ray, John Lister, Martin 10 December 1669 calendar of the lister correspondence xvii

Sender Recipient Date

130 Lister, Martin Ray, John 22 December 1669 131 Broome, Philip Lister, Martin ca. 1670s 132 Ray, John Lister, Martin 13 February 1669/70 133 Cotton [Charles?] [Lister, Martin] 28 February 1669/70 134 Ray, John Lister, Martin ca. March 1669/70 135 Lister, Martin Ray, John 11 March 1669/70 136 Ray, John Lister, Martin 28 April 1670 137 Wharton, Susanna Lister, Martin 29 May 1670 138 Lister, Martin Ray, John 4 June 1670 139 Ray, John Lister, Martin 29 June 1670 140 Ray, John Lister, Martin 17 July 1670 141 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 9 August 1670 142 Ray, John Lister, Martin 22 August 1670 143 Lister, Martin Ray, John 8 October 1670 144 Lister, Martin Ray, John 22 December 1670 145 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 23 December 1670 146 Ray, John Lister, Martin ca. 1671 147 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 3 January 1670/1 148 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 10 January 1670/1 149 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 18 January 1670/1 150 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 20 January 1670/1 151 Lister, Martin Ray, John 20 January 1670/1 152 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 25 January 1670/1 153 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 28 January 1670/1 154 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 4 February 1670/1 155 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 8 February 1670/1 156 Lister, Martin Ray, John 8 February 1670/1 157 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 11 February 1670/1 158 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 15 February 1670/1 159 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 25 February 1670/1 160 Ray, John Lister, Martin 3 March 1670/1 161 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 4 March 1670/1 162 Oldenburg, Henry [Lister, Martin] 11 March 1670/1 163 Lister, Martin [Oldenburg, Henry] 17 March 1670/1 164 Lister, Martin Ray, John 21 March 1670/1 165 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 4 April 1671 166 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 8 April 1671 167 Ray, John Lister, Martin 13 April 1671 xviii calendar of the lister correspondence

(cont.)

Sender Recipient Date

168 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 18 April 1671 169 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 22 May 1671 170 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 27 May 1671 171 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 30 May 1671 172 Lister, Martin [Oldenburg, Henry] 31 May 1671 173 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 10 June 1671 174 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 14 June 1671 175 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 24 June 1671 176 Ray, John Lister, Martin 28 June 1671 177 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 5 July 1671 178 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 13 July 1671 179 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 17 July 1671 180 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 27 July 1671 181 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 25 August 1671 182 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 4 September 1671 183 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 13 September 1671 184 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 12 October 1671 185 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 16 October 1671 186 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 21 October 1671 187 Lister, Martin Ray, John 25 October 1671 188 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 28 October 1671 189 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 4 November 1671 190 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 11 November 1671 191 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 18 November 1671 192 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 4 December 1671 193 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 23 December 1671 194 Brooke, John Lister, Martin ca. 1671/2 195 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 10 January 1671/2 196 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 24 January 1671/2 197 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 10 February 1671/2 198 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 24 February 1671/2 199 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 27 February 1671/2 200 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 2 March 1671/2 201 Ray, John Lister, Martin 2 March 1671/2 202 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 19 March 1671/2 203 Lister, Martin Sterne, Richard 10 April 1672 calendar of the lister correspondence xix

Sender Recipient Date

204 Lister, Martin Brooke, John 12 April 1672 205 Johnston, Nathaniel [Lister, Martin] 22 April 1672 206 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. May 1672 207 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 11 May 1672 208 Johnston, Nathaniel [Lister, Martin] 13 May 1672 209 Ray, John Lister, Martin 18 May 1672 210 Wilkins, John Lister, Martin 22 May 1672 211 Pierce, Robert Dr. Lister, Martin ca. June 1672–83 212 Johnston, Nathaniel Lister, Martin 3 June 1672 213 Ray, John Lister, Martin 17 June 1672 214 Johnston, Nathaniel Lister, Martin 25 June 1672 215 Ray, John Lister, Martin 3 July 1672 216 Wilkins, John Lister, Martin 11 July 1672 217 Wilkins, John Lister, Martin 15 July 1672 218 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 16 July 1672 219 Ray, John Lister, Martin 31 July 1672 220 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 26 September 1672 221 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 30 September 1672 222 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 10 October 1672 223 Lister, Martin Ray, John 12 October 1672 224 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 23 October 1672 225 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 23 October 1672 226 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 31 October 1672 227 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 14 November 1672 228 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 15 November 1672 229 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 30 November 1672 230 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 12 December 1672 231 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 14 December 1672 232 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 17 December 1672 233 Oldenburg, Henry [Lister, Martin] 28 December 1672 234 Johnston, Nathaniel Lister, Martin 1 January 1672/3 235 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 1 January 1672/3 236 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 8 January 1672/3 237 Johnston, Nathaniel Lister, Martin 21 January 1672/3 238 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 29 March 1673 239 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 15 April 1673 240 Briggs, Thomas Lister, Martin 27 April 1673 241 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 1 May 1673 xx calendar of the lister correspondence

(cont.)

Sender Recipient Date

242 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 10 May 1673 243 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 21 May 1673 244 Ray, John Lister, Martin 30 May 1673 245 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 12 June 1673 246 Lister, Martin Ray, John 20 June 1673 247 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 21 June 1673 248 Lister, Martin [Oldenburg, Henry] 24 June 1673 249 Needham, Walter Lister, Martin 24 June 1673 250 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 25 June 1673 251 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 28 June 1673 252 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. July 1673 253 Needham, Walter Lister, Martin 15 July 1673 254 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 15 July 1673 255 Ray, John Lister, Martin 18 July 1673 256 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 21 July 1673 257 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 26 July 1673 258 Lister, Martin Ray, John 26 July 1673 259 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin ca. August 1673 260 Lister, Martin Jessop, Francis 15 August 1673 261 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 26 August 1673 262 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. September 1673 263 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 2 September 1673 264 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 4 September 1673 265 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 15 September 1673 266 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 18 September 1673 267 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 18 September 1673 268 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 26 September 1673 269 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 30 September 1673 270 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 2 October 1673 271 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 3 October 1673 272 Lister, Martin Jessop, Francis 6 October 1673 273 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 8 October 1673 274 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 13 October 1673 275 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 23 October 1673 276 Lister, Martin [Oldenburg, Henry] 25 October 1673 277 Lister, Martin Grew, Nehemiah 25 October 1673 calendar of the lister correspondence xxi

Sender Recipient Date

278 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. November 1673 279 Lister, Martin [Oldenburg, Henry] 4 November 1673 280 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 18 November 1673 281 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 18 November 1673 282 Ray, John Lister, Martin 29 November 1673 283 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 1 December 1673 284 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 13 December 1673 285 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 19 December 1673 286 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 30 December 1673 287 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 3 January 1673/4 288 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 7 January 1673/4 289 Lister, Martin Ray, John 7 January 1673/4 290 Lodge, William [Lister, Martin] 12 January 1673/4 291 Peck, John Lister, Martin 15 January 1673/4 292 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 17 January 1673/4 293 Ray, John Lister, Martin 17 January 1673/4 294 Lister, Martin [Oldenburg, Henry] 19 January 1673/4 295 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 22 January 1673/4 296 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 24 January 1673/4 297 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 28 January 1673/4 298 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 2 February 1673/4 299 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 3 February 1673/4 300 Ray, John Lister, Martin 3 February 1673/4 301 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 7 February 1673/4 302 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 14 February 1673/4 303 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 21 February 1673/4 304 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 9 March 1673/4 305 Lister, Martin [Oldenburg, Henry] 12 March 1673/4 306 Lister, Martin Ray, John 28 March 1674 307 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 31 March 1674 308 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 6 April 1674 309 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 14 April 1674 310 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. May 1674 311 Townes, Thomas Lister, Martin ca. May 1674 312 Townes, Thomas Lister, Martin 12 May 1674 313 Townes, Thomas Lister, Martin 23 May 1674 314 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 11 June 1674 315 Woolsey [Thomas] Lister, Martin 11 June 1674 xxii calendar of the lister correspondence

(cont.)

Sender Recipient Date

316 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 20 June 1674 317 Townes, Thomas Lister, Martin 20 June 1674 318 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 11 July 1674 319 Briggs, Thomas Lister, Martin 14 July 1674 320 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 15 July 1674 321 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 27 July 1674 322 Townes, Thomas Lister, Martin ca. August 1674 323 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 12 August 1674 324 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 21 August 1674 325 Lister, Martin Ray, John 26 August 1674 326 Ray, John Lister, Martin 12 September 1674 327 Plaxton, George [Lister, Martin] 24 September 1674 328 Webster, John Lister, Martin 27 September 1674 329 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. October 1674 330 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 3 October 1674 331 Webster, John Lister, Martin 9 October 1674 332 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 13 October 1674 333 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 24 October 1674 334 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 20 November 1674 335 Lister, Martin Ray, John 13 December 1674 336 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 19 December 1674 337 Ray, John Lister, Martin 19 December 1674 338 A.C. Lister, Martin ca. 1675 339 [Townes, Thomas] Lister, Martin ca. 1675 340 Bollard, John Lister, Martin ca. 1675 341 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 5 January 1674/5 342 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 9 January 1674/5 343 Webster, John Lister, Martin 12 January 1674/5 344 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 16 January 1674/5 345 Bedford, Francis [Lister, Martin] 20 January 1674/5 346 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 6 February 1674/5 347 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 7 February 1674/5 348 Bedford, Francis [Lister, Martin] 13 February 1674/5 349 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 13 February 1674/5 350 Webster, John Lister, Martin 13 February 1674/5 351 Brooke, John Lister, Martin 20 February 1674/5 calendar of the lister correspondence xxiii

Sender Recipient Date

352 Webster, John Lister, Martin 6 March 1674/5 353 Johnston, Nathaniel Lister, Martin 10 March 1674/5 354 Lodge, William Lister, Martin 11 March 1674/5 355 Sturdy, John Lister, Martin 14 March 1674/5 356 Townes, Thomas Lister, Martin 26 March 1675 357 Ray, John Lister, Martin 7 May 1675 358 Briggs, Thomas Lister, Martin 8 May 1675 359 Oldenburg, Henry [Lister, Martin] 13 May 1675 360 Lister, Martin Thoresby, Ralph 29 May 1675 361 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. June 1675 362 Penn, Samuel Lister, Martin 19 June 1675 363 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 27 June 1675 364 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin ca. July 1675 365 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. July 1675 366 Jessop, Francis Lister, Martin 13 July 1675 367 Sturdy, John Lister, Martin 16 July 1675 368 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 28 July 1675 369 Lister, Martin Ray, John ca. August 1675 370 Sturdy, John Lister, Martin 12 August 1675 371 Jessop, Francis [Lister, Martin] 24 August 1675 372 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 4 September 1675 372a 373 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 11 September 1675 374 Sturdy, John Lister, Martin 25 September 1675 375 Plaxton, George Lister, Martin 6 November 1675 376 Sturdy, John Lister, Martin 14 November 1675 377 Lister, Michael Lister, Martin 1 January 1675/6 378 Vaughan, Lord John Lister, Martin via 18 January 1675/6 Henry Wilkinson 379 Johnston, Nathaniel Lister, Martin 22 January 1675/6 380 Briggs, Thomas Lister, Martin 5 February 1675/6 381 Lister, Martin Ray, John 8 February 1675/6 382 Ray, John Lister, Martin 4 April 1676 383 Gregory, Susanna Lister, Martin 18 April 1676 384 Witham, J. Lister, Martin 27 April 1676 385 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 3 June 1676 386 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 10 June 1676 387 Ray, John Lister, Martin 14 June 1676 xxiv calendar of the lister correspondence

(cont.)

Sender Recipient Date

388 Lister, Martin Ray, John 2 July 1676 389 Oldenburg, Henry Lister, Martin 6 July 1676 390 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 9 July 1676 391 Ray, John Lister, Martin 15 July 1676 392 Ray, John Lister, Martin 28 November 1676 393 Winchester, Marquess Lister, Martin 30 November 1676 of, Charles Paulet 394 Ray, John Lister, Martin 24 January 1676/7 395 Kirke, Thomas Lister, Martin 3 June 1677 396 Gregory, George Lister, Martin 22 June 1677 397 Leycester, Peter Sir Lister, Martin 6 July 1677 398 Ray, John Lister, Martin 11 July 1677 399 Lister, Martin Oldenburg, Henry 15 September 1677 399a 400 Wilkins, Joseph Lister, Martin via 31 October 1677 Thomas Kirke 400a Kirke, Thomas Lister, Martin 5 November 1677 401 Ray, John Lister, Martin 12 November 1677 section 1

∵

Introduction

An Introduction to the Letters (1662–1677)

Although the usual reaction to spiders is fear of their webs, revulsion at their eating habits, and worry at their spindly legs, some individuals think about spiders more benignly, their fear replaced by curiosity or awe. The Indians made the spider a symbol of liberty, “being the only creature that can raise itself up by its own bootstraps,”1 and Victor Hugo stated, from sheer generosity of soul, that he loved both the spider and the nettle, “because they are hated.” This edition concerns the correspondence of another lover of arachnids, a seventeenth-century virtuoso, natural philosopher, and keen empiricist named Martin Lister (1639–1712). Amongst other things, he was the first arachnologist and conchologist. A prominent fellow of the Royal Society, he served as an officer in the Royal College of Physicians, and was a Royal Physician to Queen Anne. A major benefactor of the Ashmolean Museum, he corresponded regularly on natural history and medicine with its first and second keepers, Robert Plot and Edward Lhwyd. Lister’s unpublished papers were amongst the largest of his donations to Oxford’s fledgling museum of science, and attest to his remarkably wide expertise, from archaeology to Yorkshire antiquities, from studies of smallpox to the origins of kidney stones. Although Lister had donated some of his works to Oxford, we have to thank William Huddesford, the perceptive eighteenth-century antiquarian and keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, for the bulk of this collection.2 Huddesford had a long-held interest in Lister, his research providing him with an escape from town-and-gown politics. Huddesford had been conducting a long and frustrating campaign for Oxford’s streets to be lighted and cleaned properly, even publishing a tongue-in-cheek tract on the matter (appropriately, this was published in “Lucern” by “Abraham Lightholder”), in which he revealed that he had been fighting the public’s prejudice that did “not know what Service the lamps were of, except to light a Pack of drunken Gownsmen home.”3 His scholarly work was a tonic, however, and he remarked when “conversing with Lister and the old Nat[ural] Historians I scarce know who is minister of state.”4

1 Zeldin, Intimate, p. 192. 2 MacGregor, “Huddesford,” pp. 47–68. 3 Huddesford, An Address to the Freemen, p. 4. 4 William Huddesford to William Borlase, 31 July 1770; Borlase Papers, Morrab Library, Penzance, MOR/BOR/3, f. 62.

The Keeper was engaged in writing Lister’s biography, having gone so far as to initiate correspondence with Lister’s descendents living in the family’s manor house in Burwell Park, Lincolnshire, as well as with the Gregory family of Harlaxton Hall (also in Lincolnshire), who had intermarried with the Listers; he had even contacted the President of St John’s College, Cambridge, Lister’s alma mater.5 One can imagine Huddesford’s delight when he heard in 1768 that one Dr John Fothergill had bought at auction “put up in band boxes, confused like waste paper, several bundles of Dr Lister’s papers,” to save them from annihila- tion in the “pastrycooks oven” or as wrapping for purchases at the Grocers.6 Fothergill (1712–1780) was an English physician, a Quaker, and F.R.S. who devoted his leisure time to studies of conchology and botany and had, thus, a logical interest in this manuscript collection. As Fothergill confessed to Huddesford that he should “never have the leisure to peruse them,” he wondered “what to do with them?”7 He mused that he “had best give them to some public Body—either to the Universities or to the Royal Society,” closing his letter to Huddesford with the query “What dost Thee think?”8 Huddesford replied quickly, “You ask Dr an interested Man. I say to the University of Oxford and to the Ashmolean therein. But I will give you a reason also—The Papers consist of letters to . . . Lister . . . a very great Benefactor.”9 Fothergill agreed to the proposal, and Huddesford recorded gleefully:

. . . came down one large Box, near a hundred weight. The contents as followeth 1. 3 large Vols of letters to Lhwyd [Lister’s colleague Edward Lhwyd] 2. Several Bundles of Letters to Lister 3. Near 40 Books in 4to [ie. quarto] of MSS annotations on, and extracts from various Authors—Lister’s hand. 4. Several Private Pocket Books in which Lister kept an account of the Fees he received in Practice.10

5 Lister held a fellowship by Royal Mandate at St John’s College, Cambridge, granted in 1660. For Huddesford’s letters, see Additional MSS 22596, British Library, London. 6 Nichols, Illustrations, vol. 4, p. 458; MacGregor, “Huddesford,” p. 58. 7 MacGregor, “Huddesford,” p. 59 and p. 66. 8 Nichols, Illustrations, vol. 4, p. 458, as quoted in MacGregor, “Huddesford,” p. 59. 9 MacGregor, “Huddesford,” p. 59. 10 MacGregor, “Huddesford,” p. 59. These documents comprise MSS Lister at the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. Introduction 5

In the course of the mid-nineteenth century, these collections passed from the Ashmolean to the Bodleian Library. Most of these papers were kept together, forming the bulk of what is known appropriately enough as MSS Lister.11 MSS Lister 2–4, MSS Lister 34–37, and MS Ashmole 1816 make up the majority of the Lister correspondence from Fothergill’s gift to the university. While the Bodleian Library contains the bulk of Lister’s correspondence, totaling over 1100 letters, sizeable quantities are held elsewhere, chiefly in the archives of the Royal Society, the Natural History Museum (Ray letters), the University of Utrecht, and the British Library’s collection of Sloane manuscripts. Lister’s correspondence illuminates, and is illuminated by, his many other scientific manuscripts, which, as Hudderford’s notes indicate, include a mass of unpublished works, drafts, notes, collections from other people’s papers, medical casebooks, and gardening plans. As one of the most prominent corresponding fellows of the Royal Society, many of Lister’s letters from York, where he ran a medical practice, were printed in the Philosophical Transactions, the Royal Society’s journal. Lister would go on to contribute over sixty papers to the journal, and his letters demonstrate he was an innovator in archaeology, medicine, and chemistry, Robert Boyle considering him an investigator of “piercing sagacity.”12 Although Lister is known to have discovered ballooning spiders and his work on molluscs was standard for 200 years, he also invented the histogram, provided Sir Isaac Newton with chemical procedures and alloys for his telescopic mirrors, pursued archaeological studies demonstrating that York’s walls were Roman, received the first reports of the Chinese smallpox vaccination, and donated the first significant natural history collections to the Ashmolean Museum. Like Darwin two hundred years later, to complete his scientific works Lister corresponded extensively with explorers and scientists who provided him with specimens, observations, and locality records from Jamaica, America, Barbados, France, Italy, the Netherlands, and his native England, making his research truly cross-cultural. In 1683, he moved to London, where for a time he acted as Vice-President of the Royal Society and also as Censor of the Royal College of Physicians. From 1697 to 1698 he travelled abroad with Lord Portland, and retired finally

11 Huddesford separated four boxes of Lister ephemera from the main collection; Huddesford was using them to complete another edition of Lister’s Historiae Conchyliorum (1685–92; 1770). See Roos, “Discovery,” p. 127. 12 Bodl. MS Lister 34, 99r. 12 April 1683 from Tancred Robinson to Martin Lister. Robinson was relating Boyle’s comments to Lister about his recent publication on spa waters, De Fontibus (1682). 6 Introduction to Epsom, where he continued to transact voluminous correspondence. Lister was consulted by the great and the good about their health, serving as a Royal Physician to Queen Anne, a post sanctioned by his niece, Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, and he was held in high regard by an unusually broad range of contemporaries. His letters provide a unique window onto early enlightenment cultures of medicine and natural philosophy throughout the British Isles, continental Europe, and the Atlantic World. With the exception of those printed in the Philosophical Transactions and in the correspondences of friends such as John Ray, there has been no scholarly edition of Lister’s letters.13 This has led to the neglect of this centrally important archive. To remedy such a state of affairs, this work comprises the first volume of what will be a three-volume set of annotated transcriptions of Lister’s correspondence. This volume consists of correspondence dated from 1660 to 1677. The period includes Lister’s earliest correspondence as a fellow (via royal mandate in 1660) at St John’s College, Cambridge, his medical training in Montpellier from 1663 to 1666, and half of his years in practice as a physician in York (1670–1677).

Lister’s Biography (1639–1677): A Summary14

Some of the first of Lister’s extant letters were sent to him at St John’s College, Cambridge, where he was a fellow in the 1660s, from his mother Susanna Lister, née Temple (1600–1669), who was living at the family estates of Burwell, Lincolnshire. The only daughter of Sir Alexander Temple of Etchingham, Sussex, Susanna was a widow when she met Lister’s father, one Sir Martin Lister, a wealthy landowner and M.P. for Northamptonshire. In 1627 she had been married to Sir Gifford Thornhurst (1598–1627), Baronet, of Agnes Court, Kent, for all of two months before he died tragically young.15 Despite their short union, she gave hope of further issue, already having had one daughter, Frances Thornhurst, whose daughter Sarah would attain eminence as Duchess

13 See The Correspondence of John Ray, ed. Edwin Lankester (London: The Ray Society, 1848) and The Further Correspondence of John Ray, ed. R.W.T. Gunther (London: The Ray Society, 1928). Helen Watt and Brynley F. Roberts have provided transcriptions of Lister’s correspondence with Edward Lhwyd. See http://emlo.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/. See also The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, ed. Marie Boas Hall and A. Rupert Hall. 13 vols. (Madison and Milwaulkee, 1965–86). 14 For his complete biography, see Roos, Web of Nature from which this material is drawn. 15 Lyster-Denny, Memorials, pp. 215–216. Introduction 7 of Marlborough. As a young lady, Susanna was a maid of honor for Anne of Denmark, wife of James I, and was considered “the most distinguished beauty of her time.”16 Historian Jeffrey Carr speculates that Lister’s father, Sir Martin Lister, may have met Susanna through his uncle Matthew Lister, who was physician to Anne of Denmark.17 There are numerous surviving portraits of Susanna, the earliest a charming image by painter Cornelius Johnson (1593–1661). Born in London to Flemish parents, Johnson trained in Holland, and his numerous portraits of court society and rich gentry are characterized by individuality and sensitivity.18 One of Johnson’s earliest works, his portrait of Susanna is in a head-and-shoulders format set within an oval trompe l’œil opening, and painted to resemble a stone niche. She was twenty when she sat for Johnson, and wore a delicate and high lace ruff, a feather fascinator in her hair, with earrings that sported martlets, heraldic birds from the Temple coat-of-arms. Susanna’s frank appraisal of the viewer and the lovely youthful energy that emanates from the confines of the portrait made it a popular image, with Robert White reproducing her visage as an engraving. The engraving of Susanna appears in several collectors’ inven- tories, including Samuel Pepys’s library; Pepys was known to have an eye for court beauties and collected the early modern equivalent of “pin-up” girls.19 Lister’s father, Sir Martin Lister, was born into a distinguished medical family connected to high office and royalty. His two uncles, Matthew and Edward, served as Royal Physicians to Charles I; Sir Matthew was a devoted royalist, and delivered Queen Henrietta Maria’s last child amid the turmoil of the English Civil War. Sir Martin Lister had been at Trinity College, Oxford, taking his degree on 15 October 1619, and he was knighted by Charles I in 1625.20 Shortly afterwards, he married his first wife the Honorable Mary Wenman (d. ca. 1635) of Thame Park, Oxfordshire. Mary was the daughter of the local worthy Viscount Richard Wenman, and via her grandmother was distantly related to Edward III through his son Lionel Plantagenet.21 Their first child, Richard, was born at Ambrosden, Oxfordshire, on 17 July 1628 and, perhaps because of his wife, Sir Martin remained in the general area for quite some time, relocating to the neighboring county of Buckinghamshire, settling somewhere near the manor of Radclive, and becoming one of the patrons of the

16 Britton, Beauties, vol. 9, p. 777. 17 Carr, “The Biological Work,” p. 6. 18 Hearn, “Cornelius Johnson.” 19 Latham, Catalogue, pp. 95–96, entry no. 2979/176b. 20 Foster, Alumni Oxoniensies, vol. 4, p. 918. 21 For Mary Wenman’s pedigree, see Lyster-Denny, Memorials, p. 206. 8 Introduction living of Stoke Poges.22 He entered also into an indenture agreement with the Wenmans for lands in Brackley, Northamptonshire, immediately over the Buckinghamshire border.23 Martin became M.P. for Brackley in 1641. Although Sir Martin and Mary had three more daughters—Mary, Dorothy, and Agnes—the marriage was destined to be a short one as Mary died in childbirth in 1635. With four young children to raise, Sir Martin did not appear to spend a protracted period of time grieving but looked for a suitable partner who would be a loving mother and bring a sufficient dowry into the bargain. Susanna Temple seemed to fit the bill. During his second marriage, Sir Martin pursued a political career. Although his Uncle Matthew was a devoted royalist, Sir Martin was a parliamentarian, serving in the Long Parliament until August 1648. Whilst in Parliament, Sir Martin was on several financial committees involved in sequestering funds in 1643 and 1644 from imprisoned royalists, including his own uncle, although he shielded Matthew from the worst. In this capacity, Sir Martin often worked with Thomas Widdrington, who would serve later as Cromwell’s Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer and on the Council of State. Like Widdrington, Sir Martin refused to have any role in the trial of the king, although his brother-in- law, James Temple (1606–1674), was an Independent and one of the regicides. Sir Martin himself was also one of the Commissioners for raising troops in the West Riding of Yorkshire in 1645. His son by his first wife, Richard, was colonel of the trained bands of Leicestershire for Parliament during the war, and was a Parliamentary commissioner. In addition, in 1639, Sir Martin’s cousin Frances had married John Lambert, the Parliamentarian general under Cromwell, with Cromwell witnessing their marriage in Thornton-in-Craven church.24 This marriage continued a long-standing familial connection between the Lamberts and Listers that dated back to the early sixteenth century. Sir Martin’s father William had helped finance John Lambert’s education at Trinity College, Cambridge, and at the Inns of Court, and “the Lister network was essential to Lambert’s social and ideological development . . . not only at a personal level but in terms of his future standing and role in society.”25 Through the Listers, Lambert was related to Lord Ferdinando Fairfax of Denton Hall, who commanded the Northern Association Army at the start of the Civil War, as

22 Diocese of Lincoln Presentation Deed, 1630, n. 37, Lincolnshire Archives, Lincoln. 23 E(B) 672, 20 October 1643, Northamptonshire Record Office, Northampton. 24 Parish Register of Kirkby Malhamdale, p. 89. 25 Farr, “Education,” pp. 8–23; Farr, “Kin, cash,” pp. 44–62. See Farr, John Lambert, p. 16. Introduction 9 well as to his son Sir Thomas Fairfax who, later, commanded the New Model Army.26 After he inherited the manor at Thorpe Arnold, Leicestershire, in 1656, Sir Martin settled there until the Restoration. At that point, he moved to his estate in Burwell to escape political vicissitudes. In the midst of all this political maneuvering and displacement, Sir Martin and Susanna managed to have ten children, their fourth child being the Martin Lister of this edition. Little is known about Martin Lister’s upbringing, but it is certain that, as a younger brother who would not inherit the bulk of the estate, he would receive an education to prepare him for a profession. Correspondence from his mother indicates that despite highly irregular spelling and spindly handwriting, she was quite literate, so it is entirely probable that she introduced Martin to the rudiments of reading and was responsible for his basic religious and moral education through the psalms and the testament.27 It is possible also that Martin had a private tutor from an early age to help him “tackle reading and writing separately and in sequence”; the antiquarian Anthony à Wood stated that Martin’s great uncle Matthew, the Royal Physician, supervised his education closely and certainly he would have had the means to provide such private instruction.28 After two to three years of reading and penmanship practice to learn to “lean softly upon his pen,” Martin went to the grammar school at Melton Mowbray, two miles down the road from Thorpe Arnold.29 After completing his education at Melton, at the age of sixteen Martin was admitted to St John’s College, Cambridge.30 Melton School seems to have had a special link with St John’s, many of its graduates attending university there, and Martin was no exception. He was admitted as a pensioner in 1655, and his tutor was Henry Paman (1623–1695), the Linacre professor of “physick.” As an undergraduate, Martin would have received a general education in the liberal arts, attending lectures in classics, ethics, logic, metaphysics, divinity, mathematics, philosophy, and astronomy. In doing so, he received a “generous Education in all kinds of Learning, for improving the Mind and Understanding, and enabling of it to exercise such a piercing Judgment and large Comprehension

26 Farr, John Lambert, p. 17. The kinship was through a branch of the Listers in Westby in the West Riding of Yorkshire. 27 Mendelson and Crawford, Women, p. 82. 28 Cressy, Literacy, p. 20. Wood, Athaenae Oxonienses, vol. 2, p. 308. 29 Hoole in his A New Discovery, p. 22, states “for thus learning to read English perfectly I allow two or three years time so that at seven or eight years of age a child may begin Latin”; cited in Cressy, Education, 75. 30 Mayor, ed., Admissions, p. 122. 10 Introduction of so subtile and numerous natures and things whereof is requisite to the Art of Physick.”31 There was little or no formal instruction in medicine and, even as late as 1702, the University calendar noted that “A student of medicine in this University is not required to attend any lectures but is left to acquire his knowledge from such sources as his discretion may point out.”32 As his interests in “physick” grew, Martin may have sought advice or informal instruction from Francis Glisson, who held the Cambridge Regius Professorship from 1636 to 1677, and who was one of the rare exceptions to the mediocrities who taught the medical course. The ten volumes of his papers that have survived testify to the care with which he taught his students, as well as to the innovative nature of his research, lectures, and formal disputations.33 Martin may also have received such an education informally from his tutor Henry Paman, the renowned physician and book collector. Paman’s bibliophilia and breadth of interests seem to have inspired Martin Lister, who also demonstrated virtuosity in a variety of fields, and who, in turn, collected books with fervor, eventually leaving his library, as had his tutor, to a variety of institutions. In his correspondence and political behavior, Paman demonstrated an avowed loyalism to the Stuarts and was a devout Anglican. In his letters to Archbishop William Sancroft, Paman lamented the Calvinist religious services instituted at Trinity College, Cambridge during the Protectorate under the mastership of Thomas Hill. Subsequently Paman rejoiced when, by the late 1650s, “the religious atmosphere at Trinity had shifted away from sectarian Puritanism.”34 Paman wrote, “After soe long banishment the common prayer last Thursday at night entered into Tr: Chappell, and has once more consecrated it. Dr. Hill next morning they say snuffed; Hee thought sure his incense would not ascend with strange fire, and presently swept the chappell with an exposition.”35 Later, Paman would resign his professorship after Sancroft refused to swear an oath of loyalty to the newly installed William III.36

31 Goddard, Discourse, p. 12. 32 Winstanley, Unreformed Cambridge, p. 61. See also Rolleston, Cambridge Medical School, p. 17. 33 BL MS Sloane 3306–15. See Frank, “Science, Medicine,” p. 208. 34 Feingold, Before, p. 31. 35 “Letter from Henry Paman to William Sancroft, 2 March 1653,” BL MS Harley 3783 f. 90 r. For an analysis of the religious atmosphere at Trinity in the 1640s and 1650s see Hammond, “Dryden and Trinity,” pp. 35–57. 36 Moore, “Paman, Henry,” rev. Bevan, Oxford DNB. Introduction 11

Like Paman, Martin Lister was also a royalist and an Anglican, and, though some of his beliefs may have been due to the influence of his great-uncle Matthew, it is possible that Paman may have shaped the thinking of his student; St John’s was the most avowedly royalist of all the colleges in Cambridge in the civil-war era.37 During the Civil War, many Royalists at Cambridge had abandoned a career in the church or in government, pursuing scientific studies or medicine. In 1657, physician and natural philosopher Walter Charleton wrote “Our late Warrs and Schism, having almost wholly discouraged men from the study of Theologie; and brought the Civil Law into contempt: the major part of young Schollers in our Universities addict themselves to Physick.”38 Another commentator, Robert Sparkling, wrote “For Cambridge can never forget, that when her Theology and Law lay bleeding and expiring by the Swords of Rebels and Usurpers, Physic alone praeserved her perishing fame alive.”39 So, Martin may have pursued medicine not only out of personal interest; certainly through his great-uncle Matthew, Martin had the right connections and loyalties to be given by “his Majesties’ Command” a fellowship in physick at St John’s on 31 August 1660 on account of his “learning, civill behavior, and abilities.” Despite the fact that other candidates who had been ejected previously by Parliament in 1644–1645 and 1650–1651 were waiting to be restored to their fellowships, Lister’s appointment was made immediately “to the first voyd place.”40 Martin was a popular fellow at St John’s, forming several close friendships, his correspondence showing one in particular with Thomas Briggs, another fellow in physick.41 Briggs, appointed in 1661, served as the junior bursar with Henry Paman that year, and was also of royalist persuasion. He published a Latin broadside poem in 1660 drawing a correlation between the reestablished rule of Charles II, the Restoration settlement, and natural order, commenting Natura fecit sceptra, moderatur Deus [Nature has made the scepters, God guides].42 Briggs and Lister wrote frequently when Lister made his journeys to Burwell to visit family, as well as when Lister left Cambridge to study in France,

37 Gascoigne, Cambridge, pp. 61–62. 38 Feingold, Before, p. 33. 39 Feingold, Before, p. 33. 40 “Cartularies and registers of college lands and goods, 1250–1841,” St John’s College Archives, Cambridge, C7.16, f. 420. The letter of royal mandate in the archives is a copy made for the college’s letter books. Leedham-Green, A Short History, p. 84. 41 Le Neve and Hardy, Fasti Ecclesiae, p. 638. 42 Briggs, Primaeva, frontispiece. Literally, nature has made the sceptres, but God guides or moderates. Monarchical power (represented by the sceptre) though conferred by nature via the accidents of birth is moderated and guided by God. 12 Introduction

Briggs handling his bills of exchange in his role as senior bursar.43 Even several years later, in 1673, when both Lister and Briggs had long left Cambridge, his old friend continued to write to him, asking “I would fayne know whether yu can give mee any fresher hopes of seeing yu that wee might discourse our old storyes and bee once more happy againe.”44 Martin also kept an active correspondence with his family, the letters showing him as a lively young man who was cherished by his family and friends and who was often sent tokens of their esteem. Lister sent his younger sister Jane perfume and books, and a number of food parcels from his mother made their way from Burwell to St John’s, including a “goose pye with a ducke in the belly,” and “the best venison we can get you, for the keeper . . . is so weake and lasie that he can get no does killed so that my husband is out of patience.”45 Venison was, perhaps, something Martin could not get readily in the dining hall, as it was a frequent request. A bit of an invalid herself at this stage in her life, Susanna also fussed over her son’s health; he was having trouble with asthma and hurt his arm, and her letters of motherly concern with their idiosyncratic spelling were frequent. Susanna mentioned also in her correspondence that her “daughter Hamellton,” delivered a stillborn baby that was nine weeks premature and that “Sister Gregory” had given birth to a son.46 “Daughter Hamellton” was Frances Jennings (1649–1731), Susanna’s granddaughter by her first marriage. Frances was the older sister of Sarah Jennings (1660–1744), who would become Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough and who would exchange correspondence with Martin Lister throughout her exceptional life. On 30 May 1667, Martin received his first letter from the seven-year-old Sarah with a rather unusual gift—a red wax seal with several blue silks, which still survives attached to her note. The gift, described by her mother as a “bonde seal,” and as a “tockenne” from “litell Sarey,” would serve as a “wides” or widow’s mite until she herself was able to pay her respects in a more substantive manner.47 Frances, for her part, married Sir George Hamilton (1621–1676), a count and Maréchal de Camp. Before her marriage, Frances was a maid of honor at court and described as “La Belle Jenyns”; Philibert, Comte de Grammont, compared

43 Briggs was junior bursar from 1661–1662, and then senior bursar from 1662–1668. My thanks to Malcolm Underwood, the archivist at St John’s College, Cambridge, for this information. 44 Bodl. MS Lister 3, fol. 23r. 45 Bodl. MS Lister 4, fol. 93r. 46 Bodl. MS Lister 4, fol. 84r. 47 Bodl. MS Lister 4, fols 47–48. Introduction 13 her (rather disingenuously) to Aurora.48 After such a notorious life at court, of course Frances managed to get married but, by 1676, she was widowed with three children after Sir George was killed while serving under Luxembourg at Zebersteeg. When Charles II heard of her plight, his sympathy was such that he created her Countess of Bantry. “Sister Gregory”, on the other hand, had a rather more typical, quieter, and financially comfortable life as a member of the landed gentry. She was Lister’s sister Susanna who married George Gregory, who would become the High Sheriff of Nottingham in 1668.49 Her marriage settlement shows she brought a dowry of £1,500, paid by Sir Martin to Gregory at £100 per year for fifteen years.50 The only letter from her to Lister that survives described the death from smallpox of their sister Barbara and her interment at Burwell; Jane was apparently visiting and had escaped the disease.51 Susanna then noted “Mr Gregory has promised me that I shall see you this summer which doe please me very much.”52 Lister’s interest in medicine necessitated a long period of study away from home. Under the ancient statutes of the university, a medical student was required to take an arts degree before beginning medical studies. The Elizabethan statutes of 1570 removed this requirement; students were allowed to take the M.B. as their first degree after six years residence, or they had the choice of taking their B.A. and M.A. before proceeding to medical studies. Both Oxford and Cambridge “demanded a total of approximately fourteen years of study from the time a young man matriculated, seven in the arts course, and seven in medicine.”53 Many candidates realized it was cheaper and more efficient to travel to Europe where medical training and the degree could be obtained more quickly, usually with a comparable or even superior medical faculty.54 Medical education at Oxford and Cambridge, despite advances by Sydenham, Harvey, and Willis, also remained resolutely conservative, concen- trating upon the dictates of Hippocrates and Galen. Frank stated that:

48 Hamilton, Memoirs, p. 171. 49 See Lyster-Denny, Memorials, p. 217. 50 “Settlement on the marriage of George Gregory, Esq. with Susanna Lister,” 21 April 1662, 1. PG. 3/5/1/3, Lincolnshire Archives, Lincoln. 51 Bodl. MS Lister 4, fol. 37. 52 Bodl. MS Lister 4, fol. 37. 53 Frank, “Science, Medicine,” p. 207. 54 Axtell, “Education and Status,” p. 144. 14 Introduction

with few exceptions, the Regius Professors of Medicine at both universities during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries were mediocre occupants of a recognized sinecure. Under such circumstances . . . the statutory lecture course for medicine was distinctly less innovative than it could have been.55

It is little wonder that, as Axtell has noted, of the “255 fellows and candidates of the College [of Physicians] for whom the College historian William Munk has information from 1632 to 1688 . . . a little more than half, received their M.D. from Oxford (58) or Cambridge (78).”56 The rest did their medical training abroad. Martin took this option. In 1663, he decided to continue his studies in Montpellier, although he never formally received his degree at the University there. In doing so, he was part of a time- honored tradition in the early modern period, as medicine was the subject for which foreign travel was most valuable; students brought back new techniques, knowledge, and materia medica to their homeland. Indeed, Thomas Bartholin in the 1670s when recalling his own peregrinatio medica noted, “Today there are many travellers; indeed, it seems as if the whole of Europe is on the move.”57 During his three years in France, Lister kept a detailed journal in an almanac published as Every Man’s Companion: Or, A useful Pocket-Book58 and another twenty-five pages of memoirs about his time in Montpellier are extant.59 These sources give valuable context to Lister’s letters from the period, as he not only noted letters he received and sent, but indicated which books he read and recorded some of his daily activities. As a foreigner and a Protestant, Lister could not enroll formally at the university, but, together with other foreign students, he belonged to an academy and could observe closely what was taking place in studies in medicine and natural philosophy at the university. The course attracted students from across the Continent and England and was “considered at that time to be the best for preliminary medical studies.”60 Montpellier was a popular choice for English medical students, not only affording the chance to learn the French language and politesse, but possessing

55 Frank, “Science, Medicine,” p. 208. 56 Axtell, “Education and Status,” p. 144. 57 Bartholin, On medical travel, p. 47. 58 Bodl. MS Lister 19. 59 Bodl. MS Lister 5. The editor has transcribed MS Lister 19 and MS Lister 5 with full scholarly apparatus at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk. 60 Mellick, “Sir Thomas Browne,” p. 432. Introduction 15 also a fine university and renowned academies for foreign students in a beautiful setting. Montpellier’s reputation rested to some degree on its facilities, especially its Jardin des Plantes, founded by Henry IV in 1593 and first directed by Pierre Richer de Belleval, the chair holder in anatomy and botany from 1593 to 1632. The oldest in France, these gardens would be reorganized eventually by the great botanist Pierre Magnol (1683–1715), who had received his M.D. shortly before Lister’s arrival. Magnol was the first to publish the concept of plant families as we know them, and he separated the garden into the eighteen known medical and “therapeutic duties” of plants.61 Clearly, at Montpellier, medical professors were “eager to show students examples of the simples used in their medicines, a knowledge that doctors had previously been expected to learn on their own.”62 Montpellier was known also for the diverse arrangements established in the town for clinical, pharmacological, and anatomical instruction. When visiting Montpellier in the 1660s, John Ray noted the “number of Apothecaries in this little City is scarce credible, there being 130 shops, and yet all find something to do.”63 Many offered private lessons to aspiring medics. Indeed, as usual for medical students at the time, Lister’s correspondence reveals he lodged with an apothecary, one Monsieur Jean Fargeon, arriving on 18 January 1664 to the shop in the Grande Rue, which was across from the Traverse des Grenadiers and adjacent to the Cheval Blanc.64 Jean Fargeon was an “apothecary and performer of royal privilege.” As Elizabeth de Feydeau stated, by “1668 he had perfected the recipes of a large number of products, classed according to usage as either ‘compositions for health’ or ‘perfumes for embellishment’.”65 Under the instruction of Fargeon, Lister could thus see the plant in vivo in the garden, and in vitro in the apothecary’s shop. This hands-on approach was typical of education in Montpellier. Montpellier was unusual in having “no arts faculty to serve its propedeutic needs,” and there was a long tradition there of “practical

61 See Magnol, Hortus Regius and Bertrand, “Les herbiers,” pp. 271–292. 62 Cook, “Physicians and Natural History,” p. 96. See also Lewis, “Debt of John Ray,” pp. 323–29. 63 Ray, Observations Topographical, p. 454. 64 The master apothecary Henri Verchant arranged Lister’s stay with Fargeon. See his letter to Lister of 31 May 1664. The Protestant Verchant hosted many Englishmen; both John Locke and Hans Sloane stayed with him in Montpellier. See Whittet, “Apothecaries,” pp. 5–6. 65 De Feydeau, A Scented Palace, p. 9. By the eighteenth century the Fargeons would reori- ent their family business, and Jean-Louis Fargeon would become the official perfumer for Marie Antoinette. 16 Introduction medicine which did not lay great stress on the Aristotelian logic behind medical precepts.”66 In addition to the traditional medical texts by Hippocrates and Galen, and Dioscorides’s De Re Medica, students at Montpellier were exposed to the new theories of chemical medicine, vitalism, and Cartesian philosophy. Lister was in the midst of an intellectual transition between traditional and non-Galenic medicine, learning the ancient principles of humoral medicine, sympathy, and antipathy, as well as reading revolutionary works in physiology and philosophy. In December 1665, he met the Danish physician Nicholas Steensen (1638– 1686), known as Steno, who had published treatises on muscle contraction67 and was known already for his discovery of the duct of the parotid salivary gland (Steno’s duct). Steno and Lister performed a dissection of an ox head in the study of Robert Bruce, the first Earl of Ailesbury and second Earl of Elgin. Ailesbury evinced interest in natural philosophy throughout his life and was made a member of the Royal Society in 1685. As Iliffe has noted, Lister secured the introduction to the Earl as a result of his family connections to Sir Matthew Lister; in a manuscript entitled “Adversaria,”68 Lister wrote “I made my reverence to my Lord of Alsbury, who was infinitely civil to me upon my Unkle Sr. Matth. Listers memory.”69 Lister would assist Steno in four dissections in the Earl of Ailesbury’s study; he praised Steno’s technique that was “neat and clever” and stated “I observed in him (very much) of the Galant and honist Man as the French say, as well as of the Schollar.”70 Lister was especially fasci- nated by Steno’s dissections of the lacteals in the intestines of a dog and by his experiments with the passage of blood and chyle through the digestive system; in the 1680s Lister would repeat these experiments collaborating with William Musgrave, the secretary of the Royal Society.71 It was also during his time at Montpellier that Lister met John Ray (1627– 1705), the eminent naturalist and botanist, and Ray’s pupil, the wealthy Francis Willughby (1635–1672) of Trinity College Cambridge, who was undertaking his own Grand Tour. Willughby’s observations would result later in the first

66 Maclean, Logic, Signs, and Nature, p. 30. 67 Kardel, “Introduction,” Steno on Muscles, p. 26. 68 Iliffe, “Foreign bodies,” p. 300. The Adversaria are in Bodl. MS Lister 5. Adversaria is Bodleian MS Lister 5. 69 Bodl. MS Lister 5, fol. 223v. 70 Bodl. MS Lister 5, fols 224v–226v. 71 Bodl. MS Lister 5, fol. 225; Lister, “An Extract of a Letter,” pp. 6–9; Musgrave, “A Letter,” pp. 812–819. Chyle is a milky bodily fluid consisting of emulsified fats and lymph formed in the small intestine during digestion of fatty foods. The fat is then transported to the blood and lymph where it is deposited in the liver and in adipose tissue. Introduction 17 scientific work of ornithology which organized species according to their physical characteristics—Ornithologia libri tres (1676).72 Although Lister and Ray were at Cambridge at the same time, Ray being a fellow and tutor in Greek, Mathematics, and Humanities at Trinity College from 1649 to 1662, there is no evidence to suggest that they had met before Lister was in France. Previously Ray had taken three different journeys throughout the greater part of Great Britain to botanize, two of them accompanied by Willughby and, in 1660, Ray published the result of their research in his Catalogue of English Plants.73 In December 1665 Lister recorded a series of conversations with Ray who informed him he had not found any plant in France that he could not find in England, “soe that he knew not scarce any one plant which he could call properly English.”74 Lister noted that Ray did seem “pretty well satisfied concerning the Plants of Europe and that he beleeved he had seen the greatest share of them growing in their natural soiles and places of birth.”75 Lister also mingled with Ray’s other friends and colleagues in Montpellier. These included Dr. William Croone; Sir Thomas Crew; Philip Skippon, one of Ray’s former students, Gilbert Havers and Peter Vivian, fellows at Trinity College, Cambridge; Francis Jessop from Sheffield with whom Ray stayed in England in 1668 and with whom Lister would subsequently correspond; and Samuel Howlett, a fellow of St John’s with whom Lister was acquainted previously.76 Lister noted that he and his colleagues discussed with a Montpellier physician and Huguenot, one Dr Joly, the relative merits and disadvantages of English and French medicine, and that the virtuosi met to perform a variety of chymical experiments.77 With these companions, subsequently Lister went on a natural-history tour in Languedoc and Rousillon, and formed an especially close friendship with John Ray. Skippon related that they rode a short distance outside Montpellier, to Frontignan, where they dined and enjoyed the rich muscat wine of the region, and “then rode along the beach

72 Willughby’s manorial home, Wollaton Hall in Nottinghamshire, is still extant and houses, appropriately enough, a fine natural-history collection. The University of Nottingham Archives holds Willughby’s personal papers and notes in the Middleton Collection. For a short but comprehensive biography of Willughby, see the introduction to Cram, Forgeng, and Johnston, eds, Willughby’s Book of Games. 73 Derham, Select, p. 24. 74 Bodl. MS Lister 5, fols 215r–v as quoted in Iliffe, “Foreign bodies,” p. 360. 75 Bodl. MS Lister 5, fols 215r–v as quoted in Iliffe, “Foreign bodies,” p. 361. 76 Raven, John Ray, p. 137. Most of the accounts of their journey are taken from Skippon, “An Account of a Journey,” vol. 6, pp. 714–735. Skippon lists the English expatriates in Montpellier on p. 714. 77 Bodl. MS Lister 5, fols 221–223, fols 225–226. 18 Introduction between the estang and the sea to a cape . . . where rare plants grow, viz, Uva marina, Alypum M. Ceti, etc.”78 Uva marina is ephedra distachya or, as the French called it, “raisin of the sea.” Their idyllic travels to sample wine and to collect specimens came to a sudden end. On 1 February 1666, Louis XIV, in preparation for the War of Devolution, ordered all Englishmen to leave France within three months. In this way Lister’s studies at Montpellier were peremptorily finished, and he left for Lyon, accompanied by Francis Jessop, physician Henry Sampson, Peter Vivian, and Sir Thomas Crew. Lister met Ray and Skippon and “Dr Moulins” (or Du Moulin, the Scotsman James Milne from Aberdeen) there before they all proceeded on horseback from Lyon to Paris. Later Lister would correspond with Du Moulin concerning his French translation of the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society.79 Arriving on 16 March, they stayed two weeks, catching a glimpse of Louis XIV en promenade to Versailles—the Sun King was in an open chariot.80 While in Paris, the group of young naturalists met Dionys Joncquet, a professor in the Jardin des Plantes, who wrote a magisterial catalogue of the 4,000 plants grown there. Founded in 1626 as a garden primarily dedicated to medicinal plants, the Jardin Royal hosted courses on botany, zoology, and forestry, nearly “all branches of natural history.”81 Along with the garden at Montpellier, it was considered an essential stop for any botanical explorer, part of a network of collections and curiosity cabinets that genteel collectors and natural historians would visit. Lister and Ray met Guy Crescent Fagon (1638–1715), a court physician described by Ray as “a very ingenious person and skilful herbarist who had the greatest hand in the editing of the Catalogue of the Physic Garden then put forth and was employed in the laboratory and apothecary shop.”82 Later, in 1693, Fagon would be appointed to be keeper of the Montpellier Botanic Garden by Jean-Baptiste Colbert, expanding it immensely, and growing and distributing the first coffee plants in France.

78 Skippon, “Account,” p. 714. Skippon is describing the Étang de Thau, a string of lakes or étangs that stretch along the Languedoc-Roussillon French coast. Alypum montis Ceti is better known as gutwort or Globularia globularia alypum, a purgative and diuretic. It can grow in Europe, but it is far more common in Northern Africa, particularly Tunisia. 79 Skippon, “Account,” p. 733. For more on Moulin, see Morris, “Identity of Jacques du Moulin,” pp. 1–10. 80 Stearns, ed., Journey, p. xxiii. 81 Schiebinger, Plants, p. 36. 82 Raven, John Ray, p. 138. Introduction 19

Before he left France, Lister still had one final thing to accomplish and, it had to do with a woman. In Lyon he wrote a letter addressed to a mademoiselle who seems to have been his first significant love; the draft copy survives in his papers.83 Lister wrote: “Mademoiselle, I did not know how to leave France without saying farewell to you once again in writing. I have you so much in my heart and your courtesies will be forever in my memory in whatever country I dwell. I may be returning home, but I will eagerly await news of you there. Cursed war! How you give me pain as I tear myself from my delights. This is for you and for everything beautiful in Montpelier. Do not be content with sharing my [affections] with such a beautiful town. Pray do me the honor of your remembrance from time to time. I will see if there are means by which you may have my letters. I end, Mademoiselle, your very humble very obedient and very [devoted] servant.” We do not know whether he sent the letter or if she ever replied, but we do know that he kept this draft until his death. Upon his return to England in 1666, Lister remained as fellow at Cambridge for a further two years. It was in this period that Lister began a long correspondence with John Ray, who became his mentor in matters of natural history. Not only indicative of a warm friendship—Lister acted as consulting physician when Ray suffered from sexual dysfunction in the early months of his marriage—their letters are a treasure trove of locality records for flora and fauna, as the two naturalists exchanged sightings and specimens; Ray completed his Cambridge Catalogue of Plants in 1660, and was working on a larger flora for England. As Oswald and Preston have noted, Ray “tried hard to improve the treatment of some of the groups which are clearly inadequately covered in the Cambridge Catalogue.”84 In June 1667, Ray wrote to Lister “I could wish you would take a little pains this summer about grasses, that so we might compare notes, for I would fain clear and complete their history.” Lister provided Ray with several Cambridgeshire plant records for his catalogue, and the correspondence reveals that by December 1669 Ray was able to send the text of his catalogue to Lister for comments.85 In this period, Ray was working also with Francis Willughby on a combined work of ornithology to which Lister made several contributions. Lister provided a definitive identification of “heath throstles” (ring ouzels), which he spotted in Carleton-in-Craven, Yorkshire, and Ray provided in the preface to the Ornithology “two or three Observations communicated by Mr. Martin Lister

83 Bodleian MS Lister 2, fol. 178, Lister’s letter of February 1666. transcribed and translated in this volume. 84 Oswald and Preston, ed. Cambridge Catalogue (1660), p. 67. 85 Oswald and Preston, ed. Cambridge Catalogue (1660), p. 20. 20 Introduction of York, my honoured Friend,” which included the feeding habits of Buntings and Robins, and an experiment for which Lister “subtracted daily” a Swallow’s egg, spurring her to lay “nineteen successively.”86 The Ray-Lister correspondence also revealed the tropes of polite discourse about natural philosophy in the late seventeenth century as well as the shifting boundaries between private epistles and public discoveries within the republic of letters. As Robert Hatch has indicated, the republic of letters was based upon group virtues taken from the ethos of early modern gentlemanly behavior, serving in theory to “minimize competition, conflict, and threats of external control,” but in reality, epistolary discourse exposed unequal relations and the disputes over the priority of scientific discovery.87 In the course of their written exchange, Ray inadvertently caused a priority dispute over spider gossamer between Lister and Dr. Edward Hulse. In the Lister-Ray correspondence, as Lister developed into a significant natural philosopher in his own right, we find that, between the two, standards of truth, friendship, and power were re- negotiated continually. In the course of the spider gossamer dispute, Lister published a paper—his first—in the Philosophical Transactions concerning sinistral snails and spider ballooning (1669) and by doing so he established a long and voluminous correspondence with the Royal Society’s secretary, Henry Oldenburg (1619– 1677). Ultimately Lister would publish over sixty papers in the Philosophical Transactions well as several books under the Royal Society’s imprimatur. As his letters reveal, Lister’s paper was followed by another containing his taxonomy of spiders, the first dedicated to English arachnids, which differed substantially from that of Renaissance naturalists. He placed arachnids in a larger scheme of nature, ordering spiders not just in lists according to external appearance, but also in detailed hierarchical schemes, which related their behavior to their classification, something quite new. Lister’s spider taxonomy considered how they spun their webs and how they reproduced (either with penis or palp), characteristics used by modern entomologists. He also discovered and classified the subspecies of ballooning spiders that use their silk to fly, describing them in his letter to Ray as, “shooting forth a thread in exactly the way a

86 For the reference to health throstles, see Bodl. MS Lister 5, fol. 113r; Ray and Willughby, “Preface,” to Ornithology, pp. 6–7. 87 Robert Hatch, “The Scientific Revolution: Correspondence Networks,” http://www.clas .ufl.edu/users/ufhatch/pages/03-sci-rev/SCI-REV-Home/resource-ref-read/correspond- net/08sr-crrsp.htm [accessed 2 December 2012]. See also Daston, “The Ideal and Reality of the Republic of Letters in the Enlightenment” pp. 367–386. Introduction 21 lusty lad expels urine from his swollen bladder . . . bearing themselves over tall trees.”88 In 1669, Lister resigned his fellowship to marry Hannah Parkinson the following year. Hannah was related to the royal herbalist John Parkinson (1567–1650), a friend of Lister’s great uncle and court physician Matthew Lister. Lister’s correspondence indicates that he became the head of a large and growing family, with Ray often asking when Hannah was “in the straw” or about to go into labor. Subsequently Martin Lister established a medical practice in York, and pursued natural history, medical, and antiquarian studies, which would lead to his election as a Royal Society Fellow in 1671. Until 1683, Lister practised medicine in York, and his correspondence from this period demonstrates that he was at the center of a group of fellow natural philosophers, artists, and antiquarians known as the York Virtuosi. They met at glass painter Henry Gyles’s home on York’s Lendall Street, and the group included (amongst others) the antiquarians and collectors John and Ralph Thoresby, the artists and early scientific illustrators William Lodge and Francis Place, as well as instrument makers Thomas and Joshua Mann. Lister and his fellow virtuosi distilled formic acid from ants, attempted to recreate Chinese porcelain, produced some of the first mezzotints, and reported their results to the Philosophical Transactions. Their correspondence demonstrates that one member, Thomas Kirke, provided Lister with descriptions of the flora and fauna of Scotland and Ireland during his travels there, and some members of the virtuosi, such as the artist William Lodge, provided scientific illustrations and publishing expertise for Lister’s early scientific publications. Another northern virtuoso, Francis Jessop of Broom Hall Sheffield, used Lister as a go-between for a dispute about cycloid curves he was having with the renowned mathematician and F.R.S. John Wallis (1616–1703).

Lister’s Correspondence in Historical Context

Through his correspondence, Lister became connected with natural philosophers of both peripheral and central importance. Lister’s full participation in the Republic of Letters was at first mediated by Henry Oldenburg. As Royal Society secretary, he patiently encouraged the work of “isolated provincials” like Lister, “bringing London and Royal Society values to isolated clergymen,

88 See Lister’s letter to Ray of 22 November 1668. 22 Introduction medical men, and gentlemen.”89 Oldenburg prompted Lister to contribute his work in natural history to the Philosophical Transactions, particularly his theories about the circulation of sap in plants. Work on the circulation of the blood by William Harvey (1578–1657), and Marcello Malpighi’s (1628–94) experiments with capillaries further encouraged botanists to speculate if plants circulated sap as animals circulated blood. Although the writings of Aristotle and Theophrastus claimed that plants only had an insensitive vegetative soul, and thus exhibited only passive responses of nutrition and reproduction, Lister believed that plants were more analogous to animals physiologically and admitted the possibility of plant sensation. Lister’s argument resulted from his typical integration of natural history and medicine. The burgeoning numbers of studies in plant and animal anatomy and taxonomy in the seventeenth century suggested such a correspondence, as several species imported from the New World seemed to transverse boundaries between animal, mineral, and vegetable. An example was the discovery in South and Central America of the “sensitive plant,” or mimosa pudica whose compound leaves fold inward and droop when touched, re-opening within minutes; in fact, one of the first tasks given to the Royal Society by King Charles II was to understand why the sensitive plant responded to touch.90 As the topic was of central importance to the Royal Society’s research programme, Oldenburg thus encouraged Lister in his microscopic observations of plant anatomy, and in his work with Willughby and Ray in ligaturing plants at different seasons and temperatures to measure sap flow. To keep him informed about the most recent research findings, Lister’s friend Sir John Brooke (ca. 1635–1691), first Baronet, F.R.S., and M.P. for Boroughbridge, North Yorkshire, and a member of the York Virtuosi, also included in his letters to Lister abstracts of the minutes of Royal Society meetings and enclosed copies of the latest scientific books from the continent. And Lister repaid the favors he received In 1674, Lister wrote to Henry Oldenburg about a new method of making glass of antimony for telescopic mirrors, using Derbyshire cawk or barite as a flux. His findings were published, and subsequently Sir Isaac Newton requested samples of the cawk and antimony from Lister through the latter’s fellow York virtuoso Nathaniel Johnston. An analysis of Lister’s paper and Johnston’s correspondence and its context reveals insights not only about Newton’s work with telescopic specula but also about his alchemical investigations using unrefined metallic ores.91 Thus, although

89 Hall, Oldenburg: Shaping the Royal Society, p. 131, p. 133. 90 Webster, “Recognition of Plant Sensitivity,” p. 6. 91 Roos, “A speculum.” Introduction 23

Lister’s cawk proved “not proper for mirrors”, his correspondence network resulted in him performing experiments in York that inspired chymical work by more exalted peers in Cambridge. In fact, Brooke remarked in a letter to Lister, “my Frend told me yesterday (a member of the Society), Mr Oldenburg, is frequently oblig’d to Dr Lister, for the best Remarks, that his Philosophical Transactions affords.”92 This state of affairs is not surprising. Anne Goldgar has demonstrated that in the early modern period, a reputation for virtue was accumulated through an individual’s status as a man of learning, and the farther afield he was known, the greater his personal credit at home.93 Although some travelled distances to establish reputations in the “commerce” of scholarship where exchange of information was paramount, others, like Lister during his years in York, wrote many letters instead. Having large numbers of far-flung social contacts also engendered scientific creativity. In their studies of scientific networks and innovation, Bruno Latour, Hal Cook, and David Lux have demonstrated that “new information and ideas . . . tend to come from people with many weak social bonds.”94 In particular, Cook and Lux have demonstrated that Royal Society virtuosi of the late seventeenth century collected and verified new “matters of fact” by establishing contacts that created a “minimal level of personal relationship” yet provided important information.95 This was the strategy, with far-flung correspondence to collect and interpret information about the natural world, that Lister used when he was in York; it was also the strategy that Newton used when requesting cawk to accomplish his rather more important investigations. Thus, Lister’s letters from the first part of his career assist our understanding of the nature of networks in the early “scientific revolution” in England within and beyond the confines of the fledgling Royal Society, something Lister himself well recognized. In 1698, more than twenty years after Oldenburg’s death, Lister wrote a tribute to the Royal Society secretary, commenting on his contributions to the success of the Philosophical Transactions as a “register” of scientific observation: I heard Mr Oldenburgh say, who began this Noble Register, that he held Correspondence with seventy odd Persons in all Parts of the World, and those be sure with others: I ask’d him what Method he used to answer so great variety of Subjects, and such a quantity of Letters as he must receive weekly; for I new he never failed, because I had the Honour of his Correspondence for Ten or

92 Bodleian MS Lister 34, f. 63v. 93 Goldgar, Impolite learning, 134. 94 Lux and Cook, “Closed circles,” p. 182; Latour, Science in action. 95 Lux and Cook, “Closed circles,” p. 182. 24 Introduction

Twelve Years. He told me he made one Letter answer another, and that to be always fresh, he never read a Letter before he had Pen, Ink and Paper ready to answer it forthwith; so that the multitude of his Letters cloy’d him not, or ever lay upon his hands.96 Lister’s comments, as well as his own correspondence also point to the larger importance of the Republic of Letters in the early modern scientific commu- nity, particularly in the development of natural history and taxonomy. Lister’s techniques to classify spiders and molluscs involved novel taxonomic methods and information retrieval which served as a conceptual bridges between Renaissance naturalists and eighteenth-century investigators like Linnaeus and Buffon. To assist him with his work, live snails were sent to him in strawberry baskets lined with damp moss for safekeeping, ores were carefully wrapped in papers and put in the post, sketches and copper plate engravings of hummingbirds, spider webs, and fossils crowded his correspondence. In creating his own small natural history museum, Lister was participating in a widespread “culture of collection” and acquisitiveness in the early modern period.97 His acqui- sitions, however, were inseparable from the seventeenth-century Republic of Letters; his work, education, and correspondence represented a cross-cultural exchange of knowledge and specimens between English, French, and colonial natural historians. Lister’s correspondence thus serves as an especially apt case study for the Republic’s norms and systems of patronage.

A Note on the Ray Letters

There are several extant letters in this volume between Lister and his mentor John Ray. The Ray-Lister letters themselves have a rather fraught history. The Reverend William Derham (1657–1735), antiquarian, natural philosopher, and clergyman, succeeded Ray’s close associate Samuel Dale (1659–1759) as the

96 Lister, Journey to Paris, p. 78. 97 The literature on the history of museums and collecting in the early modern period has grown vast, so the following are a select few of the works that have influenced my research. Kenneth Arnold, Cabinets for the Curious: Looking Back at Early English Museums. (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006); Paula Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley: University of Chicago Press, 1996); Arthur MacGregor, Curiosity and Enlightenment: Collectors and Collections from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007); Marjorie Swann, Curiosities and Texts: The Culture of Collecting in Early Modern England. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001). Introduction 25 custodian of Ray’s manuscripts.98 Derham used these primary sources in his first edition of Ray’s correspondence, the Philosophical Letters between the Late Learned Mr Ray and Several of his Correspondents . . . (1718). After Derham’s death in 1735, the letters were also subsequently utilised by the nephew of Derham’s wife, George Scott, of Woolston Hall, to publish the Select remains of the learned John Ray in 1760.99 The Ray-Lister correspondence gives ample evidence of their editors’ handiwork. Unfortunately Derham adhered to the standards of his day, crossing out sections he considered irrelevant in red pencil, and suppressing and discarding letters of a personal nature. After Scott’s death in 1780, the provenance of the Ray-Lister correspondence becomes more complicated. The bulk of it is now in MSS Ray 1 in the Botanical Library of the Natural History Museum, and the volume’s inscription is as follows: “MSS. Correspondence from and to John Ray from 1663 to 1686 found at Netherton, Devonshire, among the papers of Lady Prideaux, by C.G. Prideaux Brune, Esq. and given by him to John Davies Enys in January 1884. Presented to the Botanical Department by J.D. Enys.” It is possible that Lady Prideaux received the papers from George Scott, where they were subsequently discovered by Charles Glynn [C.G.] Prideaux Brune (1821–1907).100 C.G. Prideaux Brune matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford in 1838, and his family’s seat was at Prideaux Place, Padstow, Cornwall where he served as Justice of the Peace and High Sheriff. Prideaux Brune received the papers from another member of the family, Lady Prideaux, who lived in Netherton Hall, Devon; several of the family papers and Ray ephemera are still extant in the Cornwall Record Office and the Hampshire Record Office, including some of Ray’s travel journals.101 Prideaux Brune subsequently gave John Davies Enys (1837–1912),

98 Raven, John Ray, pp. 204–6. See also Dale, “A Letter from Mr Samuel Dale to Dr Hans Sloane.” 99 Gunther, Further Correspondence of John Ray, p. 110. 100 As I was completing this volume, the following paper concerning Ray’s journals was published: Michael Hunter, “John Ray in Italy: Lost Manuscripts Rediscovered,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 68, 2 (20 June 2014) pp. 93–109. In footnote 14, Hunter indicated: “For the statement that the Ray MSS passed from Scott to the Prideaux family, that they were discovered by Charles Prideaux Brune among the papers of Lady Prideaux at Netherton c. 1880 and were given by Prideaux Brune to J.D. Enys in 1884, some then going to the botanical department of the British Museum, see R.W.T. Gunther (ed.), Further Correspondence of John Ray (London, 1928), p. vii; this information is derived from a note by G.S. Boulter published in Journal of Proceedings of the Essex Field Club, vol. 4 (1885–6), p. clxiv.” 101 Prideaux-Brune of Rowner (1663–1960), Hampshire Record Office, Shelfmark 19M59/5– 6; In his article, “John Ray in Italy,” Hunter explained the Hampshire connection to the 26 Introduction a plant collector and geologist from New Zealand, his collection of Ray correspondence. In July 1884, the Natural History Museum agreed to purchase 88 Ray letters from Enys for the sum of £40; 43 pieces of the correspondence were between Lister and Ray.102 Enys did not sell all of his Ray manuscripts, but he did make handwritten copies of some of Ray’s correspondence that he retained. These copies are in the MSS Ray 1 folio, in some cases the only extant copies available to the public. In an attempt to provide a comprehensive edition of Lister’s correspondence, this editor has taken into account that some of the “lost” Ray-Lister letters are in private hands, having been sold from his personal collection. These documents appear irregularly in auction-house catalogues. For example, in the Bonhams auction of 28 March 2006, six autograph letters by Ray to Samuel Dale from Derham’s personal collection were for sale, among a collection of Derham’s working papers for his life of Ray, including a twenty- four-page booklet by Derham entitled “Notes, for Mr Ray’s Life.”103 Enys’ collection of autograph manuscripts was sold at Bonham’s on 28 September 2004. Three Ray-Lister letters dating from 31 October 1668, 13 February 1669/70 and 22 August 1670 were in this auction.104 Most recently, a letter from Ray to Lister of 19 December 1674 appeared at the 23 March 2010 Bonhams auction, also from the Enys Collection. As this editor was unable to secure comprehensive digital images of these materials from Bonhams, transcriptions for these volumes are based on extant images in the auction catalogues and on earlier editions of Ray’s correspondence.105 Other Ray-Lister letters only exist in snippets. At the back of the folio of MSS Ray 1 in the Natural History Museum is a lengthy list of briefly abstracted

family: “The Prideaux Brune family, whose seat is Prideaux Place, Padstow, Cornwall, acquired their Hampshire connection following the death without heir of Charles Brune in 1769; his estates devolved onto his grand-nephew, the Rev. Charles Prideaux Brune, including the manor and advowson of Rowner, near Portsmouth, which long remained in the possession of the family.” 102 Enys’ offer letter is preserved in NHM MSS Ray 1 (unfoliated), as are the committee minutes that indicate the agreed sale. 103 Bonhams catalogue, 28 March 2006, Printed Books and Manuscripts: Science and Medicine including the Hooke Folio, lot 186. http://www.bonhams.com/auctions/13809/lot/188/ [accessed 13 November 2012]. 104 Bonhams catalogue, 28 September 2004, The Enys Collection of Autograph Manuscripts, lots 298, 299, 300. http://www.bonhams.com/auctions/11288/ [accessed 13 November 2012]. 105 Bonhams catalogue, 23 March 2010, Printed Books, Maps and Manuscripts, lot 119. http:// www.bonhams.com/auctions/17807/lot/119/ [accessed 13 November 2012]. Introduction 27 letters to and from Ray in Derham’s hand. Although these letters were available to Derham, many have been lost since then, and now this abstract-inventory is the only clue to their existence. These thirty-eight abstracts in difficult handwriting provide a date and between one to four lines of the each letter’s content. Although some of the letters are extant in MSS Ray 1, fourteen of them included in this volume exist only in this abstracted form. Lankester’s edition of Ray’s Correspondence, published by the Ray Society in 1848, did not include these abstracts, and took its transcriptions largely from Derham’s edition. Gunther’s Further Correspondence of John Ray (1928) does include, however, a portion of the abstracts, as well as some of Derham’s omitted text. Yet, rather than do a fresh transcription of the letters, Gunther chose to transcribe only the sections of the letters that Lankester omitted, referring the reader to the Lankester edition for the incomplete passages. This present edition rectifies that rather unwieldy situation, bringing the fully annotated and translated Ray-Lister correspondence into one place together with all the relevant abstracts.

Stylistic Considerations

The aim of this edition is to provide transcriptions and translations (where necessary) of the texts of letters between Martin Lister and his correspondents, reproduced accurately to consistent standards and accessible to the modern reader.106 Dates are in the Julian Calendar, unless otherwise specified, with use of the double date when necessary (from 1 January to Lady Day, 25 March). Undated letters have been dated as precisely as possible with the editorial date in two square brackets in the heading and an explanation of how the date has been deduced. If the identity of the author or recipient of the letter is not definite or based on context, the name is placed in square brackets. For ease of use, the document reference of the text reproduced has been provided (that is, the reference used to call up the document in the relevant repository), consisting of repository name, collection name and reference number, item number, or inclusive folio numbers. Abbreviations for frequently used repository names are as follows:

106 My thanks to Richard Sharpe and Michael Hunter for their suggestions on stylistic format. 28 Introduction

BL British Library, London Bodl. Bodleian Library, University of Oxford Durham Durham Cathedral Library, Durham NHM Botany Library, National History Museum, London RS Royal Society, London TCD Trinity College, Dublin Utrecht Utrecht University Library, Netherlands YAS Yorkshire Archaeological Society, Leeds

Full addresses on the letter wrappers are provided with use of the vertical line [ | ] to show line-breaks in following the original. Where they exist, postmarks are delineated, and the terminology has been drawn from the comprehensive work by R. Alcock and F. Holland, The Postmarks of Great Britain and Ireland, Being A Survey of British Postmarks From 1660 to 1940, published in 1940. a. Bishop Marks: Henry Bishop invented the first Post Office stamp used in the British Isles, and he farmed the office of Postmaster-General from 1660 to 1663. In its earliest form, the London bishop stamp consisted of a thirteen-millimeter diameter circle with the month in the upper semi-circle and the day in the lower one. The months were abbreviated, IA=January, FE=February, MR=March, AP=April, MA=May, IU=June, IY=July, AV=August, SE=September, OC=October, NO=November, DE=December. b. Receiving House: There were also Receiving House stamps that were used from the 1670s until the 1780s. As the experts have not identified all postmarks, we have only indicated the occurrence of receiving house marks. c. Dockwra Penny Post: In 1680, a London merchant by the name of William Dockwra set up a Penny Post for London and its suburbs. These stamps, with triangular marks at first, indicated the sorting offices, for instance L and W in the centre indicated the Chief Office in Lyme Street, and the Westminster Office. Later, the day of week was added to the Dockwra mark. The sorting office and day of week for the postmark for the end user is indicated in brackets in this volume where appropriate.

The existence of copies or published versions has been noted, including fac- similes, transcripts, or printed editions. Abbreviations used for these editions, manifestations, or frequently used reference works are as follows:

Birch Birch, Thomas. The history of the Royal Society of London for Improving of Natural Knowledge, from its first rise. London, 1756–1757, 4 vol. An extended minute book, giving asummary of the matters discussed, motions put and proposals and reports tabled at each meeting. Introduction 29

Derham (1718) Derham, William. Philosophical Letters between the Late Mr. Ray and Several of His Ingenious. Correspondents, Natives and Foreigners. London, 1718. Derham (1728) Derham, William, ed. Miscellanea Curiosa. Containing a Collection of Curious Travels, Voyages, and Natural Histories of Countries as they have been Delivered in to the Royal Society, Vol III, 2nd edn. London, 1728. Letter Book Letter Book Original, Royal Society. The Letter Book contains copies of letters received by the Society, the originals of which are in the Early Letters collection. The Letter Books were copied, as were the Journal and Register Books, for security reasons. Philosophical Collections Hooke, Robert, ed. Philosophical collections. London, 1679–1682. These substituted for the Philosophical Transactions when it was in hiatus during Hooke’s secretaryship. Phil. Trans. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society

Related Works: (post-1800): Beeley Beeley, Philip, ed. The Correspondence of John Wallis. Oxford, 2003–. Brighton (1984) Brighton, J.T. “Henry Gyles, virtuoso and glass painter of York, 1645–1709,” York Historian 4 (1984), pp. 1–62. Carr (1974) Carr, Jeff. “The Biological Work of Martin Lister (1638–1712).” University of Leeds: PhD thesis, 1974. Lankester (1848) Lankester, Edwin. The Correspondence of John Ray, Consisting Of Selections From The Philosophical Letters Published By Dr. Derham. London, 1848. Dandy (1958) Dandy, J.E. The Sloane Herbarium, an annotated list of the Horti Sicci composing it; with biographical accounts of the principal contributors. London, 1958. Davy (1953) Davy, Norman. British Scientific Literature. New York, 1953. Ewan (1970) Ewan, Joseph and Nesta. John Banister and his Natural History of Virginia 1678–1692. Urbana, 1970. 30 Introduction

Gunther (1928) Gunther, R.T., ed. Further Correspondence of John Ray London, 1928. Goulding (1900) Goulding, Rev. W. “Martin Lister, M.D. F.R.S.” Associated Architectural Societies Reports and Papers, xxv, part II (1900), pp. 329–370. Hake (1902) Hake, H.M. “Some contemporary records relating to Francis Place, with a catalogue of his engraved work.” The Walpole Society, 10 (1902), pp. 39–69. Harley (1992) Parker J. and B. Harley, ed. Martin Lister’s English Spiders 1678. Colchester, 1992. Lyster–Denny (1813) Lyster–Denny, R.H. Memorials of an Ancient House: A History of the Family of Lister or Lyster. London, 1813. Munks’ Roll Munks’ Roll, Royal College of Physicians. http:// munksroll.rcplondon.ac.uk/ Nichols (1815) Nichols, John. Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century. 9 vols. London, 1815. Oldenburg Hall, A.R. and M.B. Hall, ed. The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg. 13 vols. Madison and Milwaukee, 1965–86. When the abbreviation “Hall and Hall” is utilized, it refers to the same edition, but to their footnotes. In this manner, a distinction is made between the transcribed text of Oldenburg’s letters, and scholarly interpretation by the Halls of his correspondence Raven (1986) Raven, Charles. John Ray, Naturalist: His Life and Works. Cambridge, 1986. 2nd Edn. Roos (2011) Roos, Anna Marie. Web of Nature: Martin Lister (1639– 1712): The First Arachnologist. Leiden, 2011. Stearns (1970) Stearns, Raymond P. Science in the British Colonies of America. Urbana, 1970. Thoresby (1832) Letters of Eminent Men addressed to Ralph Thoresby. 2 vols. London, 1832. Tyler (1971) Tyler, Richard. Francis Place 1647–1728. York, 1971. Unwin (1995) Unwin, R.W., “A Provincial Man of Science at Work: Martin Lister, F.R.S., and His Illustrators, 1670–1683.” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 49 (1995), pp. 209–30. Valle (2004) Valle, E. “Let me not lose yr love & friendship: The negotiation of priority and the construction of a scientific identity in seventeenth-century natural history.” In Discourse Perspectives on English, ed. Risto Introduction 31

Hiltunen and Janne Skaffari Philadelphia, 2004, pp. 197–234. Venn, Alum. Cantab Venn, J. Alumni Cantabrigienses: A Biographical List of All Known Students, Graduates, and Holders of Office at the University of Cambridge, from the Earliest times to 1900, 2 pts in 10 vols. Cambridge, 1922–54. Woodley (1994) Woodley, J.D., “Anne Lister, Illustrator of Martin Lister’s Historiae Conchyliorum (1685–1692),” Archives of Natural History 21 (1994), pp. 225–29.

The text of the letter is then reproduced, including the writer’s address, saluta- tion, and signature, and any postscripts. The text is presented in the sequence in which it was meant to be read by the recipient, regardless of how it is fitted to the letter-paper, with marginalia indicated. Where necessary, a note to the reader has been included in italics in square brackets, along with any other additions on the letter. These additions, for example, could include notes by the recipient or marginalia by someone handling the letter on its journey. Original orthography, punctuation, and capitalization have been reproduced, although the thorn (y) is expanded to “th,” “Sr” has been expanded to “Sir” and modern practice is used for long “s” where there is no ambiguity. “i”/ “j”, “u”/ “v” have been retained, as well as accents in Latin and other languages. Diphthongs in Latin or other ligatures have been replaced by two vowels or consonants. Titles of works published at the time or later (if the titles can be identified as such) referred are italicized, and where the original has under- lining this has been replaced with italics. In some cases where there was no punctuation in the letter, full-stops (periods) or paragraph breaks are placed between sentences for clarity, and these changes are indicated in the letter heading. For alterations to the letter, illegibility or loss of text through damage to the document, we are using the following editorial interventions: • [ ] = editorial comments or emendations • [roman] = author errors • [italic] = editorial insertions; examples might include [sic] or words necessary for sense but omitted in the manuscript • strikethrough = followed by words struck through (crossed out) by the letter writer or recipient • [[ ]] = illegibility or damage: in short instances one may be able to indicate by • xxx = how many letters are illegible; in longer instances [[several words]] was used 32 Introduction • \ / = insertions above the line by the writer. A footnote records insertions made by someone other than the writer

Translations have been provided for Latin, French, Greek, and Italian correspondence. For entire letters, the English translation follows the text of the original letter. For passages, the English translation follows the original letter in a footnote. Original illustrations with an intended purpose in the letters have been scanned and placed appropriately in the text; non-substantive doodles have been omitted. The original nomenclature for a species is preserved in the transcription of the letter, the footnotes indicating its Linnaean equivalent when possible. Footnotes have been used also to explain points in the letters, identifying such things as individuals, places, events, subjects, and works cited, as well as providing a short biography for people who appear frequently. When, to date, a person has proved to be unidentifiable, this has been indicated in the footnote. Although we have provided a full index and calendar for the edition, this editor has also provided a fully searchable index and calendar for the entire Lister correspondence at Early Modern Letters Online, part of the Cultures of Knowledge project hosted at the University of Oxford: http://emlo.bodleian. ox.ac.uk/ A guide to early modern abbreviations is below.

Glossary of words commonly abbreviated

7bris Septembris, e.g., 1 7bris = 1 September 8bris Octobris, e.g., 21 8bris = 21 October 9bris Novembris, e.g., 9 9bris = 9 November abt about acct account affect affectionate agt against BP Bishop cant cannot certn certain cozn cozin (cousin) endeavr endeavor Engd England esqr Esquire favr favor

MAY DAYA -- LINE Introduction 33

Frd, frd friend, friend gt great honble Honorable hond, honed Honored Kt Knight Ld Lord Lp Lordship Lr, lr letter Majties Majesties nt not nure (line above nature or our p’ish parish p’sent present p’usal perusal paymts payments pforme perform prsume presume recd received satisfacon (with tilde over ‘o’) satisfaction sd said servt servant shd should Sr Sir sume (with line over ‘m’) summe (sum) Vicechancr Vice-chancellor wch which wd would wn when wo who wth with xbris Decembris, eg 2 xbris = 2 December xtmas Christmas ye the ym them yn than/then yr/rs, yor/s your/s ys this yt that yu you section 2

∵

The Lister Correspondence

0001 Thomas Newcomen to Martin Lister Clothall, Herefordshire, 17 October 1662

Source: Bodl. MS Lister 3, fols 181–182. Address: These | For my worthy ffriend | Mr. Martin Lister | ffellow of St. Johns Coll | in Camb.

Sir

I am sorry that I was unha unhappily abroad when you were heare, but infinitely ashamed to discovre of the servantt the noe ent[er]-tainment that you found in myne absence.1 I thought to have returned before that tyme, etc. I should have given order to the Gentleman that is my Tenant2 for your treate- ment, though me thinks to a gentleman, that should not have needed. but I thinke I was mistaken in my tenant as that goodman was in his wife. when he complayned to his friend that he thought he had marryed his Dame,3 but he found he had marryed his Master;4 for I thought I had contracted (for the reception of my selfe and my ffriends) with a gentleman, but I fynde I have to doe with a sordid clowne. Sir / I must be-speake your charity (and a greate deale of charity is needfull) to putt a fayr interpretation upon, soe fowle a busyness. Yet I would fayne perswade my selfe that you will looke upon this mis-carriage of my piggish tenant, as my who unhappynes not my fault; All the right I could doe (at my returne) eyther to my selfe or you, was to let him know I had a full sense of his business and to shorten the tearme of his abode here. I pray further my service to Mr. Fullers5 and assure him I am very sory that I was not at home, that I might have enriched my selfe with his acquaintance, of whose worth I have heard soe much. And if he agin shall heare-after upon this, or any other occasion visitt Clothall, I doe faythfully promise, to make some amends for this error, & that in steade of this unhospitalle Clowne, you shall finde there a free and cordiall welcome for

Sir your faythfull friend and servant

Tho: Newcomen Clothall 8br. 17 – 62.

1. Thomas Newcomen (1603–1665) was rector of Clothall, Hertfordshire, and formerly of St John’s College, Cambridge, having been elected as the first Lewis Scholar on 6 November 1622. He was admitted to the rectory of Clothall, Hertfordshire, in 1653, a living of the Earl of Salisbury. Following the Restoration, Newcomen proceeded D.D. in October 1660 and also was given a pre- bend at Lincoln. Presumably he knew Lister as St John’s was their Alma Mater, or as a result of his proximity to the Lister family in Lincolnshire. See Tom Webster, “Newcomen, Matthew (d. 1669),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 2. Presumably the tenant of the lands of the rectory. 3. Term for housewife. 4. Term for “man of the house.” 5. Presumably Samuel Fuller (1635–1700), who was a correspondent of Lister’s. Fuller received his M.A. from St John’s in 1658, and his B.D. in 1665, so he was contemporary with Lister’s fellowship at the college. Eventually Fuller would become Dean of Lincoln Cathedral.

0002 Martin Lister to Lady Pye1 [ca. 1663]2

Source: Bodl. MS Lister 19, fol. 1v. During his journey to and stay in Montpellier to study medicine, Lister kept a diary in a printed almanac and notebook entitled Every Man’s Companion: Or A Useful Pocketbook (London: Francis Cossinet, 1661). The volume is catalogued as follows in Falconer Madan, et al., A summary catalogue of western manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1895–1953).

25247 A copy of ‘Every Man’s Companion: or, An useful Pocket-Book’ (London, 1661), not quite perfect, with manuscript notes by Dr. Martin Lister of his journey to Paris and Montpellier in 1663–6, of the books he read and of the letters he wrote. Now MS. Lister 19.

In the first four pages of the notebook, Lister kept an ongoing record of his correspondence received and sent, noting that: My letters to be sent to “Mr Sharps Queens head in Fleet Street. To be left with Msrs. Capel and Kerby.”3 None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the pocketbook may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/

Address: No address present.

To my Lady M. Pye 0003 Lister to Lister 39

1. Lady Pye has an uncertain identity. Sir Robert Pye (elder) of Faringdon, Berkshire (1585–1662) was an M.P., as was Lister’s father, Sir Martin Lister, and both were in the Long Parliament; this may have been how the families were acquainted. Sir Robert Pye (elder) and his wife Mary Croker (d. ca. December 1653) had a daughter named Mary (fl. 1641–1697), who became a nonconformist patron and political activist; on 21 May 1641 she married George Speke (1623–1689) and likely would have been known by her married surname, which weighs against her being the recipient of this letter unless Lister was inattentive in his note-taking. The Listers and Pyes continued to be connected in Martin Lister’s lifetime. Martin Lister’s younger sister Jane married Hugh Allington on 26 June 1671. Their only surviving daughter, Barbara, married Richard Pye, a younger son of Sir Robert Pye (junior). See Melinda Zook, “Speke, Mary ( fl. 1641–1697),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); John Burke, A genealogical and heraldic history of the Commoners of Great Britain and Ireland (London: Henry Colburn, 1834), vol. 1, p. 351, p. 571. 2. Lister was in France from 1663 until 1666, and he listed his letters chronologically in his travel diary. This was the first letter listed, subsequent listings indicating they were sent en-route to France. Hence, the date of 1663 was surmised. 3. There was a tavern called the Queen’s Head in Fleet Street between the Temple Gates in the area of Queen’s Head Court recorded from the sixteenth century. See Henry Harben, A Dictionary of London (London: H. Jenkins, 1918). URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report. aspx?compid=63285. Date accessed: 10 July 2013. It is not known who Capel and Kerby were.

0003 Martin Lister to [Susanna Lister]1 [ca. 1663]2

Source: Bodl. MS Lister 19, fol. 1v. During his journey to and stay in Montpellier to study medicine, Lister kept a diary. In the first four pages he kept an ongoing record of his correspondence, received and sent. None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present. my mother.

1. Lister’s mother, Susanna Temple (1600–1669) had been married briefly to Sir Gifford Thornhurst (1598–1627), Baronet, of Agnes Court, Kent. His premature death in 1627 meant that they had only one daughter, Frances. Susanna remarried Sir Martin Lister on 9 December 1633 in St Bride Church, Fleet Street, London. Martin Lister was their fourth child. 2. Lister was in France from 1663 until 1666, and he listed his letters chronologically, subsequent listings indicating they were sent en-route to France. Hence, the date of 1663 was surmised. 40 Lister to Hartopp 0004

0004 Martin Lister to Sir William Weymouth [ca. 29 August– Hartopp1 19 September 1663]2

To Sir Will. Hartoppe. Weymouth

1. Sir William Hartopp (d. ca. 1700) of Rotherby, Leicestershire, who was married to Lister’s half-sister Agnes Lister Hartopp (1630–1667). Lister also corresponded with their daughter and his niece Dorothy or “Doll” Hartopp. 2. See Lister’s letter to Robert Grove of ca. 19 August–19 September 1663 for an account of his journey to Weymouth.

0005 Martin Lister to Michael Lister1 Weymouth [ca. 29 August– 19 September 1663]2

To my \br:/ Mich: Lister. Weymouth

1. Michael Lister (buried on 20 October 1678) was Lister’s brother. The eldest son of Sir Martin Lister and his second wife Susanna Temple, he inherited the Lister family estates in Burwell, Lincolnshire in 1670. 2. See Lister’s letter to Robert Grove of ca. 19 August–19 September 1663 for an account of his journey to Weymouth. 0007 Lister to Sharpe 41

0006 Martin Lister to Robert Grove1 Weymouth [ca. 29 August– 19 September 1663]2

To Rob: Grove. Weymouth

1. Presumably Robert Grove (ca. 1634–1696) who was a fellow at St. John’s College, Cambridge where he became acquainted with Lister; Grove was admitted as a pensioner in 1652, gaining his BA in 1657, then was made a fellow in 1659, proceeding MA in 1660, earned a bachelor of divinity in 1667, and finally received his Doctorate of Divinity in 1681. Grove would eventually become Bishop of Chichester. See Grove’s letter to Lister of 9 December 1667. 2. Lister recorded in his pocketbook that he reached London on 20 August 1663 and then sailed for Rye, reaching the port in six days. The ship then attempted to cross the channel on 29 August, but was driven back into Weymouth, where Lister was stranded for three weeks. Finally on 5 and then 8 September, the ship attempted to leave Weymouth, and was turned back due to the weather, sailing “with great hazard of our lives.” Lister then boarded the frigate Dove for St Malo on the nineteenth of September 1663 for a successful crossing.

0007 Martin Lister to [Thomas Sharpe]1 Guernsey,2 Channel Islands, 2 October 1663

To Mr Sharpe 8br. 2d 1663, Gurnsey 42 Lister to Briggs 0008

1. This attribution is uncertain. One Thomas Sharpe matriculated at St. John’s College Cambridge on 19 April 1659; this was only one year after Lister was made a fellow there, receiving his M.A. in 1667. Via a set of brackets, Lister indicated in his notebook that this letter was sent the same day as another to Thomas Briggs, another fellow of St. John’s College, so it is reasonable to assume the two pieces of correspondence may have been in the same packet. 2. Lister recorded in his pocketbook that he was in Guernsey from 21 September until 4 October 1663, waiting for good weather to continue to St. Malo.

0008 Martin Lister to Thomas Briggs1 Guernsey,2 Channel Islands, 2 October 1663

To Mr Briggs. 8ber 2d 1663, Gurnsey

1. Thomas Briggs (bap. 1633–1713) was the eldest son of Reverend Thomas Briggs of Wyfordby, Leicestershire. He was educated at the Grammar School, Stamford, and he was admitted as a sizar to St John’s College, Cambridge in 1650. Briggs became a fellow and junior bursar from 1661–1662, and senior bursar from 1662–1668. In 1669 he took his degree of LL.D. A lawyer by profession, he settled in Chichester, where he was made Chancellor of the Dioceses of Chichester in 1672, which post he held until his death on 13 October 1713. He married Elizabeth, daughter and co-heir to Sir John Stapeley, Bart., of Patcham, Sussex. He was buried in the nave of Chichester cathedral, near to the north-west door, where a monument was erected to his memory in the aisle; this is now in the cloisters. For Briggs’s biography, see Venn, Alum. Cantab, vol. 1, p. 218; Reverend Andrew Trollope, An inventory of the church plate of Leicestershire, with some account of its donors (Leicester: Clarke and Hodgson, 1890), i, p. 148. (Briggs had left plate to Wyfordby, Leicestershire.) 2. Lister recorded in his pocketbook that he was in Guernsey from 21 September until 4 October 1663, waiting for good weather to continue to St. Malo. Via a set of brackets, Lister indicated in his notebook that this letter was sent the same day as another to Mr. Sharpe, possibly another fellow of St. John’s College, so it is reasonable to assume the two pieces of correspondence may have been in the same packet. 0010 Lister to Lister 43

0009 Martin Lister to [Thomas] Sharpe1 Bordeaux, France, 30 October/9 November 1663

To Mr. Sharpe 9ber. 9th. 1663 Bourdeaux.

1. Via a set of brackets, Lister indicated in his notebook that this letter was sent the same day as others to his brothers William and Michael.

0010 Martin Lister to William Lister1 Bordeaux, France, 30 October/9 November 16632

To my B. Will 9ber. 9th. 1663. Bourdeaux.

1. William Lister, Lister’s brother, and son of Sir Martin Lister and Susanna Lister, née Temple. 2. Lister indicated by brackets in his pocketbook that this letter was sent the same day as those to Thomas Sharpe and his brother Michael. 44 Lister to Lister 0011

0011 Martin Lister to Michael Lister1 Bordeaux,2 France, 30 October/9 November 16633

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 19, fol. 1v. During his journey to and stay in Montpellier to study medicine, Lister kept a diary. In the first four pages he kept an ongoing record of his correspondence, received and sent. None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

To my B. Mich 9ber. 9th. 1663. Bourdeaux.

1. Michael Lister (buried on 20 October 1678) was Lister’s brother. The eldest son of Sir Martin Lister and his second wife Susanna Temple, he inherited the Lister family estates in Burwell, Lincolnshire in 1670. 2. En route to Montpellier, Lister indicated in his pocketbook that on 30 October 1663 he “came to my lodgings at M. Feuilles Rue della Roschelles à Bordeaux.” (Bodl. ms Lister 2, fol. 2v). Lister stayed in Bordeaux until 6 January 1664. 3. Lister indicated by brackets in his pocketbook that this letter was sent the same day as those to Thomas Sharpe and his brother William.

0012 Martin Lister to [Thomas] Sharpe Bordeaux, France, 6 November/16 November 1663

To Mr. Sharpe Bordeaux 9ber 16th 1663 by M. Camby bound for England1 0014 Lister to Lister 45

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers William and Michael, to his mother, to Lady Hartopp, and to his friends Thomas Briggs and John Peck. It is not known who M. Camby was.

0013 Martin Lister to William Lister Bordeaux, France, 6 November/16 November 1663

To my b. Will Bordeaux 9ber 16th 1663 by M. Camby bound for England1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brother Michael, to his mother, to Lady Hartopp, and to his friends Thomas Briggs and John Peck.

0014 Martin Lister to Michael Lister Bordeaux, France, 6 November/16 November 1663

To my b. Mich Bordeaux 9ber 16th 1663 by M. Camby bound for England1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brother William, Lady Hartopp, his friends Thomas Sharpe, Thomas Briggs and John Peck, and to his mother.

0015 Martin Lister to Thomas Briggs Bordeaux, France, 6 November/16 November 1663

To M Briggs. Bordeaux. 9ber 16th 1663 by M. Camby bound for England1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers William and Michael, Lady Hartopp, his friends Thomas Sharpe and John Peck, and to his mother.

0016 Martin Lister to Thomas Briggs Bordeaux, France, 6 November/16 November 1663

and sent. None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

To M Briggs Bordeaux. 9ber. 16th. Post. in the Sam[e] Packet1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers William and Michael, Lady Hartopp, his mother, and to his friends Mr. Sharpe and John Peck.

0017 Martin Lister to Susanna Lister Bordeaux, France, 6 November/16 November 1663

For my Moth[er]. Bordeaux. 9ber 16th Post. in the Sam[e] Packet1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers William and Michael, his niece Dorothy Hartopp, and to his friends Mr. Sharpe, Thomas Briggs and John Peck.

0018 Martin Lister to Lady [Dorothy] Bordeaux, France, Hartopp1 6 November/16 November 1663

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 19, fol. 1v. During his stay in Montpellier to study medicine, Lister kept a diary. In the first four pages he kept an 48 Lister to Peck 0019

ongoing record of his correspondence, received and sent. None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels .modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

For my Lady hartoppe. Bordeaux. 9ber 16th Post. in the Sam[e] Packet2

1. Dorothy Hartopp was the daughter of Martin’s half-sister Agnes Lister (1630–1667) and Sir William Hartopp (d. ca. 1700) of Rotherby, Leicestershire. Agnes Lister was the daughter of Sir Martin Lister (Lister’s father) and Mary Wenman, his first wife. See William G.D. Fletcher, Leicestershire Pedigrees and Royal Descents (n.p., 1887), p. 87. I surmise he was writing Dorothy Hartopp, as he had a regular correspondence with his niece. 2. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers William and Michael, to his mother, and to his friends Mr Sharpe, Thomas Briggs, and John Peck.

0019 Martin Lister to John Peck1 Bordeaux, France, 6 November/16 November 1663

For M. Peck Bordeaux. 9ber 16th Post. in the Sam[e] Packet2

1. John Peck (1639–1682) was Lister’s former sizar at the college. He was made a fellow in 1660. Peck’s short biography is in Venn, Alum. Cantab., pt. 1, vol 3, p. 333. 2. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers William and Michael, to his mother, to Lady Hartopp, and to his friends Mr. Sharpe and Thomas Briggs. 0021 Lister to Lister 49

0020 Martin Lister to Mr. Camby Bordeaux, France, 12 November/22 November 1663

Bordeaux. Nov. 22.

To: M. Camby1 at Paris.

1. Camby was apparently a merchant or friend that Lister was dealing with for bills of exchange, as he mentions him later in the pocketbook in connection with his expenses. This may thus be an annotation for a bill of exchange, a letter, or both.

0021 Martin Lister to William Lister Bordeaux, France, 13 November/23 November 1663

Post. Bordeaux. Nov. 23. To my Brother Will1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his friends Mr. Sharpe and John Peck. 50 Lister to Sharpe 0022

0022 Martin Lister to [Thomas] Sharpe Bordeaux, France, 13 November/23 November 1663

Post. Bordeaux. Nov. 23. To M. Sharpe1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his friend John Peck, and his brother William.

0023 Martin Lister to John Peck Bordeaux, France, 13 November/ 23 November 1663

Post. Bordeaux. Nov. 23. To M. Peck1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his friend Mr. Sharpe, and his brother William. 0025 Lister to Lister 51

0024 Martin Lister to Monsieur Bordeaux, France, Bataliers1 16 November/26 November 1663

To M. Bataliers. 9ber. 26. a Marseilles.

1. This may have been the ‘Mr Bat’, captain of the frigate Dove that Lister took to St. Malo, mentioned in Lister’s pocketbook (Bodl. ms Lister 19, fol. 17v). ‘Batalier’ in French means ‘boatman.’

0025 William Lister to Martin Lister London, 27 November 1663

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 19, fol. 2v. During his journey to and stay in Montpellier to study medicine, Lister kept a diary. In the first four pages he kept an ongoing record of his correspondence, received and sent. None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

Received from my b. Will London of the 27. Nov. English shells1

1. Lister apparently had his brother Will forward him specimens for his natural history studies which he was accomplishing in France. Lister would go to found the field of conchology. See Roos, (2011), chapter 3, passim. 52 Bataliers to Lister 0026

0026 Monsieur Bataliers to Martin Lister Marseilles, France, 5 December/ 15 December 1663

From M. Battaliers.1 at Marseilles. December 15. Fr. St. [French style].

1. See Lister’s letter of 16/26 November 1663 for Bataliers.

0027 Martin Lister to [Thomas] Sharpe Bordeaux, France, 13 December/ 23 December 1663

Bordeaux. December. 23d 1663

To M. Sharpe enclosed in M. Torraines Lettres by Messrs Capel and Kerby.1

To Mr Sharpe.

1. It is not known who these individuals were. Lister enclosed a letter to his mother in the same packet. 0029 Lister to Lister 53

0028 Martin Lister to [Susanna Lister] Bordeaux, France, 13 December/ 23 December 1663

Bordeaux. December. 23d 1663

To M. Sharpe enclosed in M. Torraines Lettres by Messrs Capel and Kerby.1

To my Lady M.[other] Encl.

1. It is not known who these individuals were. Lister enclosed a letter to his mother in the same packet.

0029 Martin Lister to William Lister Bordeaux, France, 13 December/ 23 December 1663

To Mr Faithorne1 at the blacke Spread Eagle on Fleet=bridge2 To my brother. Will: Enclosed 54 Lister to Lister 0030

1. Lister’s letter to his brother was apparently in care of Mr. Faithorne. It is not known who Mr. Faithorne was; it is possible it was William Faithorne (1616–1691), the eminent engraver and print seller. The printing trade was concentrated in St. Paul’s Churchyard, in Cheapside to the east, and in Fleet Street to the west. Faithorne’s shop was in Temple Bar, which is proximal to the address indicated in the letter. See Marion Roberts, Dugdale and Hollar: History Illustrated (Danvers, Massachusetts: Rosemont Publishing Group, 2002), p. 107. Lister would later become acquainted with a variety of engravers, including Francis Place and William Lodge in his medical practice in York, using them to illustrate his scientific works. Lister also would become a considerable connoisseur of prints and engravings. See Roos, (2011), chapter six, passim. 2. This was the pub, the Black Spread Eagle, or Stationer’s House against St. Dunstan’s Church, in Fleet Street. The pub was more properly in Bride Lane, off of the Fleet, and was mentioned by Samuel Pepys in his diary entry of 7 September 1663. See Henry A. Harben, A Dictionary of London (London: Herbert Jenkins, 1918), s.v. ‘Black Spread Eagle.’

0030 Martin Lister to William Lister Bordeaux, France, 18 December/ 28 December 1663

Bordeaux Decembre. 28th 1663 Enclosed in Mr Cambys to his Brother. To my b. Will.

0031 Martin Lister to William Lister Bordeaux, France, 20 December/ 30 December 1663

and sent. None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

To my b. Will. Bordeaux. December. 30. Fr. st. [French style]

0032 Mr. Camby to Martin Lister Toulouse, France, 9 January/ 19 January 1663/4

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 19, fol. 3r. During his journey to and stay in Montpellier to study medicine, Lister kept a diary. In the first four pages he kept an ongoing record of his correspondence, received and sent. None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present. from Toulose M. Camby.1 January 19th 1664.

0033 Martin Lister to William Lister Montpellier, France, 30 January 1663/4 9 February 1664

To my b. Will. Montp[ellier]. Feb. 9. 16641

1. Lister’s notebook indicated that he arrived in Montpellier on 16 January 1664 (Gregorian calendar).

0034 Martin Lister to [Thomas] Sharpe Montpellier, France, 30 January/9 February 1664

M. Sharpe Montp[ellier]. Feb. 9. 16641

1. Lister bundled this letter with those to his brother William and his mother Susanna, sent on the same date.

0035 Martin Lister to Susanna Lister Montpellier, France, 30 January/9 February 1664

1. Lister bundled this letter with those to his brother William and Mr Sharpe, sent on the same date. 0037 Lister to Peck 57

0036 Martin Lister to William Lister Montpellier, France, 13 February/ 23 February 1664

To my b. Will Montp[ellier]1 Feb. 23. 1664

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his friends Robert Grove, Thomas Briggs, Mr. Camby, and Mr Peck.

0037 Martin Lister to [John Peck] Montpellier, France, 13 February/ 23 February 1664

To M.P. [Mr. Peck]1 . . . Montpellier Feb 23. 1664

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brother William, and friends Robert Grove, Thomas Briggs, and Mr. Camby. 58 Lister to Grove 0038

0038 Martin Lister to [Robert Grove] Montpellier, France, 13 February 1663/4 23 February 1664

To . . . Mr. G. [Robert Grove]1 Montpellier Feb 23. 1664

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brother William, and friends Thomas Briggs, and Mr. Camby.

0039 Martin Lister to Mr. Camby Montpellier, France, 13 February/ 23 February 1664

To M. Camby1 Montpellier Feb 23. 1664

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brother William, and friends Robert Grove, and Thomas Briggs. 0042 Lister to Peck 59

0040 Martin Lister to Mr. Camby [Montpellier], France, 5 March/15 March 1664

To M. Camby my b. Will. Enclosed. 15 Mar[ch]

0041 Martin Lister to William Lister [Montpellier], France, 5 March/15 March 1664

To M. Camby my b. Will Enclosed.1 15 Mar[ch]

1. William Lister’s letter was obviously enclosed in a packet addressed to Mr. Camby.

0042 Martin Lister to John Peck Vincennes, France, 26 April/6 May 1664

An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

To Mr Pecke \Vinsennes/1 May. 6.

1. This letter was part of a packet of letters sent on the same date to Robert Grove and Mr. Sharpe.

0043 Martin Lister to [Robert] Grove Vincennes, France, 26 April/6 May 1664

\Vinsennes/1 Mr Grove. May. 6.

1. This letter was part of a packet of letters sent on the same date to John Peck and Mr. Sharpe.

0044 Martin Lister to [Thomas] Sharpe Vincennes, France, 26 April/6 May 1664

\Vinsennes/1 May. 6. To Mr Sharpe.

1. This letter was part of a packet of letters sent on the same date to Robert Grove and John Peck.

0045 Martin Lister to William Lister Vincennes, France, 30 April/10 May 1664

To my b[rother] Will. May 10 \Vinsennes/1

1. This letter was part of a packet of letters sent on the same date to Lister’s brother Michael and “My Lady M.,” presumably Lister’s mother Susanna.

0046 Martin Lister to [unknown] Vincennes, France, 30 April/10 May 1664

To my Lady1 May 10 \Vinsennes/2

1. Possibly Lister’s mother, as he referred to her through his pocketbook as “My Lady Mother,” and the other letters in the packet were to his immediate family. 2. This letter was part of a packet of letters sent on the same date to Lister’s brothers Michael and William.

0047 Martin Lister to Michael Lister Vincennes, France, 30 April/10 May 1664

To b[rother]. Mich May 10 \Vinsennes/1

1. This letter was part of a packet of letters sent on the same date to Lister’s brother William and “My Lady.”

0048 [Henri] Verchant1 to Martin Lister Montpellier, 21 May/31 May 1664

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fol. 173. Address: Mr. | Mr. Lister | English Gentleman at the house of | Madame Paithir | In Arles. 0048 Verchant to Lister 63

De Montpellier. Le 31 may 1664

Monsieur,

Le bonheur que J’ay d’estre des amis de Monsieur King. m’a procuré celluy de vostre cognoissaance et vous asseure que vos Lettres, les plus obligeantes du monde attireroyent L’amitié du plus rude de nos françois, voyés que doivent elles faire en moy qui as voué mes Services a la chere personne qui est dans vostres compagnie et aux courtois et honnestes de vostre nation comme vous, soyés asseuré que Je ne laisseray poin passer d’occasions que Je ne vous les donne des Tesmognages. J’ay reçeu vos deux Lettres pour Bordeaux que J’envoye ce soir mesme Les dressant toutes deux a Monsieur Bathelie qui faire rendre celle de Monsr Camby, vostre pauvre chapeau a bien heu des enuieux, bien pour vous quil est vieux car s’il estoit neuf vous auriés couru plus grand risque de le perdre Je souhaitte cependant que finalement cellui cy arrive a bon part entre vos mains, estant

Monsieur Vostre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur

H Verchant

Je crois vous avoir donné la nouvelle comme J’ay appris que la valise de Monsieur Bathelie s’estoit rendue a Marseille. Je tiendray sollicité Messieurs Campanoz et Fargeon.

From Montpellier, 31 May 1664

Sir,

The happiness I have to be among the friends of Mr King2 procured for me that of your acquaintance and assures you that your letters, the most obliging in the world, would draw the friendship of the most humble of us Frenchmen. Imagine what they effect in me who has protested my services to the dear person who is in your company and to courteous and honest men of your nation like yourself. Be assured that I will miss no opportunity to give you testimony of this. I received your two letters for Bordeaux, which I am sending this very evening, addressing both to M. Bathelie, who will return that of M. Camby.3 Your poor hat has certainly had some aggravations. It is good for you that it is old, for 64 Verchant to Lister 0048 if it were new you would have run a great risk of losing it. I trust, however, that finally it will reach your hands in good condition, being,

Sir, your very humble and very obedient servant,

H Verchant

I thought I had given you the news as [when] I learned that M. Bathelie’s trunk had been sent to Marseille. I will make enquiries of Messrs Campanoz and Fargeon.4

1. Henri Verchant (also spelt Verchand), a leading Protestant apothecary in Montpellier whose private laboratory drew the notables of the city. Sir Hans Sloane and the chemist Nicolas Lémery studied with Verchant in 1668. Verchant arranged for Lister to stay with another apothecary, one M. Jean Fargeon, during his study in Montpellier. This was a time-honoured tradition. Early classes in materia medica, anatomy, and chemistry were commonly held in the houses of apothecaries who were also usually involved in teaching botany. See Beloved Son Felix: The Journal of Felix Platter: a medical student in Montpellier in the Sixteenth Century, trans. and intro. Sean Jennett (London: Frederick Miller Limited, 1961). See also Antonio Clericuzio. “Teaching Chemistry and Chemical Textbooks in France. From Beguin to Lemery,” Science & Education, 15 (2006), pp. 335–355, and T.D. Whittet, “Apothecaries and their lodgers: their part in the development of the sciences and of medicine,” Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine Supplement, no. 2, 76 (1983), pp. 1–32. Verchant’s wares are also mentioned in the inventory of the property of a Montpellier apothecary, which was sold at auction in 1666. See Jean-Pierre Bénézet, “Le fonds d’un apothicaire montpelliérain vendu aux enchères (1666),” Revue d’histoire de la pharmacie 78, 285 (1990), pp. 169–184, on pp. 182–183. 2. One “R. King” sent a letter to Lister on 2 October 1664 from Paris regarding setting a bill with Henri Verchant, so it is clear he was a mutual acquaintance. 3. It is not known who these gentlemen were. It is just possible this is a reference to M. Bataliers from Marseilles, the captain of the ship who took Lister to Bordeaux and who is mentioned in Lister’s diary (see letter of 5/15 December 1663). M. Camby was also mentioned in Lister’s student diary (see letter of 12/22 November 1663 and 9/19 January 1663/4). 4. Jean Fargeon was the apothecary with whom Lister lodged in Montpellier. Jean Fargeon was an “apothecary and performer of royal privilege.” As Elizabeth de Feydeau stated, by “1668 he had perfected the recipes of a large number of products, classed according to usage as either “compositions for health” or “perfumes for embellishment.” See Elizabeth de Feydeau, A Scented Palace: The Secret History of Marie Antoinette’s Perfumer (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2006), p. 9. Jean Fargeon’s perfumes are also mentioned in the inventory of the property of a Montpellier apothecary, which was sold at auction in 1666. See Bénézet, “Le fonds d’un apothicaire montpelliérain,” p. 180. 0051 Lister to Lister 65

0049 Martin Lister to [Thomas] Briggs Arles, France, 1 June/10 June 1664

To M Briggs. Arles June 10

0050 Martin Lister to William Lister Aix-en-Provence, France, 10 June/20 June 1664

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 19, fol. 3v. During his journey to and stay in Montpellier to study medicine, Lister kept a diary. In the first four pages he kept an ongoing record of his correspondence, received and sent. None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

To my b[rother] Will. Aix \June/ 20 Provence.

0051 Martin Lister to Sir Martin Lister1 Montpellier, France, August 1664

Address: No address present.

To my father Montp.[ellier]: August 1664.

1. Lister’s father, Sir Martin Lister (1602–1670), politician and landowner in Buckinghamshire and Lincolnshire who sat in the House of Commons from 1640 to 1648. A parliamentarian, Sir Martin Lister was a Commissioner of Parliament for levying money in Leicestershire in 1643–44, for Assessments in Lincoln in 1659–1660, and for raising Militia in Counties Leicestershire and Lincoln from 1659–1660. Lister most likely sent this letter to Burwell, Lincolnshire to his father’s family estates; it is likely Sir Martin moved to Burwell in 1660 to escape political vicissitudes. For a more detailed biography of Lister’s father, see Roos, (2011), pp. 28–38.

0052 Martin Lister to [John] Peck France, 3 August/ 13 August 1664

M. Pecke August 13th.

0053 Martin Lister to [Thomas] Sharpe 6 September/ 16 September 1664

An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

To M. Sharpe. 7br 16th.

0054 R. King to [Martin Lister] Paris, 22 September/ 2 October 1664

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 127. Address: No address present.

Paris N.S. Octo: 2 ‘64

Dearest Sir.

Yours I have received from Montpellier,1 where I believe you’le stay some time, by the satisfaction you seeme to take in it. I hope I shall yet live to see you there, for I purpose to take it in my way to Italy though that be a vouy voyage I look at as at a distance.2 I received yesterday a letter from Verchant,3 which tells me I have a Bill4 a coming from you. I am all most sorry for it, for it has prevented me of making you all the offers of my services that way, since by it I perceive you have heard from hands your friends in England. But since I can not be really serviceable to you at this time, let me begg of you as you would oblige me if ons [once] againe your friends should neglect sending you letters pry let me know it. I doe not question but I shall be allwayes provided to doe you little services ble that way; and how willingly and gladly I should doe it, you would better know if you knew how well I loved you. We talke here of severall parts of france to spend the Winter in, even some=times of Montpellier it self, then of yo I have you in my thoughts, but generally of the Townes on the Loire, which I know not yet, but as soone as we leave this towne (which will be Tuesday) and com to a settlement I will not faile to let you know; in hopes you’le put me in some way of demonstrating to you how deare you are to me. 68 Lister to Lister 0055

Tell Mr. Verchant I am gone out of towne, desire him to draw your money sent me back back to [[xxx]]; tell to Montpellier that you or he may keepe it till farther order. The billet enclosed make use off as you see occasion. I am

Your most affect. Servant

R. King.

1. Lister studied medicine at the Protestant Academy in Montpellier from 1663–1666. 2. Presumably King was a young gentleman on his Grand Tour. His identity is unknown. 3. Henri Verchant, a leading Protestant apothecary in Montpellier whose private laboratory drew the notables of the city. For his biography, see Verchant’s letter of 31 May 1664. 4. Bill of Exchange, a negotiable instrument.

0055 Martin Lister to William Lister 27 September/7 October 1664

Oct. 7th –

To my b[rother] W[ill].1

1. This letter was bundled in a packet of correspondence also directed to Dorothy Hartopp and Susanna Lister.

0056 Martin Lister to [Dorothy Hartopp] 27 September/7 October 1664

An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

Oct. 7th–

To my L[ady]. H[artopp].1

1. This letter was bundled in a packet of correspondence also directed to William Lister and Susanna Lister.

0057 Martin Lister to [Susanna Lister] 27 September/7 October 1664

Oct. 7th –

To my M[other].1

1. This letter was bundled in a packet of correspondence also directed to William Lister and Dorothy Hartopp.

0058 Martin Lister to [Henry Paman]1 Montpellier, November 1664

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fols. 261–262. Address: No address present.

Most reverend Sir

If I acquitt my selfe very late of my duty, it is my ill happ and not my fault: my great indispo\si/tion of body,2 I contracted at the Colledge was noe small 70 Lister to Paman 0058 trouble and hindrance to me in my pretended Voyage and now I can say that I am where I first purposed to rest my selfe and that I have set up my stafe for some while in this Cittie, \where I purpose to rest my selfe a while/ soe here the first moment I found my selfe in a tolerable condition to pay my respects and honour I beare you. but my obligations have something still of more particular which may excuse me \to you/; your last kindnesses to me, when I had the honour to kisse your hands and take your blessing along with me, has been upon my spirit ever since. If I had my health as other men theirs, I should be undoubtedly as happy as they; and instead of being a stranger to my Religion and Countrey, I should daily profit under your sage conduct and most divine discourses. I may thanke my poore memory, which now and than furnishes me with your Antidotes against the superstitions of the Church of Rome and the little reverence and cold devotion of they of the Religion in this Country \Nation/. you may be pleased to see there alsoe my present condition; I have a very crasy body and but little courage of mind: it suffereth me, since I cannot assist, if, when \you/ officiate at the Altar, you remember me there in your prayers, which I with all earnestnesse and passion begg of you.

I am

most reverend Sir

Your most humble suppliant and most obedient and tru Servant

M. Lister.

Montpelier November 1664

1. Henry Paman (bap. 1623, d. 1695), Professor of Physic at Gresham College, Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, and Martin Lister’s tutor at St. John’s College, Cambridge. Though Paman originally entered Emmanuel College to study medicine, he graduated M.A. from St. John’s, became a fellow, graduated M.D. from Oxford, and held the Linacre lectureship in medicine. He eventually served as public orator for the University from 1674–81, evidencing an elegant Latinity in his eight speeches. With the assistance of his former tutor and patron William Sancroft (1617–93) who would become Archbishop of Canterbury, Paman eventually became professor of medicine at Gresham College, London, a fellow of the Royal College of Physicians and L.L.D at Cambridge, before being appointed master of the faculties there by Sancroft. 0060 Lister to Lister 71

2. Lister suffered from asthma throughout his life, and on his voyage to France his salivary gland under his tongue became blocked. He suffered from this latter malady for eight years. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 13 September 1671. Lister also had a rather unfortunate and stormy channel crossing, leaving his house on 11 August 1663, and not arriving into Montpellier until January 1664. He spent some time marooned in Weymouth, and then on Guernsey Island. (For a record of his channel crossing, see Bodl. ms Lister 19, fols. 8–18, as well as http://listerstravels. modhist.ox.ac.uk, a scholarly transcription of ms Lister 19, Lister’s student notebook).

0059 Martin Lister to Michael Lister November 1664

November

To my b. Mich1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brother William, his mother, Thomas Briggs, Dr Gunning, and John Peck.

0060 Martin Lister to [Susanna Lister] November 1664

November

To my Lady1 72 Lister to Briggs 0061

1. I surmise this may have been Susanna Lister, who was usually addressed as “My Lady Mother,” or “My Lady M.” Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers Michael and William, Thomas Briggs, Dr Gunning, and John Peck.

0061 Martin Lister to [Thomas] Briggs November 1664

November

To Mr Briggs.1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers Michael and William, his mother, Thomas Briggs, Dr Gunning, and John Peck.

0062 Martin Lister to [Peter] Gunning1 November 1664

November

To Dr Gunning2 0064 Lister to Lister 73

1. Peter Gunning (1614–1684), from 1661, Master of St John’s College, Cambridge, where Lister was a fellow. In the same year, Gunning was elected Regius Professor of Divinity, and was later Bishop of Ely in 1675. Gunning was a Royalist, serving Charles I in the royal court at Oxford during the English Civil War at the same time Lister’s great uncle Matthew was Royal Physician. As Martin Lister later received his fellowship by royal mandate at the Restoration, there may have been a political connection or connection of patronage between them. 2. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers Michael and William, his mother, Thomas Briggs, and John Peck.

0063 Martin Lister to [John Peck] November 1664

November

To Mr Pecke.1

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers Michael and William, his mother, Thomas Briggs, and Dr Gunning.

0064 Martin Lister to William Lister November 1664

November

To my B[rother]. Will1 74 Lister to Lister 0065

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with other pieces of correspondence to his brothers Michael and William, his mother, Thomas Briggs, Dr Gunning, and John Peck.

0065 Martin Lister to [William Lister] January 1665

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 19, fol. 4r. During his journey to and stay in Montpellier to study medicine, Lister kept a diary. In the first four pages he kept an ongoing record of his correspondence, received and sent. None of these letters has, to our knowledge, survived. An interactive scholarly edition of the diary may be found at: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk/ Address: No address present.

To my b[rother].Will1 Jenvier 16652

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with another letter to his brother Richard Lister. 2. Janvier or January in French.

0066 Martin Lister to [Richard Lister] January 1665

To my b[rother]. Rich[ard]1 Jenvier 16652

1. Lister indicated in his notebook this letter was sent in a packet with another letter to his brother William Lister. This note refers to Lister’s eldest half-brother Richard (b. 17 July 1628) of Thorpe Arnold, Buckinghamshire. He was the first son of Sir Martin Lister and his first wife Mary 0067 Bruce to Lister 75

Wenman and served as the Parliamentary commissioner for militia in Leicestershire for 1659/60. For a more detailed biography of Richard Lister, please see Roos, (2011), pp. 36–37. 2. Janvier or January in French.

0067 [Robert Bruce, First Earl of Montpellier, Ailesbury]1 to [Martin Lister] 8 February [ca. 1664–1665]

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 34. Address: No address present.

Montpellier ce 8 Fevvrier

Monsieur, un Gentilhomme Anglois qui cet fort de mes amys ayant envie d’aller demeurer quelque temps en Avignon, Je prens cette occasion pour vous escrire, ne scachant pas certainement si ma derniere aye estè donnee et pour vous prier d’assieter2 ce Gentilhomme de vos bons conseils, un amy prudent comme vous n’estant pas un petit tresor. Il est fort studieux et d’une humeur retiree. Je suis fort a vous

Vostre tres affectionne serviteur

Ailesbury

Montpellier 8 February

Sir, an English gentleman who is among my firm friends having a desire to go and spend some time in Avignon,3 I take this occasion to write to you, not knowing for certain if my last [[letter]] reached your hand and to ask that you would lend him your good counsel, a careful friend like you being no small treasure. He is very scholarly and of a reserved temper. I am extremely [obliged] to you

Your very affectionate servant

Ailesbury 76 Lister to unknown 0068

1. Robert Bruce, first Earl of Ailesbury and second Earl of Elgin (ca. March 1626–1685), the son of Thomas Bruce, first Earl of Elgin. He was M.P. for Bedfordshire from 1660–1663, when he succeeded to his father’s titles. Ailesbury was in Montpellier during the period of Lister’s studies, Lister recording in his memoirs that he performed a dissection of an ox head in his study, and that “I made my reverence to my Lord of Alsbury, who was infinitely civil to me upon my Unkle Sr. Matth. Listers memory” (Bodl. ms Lister 5, fol. 223v). Henderson noted of Ailesbury, “Although known in later years for his intellectual curiosity—he amassed a collection of antiquities and historical manuscripts and was a fellow of the Royal Society—his formal education seems to have been minimal.” See T.F. Henderson, “Bruce, Robert, second earl of Elgin and first earl of Ailesbury (bap. 1626–1685),” rev. Victor Stater, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 2. “Assister.” 3. Lister recorded visiting Avignon in his travel diary on 31 May 1664 (Bodl. ms Lister 9). See also http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk.

0068 Martin Lister to an unknown recipient [ca. 1664–1666]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fol. 179. The letter is a draft copy at the end of the folio volume, and it is not known if it was ever sent. Address: No address present.

Je receu vostre livre et vostre lettre si obligéante. je ne sçaurois estre triste quand je lis Scarron. mais sçavez vous bien, que je ne suis tout seul, qui en ris. j’ay des belles qui m’aident à eclater. ces sont des escoliers de ma façon. ne trompez voùs pas, je n’entend pas parler de vos Muses (vous sçavez bien que j’ay ay peu de part) que vous autres croyez les seules belles et les seules spiritu- elles. ces sont des veritables belles, dont la beautè du corps est accompagnée avec celle de l’esprit. mais que vous estez de mauvaise humeur de vous moquer de mes belles! Monsieur, que vous [[one word]] \connoissez/, nostre cher Amy, m’escoutera plus favorablement sur ce subject. A propros des belles, nous appellat il des garçons et des jeunes gens? n’est il pas encore au nombre des Conscripts, vous sçavez bien le titre, dont on traittoit les senateurs Romains: ou bien les inclinations du Gouverneur ont \elles/ fait \seulement/ leur effect dans le Pupil.2 que on me dechire le papier, je n’aurois jamais finis, tant j’ay le subject a coeur. je vous ay prié pour une methode à estudier de la belle manniere le droit. je ne sçaurois, ce me semble, m’addresser plus à propos que à vous. Vous, Monsieur, que vous entendez \si bien/ dans toutes les belles et bonnes choses. vous me l’avez accordée, et trouver bon, que \je/ vous en fall souvenir

Lister 0069 Briggs to Lister 77

I received your book and your very obliging letter. I could not be sad when I read Scarron.3 But believe me, I am not alone in laughing at it. I have some beauties who are with me in this outburst. They are pupils after my fashion. Do not mistake: I do not mean to speak of your Muses (you know well that I have little part in that) which you others believe to be the only sources of beauty and wit. These are true beauties whose beauty of body is accompanied by that of spirit. But how ill-humored of you to mock my beauties! Sir, oh that you might know our dear friend, [in order to] give me a more favourable hearing on this subject. Regarding beauties, does it signify to us boys and young men? Is he [it] not still among the conscripts—you are well aware of the title which was attributed to the Roman senators; or rather have the feelings [or inclinations] of the Governor [or tutor], only had an effect in the Pupil.4 Would that someone would snatch the paper away: I would never end, as I have the subject so much to heart. I asked you for a good method of studying law. It seems to me that I could not have addressed myself to a better person than yourself. You, Sir, who has such a good understanding of every beautiful and good thing. You bestowed it on me, and found it good, as I would remind you.

Lister

1. This letter was written when Lister was a student in Montpellier. His student notebook (Bodleian ms Lister 19) indicates that he was avidly reading the burlesques of Scarron. 2. “Pupil” is not a French word, and the normal expression for “have an effect upon” would be avoir un effect sur. However, Lister was not a native French speaker. My thanks to Professor Ruth Whelan for her assistance with this translation. 3. Paul Scarron (1610–1660) contributed significantly to the development of the burlesque epic, the drama, and the novel, making the burlesque one of the most characteristic forms of seventeenth-century literature. His work is often modeled on Spanish picaresque romances and adventures, such as the Life of Lazarillo de Tormes (1554). 4. A possible reference to Roman pederasty. If it is a reference to pederasty, then the use of the preposition “dans” is deliberate as is the change in the expression, but Lister was not a native speaker.

0069 Thomas Briggs1 to [Martin Lister] Cambridge, 22 August 1665

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 19. Address: No address present. 78 Briggs to Lister 0069

Deare ffreinde

Whatever suspicion by miscarriage of letters may be and that very justly bee entertaynede by you concerneing it was affection which I shall \ever/ retayne for you.2 Ile assure you ther shall never been any reall ground for such surmise whilst I am. etc. I well understand how my letters miste you. Ive non[e] payment of theyr passage, where I perceive by a letter from Dr. Browne of Norwich3 must not bee onely to Paris but from Paris to Montpelier if they ever gett home. I received 3 letters from you in this fortnight so that I suppose none miscarried. All your relations as I understand are well in Country I removing lately from Leicestershire, though by reasons of the sickness dispersed through many places in Country I could not see any of them;4 wee are all well in Coll.[ege] as also in University but the Coll. are all shutt up the infection being somewhat in Towne though very little (praised bee God). I have paid twenty pounds to Dr. Browne of Norwich for your use the surest way I judged to returne itt to you hees having opportunity to send to his sonn.5 & hee may easily transmitt itt to you. The Sickness much prevailes at London above four thousand dying so last weeke.6 Dr Paman7 will bee or att present is att Paris intending for England suddainly. I am much confined att present having many avocations upon mee but shall never wast[e] time nor opportunity as I hope to evidense my selfe.

Deare Martin. Your true ffreinde & servant.

Tho. Briggs

St. Johns Coll. Cambr. Aug. 22 1665

1. For Briggs, see Lister’s letter to him of 2 October 1663. 2. Lister was studying medicine in Montpellier and presumably the Great Plague of 1665– 1666 disrupted international postal services more than usual. 3. Probably Sir Thomas Browne (1605–1682), the well-known physician and English author of Religio Medici. Browne settled in Norwich in 1637 where he practiced medicine, living there until his death. At the time of this letter, his eldest son Edward (1644–1708) was on his Grand Tour of France and Italy. After graduating M.B. from Trinity College, Cambridge in 1663, Edward left for the continent to study in the Paris Hospitals in 1664 and to travel in Italy and France where he visited Arles, Montpellier, Toulouse, and La Rochelle. He returned home in October 1665. See R.H. Robbins, “Browne, Sir Thomas (1605–1682),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography 0070 Unknown to Lister 79

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); Kees van Strien, “Browne, Edward (1644–1708),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 4. Briggs is referring to the Great Plague of 1665–1666. Though it is well known that Sir Isaac Newton fled Cambridge for Woolsthorpe in remote Lincolnshire to escape this plague, it is apparent from Briggs’s letter that his impression was that Cambridge was lightly affected by the pestilence, as only the colleges were closed. The Plague Bills of Mortality from 2 July 1665 to August 1666 indeed did indicate that “all the Colledges (God be praised) are and have continued without any Infection of the Plague,” though one thousand in the town would die of the Black Death by January 1667. See Plague Bill, recording the total mortality in Cambridge from 2 July 1665 to 29 March 1666, in Elizabeth Leedham-Green, A Concise History of the University of Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 74. 5. Edward Browne (1644–1708). Presumably Browne was meeting Lister in Montpellier and would give him the monies. 6. Briggs was not far wrong. The total amounts of burials from plague according to the Greater London Bills of Morality for 1 August–5 September 1665 range from 2,815 burials for the first week to 4,237 in the week of 15–22 August. By the week of 29 August–5 September, burials recorded due to plague were 6,988. See “Table 5: Greater London Bills of Mortality: Plague Burials and Total Burials, August 1–September 5, 1665,” in A. Lloyd Moote and Dorothy C. Moote, The Great Plague: The Story of London’s Most Deadly Year (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), p. 129. 7. Henry Paman (1626–1695), Lister’s former tutor in medicine at Cambridge. Although Paman entered Emmanuel College originally to study physick, he graduated M.A. from St John’s, became a fellow, graduated M.D. from Oxford, and held the Linacre lectureship in medicine. Eventually Paman served as public orator for the University from 1674–1681, evidencing an elegant Latinity in his eight speeches. With the assistance of his former tutor and patron William Sancroft (1617–1693) who would become Archbishop of Canterbury, Paman eventually became professor of medicine at Gresham College, London, a fellow of the Royal College of Physicians and ll.D. at Cambridge, before being appointed master of the faculties there by Sancroft. Though Paman did not publish medical treatises himself, he left behind a large amount of correspondence with Sancroft, with colleagues at Cambridge, and with his colleague and friend Dr. Thomas Sydenham, providing a prefatory letter to Sydenham’s work on venereal diseases. See Norman Moore, “Paman, Henry (bap. 1623–1695),” rev. Michael Bevan, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

0070 Unknown to [Martin Lister] ca. 1666

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fols 174–175. Lister indicated on fol. 174v.: “From Dr Richards at Lincoln 1666,” the basis for the dating of this letter.1 The signature of this letter is nearly illegible. Address: No address present. 80 Lister to unknown 0071

Monsieur

Il ya deja quatre mois, que mon Pere m’a ordonna de vous escrire, sur le sujet des livres tant imprimez que manuescrits qu’il vous a prestez de temps en temps: afin que j’en peusse profiter apres vous; au moins les reconnoistre, si par hazard ils me fussent a service \mon usage/. J’ay negligé son ordinance jusqu’a present, qu’il me vient de presser de nouveau. Veritablement j’eusse voulu me presenter devant vous et vous en prier l’interpretation, en les demandant. vous que vous entendez si bien dans les misteres de notre Art. Ce n’est pas que je mesprise l’Oracle, ne pouvant aller le consulter en personne. Je me garderay cet honneur pour la premiere occasion et vous supplie de me les envoyer. Conseignez les, si vous plaist entre les mains de Monsieur Scarson, qui ne manque jamais une seure com[m]odité pour me les faire tenir. Je suis Monsieur vostre

Sir

It is already four months since my father instructed me to write to you on the subject of the books, printed and manuscript, that he lent you from time to time: to the end that I might take advantage of them after you; [or] at least peruse them in case they might be serviceable \useful/. I had overlooked his instruction until this moment, when he has just urged it on me again. Truly I would have wished to present myself to you and ask you for the interpretation, in asking for them. you who are so understanding of the mysteries of our Art. It is not that I despise the Oracle, being unable to go to consult it in person. I will keep that honour for the first opportunity and request you to send them to me. Leave them, if you please in the hands of M. Scarson who never lacks a reliable means of taking them to me. I am Sir yours

1. It is not known who “Dr. Richards” is, but there is a reference to some medical recipes by him in a set of notes written by Drayner Massingberd in the mid-seventeenth century. Massingberd was a family friend of the Listers in Lincoln. See Family and Estate Papers of the Massingberd Mundy family, 1MM/6/11/2, Lincolnshire Archives.

0071 Martin Lister to an unknown Lyon, [February 1666]1 mademoiselle

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fol. 178. The letter is a draft copy at the end of the folio volume, and it is not known if it was ever sent. 0071 Lister to unknown 81

Address: No address present.

Lyon

Mademoiselle

Je ne sçaurois quitter la France, sans vous dire adieu derechef par escrit. tant vous ay-je à coeur et vos civilites me seront eternellement dans ma memoire en quel pais qui ce soit, ou je vay demeurer. Si je me retire tout a faict chez moy, j’y attenderois de vos nouvelles avec passion. maudite guerre! que tu me donnez de chagrin en m’arrachent de mes delices; ce transport est pour vous et pour ce qu’il y a de beau à Montpelier. ne soyez pas satisfé de partager mes inclinations avec une si belle ville. me voudriez vous faire l’honneur de votre souvenance de temps en temps. je ver- rois si il y aura moyen de vous faire tenir de mes lettres. je finis

Mademoiselle votre tres humble tres obeissant et tres passioné serviteur Listeur fuitez mon compliment â Mesdemoisseles Pougit mere et fille, mais de vr façon beau et obligeant. je vous deffend de faire autant à ma Maistresse, celle qui vous connoissez.

Lyon

Mademoiselle,

I did not know how to leave France without saying farewell to you once again in writing. I have you so much in my heart and your courtesies will be forever in my memory in whatever country I dwell. I may be returning home, but I will eagerly await news of you there. Cursed war!2 How you give me pain as I tear myself from my delights. This [emotion] is for you and for everything beautiful in Montpelier. Do not be content with sharing my [affections] with such a beautiful town. Pray do me the honour of your remembrance from time to time. I will see if there are means by which you may have my letters. I end, 82 Lister to Ray 0072

Mademoiselle, your very humble very obedient and very [devoted] servant

Lister pay my compliment to Mesdemoiselles Pougit,3 mother and daughter, but in your elegant and obliging manner. I forbid you to do as much towards my mistress, she whom you know.

Lyon

1. Lister’s student diary (Bodl. ms Lister 19) indicates that he left Montpellier, via Lyons, in February 1666 for Paris and then home, due to the declaration of the War of Devolution in France. The identity of the recipient of this letter, one of Lister’s first loves, is not known. 2. The War of Devolution, undertaken by Louis xiv for the conquest of the Spanish Netherlands. On 1 February 1666, Louis ordered all Englishmen to leave France within three months. 3. These ladies have not been identified.

0072 Martin Lister to [John Ray] Burwell, Lincolnshire, 25 March 1666

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 3, letter 4. The original letter has no paragraph breaks, and these have been inserted in the translation here for the purpose of sense. Address: No address present. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 15–17 (partial); Lankester (1848), pp. 11–13 (partial).

M. Lister D. Wray Suo S[alutem] D[icit].

Has me ex superioribus literis ad te dare opertet cûm ut promisso satisfa- ciam, tùm quòd cupidus sim certè ad te scribendi: ad te, inquam, qui in paucissimis, uti nunciasti, et in illustrissimi Collegii dignitate et scientia es nostri amantissimus. Itaque te [[xx]]certiorem facio me jam a paucis diebus iter in agrum Lincolniensem confe cisse. res mea impresentiarum valdè dubiâ sunt et molestissimae neque aliud me consolatur, nisi quod intra paucos dies certis 0072 Lister to Ray 83 sciam quid de me fiat. quo tempore de omni statu meo plura à me expecta. Extremas Lectiones, qua constituoram de scriptoribus [[xxxxxx]] sc minutorum animalium jam confeci: neque alias aggredi nobis ni animo est sine tuo consilio neque certè jam libri quivis propter anxietatem rerum mearum valdè nostri stomachi sunt. Sed ut et sim planè perturbatus et dejectus aliquid tamen ex proximis lectionibus ad te scribendum arbitror, quod recens mihi memoria tùm rerum tùm authorum, deinde etsi tu nihil novi à me expectes, tamen ex instituto meo libenter prefero coram te qualemcunque sententiolam meam. Itaque ne veteres quosque praetermittam, in primis de Historia naturali, Aristotelis ita censeo, eum hominem Philosophum praeclarè agere: sed egregius vir minimè satisfacit tantis facultatibus atque adjumentis, quorum meminit Plinius ei praestita fuisse ab Alexandro. certè in his praecipuè rebus, quibus me quotidie exerceo, turpissimè illum \errare/ deprehendo, neque sane id mirum cum praeclarissimus author summum suum ingenium consulere maluit, quam res ipsas. illud manifestum eum paucissimis experimentis fuisse contentum ut immensam structuram exaedificaret. De Plinio tu mihi abundè satisfecisti superioribus tuis literis; adequo tuum judicium à diligentissimâ lectione vehementer complector approboque. Ad nostros homines venio, quorum, in primis ingeniosissimus juxta ac diligentissimus scriptor Aldrovandus (nam Albertum, Cardanum caeterosque id genus homines stomacher valdè quod \me/ plane operam perdidisse sentio quam iis evolvendis dederim. nisi quod id profecerim, quam licere homines doctissimos ineptire, qui ultra appa- ratum velint philosophari. Sed ad Aldrovandum redeo, virum sanè mirificium, cui tamen aegrè fero istos locos suos communes; mallem equidem substi- tuisset corollas de suo seque dignas, sed id moris est hominum, immensam lectionem et industriam ostentare malumus, quam accuratissimè in paucis eisdemque nostris sapere: a quo tamen major fructus aliquando sperandus est in auxilium vitae, ne dicam, nostrae laudis. Ante eum pro ratione temporum oportuit me dixisse de Whottono nostro, nisi quòd ab eo primò didici talem authorem extitisse: elegantissimum suum opus tandem comparavi evolvique. is mirabilis plane industria summoque ingenio usus est in extricandis veterum sententiis. Tabulas nos[[tras ante]] confeci, quam eum nactus sum; at mireris, quantam voluptatem [[conceperim, cum eas contulerim cum]] differentiis Whottoni. Hunc excipiat Moufetus item noster, à quo omnia praeclara et consummata quis non expectet, cui tanta adjumenta, tantaque nomina contribuerunt, Whotonus, Gesnerus, C. Clusius, Pennus, Knivettus, Braerus, &c? nam ab his ferè omnibus commentarii plurium annorum, at moriantur pessime crediti, eorumque literas videre mallem quas causatur, quam huius ineptam diligentiam, ita profectò universum Theatrum suum adeo confusè et 84 Lister to Ray 0072 sine ordine condidit [[several words]] ut quae \ei/ materies ab aliis, turpissimè collocatur et minimè in laudem tantorum virorum. At non solum ipsam rem fere ignoravit, verum barbarè omnino exponit. Sed ea homini imperito et benè volenti condonare possimus, nisi alia planè res contra suaderet, cui equidem in legendis autoribus multum tribuo studeoque, ut sc. Intelligerem, qui sit eorum animus honestusne et probus. at ex eius scriptis aliud apertè cognovi, quo salis mirari nequeo, arrogantiam sc. hominis, ne quid qui \gravius/ dicam, qui cum infinita penè, praesertim de natura istorum minutorum animalium totidem ferè verbis transtulit ab Aldrovando, tamen nusquam eius ingeniosissimi viri (si quis alius nostri seculi) mentionem facit. ediderat autem Aldrovandus opus seeum ante triginta annos quam haec in lucem prolata sunt. Pauca ea, quae de his rebus scripsere F. Imperatus, F. Columna, tantis veris planè digna sunt, Moufeto citetirem neminem legi praeter Geodartium Batvum, cuius certè industria summè laudanda est. Nam praeter elegantissimas figures, quas appingi caravit, singulorum, animalium cibatum, transmutationumque tem- pora, accuratissimè notat; ut tantum apud eum desideretur eorum exacta descriptio; is autem praeter nuda familiae nomina ne verbum quidem addit. \me/ olim judicium tuum elicuisse memini de Kerchero: is in tractatu mundus subterraneus nominato, inter alia, de horum animalium productione spontanea pluribus verbis agit; quae tamen res omnino an fiat in universa rerum naturâ, dubito vehe\men/ter. Testimonia Aldrovandi etc. nihili sunt. ego plura expertus, quae contrarium vel evincant, vel erroris certè causas declarent; quae tu alio tempore, à me expectabis. In extremis ae accepi, quae in actis illustrissi- mae societatis vestrae lego. Ubi in primis praeclarissimum specimen ingenii sui edidit D. King de Formicâ. Habes quae scire potui de scriptoribus minutorum animalium, ea judicii libertate, quae nostrae amicitiae sit. Si qui sint qui nostram cognitionem adhuc lateant, fac me de iis certiorem. Et velim ut tuum judicium interponas tum de his quorum supra memini et de iis quae restant. item rogo digneris quam plurimis verbis mihi prescribere, quum commodo tuo fiat, quid tu existimes de optimo genere harum rerum tum observandarum, tum tractandarum. Ipse quidem cupio consilium meum tibi exponere. Nam fere totus sum in his novis nostris delectationibus. Vale et nos ama. Burvelae agri lincolniensis. viii kal. Apriles

Martin Lister sends his greetings to John Wray.

I am under an obligation to send you this letter after my previous one both to fulfil my promise and because I am of course desirous of writing to you, to you, I say, who—to be as brief as possible, as you have declared—bear me the 0072 Lister to Ray 85 greatest affection, in respect of both your most exalted post in the College and in your learning. And so I am informing you that I completed my journey to Lincolnshire a few days ago. At the moment my affairs are in great doubt and most troublesome, and the only thing that gives me some comfort is the fact that within a few days I shall know by unmistakable indications what is to become of me.1 At that time you should expect more from me about my position. I have now completed the final readings [or ‘lectures’] which I had resolved to write concerning writers on insects. I have no intention of embarking on others without your advice and certainly no books at all are greatly to my liking at present because of the anxiety about my affairs. But although I am clearly worried and depressed I nevertheless think that I should write something to you from my most recent readings because the memory of both the contents and the authors is fresh to me, and then, although you should expect nothing new from me, I am happy to set before you my feeble opinions, of whatever value they may be, as I usually do. And so, in order not to pass the ancients by, first I consider that in respect of Aristotle’s Natural History2 this man played the Philosopher splendidly: but the distinguished man gives very little help or satisfaction. Indeed especially in those matters which are my daily business I find him gravely mistaken, and to be not at all that admirable and splendid author whose works are to be customarily consulted: quite the reverse. It is plain that he was content to build an immense edifice on slight experiment; About Pliny3 abundantly you have made amends to me with your letters; And so far your judgment from the most careful reading [of him], I embrace and I approve of strongly. I think among natural historians,4 the chiefest and most clever and careful writer is Aldrovandi5 (as for Albertus,6 Cardano7 and other men of those sorts I am greatly angry with, because I myself feel as they did not disclose the findings of others, they have clearly ruined their work.) This is unless it is permitted for the most learned men to play the fool, which these Philosophers may wish to do.8 But as for Aldrovandi, I dislike his philosophical commonplaces, and I would rather he had furnished findings of his own that were worthy of him. But that is the way of the world: we prefer to display immense reading and industry rather than show our wisdom most nicely in a few words, and those all our own. Before I go on, it behooves me to say something about Edward Wotton,9 because I have been acquainted chiefly with his authoritative work. Clearly with the highest diligence and ingenuity he has disentangled his observations from the opinions of the ancients. I have made our tables [of insects],10 and I have had great pleasure at comparing them with those of Wotton’s. Likewise let our good Mouffet take up Wotton’s book from whom [i.e. Mouffet] we would 86 Lister to Ray 0072 not expect everything to be splendidly performed and concluded, since the following men Gesner, C[harles] de l’Éscluse,11 Penny,12 Knyvett,13 Bruaer,14 etc. have granted him such great acts of assistance, and their own great names?15 For all these men have produced observations for several years, but I wish that they might be destroyed when they are foolishly believed, and I should prefer to see their correspondence, on which he bases his defence, rather than the man’s foolish attention to detail—such assuredly is the confusion and disorder with which he has composed his Theatre, since his material is most shamefully taken from others, and does such great men no credit whatever. That having been said, surely the whole of Mouffet’s Insectorum Theatrum16 has been organized so far indiscriminately, with an exposition that was utterly barbarous. But, to be fair, these great men that do natural history receive so little praise as it is as the ignorant have almost disregarded them. Nonetheless we should be able to give natural history to the unskilled man and well as to the willing, and to this end, I must gather authoritative writings, considering which of them are distinguished and good. But when using others’ writings, I have acknowledged others’ work openly, and I marvel at the insolence of the man [Mouffet], and say with a heavy heart, which especially about the nature of insects, has almost to the word plagiarized from Aldrovandi, yet nowhere does he mention his source. Had but Aldrovandi published his work thirty years ago, how advanced his efforts were would have come into the light. Just a small number have written about insects—F. Imperatus,17 F. Columna18 clearly are worthy; I have read Mouffet and nobody else besides Johannes Goedart, of which surely his diligence is to be recommended especially. For besides the most elegant illustrations, Goedart has added accounts of the insects’ diet, the seasons it transmutes, which he observes most carefully.19 I myself remember to have formerly elicited your judgment about Kircher.20 In the tract, the Mundus Subterraneus, among other things, he discourses about the spontaneous generation of insects; which I vehemently doubt occurs. The pieces of evidence presented by Aldrovandi etc. are worthless. I have tested a number of things that either prove the contrary or at the very least make clear the causes of their error. You may expect these from me at another time. Whilst in a terrible plight I received those matters that I read in the proceedings of your most illustrious society.21 Here in particular D. King has published a splendid example of his intelligence concerning the Ant.22 You have what I have been able to discover about writers on insects, with that freedom of judgment that is typical of our friendship. If there are any writers with whom I am still unacquainted, inform me about them. And I should like you to pass judgment both on what I have mentioned above and on what remains. Likewise I am asking you to see fit to write to me in as much detail as 0072 Lister to Ray 87 possible, when it is convenient, about what you consider to be the best way of both observing and discussing these matters. I wish personally to explain my plan to you. For I am almost completely absorbed in these new delights of ours.

Farewell and love me.

Burwell Lincolnshire 25 March

1. Lister’s remarks concern his resolution to leave his fellowship at St John’s. At this point, Lister was contemplating resigning his fellowship there to pursue a more lucrative profession in private practice as a physician. To do so, he needed a royal dispensation, as his fellowship was given as a royal mandate, as well as his father’s blessing. 2. Aristotle wrote several works in natural history, his History of Animals the most commonly cited by early modern entomologists and likely to be the work that Lister had in mind. In later correspondence to Henry Oldenburg, Lister referred specifically to the version of Aristotle translated by Theodore of Gaza (Venice, 1476). See Lister’s letter of 10 January 1671 to Oldenburg. 3. Pliny the Elder’s Naturalis Historia, his famous encyclopedia published circa 77–79 ad. Pliny was regarded as the foremost authority on natural history through the middle ages, but in the sixteenth century, with the rediscovery of many of his works, Aristotle supplanted him. Entomology was covered in book eleven of Pliny’s encyclopedia. Lister was a great admirer of Pliny, and he was in full agreement with Ray, who wrote “we owe him a debt for preserving much on natural history without sifting the true from the false.” (nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 6.) 4. Literally in the Latin, “our men.” 5. Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522–1605), an Italian naturalist responsible for Bologna’s botanical garden. Aldrovandi had vast collections of zoological and botanical specimens, and he wrote several works in natural history. His work in entomology was entitled De animalibus insectis libri septem, cum singulorum iconibus ad vivum expressis (Bologna, 1602). Although Aldrovandi was more of a compiler than an original researcher, he was read and admired by Lister. See Harley (1992), p. 35. 6. Presumably a reference to Albertus Magnus’s On Animals. See Albertus Magnus, “‘On Animals’: A Medieval ‘Summa Zoologica,’ ” trans. Kenneth Kitchell, Jr. and Irven Michael Rennick (Baltimore, md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999). 7. Presumably the work of Girolamo Cardano, De rerum varietate (1557), in Opera omnia, ed. C. Sponius, 9 vols (Lyon, 1663). This gallimaufry includes such surmises as ants were given wings to console them in old age. 8. The original letter has no paragraph breaks and these have been inserted in the translation here for the purpose of sense. 9. Edward Wotton (1492–1555), the founder of zoology and first English physician to study natural history in a systematic fashion. His first significant publication was his De differentiis animalium libri decem (Paris, 1552). He collected also materials for the history of insects, later published in the Insectorum, sive, Minimorum animalium theatrum or Theatre of Insects (1634) co-authored with Conrad Gesner, Thomas Mouffet, and Thomas Penny. See A.F. Pollard, “Wotton, Edward (1492–1555)”, rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 88 Lister to Ray 0072

10. The next year Lister completed his table of English spiders. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 31 October 1668. 11. Charles de l’Escluse (1526–1609), was a significant horticulturalist, responsible for introducing the tulip and the potato to the Netherlands, professor and director of the Hortus botanicus in Leiden, and a Flemish doctor. Like Lister, he studied at Montpellier. Whilst there, he befriended Dr. Thomas Penny, and named what is now Swertia perennis, Gentiana punc- tata Pennaei, in his honour. Clusius also did zoological studies, publishing his Exoticorum libri decem: quibus animalium, plantarum, aromatum, aliorumque peregrinorum fructuum historiae describuntur: Item Petri Bellonis observationibus [. . .] (Leiden: Raphelengius, 1605). The first six books are devoted to new species of plants, animals, and insects from the New World, South- east Asia and Africa, and it is important for the large numbers of novel descriptions of non- European plants and animals. It was probably the book Lister had in mind in his letter. For more on Clusius, see Brian W. Ogilvie, The Science of Describing: Natural History in Renaissance Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006). 12. Thomas Penny (b. 1532), one of the first English biologists and among the first to make a detailed study of insects. As Potts and Fear have noted, “He is also remarkable in that he seems to have doubted the theory of spontaneous generation, the belief that living organisms, even mice, could arise from rotting matter, and to have defied Aristotle and grouped caterpillars with their butterflies and moths rather than with the worms.” See W.T.W. Potts and L. Fear, “Thomas Penny the first English Entomolgist,” Contrebis, xxv (2000). http://www. britarch.ac.uk/lahs/PENNyart .htm 13. Most likely Anthony Knyvett, the first English traveler in Brazil. His account of his voyage to Brazil with Thomas Cavendish in the 1590s was published by Samuel Purchas as Hakluytus Posthumus; or Purchas His Pilgrimes (London: Hakluyt Society, 2000). Kynvett included details about the flora and fauna he encountered in Rio and São Paulo, as well in his further travels in Bantu West Africa. See Richard F. Hitchcock, “Samuel Purchas as Editor: A Case Study: Anthony Knyvett’s Journal,” The Modern Language Review, 99, 2 (April 2004), pp. 301–312. 14. This author is unknown. 15. The Latin is a bit awkward here. In other words, it would behoove Mouffet to pay attention to the work of Whotton in order to improve his own work. Mouffet borrowed heavily from other authors and, in Lister’s opinion, still produced a book that was inferior. 16. Thomas Mouffet, Insectorum sive minimorum animalium theatrum (London: Thomas Coates, 1634). This work, the first entomological work published in English, was indeed disor- ganized, largely due to its complicated publishing history. It was a compilation of the writings of Edward Wotton, Conrad Gesner, and Gesner’s assistant Thomas Penny. When Gesner died in 1565, he left an unfinished book on insects, which was sold to his assistant Thomas Penny. Penny also acquired the entomological notes of Edward Wotton, and began combining Gesner’s and Wotton’s works. Penny’s manuscript passed to his friend Thomas Mouffet, who completed it and began negotiating for its publication, but the book was still in manuscript at his death. The manuscript remained in the Mouffet family for many years, until Mouffet’s apothecary, Darrell, sold it to Sir Theodore Mayerne, who had it published in 1634. Though copiously illustrated, it contains folklore about insects reminiscent of a medieval bestiary as well as newly accurate studies of their habits, habitat, breeding, and economic importance. Mouffet’s introduction also 0073 Lister to Ray 89 gives us an indication of the mixed nature of the work. Mouffet wrote, “I had rather something should be taken off my own estate than off his [Penny’s] glory . . . I have forged the history to the best of my abilities, adding at the same time the light of oratory which Penny wanted I have amended the method and language and put out a thousand tautologies, trivial matters and things unreasonably spoken. I have inserted entire histories of insects and above one hundred and fifty pictures which Penny and Gesner knew not.” 17. Most likely Ferrante Imperato, Historia Naturale . . . nella quale ordinatamente si tratta della diversa condition di Minere, Pietre pretiose, & altre curiosità. Con varie Historie di Piante, & Animali, sin’ hora non date in luce . . . (Venice: Combi and La Noù, 1672). The first edition was published in 1599. Imperato was an Italian botanist at Naples, active during the last part of the sixteenth century. This beautiful catalogue was of the “Museo” of the Neapolitan apothecary Ferrante Imperato (1550–1625) and his son Francesco. The catalogue is divided into twenty-eight books with sections on mining (five books) and alchemy (nine books), the remainder being devoted to flora and fauna. 18. Lister is likely to be referring to: Fabius Columna, Fabii Colvmnae Lyncei Pvrpvra: hoc est de purpura ab animali testaceo fusa, de hoc ipro animali, alijsque rarioribus testaceis quibusdam. Cum iconibus . . . elencho rerum (Rome: Jacob Mascardus, 1616). Columna (1567–1650) was a naturalist and a member of the Accademia dei Lincei. 19. Lister refers to Johannes Goedaert’s Metamorphosis et Historia Naturalis Insectorum (Amsterdam, 1662) which he translated into English and published in 1682 with critical annotations. Goedaert was trained as an artist in the Netherlands and was an accomplished scientific illustrator; his Metamorphosis was the first book on Dutch insect fauna and included one of the earliest scientific accounts of insect metamorphosis or “transmutation.” Derham’s abstract of Ray’s letter of 4 July 1667 indicates Ray thought it a “poor book.” 20. Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680), the Jesuit Polymath. Lister was referring to his Mundus Subterraneus, published in twelve volumes between 1664 and 1678. The work was devoted largely to vulcanology, but it also contained speculations on a variety of subjects, including tidal mechanisms and spontaneous generation. See Hiro Hirai, “Kircher’s Chymical Interpretation of the Creation and Spontaneous Generation,” Chymists and Chymistry: Studies in the History of Alchemy and Early Modern Chemistry, ed. L.M. Principe (New York: Science History Publications, 2007), pp. 77–87. 21. The Royal Society. 22. Edmund King, “Observations Concerning Emmets or Ants, Their Eggs, Production, Progress, Coming to Maturity, Use, &c,” Phil. Trans., 2 (1666–1667), pp. 425–428.

0073 Martin Lister to John Ray St John’s College, Cambridge, May 1666

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78.1

St Johns Col: May. 1666. consoles the loss of his comp[anion] with Mr Wray’s2 handsome ans[we]r3 90 Ray to Lister 0074

0074 John Ray to Martin Lister 9 June 1666

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 111 (selections from abstract only).1

“Handsome returns of affectionate compliments” and descriptions of John Ray’s “Journeys to Calais and Plants observed.”2

1. Among the Ray Letters in the Natural History Museum is a lengthy list of briefly abstracted letters to and from Ray in the handwriting of William Derham who edited The Philosophical Letters of Ray (1718). Although these letters were available to Derham at the time, many have been lost, and his abstract-inventory is now the only clue to their former existence. The writing is contracted and illegible. Gunther’s Further Correspondence of John Ray (1928) includes some of these abstracts, and they are included in this edition in their proper chronological place. 2. Both Lister and Ray had just returned from France; Lister was studying medicine from 1663–1666 at a Protestant academy in Montpellier, and Ray had been employed accompanying Francis Willughby on his European tour from April 1663 until the spring of 1666. In July 1665, Ray and his entourage arrived in Montpellier, where he met Lister. Lister also mingled with Ray’s other colleagues—including William Croone (1633–1684), the famous physician; Sir Thomas Crew (1624–1697), whose house Lister visited in December 1664 to examine bird specimens; Peter Vivian, a fellow at Trinity College, Cambridge; Francis Jessop from Sheffield with whom Ray stayed with in England in 1668 and Lister would later correspond; and Samuel Howlett, a fellow of St John’s, Cambridge, with whom Lister was previously acquainted. With these companions, Lister subsequently did a natural history tour in Languedoc and Rousillon, and apparently formed an especially close friendship with John Ray. See Raven (1986), p. 137. It is not 0075 Lister to Lister 91 surprising that Ray was botanizing actively. Ray had already published one botanical catalogue, the Catalogus Plantarum circa Cantabrigiam nascentium (1660), and was collecting samples for an enlarged work about English plants, the Catalogus Plantarum Angliae (1670).

0075 Jane Lister1 to [Martin Lister] [Burwell, Lincolnshire] July [ca. 1666]2

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 66. Address: this | ffor Mr Martin Lister | at St Johns Colidg | in Cambridg | present. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 334 (partial).

July

Deare Brother

I told you that I would not writ to you but you se I cannot for-bare though it be non-scence. I have not read but a very littill of Scarron3 but I beleive he is a very ple\a/sant wage in this as well as in the other, I never read him but I wish you by me that I might read him without any stope for it doth take a great deel of the plesure that I should take to read if I could doe it as well as you, deare Brother it is the greatest devertion we have at Burwell to talk of you, it is the alone entertainment of this Closit and I have a fance that I can never think of you so parfectly as in it, if it could speek it might declare what perfect lovers we are of you, and how often we have wished \you/ in it, I cannot express how much I love you but must beg of you to beleve that I am as much as posable you[r] affectionat Sister

Jane Lister many thanks for your parfums they are most rarely good, I am confident the parfum that Madam de Bourdet sent Balzac4 ware not so good although he could commend them in better words then I can doe yet he could not esteem them more. my mother gives her blesings to you and desirs you to send this letter to my Ant. I am very ill humered to night yet if you ware here I could be mighty mery I find by my self my sister Bab4 thanks you for your presant, She saith she has not yet so much co\n/fidence as to doe it her self, then doe but think how much I have god be thanked. 92 Lister to Lister 0076

1. Lister was in Montpellier to study medicine from 1663 until 1666, and the reference to the gifts from France he gave to his sisters indicates it was written sometime upon his return on 19 April 1666; Lister resigned his Cambridge fellowship in 1668. 2. In Lister’s student notebook (ms Lister 19, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford), he kept a list of books he had read. Amongst them were French poet and dramatist Paul Scarron’s Virgile Travesti (1648, 1653) and his Roman Comique (1649, 1657), two burlesques. See http://listerstravels .modhist.ox.ac.uk for a transcription of his notebook and library. 3. Jane referred to the Lettres of his favorite (or at least most mentioned) author in his student notebook, Jean-Louis Guez de Balzac (1597–1654). Balzac was a member of the Académie française who published correspondence that introduced new stylistic qualities of precision and clarity to French prose. Balzac said of the perfumes he was sent, “I speake not of the delicacy of your perfumes, in which you laid mee to sleepe all night; to the end, that sending up sweet vapours into my braine, I might have in my imagination, none but pleasing visions.” Jane was paying her brother a high compliment indeed for his gifts. See Jean-Louis Guez Balzac, The letters of Mounsieur de Balzac. Translated into English, according to the last edition. By W.T. Esq (London: Nicolas Oakes, 1634), p. 305. 4. Presumably Lister’s older sister Barbara, who would not marry. She died of smallpox and was interred at Burwell in April 1676. See Lyster–Denny (1913), pp. 215–216.

0076 Jane Lister to [Martin Lister] [Burwell, Lincolnshire] n.d. [ca. 1667–1668]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 58. The letter has been torn on its left margin with loss of text. Address: No address present. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 332.

Deare Brother my father Commanded me to let you know he hath sent you you a venson Pye it is the best he can get my mother desirs you to excuse her that she dos not writ now, She reseaved your last letter. She writ to you the weeke before which She hop[e]s you had. I cannot but wonder that I never heare from you, but I shall be very well satisfy’d if it be that you intend to Com to Burwell this spring. which will be very Joyfull nuse to your affectionate Sister and sarvant

Jane Lister my Cosen Doll Hartopp2 desired to tell you that she fears you are angre with her or else her lette[[rs]] [[several words]]3 because She never hears from you. 0077 Peck to Lister 93

1. Jane wrote a series of letters with similar content to her brother when he was a fellow at Cambridge in the 1660s, as did her cousin Dorothy Hartopp. The letter is most likely to date from 1667–1668 as both young ladies were writing to him at this time. 2. Dorothy Hartopp was the daughter of Martin’s half-sister Agnes Lister (1630–1667) and Sir William Hartopp (d. ca. 1700) of Rotherby, Leicestershire. Agnes Lister was the daughter of Sir Martin Lister (Lister’s father) and Mary Wenman, his first wife. See William G.D. Fletcher, Leicestershire Pedigrees and Royal Descents (n.p., 1887), p. 87. 3. There is damage to the letter at this point.

0077 John Peck1 to [Martin Lister] Cambridge, 25 February 1666/7

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 201. The letter is damaged leading to loss of text. Address: No address present.

Your [[several words]]2 by mee is now demanded by the Colledge,3 and thy particular Happiness is now wrapt upp in the Publick Interest. Wee are now ready to choose our Burgess,4 and I was obliged by the Colledge, to desire your Assistance, if it may possibly consist with yor conveniency. Wee have made choice of a worthy Gentleman, Sir Charles Wheelar,5 and the Election will bee as is supposed within these eight dayes. Your Concurrence with the sence of our Colledge as it will bee ownd with their greatest gratitude, so it will make mee particularly in your company, and compleat mee, now Mr Grove6 is here and I hope to tell you in person I am Your unfaignedly affectionate

John Peck

St. Johns. Feb. 25 1666/7

1. John Peck (1639–1682) was Lister’s former sizar at the college. He was made a fellow in 1660. Peck’s short biography is in Venn, Alum. Cantab., pt. 1, vol 3, p. 333. 2. The words missing are torn off from the original letter. See Lister’s letter to Peck of 6/16 November 1663 for Peck’s biography. 3. St John’s College, Cambridge. 4. A burgess is one elected to represent his fellow-citizens in parliament, in this case the member of parliament for the university. 94 Jenyns to Lister 0078

5. Charles Wheeler (1635–1684), who was elected M.P. for the University in 1667, serving until 1679. 6. Presumably Robert Grove (ca. 1634–1696), a fellow of St John’s and Lister’s friend. See Grove’s letter to Lister of 9 December 1667 (Bodl. ms. Lister 3, fols 112–113).

0078 Frances Jenyns1 to Martin Lister Burwell, Lincolnshire, 30 May 1667

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols 47–48. Address: Thes for my dere brother | Mr Martinne | Lister at | Cambrige. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 330 (partial).

Dere brother

I colde not leet the docter pase to cambrig: but give you the trobell of thes linnes to leet you know that I hope in to monthes time at the fardest to be at Londonne: wher I hope I shall bee soe hapey as to see you: that I may have the same kindness frome you as when I meet you ther last. Litell sarey [Jenn]inges2 sent me thes bonde seale3 for a tockenne: and I wolde pray you that you will take it frome me as the wides mite:4 as soone as I am abell: I shall showe it more in the mene time pray esteem as I am your most fathe full sister and saruannt

Frances Jenyns

Burill5 1667 30 maye

My mother desires to have her love and blessing be represented to you. Pray doe me the favore as to present my servis to doctor gooning:6

1. Frances Thornhurst Jennings was Lister’s half-sister. Lister’s mother, Susanna Temple (1600–1669) had been married briefly to Sir Gifford Thornhurst (1598–1627), Baronet, of Agnes Court, Kent. His premature death in 1627 meant that they had only one daughter, Frances. Susanna remarried Sir Martin Lister in 1636. Martin Lister was their fourth child. 2. This is Sarah Jennings, the future Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough (1660–1744). 3. The wax seal and tassels are still extant. 4. Widow’s mite, a small contribution made by one who has little. (The phrase has as its origins the widow who gave two small coins to the temple treasury in Mark 12:43.) Ironically, Frances Jennings would become a widow the following year. 5. Burwell, Lincolnshire, site of the Manor House of Lister’s parents. Frances would appear to have been visiting her mother Susanna. 0078 Jenyns to Lister 95

FIGURE 1 The token of a wax seal given by Sarah Jenyns to her uncle, Martin Lister, affixed to the wrapper of her mother Frances’s letter of 30 May 1667. The Bodleian Library, The University of Oxford.

6. Presumably Dr. Peter Gunning (1614–1684), who became head of St John’s College, Cambridge (Lister’s college) in 1661, and Regius Professor of Divinity. He was also an English Royalist Church leader and preached at Exeter House on the Strand, where both Evelyn and Pepys heard his sermons. After the Restoration, he received a variety of royal preferments and had strong court connections, which may have been the source of Frances Jennings’s acquaintance 96 Ray to Lister 0079

figure 2 Letter of Frances Jenyns to Martin Lister. The Bodleian Library, The University of Oxford.

with him. Or Frances may simply have known him through her brother Martin. See Kenneth W. Stevenson, “Gunning, Peter (1614–1684),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

0079 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire,1 18 June 1667

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 4. The head of the letter has suffered after it had been copied for earlier editions. Square brackets indicate where damage has occurred. The text within the brackets is 0079 Ray to Lister 97

provided from earlier editions completed before the letter was damaged. Address: These | for Mr Martin Lister | fellow of S. Johns Col— | lege | in Cambridge. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 18–19; Lankester (1848), pp. 13–14; Gunther (1928), pp. 111–112. (These are all partial transcriptions.)

Sir,

It was my misfortune when I lately [[passed through Cambridge to miss of you]], though to see and [[speak with you was the first]] thing in my thoughts and desires. Mr [[Dent can]]2 inform [[you what]] haste I was in, three houres being all [[the time]] I cou[[d allow]] myselfe to stay, which not knowing how to have bestowed [[better]] both to my satisfaction and advantage then in your company. I [[was]] carefull so soon as I came into Town, to send to enquire of you. Arrived heer I found a letter from you, the reading whereof gave me no small content, it containing expressions so significant and full of heat and παθος,3 as certainly nothing but sincere love could dictate. Sure they must needs be a true copy of your mind and not words of course and complement. Only I [[could]] wish you had been more sparing in what referres to my commendation. For th[[ou]]gh I would not refuse the testimony and praise of persons who are themselves praise-worthy, where there is just ground and reason for it: yet not when it exceeds the merit of any thing I dare own, nor for such qualities as I am not conscious to my selfe of which, grosse self-flattery must needs much blind me, if I did not quickly discern to proceed rather from affection than judgement. I rejoice much that you still pursue the study of nature, not only because of the propensity I my self have to it, and consequently to love such as agree with me, but also because I judge you to be a person, to speak modestly, as well qualified as any I know in England for such an undertaking, and so likely to make the greatest advance and improvement; you having taken the right course and method, that is to see with your own eyes, not relying lazily on the dictates of any master, but you selfe comparing things with books and so learning as much as can be known of them. Doe not wonder a man so inquisitive should make some additions to the Cambridge Catalogue. Hieracium rectum rigidum4 it’s not unlikely you might find about Burwell, but it seems somewhat strange you should meet there with Alchimilla vulgaris,5 I having ever met with it in England elsewhere then in mountainous places as Westmorland Wales Darby,6 Yorke and Staffordshire, etc. 98 Ray to Lister 0079

Those remarques you mention you would oblige me much to communicate, I being very \fond/ of seing any of your productions. I was much pleased to understand, that you doe not confine your studies and enquiries to Phytologie only, but take in Zoologie and the whole latitudes of naturall history. Lincolnshire for fish and foule affords a large field, yet is it very much that in one winter you should meet with upward of 50 species, and I wish I had the sight of your descriptions, which I doubt not to be very exact; but because they cannot easily be transmitted, I shall only desire a Catalogue of their names, that so I may know what there are I have not yet met with. For my own part I cannot boast of many discoveries made the last yeare save of mine [[several words]]. [[I]] took my [[leave of]] you at Cambridge, I divided the [[remainder of the summer]] between Essex and Sussex visiting several friends. [[My spare hours I]] bestowed in reading over such bookes of Naturall [[Philosophy as came out since]] mee being abroad viz. Mr. Hookes Micrographia,7 [[Mr Boyle’s]] Usefulnesse of Natur. Philos:8 Origine of formes,9 Hydrostaticall paradoxes,10 Sidenham de febribus,11 The Philosophicall transactions,12 the businesse about Greatrakes,13 turning over Kirchers Mundus subterraneus, etc.14 The most part of the winter I spent heer in reviewing and helping to put in order Mr. Willughby[’s]15 collections of Birds, Fishes, Shells, Stones, and other fossils, seeds, dried plants, coines etc. in giving what assistance I could to Dr Wilkins16 in framing his tables of plants, Quadrupeds, Birds, fishes, etc. for the use of the universall character: in gathering up into a Catalogue [[all]] such plants as I had at any time found growing wild in England, not in order to the present publishing of them but for my own use, possibly one day they may see light,17 at present the world is glutted with Dr. Merretts bungling Pinax.18 I resolve never to put out anything which is not as perfect as it is possible for me to make it. I could wish you would take a little paines this summer about grasses, that so we might compare notes, for I would fain clear and compleat their history. Had you made a step hither when you were so far as Warwick, you should have been very welcome to me and I dare say also to Mr. Willughby, to whom I have had frequent occasion to mention and commend you. Last week I received another Letter from you written in Latin which I give you thankes, and shall shortly pay you in the same coin.19 My stay heer will not now be long. I intend this summer to travel, further either northward or westward or both, in quest of plants and fishes.20 If you continue in Cambridge, I know how to send to you and can give you directions from time to time how to address me. I am sorry to hear the ill newes of the Dutch insolency,21 though as 0079 Ray to Lister 99 yet the particulars of our losse are not certainly known heer. It’s time now to have done, indeed should I proceed further I should scarce find room to adde what must be no means be omitted, that I am

Sir, Your assured friend and very humble servant

Jo: Wray

Middleton June 18. 1667.

My respects to Mr. Dent and his consort.

1. Middleton Hall is on the county boundary between Warwickshire and Staffordshire, and Ray identified its location as in Warwickshire; the postal address is, however, in Staffordshire. 2. Peter Dent (d. 1689), a Cambridge apothecary who contributed to John Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae in 1670. He also produced the second Appendix to Ray’s Cambridge Catalogue of Plants, and assisted Ray in his studies of birds and fishes, sending him several specimens. See Raven (1986), p. 54. 3. Strong feeling or passion. 4. Presumably Hieracium umbellatum, many-leaved hawkweed. 5. Lady’s mantle. 6. Derby. 7. Robert Hooke, Micrographia: or some physiological descriptions of minute bodies made by magnifying glasses: with observations and inquiries thereupon (London: John Martyn, 1667). 8. Robert Boyle, Of the usefulness of natural philosophy (Oxford: Ric Davidi, 1663). A later edition was Some considerations touching the usefulness of experimental natural philosophy. Propos’d in a familiar discourse to a friend, by way of invitation to the study of it (Oxford: H. Hall for R. Davis, 1664–71). 9. Robert Boyle, The Origine of Forms and Qualities (Oxford: H. Hall for Ric: Davis, 1666). This was Boyle’s main tract on the mechanical philosophy. 10. Robert Boyle, Hydrostatical paradoxes made out by new experiments ( for the most part physical and easie) (Oxford: printed by W. Hall for R. Davis, 1666). 11. Thomas Sydenham, Methodus curandi febres propriis observationibus superstructa (London: J. Crook, 1666). 12. The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, their journal. 13. A reference to Valentine Greatrix or Greatrakes (1629–1683), who was said to be able to cure scrofula and other ailments via stroking the affected parts. The sessions he held in England from January to May 1666 engaged the interest of a wide variety of the intelligentsia. Robert Boyle believed in the efficacy of this cure. See Barbara Beigun Kaplan, “Greatrakes the Stroker: The Interpretations of his Contemporaries,” Isis, 73, 2 (June 1982), pp. 178–185; Peter Elmer, 100 Lister to Ray 0080

The Miraculous Conformist: Valentine Greatrakes, the Body Politic, and the Politics of Healing in Restoration Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). 14. Athanasius Kircher, Mundus subterraneus (Amstelodami: J. Janssonium et E. Weyerstraten, 1665). 15. Frances Willughby (1635–1672), English ornithologist and ichthyologist. He was Ray’s student at Cambridge and had travelled with Ray to the continent to collect specimens. On returning to England they made plans to publish the results of their studies in natural history; at the time of the writing of this letter, Ray was at Middleton Hall in Warwickshire, the home of Willughby’s parents. 16. John Wilkins (1614–1672), one of the founders of the Royal Society and Bishop of Chester (1668). At the time of this letter, Wilkins was getting Ray’s assistance with material for his Essay toward a Real Character and a Philosophical Language published under the auspices of the Royal Society. Wilkins analyzed the structure of alphabets, languages, and their underlying principles. Some of his ideas how subjects can be classified systematically and structurally were of use to Ray in the development of his taxonomic system of plants. See Barbara J. Shapiro, John Wilkins 1614–1672: An Intellectual Biography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), and Rhodri Lewis, Language, Mind and Nature: Artificial Languages in England from Bacon to Locke, “Ideas in Context” series, no. 80 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 17. Ray would indeed publish his catalogue of English plants in 1670. 18. In 1666, Dr. Christopher Merret, F.R.S. (1614/5–1695), published Pinax rerum naturalium britannicarum (London: F. & T. Warren, 1666). Merret was also the first Harveian Librarian of the Royal College of Physicians, and took a curator’s or collector’s approach to his Pinax, a catalogue of British plant localities, fauna, and minerals. The Pinax consisted of primarily an alphabetical list of names and brief references to other works with little explanations or observations of his own, which explains Ray’s assessment. On the other hand, Merrett did hire the excellent naturalist Thomas Willisel to collect specimens for his catalogue and was not unaware of the empirical thrust of the Royal Society, performing his own experiments in other areas, such as glass-making. See Albert J. Koinm, “Christopher Merret’s Use of Experiment,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 54, 1 (January 2000), pp. 23–32. 19. This letter has been lost, but Ray and Lister would continue to correspond in Latin from 1667 until the end of 1669. 20. From 25 June until 13 September, Ray would travel with Willughby to Worcester, Gloucester, Cornwall, Dorset, and Hampshire collecting specimens of plants and fishes. See Raven, (1986), pp. 142–143. 21. The Dutch fleet sailed up the Medway and burned sixteen English ships at Chatham.

0080 Martin Lister to John Ray [St John’s College, Cambridge], 26 June 1667

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 4, letter 9. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 14. The Natural History Museum has this letter dated incorrectly as it was not noted 0080 Lister to Ray 101

that Lister was using the Roman calendar to date correspondence. The second page in the letter has been bound so far into the folio that the last words of sentences were often illegible. In Ray’s handwriting at the top of the letter, there is a multiplication problem of 47 × 5, to which 2 and 1/2 has been added for a sum total of 237 and 1/2. Address: No address present. Reply to: Ray’s letter of 18 June 1667. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 19–20 (partial); Lankester (1848), p. 15 (partial).

M. Lister D. Wray S.

Quid tu? ridesneme istas meas Latinas? certè rides. age, tolle caeliunum; ut et ipsesese me delectem meis ineptiis. Vide, quàm insolens sim, quòd non verear, iis verbis coram te uti, quibus vel literatissimo cuivis excellis. Sed ut rem planè dicam, et humanitas et summa erga me voluntas tua in causâ sunt. totus tui similis fiam eò contendo, ut à te amari dignior aliquando sim. Studia autore cotidiana apud Veteres quantum valu[[xxxx]], probe seis: huic consuetudines, necessitudines, et si qua alia conjunctior vivendi ratio. At te primùm didici, res naturales persequi. nunc verò simile opus. Vernacula nostra prorsus non respuit (de quâ re plura cùm tibi ita videbitur ) aliàs) sed fortasse tuis, pro que cui potissimum scribo doctissimis commentationibus ea minus conven[[r]] iret. Non diu est, ex quo hoc in genere me primùm exercui. Itaque inceptis meis si non judicij, saltem gratiae causâ faveas et ignoscas, rogo. Nudius tantùm tertius pluribus ad te verbis literas dedi: nec sanè alitèr mihi satisfacere potui, nisi longas et eò gratissimas tuas literas imitarer. Etsi me [[certum]] fecisti, te non diutiùs apud ornatissimas virum commoratu- rum; tamen iter nondum instituisse suspicor. Quas ad me mandasti partes studiùmque de Graminibus, pro valetudine meâ infirmâ et quâ possim diligen- tiâ persequar. illud certissimum, totius rei Botanicae haec longe impeditissima difficillimaque Provincia: tamen ad ea, quae tu me velles, et asuades, omnem curam, studium assiduitatem libentissimè adhibiturus sum. De reliquo pridiè vesperi insectum Animal admodum lucens in aëre vidi, cepi, notavi, scripsi. ratione lucis Cicindela meritò appellanda est: sin autem propiùs et claro sole animalculum perspexeris, è Scarabaeorum tribu familiâque esse diceres. Corpore erat parvo, longuisculo, tenui, equalitèr lato; quoad superfi- ciem, laevi planoque; quoad colorem, alas, alarumque thecas, caput, fusco aut pullo. Tegumentum capitis clypeum inversum lepidè imitabatur. Caput sub- tèr, ratione et operculi sui, et corporis minimum erat, (atque hinc tegumentum ejus ad latera sua perspicuum) à duobus nigerrimis splendentibusque 102 Lister to Ray 0080 oculis dispartitum. Caput duae brevissimae tenuissimaeque antennae orn- abant. humeri nulli; nam supra, [[xxxxxx]] tegumento tantùm, alarúmque thecis, distinguebatur animalculi corpus: subter, aliter res se habet. tres pedum tenuissimorum ordines, ad fabricam et similitudinem vulgaris muscae nigrae facti: quorum duo mox infra caput rubenti collo inserebantur. tum et thorax, rotundus, laevis, splendens; cujus basi alterum pedum par adhaerent. Denique venter sex annulis imbricatim venustissime dispositis constabat: quorum ulti- mis iste liquor bipartitus ad instar aquae marinae lucens micansque inerat. De die caput sursum tollere gaudet: let lentè et rarò se loco movet: utrumque more bufonis. Tuas, ubicunque futurus sis vehementêr expecto et desidero enim mihi gratius facere potis. Cura ut valeas, et me, et soles ama. Vale

Divi Johannís, 6 Cal. Julias 1667.

M. Lister to J. Wray.

How are you? Are you laughing at this Latin letter of mine? Of course you are. Come on now, no more pretending you’re not. Just let me be amused by my foolishness too.1 Think how presumptuous I am being when in your presence I fearlessly use those very words in which you surpass even the most educated person. But, to speak plainly, it is your kindliness and very deep affection towards me which are to blame. I am doing my best to become just like you, so that I may eventually become worthier of your affection. Indeed you know full well the value of studying the works of the ancients on a daily basis. It is the source of companionship, friendships and any other yet closer form of relationship. It was from you that I first learned to study the natural world. Now however my task is similar. It has not entirely rejected my English writings, (I shall have more to say about this when it is convenient for you), but they would perhaps be not entirely appropriate for those most learned commentaries of yours, who are my favourite correspondent. It is not long since I first began to work in this field. And so I ask you to support and pardon this foolishness of mine, if not as a reasoned decision then at least as a favor. The day before yesterday I wrote a longer letter to you, and indeed I could not rest content until I emulated your long, and for that very reason most welcome, letter. Although you have informed me that you do not intend to stay any longer at that most distinguished gentleman’s house, yet I suspect that you have not yet started on your journey.2 As for the sections and study on grasses3 which you have sent me, I shall follow them up with as much diligence as my 0080 Lister to Ray 103 ill-health permits.4 Most assuredly this is by far the most complex and difficult area in the whole of botany, and I shall be most happy to apply my full attention. As for the rest, yesterday evening I saw, captured, observed and wrote down a description of a very shiny insect in the air. By reason of its radiance it deserves to be called a Cicindela,5 but if you were to examine the little creature closer and in clear sunlight you would say it was from the tribe and family of the scar- abs. Its body was small, longish, thin and of unvarying breadth. In respect of its surface, it was smooth and flat, and in terms of colour its wings, wing-cases, and head were dusky and dark. The covering of the head was a fine imitation of an upturned shield. The head underneath this was very small, by reason of its covering and its body (and for this reason its covering is transparent at its sides), and divided by two very black and gleaming eyes. Two very short and thin antennae adorned its head. It had no shoulders, for on top the little creature’s body was distinguished only by the protective covering and the wing- cases. Underneath matters are different. There are three rows of very thin feet, which are fashioned in the manner and likeness of the common black fly. Two of these, immediately below the head, were inserted in its red neck. Then came the thorax, round, smooth, and shiny, and a second pair of feet was attached to its base. Finally comes the belly, made of six rings most elegantly arranged like tiles. Inside the last ones was that two-fold liquid shining and glittering like sea-water. In the day-time it delights in raising its head; it changes place slowly and infrequently, each after the manner of a toad. I am eagerly awaiting and longing for a letter from you, wherever you may be, for you can do nothing that is more welcome to me. Look after yourself, and love me as you are wont. Farewell.

St. John the Baptist’s Day6 26th June, 1667.

1. By 1669, Lister and Ray had decided to write each other in the vernacular, but in 1667 it was clear that Lister regarded Ray as a cherished mentor and was trying to impress him with his use of Latin. 2. Ray has been staying with Francis Willughby at Middleton Hall in Staffordshire. On 25 June, Ray and Willughby started on the second journey to Western England to collect plant and fish specimens, traveling through Worcester, Hereford, Gloucester, Somerset, and Devon into Cornwall as far as Land’s End, where they arrived on 17 August. The tour lasted until mid- September. See Raven (1986), p. 143. 3. In Ray’s Historia Plantarum (1686), he followed the traditional groupings of herbs, shrubs, and trees, but he moved away from tradition in his examination of leaf and floral characteristics to classify the plants into monocotyledons and dicotyledons. Via studies like this, he made 104 Hartopp to Lister 0081 pioneering discoveries, isolating the species Carex from grasses, a botanically difficult task. See Alexander Robertson, “History of the Classification of the Genus Carex,” Taxon, 28, no. 5/6 (Nov., 1979), pp. 535–548, on p. 539. 4. Lister suffered from chronic asthma. 5. A cicindela is a brightly colored and metallic tiger beetle, most prevalent in areas of sandy soil. Lister may have made a sighting of a now rare cliff tiger beetle that is blackish in color. It is likely he saw them on the beaches of Lincolnshire as they require an environment of undisturbed sand since they live for two years as larvae in sand burrows. See P.S. Hymen and M.S. Parsons, A review of the scarce and threatened Coleoptera of Great Britain: Part 1 (Peterborough: jncc, 1992). 6. The saint’s day is actually 24 June, so it is possible that Lister miscalculated his Roman dating.

0081 Dorothy Hartopp to [Martin Lister] n.d. ca. June 16671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols 40–41. Address: for Mr Martin Lister a | felow of St Johns | coledg in cambridg | thes present | cambridg.

Deare uncle

I hope the great troble I haue been in for the loss of my deare mother will plead my pardon to you for not wrighting to you to giue you thanks for all your favors to me which haue been so many that I cannot tell how to giue you thanks for them wanting words to doe it as ought and therfore shal be silent as to that and only now lett you know how my poor mother was when she was opened she had in her by measure 8 gallands2 of water3 her intrails was all well only her caul4 was all gone an her leuer a litle grown to her side5 which the doctor said was whith lying one that side in her sickness and ther was in the midle of her bely a great bag which they took out and waied before they cutt it and it waid 13 pound and a half and when they cutt it they found in it many hundreds of litle blebs6 som had in them a cleer water and some had cleer jely7 and in the midle of this bag ther was another bag which was full of the green stuf she vomited it contained a quarte her spleen and all the rest of her intraile was very sound and well her bely was whithin full of litle blebs such as was in the bag and so was the botom of her stomach and now I thinke I have given you an exact an account as I can and therfore shall troble you noe further all this time only to asure you I am your affectionatt nees [niece] and humble saruant

Dorothy Hartopp 0082 Ray to Lister 105

1. Dorothy’s mother, Agnes Hartopp (1630–1667), née Lister, died on 27 June 1667, so this dates the letter. Agnes was Lister’s older sister, and she married Sir William Hartopp of Leicester. 2. Gallons. 3. Presumably ascitic fluid, the result of a metastatic carcinoma. My thanks to pathologist Dr. Jon Sheard for his diagnosis of Agnes Hartopp’s death. 4. A caul is the fatty membrane or visceral peritoneum that hangs down from the stomach; the epiploön or omentum. 5. Enlarged liver. Possibly liver cancer. 6. Possibly small tumor deposits, presumably from the stomach or ovary. 7. A side effect of a carcinoma is vomiting.

0082 John Ray to Martin Lister 4 July 1667

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 113 (selections from abstract only).

Enq[uiries] about Birds.1 Method of [[several words]] in Bp. Wilkins’ Universal Character.2 Of Insects. Setting down observations. Kircher’s Mund. Subterraneus, a poor book.3 Helmont.4 Of their Latine.5

1. Ray was with Francis Willughby on a natural history expedition in England to collect bird and fish samples from June 1667 until September 1667, so Ray’s comment may relate to that. 2. At the time of this letter, Wilkins was getting Ray’s assistance with material for this Essay toward a Real Character and a Philosophical Language published under the auspices of the Royal Society. 3. Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680), the Jesuit Polymath. Ray was referring to his Mundus Subterraneus, published in twelve volumes between 1664 and 1678. 4. Doubtless a reference to the Flemish physician and chymist Jan Baptist van Helmont (1579–1644). Lister would later test Van Helmont’s work on mineral waters in his publication De fontibus medicatis Angliae exercitatio nova [Exercises on the healing springs of England] (Walter Kettilby: London, 1682). See Anna Marie Roos, The salt of the earth: natural philosophy, medicine, and chymistry in England, 1650–1750 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), chapter 3, passim. 5. Presumably a reference to the fact that Lister wished to correspond in Latin with Ray, and they did so from late 1667 until late 1669. 106 Lister to Ray 0083

0083 Martin Lister to John Ray St John’s College, Cambridge, 26 July 1667

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78.1

26. July.—67. Post blanditias, describit co-cindelam2 volantem:

Translation:

26. July.—67. After giving his complements, Lister described the flying cicindela.

0084 John Ray to Martin Lister 1 August 1667

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 113 (selections from abstract only).1

“Going to Cornwall with Mr. Will[ughby].2 Birds: Some Insects: Snailes: Grasses: and what [he] intends to do in botany.”

1. Among the Ray Letters in the Natural History Museum is a lengthy list of briefly abstracted letters to and from Ray in the handwriting of William Derham who edited The Philosophical Letters of Ray (1718). Though these letters were available to Derham at the time, many have been lost, and his abstract-inventory is now the only clue to their former existence. The writing is contracted and illegible. Gunther’s Further Correspondence of John Ray (1928) includes some of these abstracts, and they are included in this edition in their proper chronological place. 2. Ray was with Francis Willughby on a simpling expedition in England to collect bird, plant, and fish samples from June 1667 until September 1667, so Ray’s comment in this letter presumably relates to that. Ray’s diary, partially printed in Lankester’s Memorials of John Ray, indicated that they travelled into Cornwall as far as Land’s End, where they arrived on 17 August 1667 and 0085 Hartopp to Lister 107 made observations of dolphins and porpoises. By the end of the month, they were in Penzance, where they observed several species of bird and fish, including tunny fish [Thynnus vulgaris], as well as a Haliaectus or bald buzzard and stone curlews. Ray also botanized extensively, writing, “At the Lizard Point, on the rocks, I observed Herniaria glabra [H. ciliolata, still a notable rarity in this habitat at Lizard Point] in great plenty; also Asparagus vulgaris [A. prostratus], and near the cliffs Hyacinthus autumnalis minor [Scilla autumnalis or the autumn squill, now a member of the asparagus family] abundantly. On Goon Hilly Downs, near the Lizard Point, is a kind of heath [Erica vagans] which I have not elsewhere seen in England.” See Edwin Lankester, ed. Memorials of John Ray, consisting of this life by Dr. Derham . . . (London: Ray Society, 1848), p. 190. For more on Erica vagans, and discussions of the rarity of the specimens that Ray found, please see D.E. Coombe and L.C. Frost, “The Heaths of the Cornish Serpentine,” Journal of Ecology, 44, 1 (January 1956), pp. 226–256. Although Lankester postulates that Ray saw H. glabra and H. ciliata at the Lizard, we now know that only one Herniaria grows at the Lizard; records of H. glabra are erroneous and the name ciliata has been changed to ciliolata. Although scilla used to be a member of the Hyacintheae tribe of the Liliaceae family, the plant families have changed radically for this group of petalloid monocots in recent years as a result of dna studies; Scilla is now in the Asparagus family. My thanks to Dr. Christopher Preston for this information.

0085 [Dorothy Hartopp] to [Martin Lister] 5 September 1667

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 42. The signature has been torn from the letter. Identification of correspondents has been made via handwriting and context. Address: No address present.

September the 8th 1667

Dear uncle1

When you shall see my Name at the botom of this I am confident you will blush for me, to thinke how extreamly impudent I am to present you with this paper whoe haue so long neglected it nor haue I any excuse to plead my pardon but that I was extreamly Lazy which is allso a fault. what then shall I say, I will only beg to your goodness of which you haue so much that I know you can forgive as often as I ofend and beg your pardon but truely in this nature I will doe it noe more but ever be carful to let you see (by all the means I am able) what a respect and seruis I haue for you and my Aunt Barbara2 and my aunt Jane3 to whome with your self I have bine so infinitly obliged that I shall neuer be able enough to expess it but if my fortun (whoe has bine so kinde to send me three such good freindes) will euer put it into my power to serve you any way you 108 Lister to Ray 0086 shall see then see by my forwardness to doe it how much I desire to be gratefull but if I be neuer able to express it in ane action I must then beg you will be pleased to believe my words for I shall neuer seace to speak how goodnes much I am

Deare uncle Your [[several words]]

1. Dorothy Hartopp was the daughter of Martin’s half-sister Agnes Lister (1630–1667) and Sir William Hartopp (d. ca. 1700) of Rotherby, Leicestershire Agnes Lister was the daughter of Sir Martin Lister (Lister’s father) and Mary Wenman, his first wife. See William G.D. Fletcher, Leicestershire Pedigrees and Royal Descents (n.p., 1887), p. 87. 2. Lister’s older sister, who would be interred at Burwell in April 1676. A letter from her sister Susanna to Lister of 18 April 1676 mentions her death. See Lyster—Denny (1913), pp. 215–216. 3. Lister’s younger sister Jane (d. 1726) who would marry Hugh Alington, Esq. of Stenigot, Lincolnshire. After being widowed, she married James Thynne of Egham, and thus is referred to in the correspondence by both those surnames. See Lyster—Denny (1913), p. 218.

0086 Martin Lister to John Ray 22 September 1667

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 5, letter 10. The letter is tightly bound in the folio with loss of some legibility of words at the end of lines. Address: No address present. Printed: Derham (1718), p. 22 (partial); Lankester (1848), p. 17 (partial).

M. Lister D. Wray suo S.

De Valetudine tuâ incommodâ vehementèr movebar. Etenim cùm summam tuam temperantiam atque abstinentiam tàm probè scirem, omnia de te pejora metui. Quod multem in utramque partem, quae tua est Sapientia, paratus sis, gaudeo: quòd autem genus morbi reformides, utpote quod spiritum difficultèr, et non sine dolore quodam trahas, mihi nimis timidus videris. Tu soles, pro tuâ humanitate, me de studijs communibus loquentem non invitè audire: neque tamen, quae in praesentiarum dicturus sum, à te aliena, aut tibi incognita, immò fortasse plus quàm mihi nota esse puto. Existimo rem totius Medicinae longè arduam, discernere, quem ad modum sanos agere conveniat. idque eâ de causâ loquor, quòd mihi non parùm errare de victûs ratione videbaris. is, quantum meminerim, teque unum in eâ re, cùm Monspelii ad eandem mensam diù hospites unà fuerimus religiosè 0086 Lister to Ray 109 observavi parcissimus, scrupulosissimus. accedit illud, tibi, jejunia frequentia, longissima: et ut pauci cibi es, ita et rarissimi corporis habitûs; quae una res de caeteris sola mihi tecum communis est. Etenim ego nullum vitae genus, quod honestum, recuso: victûs rationem omnino nullam teneo; et cùm valetudinem non jacto meam, tùm mihi satis est, eam non propterea magis inconstantem probare. Sed tu mihi solitus respondere (nam memini me aliquoties quaesisse rationem abstinentiae tuae) te gravitatem stomachi ex proximo sumpto cibo adhuc sentire. non inficior, cibum nunc citò, nunc tardè concoqui. ut jam mihi probes velim, idcirco abstinendum an, quaeso te, caetera animalia, quod totos dies noctesque ferè ingerendo consumant, minus salubrem vitam vivant, aut pluribus morbis afficiantur, aut citius pro sorte suâ ultimam diem obeant? Scio, qui mihi possis respondere de multiplici stomacho et de quorundum rumina- tione. Sed satis contendimus. Profectò, si quid in hâc re rectè statuere velimus, id omne ab analogiâ caeterorum animalium deducendum putamus. naturales actiones nostras regere nescimus: natura nostra consuetudine gentium, an ipsâ ratione vitietur. Cuius rei certissimum indicium (quod ex te primùm didici) dentium nostrorum figura. Sed de his hactenus, et plura fortasse quàm oportuit. Tu censeo valetudinem tuam cures tuo modo, ut possis te jucundis- simum amicum quàm diutissimè nobis sanum praestare. Tota aestas jam praeteriit et in autumno sumus; utinam tamen te, pri- usquàm totus Septembris sit elapsus, hîc videre liceat; ut si non herbas saltem earum succedaneos Fungos unà in vestigua investigare possimus. Haec exaravi, cùm literas tuas de toto itinere pos promissas propediem expectarem. Interim tamen ad te plura juvat. de Avium Catalogo tuo monitu et hortatione jam confeci: Gesnerum et Aldrovandum pervolvi; quorum descriptiones cum nostris diligenter contuli: in paucissimis haereo; et aut ab iis prorsus non scriptae, aut non satis accuratè, ut eaedem quae nostrae planè dignoscantur. Sed mallem dubitare, quàm aliquid temerè [[xxxxxxere]] affirmare; idque eò magis, quòd in his rebus valdè sum adhuc Tyro. Catalogus noster nondum pervenit ad sexagesimum: nobis enim plura describere non licuit. amplius triginta eminus vidimus, de quibus qu[[xx]] aliquo modo certisimus, licet in manus nostras nondum venêre, authorum titulos notare non piguit. Profectò, Collegium his aliisque omnibus ejusmodi exercitationibus tàm impeditum tàmque incom- modum fuisse vix jurato crediderim. Quibus autem destantur laboro, hae sunt. In primis Anas fera nostra [[xxxxxx]] quam Teale appellamus: an scribatur ab Ornithologis, et si ita, quo sub titulo. item long-billed Skel-drake, vidi, quaeso, an non planè Merganser Gesnari. His nuper adjecimus Laro majori Aldrovandi simillimam avem. Item Knott Scriptam non invenio: nisi fortè nisi Gallinulas aquaticas Gesneri. Istae inter aquaticas; ad terrestres venio Wood-Buzzard, hunc Milvum nec Gesnersus 110 Lister to Ray 0086 nec Aldrovandus scripsêre tamen \tam/ frequens est, imò frequentior in nostro, dico, agro Lincolniensi quam aut Regalis ille alter, aut aeruginosus Aldrovandi. Reed-sparrow Passer aquaticus et harundinaleus à Turnero apud Gesnerum: à quo tibi et Aldrovando alitèr , Parus viz. palustris. De Trochilo non cristato Aldrovandi idem censeo, quod tu: profectò quàm simillima avicula si non planè eadem. Plura sunt, sed haec et illa meliùs coràm. Viam qualis amicus futurus sim, et quanta molestia tibi ab otio nostro fe[[xx]] De Graminibus et Fungis enitor, et non desideres nec industriam nostram, nec diligentiam. Authores quod spectat, utraque Provincia di[[xx]] tamen non desperandum de proprio Marte, si eaedem nobis essent facult[[ates]] qui animi. me ipsumhac debebo, ut de te non ita parcè loquar tam benè scirem summum tuum pudorem. Unum restat, et habes unus studia mea de natu- ralibus. quaedam generalia de Insectis commentus sum, inque certas classes, quos delectus habui, dispescui: sed innumera periè particularia ita me deter- ruère, ut \ea/ vel ea attigisse non sum. in alium annum me paro. authores et collectiones nostras hyeme regustando, majores animos mihi daturus sum: nisi fortè me hac plurima alia expectare velis, quod sanè facio, à desideratissimo co[[xx]] tui et Hospitis instructissimi Viri. Tandem tuae literae, mihi quidem gratissimae. ex quibus sensi in me sis animo, summo, perpetuo: in primisque de Valetudine tuâ [[one word]] omnia integra. Video Piscium Catalogum, quem tàm Anglicis quàm nominibus mei causâ exarâsti, fore mihi magno usui. itaque nihil mihi gratius facere potuisti. Sed isto toto munere nondum perfunctus sum fac igitur quaeso, (quod tuo commodo fiat) ut nihil mihi deesse patiaris cuius nolles me esse ignarum. nam huius rei adhuc planè rudi[[xx]]s sum Phytologiam nostram à te novis inventis indies ditari, maximè gaudeus laetor, an potiùs gratuler. Sed verbosior sum, quàm opare oportet—cura ut valeas, meque ama ut facis. X Cal. Octobr. 1667.

Martin Lister to his dear friend Mr. Wray,

I was deeply concerned about your health.1 For although I knew all about your very utter moderation and abstinence, I was afraid that it would all turn out worse for you. I am delighted that with typical good sense that you are prepared for either eventuality. But I think you are too fearful about the kind of illness of which you are afraid, that is, that you can only draw your breath with difficulty, and not without some pain. It is typical of your kindness that you are never reluctant to listen to me when I speak about our shared enthusiasms, and yet I do not think that what I am now about to say will prove unwelcome or unknown to you, and may indeed possibly be better known to you than it is to me. 0086 Lister to Ray 111

I think that by far the most difficult thing in the whole of medicine is to decide how the healthy should live. I say this for the following reason, that you seemed to me to be greatly mistaken in respect of your style of life. As far as I can remember, and I observed you by yourself meticulously in this matter, when we were guests for a long time at the same table in Montpellier, this is extremely sparing and finicky. In addition you frequently fast for very long periods, and the paucity of the food you consume is matched by your very thin physique; this is the only thing of all else which I have in common with you.2 For I reject no manner of living which is honorable: I adhere to no dietary system whatever; I do not boast of my health and it is sufficient for me that I do not for the above reason experience varying health. You usually replied to me, (for I remember that I several times asked about the reason for your abstinence), that you could still feel a heaviness in your stomach from the food you had previously consumed. I do not deny that food is sometimes digested quickly, and sometimes slowly. Consequently I should like you to prove to me whether one should abstain for that reason, or whether, pray, other animals live less healthy lives because they spend practically whole days and nights in ingesting food, or suffer from more diseases, or die sooner because of their natural condition? I know how you may answer me in respect of the multi- sectioned stomach and rumination of certain beasts. But we have argued this point sufficiently. Assuredly, if we wish to come to a correct conclusion in this matter, then we think that the whole solution should be derived from the analogy of other animals. We are incapable of controlling our natural actions: our nature would be compromised by following a human custom or simply theoretical considerations. The most certain evidence for this, (which I first learned from you) is the shape of our teeth. But this is all I wish to say about this matter, and perhaps I have said more than I should have. I believe that you will look after your health in your own way, so that you can provide me with the most delightful friendship of a healthy man for a very long time. The whole summer has now passed and we are in the autumn. How I should like to see you here before the whole of September has elapsed, so that we might examine together, if not the grasses, then at least the fungi which succeed them. I scrawled this whilst I was awaiting the early arrival of the letter you promised about your entire journey. But in the meantime I should like to write at greater length. I have now completed the Catalogue of Birds as you urged and encouraged me. I have carefully studied Gesner and Aldrovandi, and have attentively compared their descriptions with ours. I am uncertain about a very small number, and they were clearly either not written by them at all or with insufficient care, so that they can clearly be distinguished from those which are the same as ours.3 But I should prefer to hesitate rather than make 112 Lister to Ray 0086 some rash statement, and all the more so, since I am a complete novice in these matters. My catalogue has not yet reached its sixtieth entry, for I have not had the opportunity to describe more. I have seen thirty more at a distance, about which I was certain in some way, even though they have not yet come into my hands, and I took the trouble to note down the names given by the authors. Of course I can scarcely believe even on oath that the College is so inconvenienced and unreceptive to these and any other essays of this kind. The ones causing me difficulties are as follows: in particular a wild duck which in our language we call the teal: I am uncertain whether it is described by the ornithologists, and, if it is, what name is given to it.4 The same applies to the long-billed sheldrake;5 I have seen it and wonder whether it is not clearly the merganser of Gesner.6 To these I recently added a bird very similar to the greater gull of Aldrovandi. Likewise I can find no description of the knott,7 unless perchance it is Gesner’s water hen. The above are water fowl, now I come to land birds. As for the wood-buzzard, neither Gesner nor Aldrovandi have described this kite, and yet it is as common, and in our area, by which I mean Lincolnshire, even more common than that other hawk, or the harrier of Aldrovandi.8 The reed sparrow is a water sparrow, called the reed sparrow by Turner in Gesner’s work.9 You and Aldrovandi disagree on this, and he thinks it is a marsh tit.10 I think the same about the uncrested willow-warbler of Aldrovandi11 as you do; it is undoubtedly a very similar bird if not the same. There are more, but it would be better to discuss these and the others in your presence. You can see what sort of friend I shall be, and all the inconvenience I shall cause you in dragging you away from your free time. I am working hard on grasses and fungi, and you will not find my industry or attention deficient. As far as authors are concerned, there would be no need for despair in either area if we had the resources to match our determination, so that I would not speak so sparingly of you, if I did not know of your extreme bashfulness. One more thing remains, and then you alone have my studies on the natural world. I have made some general notes on insects, and those I have reviewed I have divided into certain classes, but countless peculiarities have deterred me, so that I have not dared to touch them. I am getting myself ready for another year by re-reading the authors and re-examining our collections this winter. I shall fortify myself in this way, unless perchance you wish to await very much more from me, which I shall certainly do if bidden by your good self, whom I greatly miss, and of your host, a most well-educated gentleman. Finally your letter has arrived, which is most welcome to me, and by which I am aware of your unfailing enormous kindness towards me. In particular I am delighted to hear that all is well with your health. I can see that the Catalogue 0086 Lister to Ray 113 of Fish, which you have written out for my sake using English as well as Latin names, will be of great use to me.12 For that reason you could have done me no greater favor. But I have not yet completed this entire task, so when it is convenient please ensure that you do not allow be without anything with which you would like me to be acquainted. For I am still clearly a novice in this matter. I am delighted that our ‘Phytologia’ is being enriched every day using your new findings—or perhaps I should more appropriately congratulate you.13 But I am talking at greater length than I should. Look after yourself, and continue to show me your usual affection.

September 22nd, 1667.

1. Ray took seriously ill after his “simpling” tour with Willughby, and his reply to this letter indicated his fears his lungs were permanently affected. See Raven (1986), p. 144. 2. Portraits of Ray bear out this description, showing a gaunt countenance. 3. Presumably a reference to Conrad Gesner’s (1516–1565) Historiae Animalium (Studies on Animals) considered to be the first modern zoological work and one of the most widely read of all Renaissance natural histories. The work was first published in Zurich in four volumes, 1551– 1558, and the Anglican clergyman and author Edward Topsell translated and abridged Gesner for his Historie of foure-footed beastes (London: William Jaggard, 1607). See Hans Fischer, “Conrad Gessner (1516–1565) as bibliographer and encyclopaedist,” The Library, 5th ser., xxi (1966), pp. 269–281. The third volume was devoted to birds. The naturalist Ulisse Aldrovandi wrote several editions of the three volumes of his Ornithologiae est de avibus historiae (1599, 1600, 1603, 1634, and 1637). The work, considered to be the finest illustrated ornithology of the Renaissance, was originally published in Bologna by Baptiste Bellagamba and Nicolaus Tebaldini. Dedicated to Pope Clement viii, it opens with a description of a eulogy to the eagle, followed by systematic descriptions of birds of prey, nocturnal birds, “four-legged” birds such as bats, mythical birds like sirens and the phoenix, tropical birds such as parrots, and exotic birds such as pelicans, peacocks, and turkeys. Aldrovandi not only provides descriptions of appearance, but of habitat, nesting habits, economic uses, depiction in art and legend, as well as anatomical illustrations. Though the text is derivative of Gesner, Aldrovandi’s real value lies in the quality and realism of its illustrations that were greatly superior to anything else available. See Jean Anker, Bird Books and Bird Art (Copenhagen, 1938), p. 11. Ray considered Conrad Gesner and Ulisse Aldrovandi’s studies of birds amongst the best. Their works, along with those of Pierre Belon’s, were amongst the only ornithological literature available in England at this time. See Raven (1986), pp. 309–310. 4. Lister was describing the common teal or Eurasian Teal (Anas crecca). It is a small dab- bling duck. Conrad Gesner described it in his Historiae Animalium as the anas parva (small duck) among his querquedulae (teals). Aldrovandi called it phascade or querquedula minor (lesser teal), and Ray and Willughby named the species querquedula secunda Aldrovandi (the second teal of Aldrovandus). Ray formally introduced the modern name “The Common Teal.” See Conrad Gesner, Historiae Animalium (Zurich: Christoph Froschauer, 1555), vol. 3, pp. 103–105; Ulisse Aldrovandi, Ornithologia (Bologna: Nicolò Tebaldini, 1637), pp. 207–209; Francis Willughby, 114 Lister to Ray 0086

Ornithologiae libri tres (London: John Martyn, 1676), p. 290; John Ray, Synopsis methodical avium et piscium: opus posthumum (London: William Innys, 1713), pp. 147–148. 5. Ray would give the Common Shelduck its formal taxonomic name Tadorna vulpanser; it is now known as Tadorna tadorna. Ray and Willughby in the English edition of their Ornithology (1678) noted that Aldrovandi called them Berganders, and that others called them Burrow- Ducks. (p. 363). 6. Gesner described the merganser in his Historiae Animalium. p. 135; Ray and Willughby in the English edition of their Ornithology (1678) described the merganser or goosander on p. 333. The modern name for this bird is Mergus merganser. 7. Literally from the Latin, “aquatic moorhen.” Ray and Willughby in the English edition of their Ornithology (1678) called this bird a water-hen or moorhen. (p. 312). The moorhen and the knot are very different birds, and the identification of this species caused Ray and Lister some consternation. See Ray’s reply to Lister of 1 October 1667, note six. It is possible that Lister saw the Red Knot or Calidrus canutus, a short-legged wading bird belonging to the sandpiper family that is grey above and white below in winter. In summer, the chest, face, and belly turn brick-red. They are prevalent on uk coasts between August and May, the largest numbers seen at high tide roosts between December and March. In Lincolnshire, they are most common on The Wash. See the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds [rspb] Bird Guide on-line: http://www.rspb.org.uk/ wildlife/birdguide/name/k/knot/index.aspx. Accessed 13 July 2010. 8. See Ray’s response to Lister’s confusion in his letter of 1 October 1667, note seven. The harrier of Aldrovandi to which Lister referred is a medium to large falcon, described by Aldrovandi as Falco buteo. It appears in Willughby, Ornithologiae libri tres, p. 38, table 6.1. 9. The term “water sparrow” was usually a provincial name for the reed sparrow or common reed bunting (formally classified as Emberiza schoeniclus by Linnaeus). See George Montagu and James Rennie, An ornithological dictionary of British birds (London: Hurst, Chance, and Co., 1831), p. 415 and p. 531. See Ray’s reply in his letter to Lister of 1 October 1667, note ten. 10. Aldrovandi described what he called Parus palustris cum miryophillo aquatico or the marsh tit in Ornithologia (Bologna: Nicolò Tebaldini, 1637), p. 722. Aldrovandi indeed disagreed with Turner and Gesner’s identification, noting that Turner identified it as a reed sparrow: “Turnerus hanc avem lunconem (Schoeniclus).” 11. Aldrovandi described the uncrested willow warbler as Regulus seu Trochillus non cristatus in Ornithologia (Bologna: Nicolò Tebaldini, 1637), pp. 653–654. Ray and Willughby described the same bird in their Ornithology (1678) on p. 228, stating it was a “little yellowish bird without name, called by Aldrovandus Regulus non christatus, perchance the Asilus of Bellonius, or the Luteola of Turner.” 12. This letter has been lost. 13. Lister presumably meant phytologia or the study of botany. 0087 Ray to Lister 115

0087 John Ray to Martin Lister Black Notley, Essex, 1 October 1667

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 5, letter 11. Letter has been damaged in the upper and lower corners. The original has no paragraph inden- tations, which have been provided in this translation for sense. Address: These | for Mr Martin Lister | at his chamber in S. Johns | College | in | Cambridge. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/4 [October 4], post payd from Witham 2[d]. Reply to: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 5, letter 10, 22 September 1667. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 22–23; Lankester (1848), pp. 17–18; Gunther (1928), pp. 113–116 (partial).

J. Wray—D. Martino Lister

Literas tuas postremas X sc. Kal. Octobris datas [[several words]]1 super- venerunt aliae duae Mediâ villa ad me transmissae, quae non parum in itinere claudicârunt. Quantam ex earum lectione voluptatem perceperim haud facilè dicendo assequi possum, tum quod eximiae tuae in me voluntatis manifesta indicia exhiberent, tum quod te in eodem naturalis rei historiam excolendi proposito constanter perserverare arguerent. Cum videam te mei causa adeo solicum, cum res meas vel prosperas vel adversas ad te quadantenus pertinere putes, adeo ut illis laeteris, his vicissim indoleas, si meipsum amen (ad quod certe faciendum sponte naturae nimis proclivis sum) ut te quoque vehementer diligam tibique bene esse gaudeam omnino necesse est. Symptoma illud de quo non ita pridem apud te conquestus sum Deo gratias non ingravescit sed remit- tit potiùs: Me tamen ab eo penitus liberatum iri vix est ut sperem, adeò teneri sunt (ut nôsti) et putredini obnoxii pulmones, ut siquam semel labem contrax- erint, difficulter admodum in integrum restitui et percurari possint. Quòd me in victûs ratione (quam justo tenuiorem instituere putas) errare, éique rei partem aliquam mali quocum conflictor imputandam censere videris, ignoscas si sententiae tuae non accedam, imò plane contrarium sentiam, gulae nempe et voracitati debere me pleraque omnia quae unquam passus sum adversae valetudinis damna et incommoda. Nec dubito quin et tu ipse, si me satis scires, juxta mecum sentires. Absit ergo ut ego temporantia laudem, quae mihi nulla debetur, affectem aut delatam \ultro/ amplectar. Reliqua quidem animalia rationis (ut vulgò creditur) expertia, qua secundùm naturae praescriptum et instinctum degunt, et alimenta nulla arte praeparata, qualia natura iis submin- istrat accipiunt, in cibo capiendo nec legem observant, nec modum tenent, nec 116 Ray to Lister 0087 statis temporibus vescuntur. Verùm cibus quo illa utuntur et excrementi multi est et succi pauci, unde et illum sine errore aliquo aut noxa insigni copiosiùs ingerere possunt. Deinde quoniam parcâ manu, sponte sua, nullo culturae mangonio stuprata illum suppeditat alma tellus, multùm se exerceant oportet, multumque temporis impendant in illo conquirendo; unde nec si velint in excessu facile peccare possunt. Hinc ferae et Sylvestres animantes rarò ultra modum pinguescunt, nec admodum libine turgent, sed statis duntaxat temporibus, semel ut plurimùm in anno ad Venerem incitantur; suntque admodum vivaces, et orborum plerunque expertes. Nos certè (me judice) valetudini nostrae meliùs consuleremus, si illorum exemplo victu simpliciori et viliori uter- emur, iísque cibis quibus ventriculum implere modicéque distendere fas esset. Quòd Gesnerum et Aldrovandum consulueris, et eorum descriptiones cum tuis diligenter contuleris, rectè et ex ordine mihi fecisse videris; paucisimas certè aves invenies quae illorum diligentiam effugerint. Anatum illam sylvestrem minorem Teal nostratibus dictam Querquedulam Autorum tuorum esse non, est cur dubites. De Knott Lincolniensi mihi nondum satisfacio nec enim hactenus dam \vivam auto verous mortuam . . . / videre contigit. In Accipitrum geneve et universim rapacium natura ludere videtur, ut species accurate dis- tinguere admodum difficile et impossibili proximum sit. Eadem quppo\oqu/e [quoque] avis pro aetatis ratione pennarum colore variat: in senioribus color ut plurimùm languidior in alborem tandem degenerat. Fortè tamen milvum tuum sylvaticum inter Aquilas reperies. Balbuzardes certè Anglorum non aluid est quàm Haliaetus. Quamprimum Gesner historia \Ornithologiae/ copia mihi facta fuerit passerem aquaticum et harundinaceum examinabo, ut sciam an mihi cognitus sit nécne. Ejus nominis duas \aves/ vidi majorem et minorem, minor (ut puto ab Aldrovando Ficedulis annumeratur, majorem gua[[several words]] aliquatenus similis est. De Sheldraco tuo longirostro quod [[several words]] non habeo, cum autores quos consulam ad manum non sunt, nec ego vel descriptionem vel iconem Merganseris apud Gesnerum satis bene memini. Quod in avibus describendis accurate singularum partium structuram consid- eres, et industriam et perspicaciam tuam laudo. Quo de Pico viridi observâsti, illi ex mea observatione cum nigro et vario utroque et Iynge ave (quam Torquillam) vocant quod caput in unam partem frequenter flectat) commune est. Ejusmodi conformationis usus sane insignis, ad cossos sc. majusculos è lingo putrido educendos. Ego nempe e ventriculis harum avium disectis cossos minimo digito pares non semel exemi. Musculi quoque et cartilagines quorum ope linguas evibrant retrahuntque merentur curiose spectari. Pariter quod de Ardea cinerea notas toti huic generi competit, stellari nimirum, cinerea minori, alba majori minorique etc. Unguem se. medii digiti pectinatum a sinis- tro latere obtinent, cujus quis usus sit per se satis patet, nimirum ut Anguillas 0087 Ray to Lister 117 aliosque pisces lubricos et leaves quibus delectantur comprehensos facilius teneant, nè ex unguibus elabantur. Quod in graminibus meo rogatu perqui- rendis eorumque historia illustranda laboras, rem mihi pergratam facis, pluri- maeque eo nomine a me tibi debentur gratiae. Gramen illud aculeatum Germ Parkinsoni prope Cantabrigiam à te inventum non dissimile veri est, nam et ego in palustribus agro Warwicensi illud frequens observavi Chrysalidum tura- rum infelicem exitum deploro et praedones istos troglodytas omnibus diris devovendos censeo. De stylo tuo non est cur admodum solicitus sis, aut censuram criticam formides: paucissimi sunt qui pari scribendi facultate pollent, expertus loquor. Ego sanè vix quicquam invenio quod merito carpam argua- mve Quinimo is est sermonis tui nitor et puritas, eae veneres et elegantiae, tot lumina et ornamenta, tam apte disposita et sententiam pulchre illustrantia, ut nihil fere in te ad perfectam eloquentiam desiderari videatur. Cum tamen errare labi decipi humanum sit, nec te nece me nec qumvis alium erroris prorsus expertem fore unquam sperandum est. Superest jam ut promissis spem, et Catalogum piscium absolvam, cum tamen jamjam modum epistolae exces- serim, et quosque Catalogum perduxerim penitus oblitus sim, expectare oportet dum tu me ubi desierim certiorem facias. Interim vale.

Dabam Notleiae Kalendis octobris 1667.

Septimana sequente Londinum redire cogito. Proximae ergo tuae inscribantur Joan: W. in aedibus D. Horsenoll next door to the Rose tavern in Cursitor’s alley, London.

J. Ray—Dr. Martin Lister

Your last letter, posted on the 22nd of September2 [[several words]]3 has been overtaken by two others sent to me from Middleton, which did not limp too slowly on the journey. I cannot readily express in words the pleasure I have felt at reading them, both because they displayed clear evidence of your fine feelings towards me and because they proved that you have been unwaver- ingly persistent in your similar decision to study natural history [literally “an account of the natural world”]. Since I can see that you are so concerned on my behalf—for you consider that my success or failure is to some extent your affair—that you rejoice in the former and in turn are grieved by the latter, then, if I love myself, which I am certainly excessively inclined to do at the bidding of nature, it is inevitable that I should feel enormous affection for you also and rejoice that things are going well with you. 118 Ray to Lister 0087

That symptom about which I complained to you not so long ago4 is not getting worse (thanks be to God), but is easing instead. I scarcely have grounds however for hoping that I shall be wholly free of it, and my lungs (as you know) are so tender and subject to festering as if they once contract any disease they will be capable of restoration to health and be cured only with extreme difficulty. As for your opinion that I am mistaken in my diet (which you think I make more meagre than is correct) and that it is to blame for some part of the ill health with which I am afflicted, you must pardon me if I do not agree with your opinion. Indeed my feelings would be clearly the opposite, namely that I owe to my gluttony and greed most of the disadvantages and inconveniences of ill-health which I have ever suffered. And I am sure that you too would have a very similar opinion if you knew me sufficiently well. Far be it from me therefore to aspire to win to praise for my restraint, none of which is due to me, or to embrace it when it offered without my seeking it. Indeed other living creatures which are bereft of reason (as is commonly believed), which live according to natural precept and instinct, and take food unprepared by any artifice, just as nature supplies it to them, do not observe any law when taking their food, and do not stick to any limit or feed at fixed times. Truly the food that they employ is full of waste products, and contains little juice, and in consequence they are able to consume it in quite large quantities without any uncertainty or obvious harm. And again since the nourishing earth supplies it with a thrifty hand, of her own account, without prostituting herself with any display of tillage, they are obliged to work hard and to spend a lot of time in seeking it. Consequently they would be unable to eat to excess readily even if they wished to. As a result wild beasts and woodland creatures rarely grow inordinately fat, or swell to excess with lust, but conceive an appetite for sex only at regular times, for the most part just once a year. They are exceedingly vigorous, and for the most part free from illness. Certainly (in my opinion) we would improve our health if we followed their example by practising a simpler and cheaper life-style, and eating those foods with which it was right to fill our bellies and swell them only moderately. I think that you have acted correctly and properly in consulting Gesner5 and Aldrovandi,6 and in carefully comparing their descriptions with yours; you will find only a very few birds which have escaped their careful attention. You have no grounds for doubting that that lesser woodland duck called the ‘teal’ by our fellow-countrymen is the “querquedula” of your writers.7 I am not yet satisfied about the Lincolnshire “knott,” for hitherto I have not had the good fortune to see one alive.8 In respect of the genus of falcons and in general of all raptors nature seems to be playing a trick, in that it is difficult and well-nigh impossible to distin- 0087 Ray to Lister 119 guish precisely between the species. Even the same bird varies the colour of its wings in accordance with its age; in the case of the older birds the colour generally fades and finally degenerates into a whitish hue.9 Yet you may possibly find the woodland kite [listed] among eagles. Certainly the Bald Buzzard of the English is no other than the osprey.10 I pray for a copy of Gesner’s Ornithology as soon as possible. I shall examine the ‘water sparrow’ [passer aquaticus] and ‘reed sparrow’, to find out if it is known to me or not.11 I have seen two birds of that name, the greater and the lesser, the lesser (so I think) is counted by Aldrovandi among fly-catchers, and the greater is somewhat similar.12 Concerning your long-beaked sheldrake,13 I have nothing to say since the writers are not at hand for me to consult, and I do not have a sufficiently clear recollection of description or illustration of the merganser in Gesner’s work. I congratulate you on your diligence and clear-sightedness in considering the construction of the individual parts in giving an accurate description of birds. As for what you have observed about the green woodpecker, my own observations confirm that this is a characteristic it shares with the black and variegated types and the bird known as the Iynx (which is called the “Torquilla” [= ‘twister’] because it often bends its head to one side).14 There is of course a notable application of this very conformation in extracting larger goat-moths15 from rotting wood. Indeed I have several times removed goat-moths as long as the little finger from the stomachs of these birds when I have dissected them. Also the muscles and cartilages, with the assistance of which they vibrate and withdraw their tongues, deserve a careful inspection. Equally what you note about the ashen heron is true of this whole family, including the “starry,”16 “lesser ashen”17 and greater18 and lesser white kinds,19 that is, they have the nail of the middle claw on the left side covered in hair, and the reason for this is pretty obvious, that is to make it easier to hold on to the eels and other slippery and smooth fish with which they are delighted, so as to prevent their slipping from their nails. You are doing me a great favour in working hard to seek out grasses and in illustrating an account of them, as I have requested, and on the count I owe you profuse thanks. It is not unlikely that what you have discovered near Cambridge is the German prickly-headed grass of Parkinson’s,20 for I have often observed it in the wetlands of Warwickshire. I am very sorry to hear about the unfortunate fate of your chrysalids,21 and I consider that those rapacious wrens should be cursed in every way.22 You have no reason to be particularly concerned about your style of writing or to fear critical censure, there are very few who are equally accomplished in writing, and I speak from experience. Certainly I can find scarcely anything that 120 Ray to Lister 0087 deserves criticism or reprimand. Why, I would go further and say that such is the attractiveness and purity of your language, such are its charms and elegant turns, so many are its lights and decorations, which are so appropriately arranged and beautifully illuminate the point you are making, that you appear to be wanting in hardly any respect in terms of perfect expression. Yet since it is human to err, to slip and to be deceived, one should not expect either you or myself or anyone else ever to be completely free from error. It now remains for me to fulfil the promises I made and complete my catalogue of fish, yet since I have already exceeded the length of a letter and I have completely forgotten how long I have been in dragging out the catalogue, I must wait until you can inform me where I should stop.23 In the meantime, farewell.

Written at Notley on the 1st of October 1667.

I plan to return to London next week. So your next should be inscribed John Wray at the house of D. Horsenoll next door to the Rose tavern in Cursitor’s alley, London.24

1. The letter is damaged at this point with loss of text. 2. Ray used the Roman Calendar of 10 Kalends (X sc. Kal. Octobris), which is 22 September. 3. The letter is damaged at this point with loss of text. 4. Lister expressed his concerns about Ray’s health in his letter of 22 September 1667. Ray had been seriously ill at Black Notley since 13 September. See Raven (1986), p. 144. 5. Presumably a reference to Conrad Gesner’s Historiae Animalium. See Lister’s letter of 22 September 1667. 6. The naturalist Ulisse Aldrovandi wrote several editions of the three volumes of his Ornithologiae est de avibus historiae (1599, 1600, 1603, 1634, and 1637). See Lister’s letter of 22 September 1667. 7. The Eurasian Teal (Anas crecca). See Lister’s letter of 22 September 1667. Ray and Willughby asserted the teal and the bird identified by Aldrovandi as the querquedula were the same species. See John Ray, The Ornithology of Francis Willughby (London: John Martyn, 1678), p. 377. 8. Possibly Calidris canutus, or the red knot, a short-legged wading bird belonging to the sandpiper family that is gray above and white below in winter. See Lister’s letter of 22 September 1667. In the Ornithology, Ray noted that he finally saw it on the coast of Lancashire in Liverpool, many flying in company in February 1671 (Ray, Ornithology, p. 302). However, in his discussion of the Lincolnshire knot, Ray wrote the bird could possibly identified as the Calidris nigra of Pierre Belon. Buffon, in his Natural History of Birds, identified Belon’s Calidris nigra as Tringa littorea (Linnaeus, 1758) or the shore sandpiper (now known as Tringa ocropus). (Georges Louis Leclerc Buffon, The Natural History of Birds (London: A. Strahan, et al., 1793), p. 494). The red knot, when it is not breeding, does have similar coloured plumage to several species of sandpipers, though 0087 Ray to Lister 121

Ray insisted that the knot could be “distinguished from the Tringa by the line of white cross their wings.” 9. The color of bird feathers may fade with through exposure to light and weather. Some raptors, like eagles, will have up to five plumage color changes before reaching adulthood. Part of Ray’s confusion is also that there is a huge variation between birds, some of which is “continuous,” and some of which is “discontinuous. ” Several birds of prey, such as red-tailed hawks for instance, occur as distinct morphs, with different plumage morph variations than the standard colors for its species. Other birds have only a few morphs, such as standard, light, and dark birds, and these morphs can vary geographically. My thanks to Professor Tim Birkhead for this point. 10. It is not entirely clear to which bird Ray referred. Ray certainly uses haliaetus or Latin for osprey when describing the Bald Buzzard, and he places the Bald Buzzard in his Ornithology in a group of long-winged hawks, noting “this bird is by Aldrovandus twice put under Eagles. 1. Under the title of Haliaetus, Lib. 2. Cap. 3. 2. Under the title of Morphnos, in the seventh Chapter of the same book.” The oed also indicates that the term ‘Bald Buzzard’ refers to the fishhawk or osprey (Pandion haliaeetus), and Conrad Gesner in his Avium natura (1555) identified it as such. However, as Southwell has indicated, at the time Ray wrote this letter, there was frequent confusion by naturalists of the Bald Buzzard with other species. In their Ornithology, Ray and Willughby’s description of the Bald Buzzard’s nesting site and eggs seems to be confused with that of the Marsh Harrier (Circus aeruginosus). They stated: “it builds upon the ground among Reeds, and lays three or four large white eggs of a figure exactly elliptical, lesser than Hens’ eggs.” (p. 70). See also Thomas Southwell, ed. Notes and Letters on the Natural History of Norfolk by Thomas Browne (London: Jarrold and Sons, 1902), pp. 4–5. 11. The term “water sparrow” was a provincial name for the reed sparrow or common reed bunting (formally classified as Emberiza schoeniclus by Linnaeus). See George Montagu and James Rennie, An ornithological dictionary of British birds (London: Hurst, Chance, and Co., 1831), p. 415 and p. 531. 12. On pages 143 and 144 of the Ornithology, Ray distinguished between the greater and lesser reed sparrows, and tentatively identified the lesser reed sparrow as Aldrovandis’ Ficedula cannevarola. Ray would ultimately call the lesser reed sparrow Ficedula quarta, noting that he first saw it in Italy where it was called a becafino. Lister himself later noted the lesser reed sparrow in another context: in his edition of the Roman cookbook of Apicius, Lister indicated that the bird was considered a delicacy by the ancients who would cook it with rose water and honey. (Martin Lister, Apicii Coelii De Opsoniis et Condimentis, Sive Arte Coquinaria (Amsterdam: Janssonio-Waesbergios, 1709), p. 125). 13. Ray would give it is formal taxonomic name Tadorna vulpanser now known as Tadorna tadorna, the Common Shelduck. 14. This is the Eurasian Wryneck (Jynx torquilla), described as the “link between the woodpecker and the cuckoo,” having the “tongue and feet of the former” and “somewhat the bill of the latter, as well as the same number of flexible feathers in the tail.” While it is feeding, the body of the wryneck is motionless, and “the head only is turned to every side.” Provincially, it was known as the “long-tongue” and it does use its rapidly flicking tongue to retrieve food. See Montagu (1831), pp. 576–577. 15. Cossus cossus. Ray must have meant that the wryneck removed goat moth larvae (not the adults) from rotting wood. The goat moth receives its name from the strong “goaty” odor of 122 Ray to Lister 0088 the caterpillar. It is locally widespread in the south of Britain. See ukmoths, a guide to moths of Great Britain and Ireland, at http://ukmoths.org.uk. 16. The bittern (Botauris stellaris). Ray describes it further in his Ornitholoay, p. 282. 17. A name for the night heron or Nycticorax nycticorax. See Montagu (1831), p. 12 and p. 332. This species appears in Ray, Ornithology p. 279, t. 49. 18. The great egret (Ardea alba). Ray, Ornithology, p. 279. 19. The little egret (Egretta garzetta). Ray bought the bird “in the market at Venice.” See Ray, Ornithology, p. 280. See also Raven (1686), p. 315. 20. Carex flava or large yellow sedge, identified in John Parkinson’s Theatrum Botanicum as Gramen aculeatum germanicum, or the prickly headed grass of Germany. See John Parkinson, Theatrum Botanicum or the Theatre of Plants (London: Thomas Cotes, 1640), tribe 13, chapter 28, p. 1187. 21. Although the exact fate of Lister’s chrysalids is unknown, it is clear they were eaten by birds. Lister commonly bred insects and spiders for identification, observation of pupation, and dissection, so perhaps Ray was sorry for Lister’s loss of experimental data. See Parker’s translation of Lister’s work on spiders where he described keeping spider egg sacs in wooden cases. Parker (1992), p. 77. 22. Literally in the letter “troglodytes”, or cave-dwellers. From the Ancient Greek τρωγλοδύτες “cave-dwellers” from trṓglē (τρώγλη) “hole” + dyein (δυειν) “to enter”, in reference to the tendency of wrens to enter small crevices as they search for food. The Linnaen species name is Troglodytes troglodytes. 23. Ray is referring to the Historia Piscium, which was began with fieldwork that he and Willughby did in France from 1663–1666, where they observed several varieties of fish in vivo and in vitro in the fishmongers’ stalls. Ray did not begin the book on fishes until he was done with Willughby’s Ornithology in December 1674; the Historia Piscium was not published until 1686. See Raven (1986), pp. 352–369. 24. Ray was leaving Essex as he “planned to go to London on 7 October to stay with his friend George Horsnell, the doctor . . . but postponed his visit until the time of his election and admission to the Royal Society on 7 November.” See Raven (1986), p. 144, and Gunther (1928), p. 116.

0088 John Ray to Martin Lister Black Notley, Essex, 12 October 1667

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 6, letter 12. The original letter is not separated into paragraphs, but they have been provided in the translation for sense. Address: No address present. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 23–25; Lankester (1848), pp. 19–20; Gunther (1928), p. 116 (partial). 0088 Ray to Lister 123

Joannes Wray D. Martino Lister suo S P D.

Dum adhuc in Essexia diutiùs moram traho secundas à te literas accepi, quibus antequam hinc discedam respondendum duxi, nè aut expectationi tuae aut amici officio ulla in parte defuisse videar. De literis illis Mediam villam due ego per Corunbiam abessem transmissis, quas perisse suspicaris, tibi satisfactum puto ex superioribus meis: Penes me sc. inter cimelia pretiosissima repositae asservantur. Quòd veteres Latinos medicos pervolvere in animo tibi esse scribis mihi admodum probatur, namque eiquid ego judicio valeo, iis legendis plurimùm proficies, magnùmque operae-praetium facies. Cornelium Celsum et ipse legi est ille optimus Latinitatis autor et Medicinae verteris satis gna- rus, quamvis ipse (ni malè memini) professione et usu medicus non fuerit. Scribonius mihi nunquam lectus est, Plinium Secundum summi ingenii virum \tibi/ commendare (quem nemo sc. vituperat) superfluum et ineptum foret. Est a[utem] ipsius opus nihil aliud quàm pandectae, in quas congessit quicquid uspiam apud Veteres \seu Graecos/, seu Latinos exterósve legenti occurrebant argumento suo convenientia, temerè et sine delectu, nullóque judicio adhibito. Plurimum certè illius industriae debemus, qui è monumentis Antiquorum plurima ad historiam naturalem pertinentia commentariis suis inserendo ad nos derivavit, quae aliter injuriâ \temporum/ cum Autoribus suis penitùs inter- cidissent. Nec tamen meritò vituperandus est, quòd nullo discrimine vera falsis admiscet; liberum enim unicuique judicium relinquit; finem suum assecutus, quòd omnia quaecunque à Graecis aliísve literis seu literis prodita invenerit sine invidia Romanis suis communicarit. Video te Romanarum Antiquitatum scriptories et vindices prae manibus habere: Plurimos ejus generis Autores vidi: quem cui praeferam non video. Inter alios J[ustus]. Lipsius praecipuam laudem meretur, qui de militia Romana, de gladiatoribus, de Amphitheatris, etc. fusè tractavit, additis etiam ad majorem illustrationem figuris aeneis. Est et Casalius quidam Romanus qui de profanis Gentilium ritibus copiosè egit, adhibitis etiam iconibus: in hoc libro quae ad sacrificia pertinent vasa, instru- menta, et reliquus omnis apparatus tradunt. Est et Tomasinus quidam Italus qui de annulis antiquis, de tesseris hospitalitatis aliísque quibusdam tractatus editit. Lazarus Bayfius olim de re Vestiariâ et Navali scripsit, at breviter. Urbis antiquae situm et monumenta, quorum partes aliquae vel rudera etiamnum supersunt, nimirum templa, porticus Amphitheatra, balnea, obeliscos, colum- nas, Aquaeductus, Circos, etc. delinearunt et descripserunt plurimi, at Italicè plerique. Quo ego usus sum liber 2bus parvis octavi folii tomis comprehensis Roma antica e moderna titulum habet: quem quia viliori pretio parabilis \est/ 124 Ray to Lister 0088 tibi etiam commendo, ut qui linguam italicum probè calleas. Figuras quamvis in minori forma non inelegantes rerum praecipuarum de quibus tractat inibi reperies. Sed manum tabulas de his aliísque si opus sit plura cùm Londini fuero; interim vale et me ama.

Dabam Notleiae iv Idus 8bris 1667.

John Wray sends warmest greetings to Mr. Martin Lister

While I was still tarrying in Essex, I received a second letter from you, to which I thought I should reply before leaving here, in case I should seem in any respect to have failed to live up to either your expectation or the duty I owe a friend.1 Concerning the letter sent to Middleton when I was away in Cornwall, which you suspect has been lost, I think you have been satisfied by my previous letter.2 It is kept in my possession stored among my most precious treasures. You write of your intention to read your way thoroughly through the ancient Latin physicians, and I warmly approve of this. For if my judgement is worth anything, you will receive enormous benefits from reading them, and it will be greatly worth your while. I have actually read Cornelius Celsus.3 He is an author of the best Latinity and very knowledgeable about ancient medicine, although (if I remember correctly) he was not a doctor by profession and experience.4 I have never read Scribonius,5 and it would be unnecessary and ridiculous to recommend to you Pliny the Elder, a man of the highest intelligence (whom of course nobody criticizes).6 However his work is simply an encyclopaedia, into which he crammed whatever he came across anywhere in the course of his reading the works of the ancients, whether Latin or Greek or foreign, if it suited his argument, and he did so without consideration or selection, and applied no critical judgement. Certainly we owe a very great deal to his diligence, since he has passed on to us an enormous number of things from the records of the ancients which pertain to the study of the natural world by inserting them in his commentaries, and otherwise they would utterly have perished along with their authors through injury inflicted by the passage of time. Nor however is it right to criticize him for mixing truth and falsehood with no discrimination, for he leaves everyone the freedom to make up their own mind; he achieves his own goal, of sharing with his fellow Romans whatever he found recorded in Greek and other literature without prejudice. I see that you have the writers and champions of Roman Antiquities in front of you. I have seen very many authors of this kind, and I cannot see which I should prefer. Among others J[ustus] Lipsius deserves particular praise; he dis- 0088 Ray to Lister 125 cussed Roman military matters, gladiators, amphitheatres etc. in detail, with the addition of copper-plates to provide further illustration.7 There is also one Casalius, a Roman who discussed the profane rites of the pagans at length, with the addition of some images.8 In this book everything relevant to sac- rifices, the vessels, instruments and all the other equipment, are described. There is also Tomasinus, an Italian, who published articles on ancient rings, tokens of hospitality and certain other matters.9 Lazarus Bayfius once wrote on the subjects of clothing and seafaring, but in brief.10 Very many writers have sketched out and described the location and monuments of the ancient city, some parts of which, or at least the rubble from which, still survive, such as the temples, colonnades, amphitheatres, baths, obelisks, columns, aqueducts, circuses etc. but most wrote in Italian. The book which I used comprised two small volumes of octavo, and was entitled “Roma antica e moderna,”11 and I recommend it to you too, since it may be obtained at a fairly low price and you have an excellent knowledge of Italian.12 In it you will find some illustrations which although they are quite small are well-designed, of the particular things which he discusses. But I must stop, I shall have more to say about these and other matters, if the need arises, when I am in London. In the meantime farewell, and have affectionate regard for me.

Sent from Notley on October 12th, 1667.

1. The letter to which Ray refers has been lost. Ray was leaving Essex as he “planned to go to London on 7 October to stay with his friend George Horsnell, the doctor . . . but postponed his visit until the time of his election and admission to the Royal Society on 7 November.” See Raven (1986), p. 144, and Gunther (1928), p. 116. 2. Ray arrived in Cornwall with Willughby on 17 August 1667 staying until mid-September. See Raven (1986), p. 143. The letter that Lister sent Ray when he was in Cornwall has been lost. However, the correspondence that Ray sent Lister may be that of 1 August 1667 (nhm, mss Ray 1, Derham Abstracts) in which Ray informed Lister of his intentions to go to Cornwall with Willughby to obtain bird and botanical specimens. 3. Aulus Cornelius Celsus (ca. 25 bc–ca. 50 ad), a Roman encyclopaedist who wrote De Medicina, one of the best sources on ancient Roman medicine. He is credited for describing accurately the symptoms of inflammation as well as providing detailed procedures for Roman surgical procedures such as treatment for bladder stones, cataracts, and bone-setting. The first printed edition of Celsus was published in 1478, and Elzevir did an edition in 1657, edited by Jan Antonides van der Linden. In 1697, Lister’s friend Theodorus Janssonius van Almeloveen, published an edition in Amsterdam with the publisher John Wolters, and it was the subject of several pieces of correspondence between them in 1696. See W.G. Spencer, ed. and trans., Celsus: De Medicina, Loeb Classical Library, 3 vols (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971; London: Heinemann, 1935). 126 Ray to Lister 0088

4. It is a disputed question if Celsus was a practicing doctor or not. There are several passages in De Medicina that indicated he regularly attended patients. However, Pliny and Quintilian considered Celsus an encyclopaedist, and his descriptions of surgery seem unlike accounts we would expect from a practitioner. It is possible that the De Medicina is an adaptation or translation of a Greek medical work, and that “the seeming lapses from the professional standard are due to misunderstandings or to ignorant attempts at comment or explanation.” See W.G. Spencer, “Introduction” to Celsus: On Medicine, vol. 1, pp. vii–xiv. 5. Scribonius Largus, one of the physicians of Emperor Claudius, to whom he dedicated his Compositiones, a collection or drug recipes and compounds. The work describes 271 prescrip- tions, most taken from his teachers and his connections at court. There are dentifrices used by Octavius’s sister Octavia, an ointment used by Claudius’s mother Antonia, and an antidote against poison favored by Augustus. In a section about the practice of medicine, Scribonius provides the earliest reference to the Hippocratic Oath. Aside from the preface, the Compositions have not been translated into English. The standard edition is Sergio Sconocchia, ed., Scribonius Largus Compositiones (Leipzig: Teubner, 1983). See Vivian Nutton “Scribonius Largus, the Unknown Pharmacologist,” Pharmaceutical History, 25 (1995), pp. 5–8; J.S. Hamilton, “Scribonius Largus on the Medical Profession,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 60, 2 (1986), pp. 209–216. 6. Presumably Gaius Plinius Secundus (23 ad–August 25, 79 ad) or Pliny the Elder who wrote the Naturalis Historia, his vast encyclopedia, which Ray is accurately criticizing in this letter for its indiscriminate use of sources. For an analysis of the Roman assessment of reliable knowledge, see Trevor Murphy, Pliny the Elder’s Natural History: the Empire in the Encyclopedia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), chapters 1 and 2, passim. 7. Justus Lipsius (1547–1606), the Belgian classical philologist known for his works designed to make ancient Stoicism compatible with Christianity, as well as his critical editions of Tacitus and Seneca. He discusses Roman military matters in his Politicorum sive Civilis Doctrinae Libri Sex (“Six Books on Politics or Civil Doctrine”) (Leiden: Plantin, 1589). The work was translated as Sixe Bookes of Politickes or Civil Doctrine, Done into English by William Jones (London: Richard Field, 1594). There is also a facsimile reprint (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1970). Lipsius also wrote treatises on the Roman army (Demilitia romana, Antwerp, 1595) and on the Roman attack and defense of fortified towns (Poliorceticon, Antwerp, 1596). 8. Johannes Baptista Casalius, Romani de profanis et Sacris Veteribus Ritibus (Rome: Andrea Phaei, 1644). Casalius or Giovanni Battista Casali (1578–1648) was a Roman antiquary. 9. Presumably Giacomo Filippo Tomasini, De Tesseris Hospitalitatis (Udine, Italy: Nicholai Schiratti, 1647), and De donariis ac tabulis votivis (Padua: Franciscum Barberinum, 1654). Tomasini (1595–1655) was a theologian, historian, and Bishop of Novigrad in Istria, now part of Croatia. 10. Lazarus Bayfius, or Lazare de Baïf (ca. 1496–1547), was a French diplomat, humanist, and a magistrate of the French parlement. Baïf’s treatises on vases and ancient dress were published at Basle in 1531 and 1526. From these works, the royal printer Robert Estienne compiled his De re vestiaria (1535), and De vasculis (1535). Estienne also published Baïf’s De re navali (Paris, 1536), one of the earliest works on shipbuilding. Baïf employed Charles Estienne as one of his son’s tutors, and thus the Estiennes published many of his works. See Elizabeth Tyler Armstrong, Robert Estienne, Royal Printer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954), p. 110 and p. 149. See also Lucien Pinvert, Lazare de Baïf (1496?–1547) (Paris: A. Fontemoing, 1900). 0089 Lister to Lister 127

11. Federico Franzini, Roma antica e moderna . . . (Rome: Giacomo Fei, 1660). 12. Lister recorded what he read in Montpellier in his student notebook, and his list included a variety of Italian sources attesting to his linguistic abilities. These included Paolo Sarpi, Storia del Concilio Tridentino Di Pietro Soave Polano (1629), Angelo Correri, [pseud. Charles du Ferrare du Tot], Relazione della Corte Romana Fatta l’anno (1662), the reports of the Venetian ambassadors to Rome, and comedies by Ferrante Pallavicino (ms Lister 19, fols. 44–49, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford).

0089 Jane Lister to Martin Lister 13 October [ca. 1667–1668]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 60. Address: this: To Mr Martin Lister fellow | of St Johns Colledge in | Cambridge./ Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/? [October]. Also marked “Cambridg 2.” Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 333. Octo: the 13

Deare Brother

I think you took my heart away with you, for I was so dull after parting from you that I had no Joy of my being so neare London and so continnued tell I reseaued your Letter which put so much life into me that now methinks the towne is very plesant, that is the playes for the Court I must ask you consern- ing it, I have not found any thing more plesant to me then the time I spent at Cambridg and Basinburne,2 deare Brother present my humble saruis to all my cosens there, the saruis I owe at Cambridg is infinit to the Dockter3 and your self, which I beseech you pay to him, and except of all that you can inmagin from from [sic] your affectionate sister and sarvuant

Jane Lister

1. Jane wrote a series of letters with similar content to her brother when he was a fellow at Cambridge in the 1660s, as did her cousin Dorothy Hartopp. The letter would most likely date from 1667–1668 as both young ladies were writing to him at this time. 2. Presumably Bassingbourn, now Bassingbourn-cum-Kneesworth, near Royston Cam bridgeshire. Lister’s mother Susanna mentions sisters at Bassingbourn in her letter to Lister of 10 January ca. 1660s. 3. This could be Henry Paman (bap. 1623–1695), the Linacre professor of “physic” and Lister’s undergraduate tutor at Cambridge. 128 du Moulin to Lister 0090

0090 [Jaques du Moulin]1 to London, 16 October 1667 [Martin Lister],

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols. 43–44. Address: This | For my honored friend— | Mr Lister Fellow of | St. Johns Colledge, for | Cambridge. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/17 [October 17].

A Londres ce 16e 8bre 1667

Monsieur

Je vous rends un million de graces de la peine que vous vous estez donnée de m’escrire si amplement, Je receus hier au soir vostre lettre a mon arrivée de la Campagne avec Madame la Comtesse de Berkeley, et je vous jure que je ne sau- vois vous exprimer assez combien je me suis obligé a vostre amitie, vous avez fair fort judicieusement de m’ecrire en François et je vous promets par tout ce qui est sacré et jnviolable dans la belle amitie que je garderay fidellement le secret, Je ne voudrois pas mesme pour mon Interest que cela—s’eclatast quelque succes que je puisse avoir, mais enfin Monsieur quel qu’il puisse estez bon ou mauvais Je vous auray toujours une obligation infinie, car si j’obtiens ce que je prestands de rechercher Je vous le dennay tout entier, si non, je ne [[resteray?]] pourtant pas de vous estre autant obligé que si j’eusse eu un meilleur succés puis qu’il n’a pas tenu a vous, et n’auray qu’a me plaindre de ma mauvaise fortune qui ne se sera pas encore lassée de me poursuivre; Au reote je ne croy pas qu’il y ait rien a adjouter a ce que vous m’avez ecrit, mais il faut que je retourne encore a la Campagne trouver le My Lord Berkeley que j’y ay laissé malade et quand il sera en estat d’agir nous verons ce qu’il aura a fariez, qu’il arrive bien ou mal, quid tentare nocebit vous avez aussy fort bien fait de ne vous estre point ouvert au Docteur, Je n’ay garde aussy de luy en parler en anciene maniere, bien que j’aye dessein de luy escrire un mot si j’ay le loisir, et je le prieray de vous faire mes escuses si je ne vous escris pas. Pour des nouvelles l’on disoit hier a la cour a 8 heures du soir que les gens que Monseur Hamilton devoit conduire de France avoient esté rencontrées et pris par quelque vais- seau d’Ostende, mais il n’y avoit rien l’asseuré, je vous ecris ce matin avant que de pouvoir estre mieux informé mais si je demeure en ville tout aujourdhuy vous aurez demain de [[vray?]] nouvelles avec la certitude de tout ce que je pourray apprendre; hier My Lord Bristol part sa seance au Parlement et devoit ensuite faire la reverence au Roi en particulier et sans temoins; les deux mai- sons envoyerent remercier le Roi de ce qu’il avoit osté les Catholiques de tout employ et qu’il avoit osté les sceaux a My Lord Clarendon, il leur promit alors 0090 du Moulin to Lister 129 que ledit Mylord n’entreroit jamais plus dans aucune charge publique, Adieu mon trez cher Monsieur Je suis tout a vous

Du Moulin

London, 16 8ber 1667

Sir,

I tender a million thanks for your pains in writing to me so fully. I received your letter yesterday evening on my arrival from the country with the Countess of Berkeley,2 and I assure you I am incapable of demonstrating how much I am obliged to your friendship, you did very wisely to write to me in French and I promise you by all that is sacred and inviolable in the best friendship that I will keep the secret faithfully,3 I would not wish even in my own interest that this should rupture what success I might have, but in the end Sir whether it be good or bad I will always have an infinite obligation to you, for if I obtain what I aspire to seek I will give it [the credit] to you fully, if not I would remain no less obliged to you than if I had had better success since it is not to be laid at your door and could only complain of my bad fortune which still tirelessly pursues me.4 As to the rest I do not believe that there is anything to add to what you wrote to me, but I must return again to the country to Lord Berkeley5 whom I left sick there and when he is in a [ fit] state to act we will see what is to be done, whether good or bad comes of it, what harm is there in trying, you also did very well not to be open with the Doctor, I also neglected to speak to him of it in the old manner, although I have a design to write him a line when I have leisure, and I will ask him to make my excuses to you if I do not write to you. For news it was said yesterday at court at 8 in the evening that the people Mr Hamilton6 had to lead out of France had been met and taken by some ship from Ostend,7 but nothing was secured [nothing was certain], I write to you this morning before I could be better informed but if I stay in town all day you will have tomorrow real news with all the certainty I can muster; yesterday Lord Bristol8 left his seat in Parliament and then had to do obeisance to the king in private and without witnesses; the two houses will send to thank the king that he has removed the Catholics from all [public] employment and that he has removed the seals from Lord Clarendon,9 he also promised them that the said lord would never enter further public charge, God be with you my very dear Sir

I am entirely yours

Du Moulin 130 du Moulin to Lister 0090

1. Presumably a James Mile or Milne from Aberdeen, who had attended the University there, and lived for some years in the south of France and who may have attended a Protestant academy of medicine in Montpellier. He was incorporated M.A. at Cambridge as “Jacobus Molinaeus” in September 1667 on the strength of his Aberdeen degree (see Cambridge University Archives, Subscriptiones, ii, 233). G.C.R. Morris identified Jaques du Moulin as James Milne. (“On the Identity of Jaques du Moulin, F.R.S. 1667,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 45 (1991), pp. 1–10). Milne’s years in France accustomed him so thoroughly to the French form of his surname that he continued to use it in London. Philip Skippon (1641–1691) who had travelled with John Ray, his former tutor at Cambridge, in the Continent from 1663–1666, also had several references to a “Dr. Moulins, a Scotchman” and “Monsieur du Moulin of Aberdeen” in his Journey through part of the Low-Countries, German, Italy and France. (Skippon’s work was published by A. and J. Churchill, A collection of voyages and travels (London, 1732), vol. 6, pp. 359–736.) From August 1665 until February 1666, Ray and Skippon visited Montpellier where they met Lister and “Dr. Moulins a Scotchman,” so this is apparently how Lister and du Moulin became acquainted. (See Raven (1986), p. 137.) 2. Elizabeth Massingberd (d. 1708), eldest daughter and coheir of John Massingberd, treasurer of the East India Company. See Andrew Warmington, “Berkeley, George, first earl of Berkeley (1626/7–1698),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 3. The nature of this secret is not entirely clear, though other correspondence of this period indicates it could have been Lister’s desire to leave his fellowship at St John’s College, Cambridge, for private practice as a physician. See in particular subsequent letters in this edition between Martin Lister, and Thomas Briggs, a fellow at St John’s. 4. In 1658, du Moulin travelled from Nîmes to England to inform Oliver Cromwell that Protestants had shot some guards called in by the Catholic party, and that the townspeople feared retribution and had fortified their city. Du Moulin soon returned with letters from London that the ambassador in Paris took to Mazarin, who sent orders to stop the troops march- ing on Nîmes. In 1666, en-route on their return journey to England via Paris, Ray, Skippon, and Lister first went to Nîmes, where du Moulin showed them a testimonial to his services to the Protestant inhabitants in Cromwell’s time. Subsequently du Moulin joined them on their journey to Paris where they also met George Berkeley, first Earl of Berkeley, who was du Moulin’s patron. On 7 April when Ray and two others left for England, du Moulin was arrested. As Morris stated, “Skippon could not find out the reason during the short time before he, too, left Paris,” but guessed “that his chief crime was, he had lived too long among the French protestants in Languedoc” and might reveal their inclinations in England. The end result was that eventually du Moulin was ordered out of France, reaching England some time in 1667, whereupon with the influence of Berkeley, he was incorporated M.A. at Cambridge (see Morris (1991), pp. 4–7). 5. Lord Berkeley was George (1628–1698), ninth Baron Berkeley (later created Earl), an original Fellow of the Royal Society. Berkeley proposed Jaques du Moulin for membership to the Royal Society, and du Moulin signed the Charter Book on 5 December 1667 along with Berkeley’s son Charles. (See Royal Society, Charter Book, 8 and Morris (1991), p. 5.) Du Moulin would go on to translate Thomas Sprat’s History of the Royal Society into French for the Royal Society. 6. More than likely Sir George Hamilton, a Roman Catholic Scot with strong Irish connections and colonel of a British regiment in the French Army. With his French contacts, Hamilton could have provided military protection to English refugees and escorted them out of the country. Hamilton commanded regiments called the gens d’arms écossais, and the gens d’armes anglais, elite cavalry units consisting of Roman Catholic British officers cashiered from service 0090 du Moulin to Lister 131 in England to France due to their religion. Neither had an official treaty that stated their obligations to the British monarch. The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle ending the War of Devolution resulted in the full incorporation of these units into the French army. See C.T. Atkinson, “Charles ii’s regiments in France, 1672–78,” Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, 24 (1946), p. 55; Matthew Glozier, Scottish soldiers in France in the reign of the Sun King: nursery for men of honor (Leiden: Brill, 2004), pp. 114–118. 7. Ostend, now a Belgian city located on the coast of the Flemish province of West Flanders. 8. George Digby, second Earl of Bristol (1612–1677), and Catholic politician and political enemy of Edward Hyde, first Earl of Clarendon. After a botched and largely baseless attempt to have Clarendon accused of high treason before the House of Lords in July 1663, Charles ii ordered Bristol’s arrest as a troublemaker. Subsequently Bristol went into hiding, and he was able to emerge in the House of Lords only in October 1667, when Clarendon finally fell out with the king. “Bristol was then able to obtain both forgiveness and revenge by helping to draw up a fresh impeachment of the earl, this time with royal support. His actions restored him to public life but not to favour.” Ronald Hutton, “Digby, George, second earl of Bristol (1612–1677),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). Indeed, as this letter and the Parliamentary Records demonstrate, Bristol was not present in Lords on 15 October 1667, the date that the House thanked Charles for impeaching Lord Clarendon and when Bristol made his “obeisance” to the monarch. He appeared the next day in Lords and remained present in his seat for the rest of his tenure. “House of Lords Journal Volume 12: 15 October 1667,” Journal of the House of Lords: volume 12: 1666–1675, pp. 118–119. url: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report .aspx?compid=12484. Date accessed: 12 July 2010. 9. The Lords Journal Volume recorded: “A Message was brought from the House of Commons, by Sir Thomas Littleton Baronet and others. To acquaint their Lordships, that the House of Commons had agreed upon an Address of Thanks to be presented to His Majesty, for His Gracious Speech, and what the Lord Keeper spoke by His Majesty’s Command; which they have thought fit to put into a Vote, to which they desire their Lordships Concurrence. The which Vote was read as followeth: Address of Thanks to the King for dismissing the E. of Clarendon, disband- ing the Forces, vacating the Canary Patent, &c. We, Your Majesty’s loyal and faithful Subjects, the Commons in Parliament assembled, having taken into our serious Consideration Your Majesty’s Gracious Speech, wherein You were pleased to let us know, That Your Majesty thought fit to pro- rogue the Parliament till the Tenth of this October, that You might give Yourself Time to do some Things which would not be unwelcome, but a Foundation for a greater Confidence for the future between Your Majesty and Your People; we find ourselves bound in Duty to return Your Majesty our humble and hearty Thanks, for the Gracious Declaration of Your Royal Intentions in that Your Majesty’s Gracious Speech, and in that delivered by Your Majesty’s Command by the Lord Keeper; and particularly, that Your Majesty hath been pleased to disband the late raised Forces, and to dismiss the Papists from out of Your Guards, and other Military Employments; for Your Majesty’s Care in quickening the Execution of the Act for restraining the Importation of Foreign Cattle; for causing the Canary Patent to be surrendered, and vacated; and more especially, that Your Majesty hath been pleased to dismiss the late Lord Chancellor, and remove him from the Exercise of public Trust and Employment in Affairs of State. For all which Acts of Grace and public Benefit, we Your said Commons do beseech Your Sacred Majesty to accept of these our most humble and hearty Thanks.” ordered, That this House agrees with the House of Commons in this Vote; and that both Houses do present this Address to the King.” See “House of Lords Journal Volume 12: 15 October 1667,” Journal of the House of Lords: volume 12: 1666–1675. 132 Lister to Lister 0091

0091 Jane Lister to [Martin Lister] 18 October [ca. 1667]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 55. The letter suffers damage, which has led to loss of text. Punctuation has been added for clarity. Address: for Mr Martin Lister.

Oct 18

Deare Brother

I feere you doe not beleue me, how much pleasure I take in your letters, mak[e]s you that you will not giue me that satisfaction that you promis’d. I would write to you oftner, but unlesse I had bisnesse I doe not know what to say, here is a letter from my cosen Doll Hartopp2 which I should have sent you before, but I had lade it up and could not remember where I l[[xxx]]3 it, and the boak you lent [x]er4 I have. I wish I could read and understand them as well as you I should take great delight in them, but no more I shall tire your patienc with tou much impertynance. I shall only tell you that all here are your humble saruants but undoubtably she who is your reall affectionat sister

Jane Lister

Sence I writ this letter I reseave one from you, and I am such hast[e] that I can only tell you my sister Barkham is brought a bed, and that I have not qui [[several words]]5 french long, nor in the leest forgot the mater.

1. Date is inferred from context; other correspondence refers to “sister Barkham’s or Barcom’s pregnancy.” See Susanna Lister’s letters to Martin Lister of 4 and 23 November 1667. The reference was to Frances Barkham, née Lister (1644–1691), Lister’s younger sister. On 29 January 1666/7, Frances married Robert Barkham (1643–1691) at Burwell. Barkham was from Tottenham High Cross, Middlesex, and he entered Gray’s Inn on 5 February 1660/1. They had six children, three of whom were baptized at Burwell. The eldest, Frances, was baptized in October 1667, an event which dates this letter as subsequently Lister’s sister Frances is described as being “brought to bed,” either in labor or in recovery. See Rev. Canon A.R. Maddison, ed., Lincolnshire Pedigrees, Volume 50 of the Publications of the Harleian Society (London: Harleian Society, 1902), vol. 1, p. 86. Robert Barkham was buried at St. Michael’s Church in Burwell, and his sarcophagus is still present, adjacent to an outer wall of the church. The inscription states: “Here lyeth the Body of Rob. Barkham Esq. Second Son to Sr. Rob. Barkham of Totenham High Cross in the County of Middlesex Kt. Married Frances the Second Daughter of Sr. Martin Lister of Burwell in the County of Lincoln Kt and had Issue Frances Susanna Mary Rob Edward and Michael dyed the 19th of May 1691 Aged 47.” 0092 Lister to Lister 133

2. Dorothy or “Doll” Hartopp was the daughter of Martin’s half-sister Agnes Lister (1630– 1667) and Sir William Hartopp (d. ca. 1700) of Rotherby, Leicestershire. 3. Presumably “left.” Damage has occurred to the letter at this point, leading to loss of text. Doll’s letter is not extant. 4. Presumably “her.” Damage has occurred to the letter at this point, leading to loss of text. 5. Damage has occurred to the letter at this point, leading to loss of text.

0092 Susanna Lister to [Martin Lister] [Burwell, Lincolnshire], 4 November ca. 16671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 95. Address: No address present.

Dear marten,

I rote to you full a monthe sence it was conferming your Sisters \Barcoms/2 being brought to bead, but I did neuer hear from you sence, which makes me fear you are not well sence you hurte your arme; neither shall I be satisfied tell you right to me again your sister is very well, but her child has ben very weeke but now it is pretty well and her eyes, which we were in much fear she should lost them for I nevar sawn any child in such a condition with them so long together, but now we begen to beleeue that they are safe. I hear every weeke from your sister Jenins,3 she is well but cannot make any great progress in her busines, because her husbands will stand upon his previledg of parliment, so she can do litel this sesions, only prepare business,4 the bishop of cantarbery5 promises her to be her frend. Sosone as thar is any venison gotten you shall haue some, but we haue had non killed sence before michallmas, thow ther has ben many days spent in the persute of them, my sone hamellton has lost lesse twelue horses taken by the Spaniard,6 thay being put into frenche vessels, and will went with him and so lost his horse, but the king and the duke and an other hath sent my daughter Hamellton seuen, more to send him, into france, we do not hear yet what is become of your brother matthew, he is like to bring more sorow upon us, I hear that my brother Roben busbridge has lefte my neas Katheren Ayloffe7 a good legasie, for he dyed very riche, let me know the truthe of it, if you hear it from my sistar, to whome I pray present my kind love and to my neas Ayloffe and her husband, of whose healthe I should be glad to hear; I am not like but I grow weeker and weeker euery day, but your fathar has his health much better then he had last winter, he has for a new companion Captain goodhand, he is a Jockie to ride his horses, and so sets 134 Lister to Lister 0092 and spends the evening with him, he is from farms abboue munkons,8 I haue weried my self, and you, tharfo9 it is time to conclude, god Blesse you which is the harts desire of

your affectionat mothar

Su: lister novem: the 4

I pray have a care of mrs parker for I am more behoulding to that good woman than you can immagen

1. Dating is from the context of other letters in this series relating to the first pregnancy of Frances Barkham. 2. Presumably “Sister Barkham” or Frances Barkham, also mentioned in Jane Lister’s letter of 8 October [ca. 1667]. 3. Frances Thornhurst Jennings, Susanna’s first-born daughter with her first husband Gifford Thornhurst. Frances married Richard Jennings, Esq., of Sandridge, Hertfordshire. 4. Presumably concerning a dispute regarding Richard Jennings’s great pecuniary losses in the Royalist cause; he died in extremely poor circumstances on 8 May 1668. Three weeks later his effects were administered by his chief creditor, Anthony Mildmay, Frances having renounced probate. See Philip Sergeant, Little Jennings and Fighting Dick Talbot: A Life of the Duke and Duchess of Tyrconnel (London: Hutchinson and Company, 1913), vol. 1, pp. 6–8. 5. Presumably Gilbert Sheldon (1598–1677), Archbishop of Canterbury, and benefactor to the University of Oxford. Sheldon had close connections of friendship and property with the Temples (Susanna Lister’s family of origin) and the Jenningses, which may have been why he was willing to befriend Susanna’s daughter and help present her case in Parliament. Agney Court, the manor of Agney, in Old Romney, Kent, though owned by the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury Cathedral, was leased by Frances Jennings. Furthermore, Sheldon and Henry Hammond (1605–1660), were King Charles I’s closest chaplains, and were themselves friends and confi- dants; Susanna’s uncle, Sir John Temple, married Mary, the sister of Henry Hammond. Henry Hammond undertook the education of their son, Sir William Temple (1628–1699). See Hugh de Quehen, “Hammond, Henry (1605–1660),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); John Spurr, “Sheldon, Gilbert (1598–1677),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). For the intermarriage between the Hammonds and the Temples, see Margaret Toynbee, “The Two Sir John Dingleys,” Notes and Queries (November 1953), pp. 478–483. See also A.T. Thomson, Memoirs of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough and the court of Queen Anne (London: Henry Colburn, 1839). 6. Presumably the horses were lost in a campaign in the War of Devolution, which saw Louis xiv’s French armies overrun the Habsburg-controlled Spanish Netherlands. 7. Katharine Ayloffe (bapt. 10 October 1637) was the daughter of James Ayloffe (d. 1654) of Melbourne, Cambridgeshire, and Elizabeth Peniston [Penystone]. Elizabeth Peniston was the 0093 Lister to Lister 135 daughter of Thomas Peniston of St Margaret’s (near Rochester) and Mary Somer (1570–1620); they were married in 1590. Subsequently Mary Somer was widowed and married Sir Alexander Temple. Susanna Temple, the author of this letter, was their daughter, and Katharine Ayloffe was thus Susanna Temple’s niece from her mother’s first marriage. (See Will of James Ayloffe, National Archives, prob 11/237/398.) Robert Busbridge may be identified also from another family connection. Sir Alexander Temple, Susanna Lister’s father, survived his wife Mary Somer and subsequently married Mary Busbridge, née Reeve, of Etchingham, Sussex, in January 1621/2. (See Essex Record Office, ero/D/DRu/T1/219, which is a deed and part of their marriage settlement). Mary Busbridge had been married previously to John Busbridge, and they had four children, one of whom was named Robert Busbridge. Robert Busbridge was thus Susannah Lister’s half- brother through her father’s last wife. 8. Muckton, Lincolnshire, three miles to the northeast of Burwell. “Goodhand” is still a common surname in this area of Lincolnshire. 9. “Therefore.”

0093 Jane Lister to Martin Lister 23 November [ca. 1667–1668]

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols 56–57. Address: ffor Mr Martin Lister. Printed: Goulding (1900), pp. 331–332 (partial). Noue th: 23

Deare Brother if loue to any parson in the \whole/ world would aford matter enoufe, to fill a letter, it ware imposable for me to want when I wright to you if I had not so dull a fance I would not for a world I would haue you the leest doubtfull, of the reall pation I haue for you but if I doe neglect wrighting to you, imagin tis to fetch you ouer to Chide me, which insteed of spouyling our merth would hughly highten it, and make us much more hapy then we are espetially she who is your reall affectionat sister and saruant.

Jane Lister we want no books yet. pray you present our sarvices tto my Aant [[xx]]ife and my Cosen2

0094 John Ray to Martin Lister London, 23 November 1667

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 6, letter 14. Paragraph breaks are inserted in the translation for the purpose of sense. Address: These | for Mr Martin | Lister fellow of St Johns | College in | Cambridge. Postmark: Bishop Mark no/24 [November 24]. pd 2d. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 25–27; Lankester (1848); pp. 20–22; Gunther (1928), p. 116 (partial).

D. Martino Lister J. Wray S.D.

Literas tuas 4 Id. Novemb: ad me datas non sine tactita quadam admira- tione legi; adeò erudita mihi visa sunt, adeò eleganter et adamussim scriptae. Felicem me que talem amicum habeam et studiorum aemulum; maximo mihi adjumento futurum, et Reip. literariae ornamento. Quid enim de te sperare nefas? qui tantos jamjam in bonis artibus et literis progressus feceris, atque in id fastigium evaseris, sive rarâ quadam ingenii felicitate, sive studio et industria, quò studiosorum vulgus maxima contentione nequicquam anhelat. Rem sane difficillimam planè consecutus es, ornatè dicendi scribendique faculta- tem; adeò ut de Latini sermonis puritate, déque stylo expoliendo tibi ampliùs laborandum non sit, cùm in his tantopere excellas aliìsque aequalibus tuis palmam facilè praeripias. Hanc mihi confessionem res ipsa extorquet; hanc tibi debitae laudem ni tribuam, invidus censeri debeam et amici titulo indignus. // Dominum Willughby non est cur tibi conciliare studeam, cùm bonos omnes et eruditos tuique similes sponte suâ amplectatur, omnibúsque officiis deme- reri sibíque devincire gestiat. // Scribonium ut legere aveam commendatio tua effecit. Verùm liber ille non ubique est obvius, aut paratu facilis. Cùm primum mihi ejus copia facta fuerit, lectionem aggrediar. Dubia illa quae tibi occurrunt, et legentem morantur, nae erras vehementer, si me posse solvere tibique eximere putas. Quid sibi velit autor ille cùm Hypocistidem definit Rosae Sylvestris succum, etc., \divinare/ non possum. Bauhinus noster aliique Botanici Cistum fruticem ob floris cognationem juxta Rosam collocant; nemo tamen Rosam caninam appellat; ni fortè pro canina marina substitui debeat. Nam Caesalpinus, ut citatur à J. Bauhino Cistum quondam Rosam marinam appellari scribit. At nè sic quidem rem expediemus, cùm Hypocistis non ipsius cisti succus sit, sed plantulae cisti radicibus adnatae, quae se ipsa hypocistis dicitur. Pro Oxytriphyllo Scribonii aliam longè diversam plantam nobis exhi- bent Lobelius et Clusius, magna nomina, nimirum Lotum pentaphyllon sili- 0094 Ray to Lister 137 quosum villosum, C.B., ut apud cum in pinace videre est: utcunque ego judicio tuo plurimum tribuo, tuámque sententiam probabilem existimo, quoniam illud facultate aliqua insigni pollere \vel/ bituminosus odo satìs arguit, quum in hoc nec odorem nec saporem aliquem excellentem observaverim. Opium quin praestantissimum sit medicamentum, praesertim extrinsecus adhibi- tum, nullus dubito, in eo tamen intus sumendo summopere cavendum est nè \erres aut/ modum excedas; nam ex frequentiori opii usu, quantumvis optimè praeparati, funesta tandem symptomata consecuta esse tristi pluteum multorum experimenta satìs constat. // Quòd in omni sanguinis eruptione artus constringi vetat, utris similitudine deceptus errare videtur. Quòd verò per venam quae est animalis arteriam intelligat, verisimile \est/, quoniam Romani tum venas tum arterias communi nomine venas dixterunt: nec in vasis hisce distingendis curiosi fuere, tantùm abest ut circuitum sanguinis \illos/ vel per nebulam vidisse concesserim. De Fungis cùm te, Deo dante, videro, pluribus agemus. Quod in studiis \rei naturalis/ gesnerae tam constanter perseveres, et institutum pertinaciter urgeas, tu plurimùm laudo. Rem sane curiosissimam te nuper observâsse narras, nimirum cochleam cujus spirae in diversam partem flectantur, cùm inter doctos constans opinio fuerit \sit/, à septentrionali aequatoris parte cochleas omnes (motum sc. solis observando) à sinistra dextram versùs torqueri. nec ego sanè unquam inveni qualem tu describis. Sive ergo aliae sint hujus generis, sive haec sola exceptio sit, et diligenter servari, et exactè describi, depingique meretur. Ni mora in hac urbe mea incerta fuisset à te illam petiissem, ut Regali Societati (cujus nuper particeps factus sum) monstrarem. Die Lunae proximo (favente numine) Sussexiam petam Londino relicto, ubi vanis pollicitationibus nimis diu detentus fui. Literas tuas si quas ad me scribere dignaberis, ita inscribes—For J.W. at Cuckfield in Sussex [[xxxx]] to be left at Mr. Leach his house in Scroopes court in Holborn over against S. Andrew’s church, London. Vale.

Londini ix Id Kal. Decembr: 1667.

John Wray sends greetings to Mr. Martin Lister

I read the letter which you sent me on the 10th of November with a good deal of silent admiration.1 It seemed so erudite, and to be written so elegantly and to the point. How lucky I am to have such a friend and a rival in my studies, who will prove to be of the greatest assistance to me, and an adornment to the world of letters. What on earth is wrong in entertaining hopes of you? You have already made such enormous progress in the liberal arts and letters, and have risen to an eminence, whether this is the result of your rare 138 Ray to Lister 0094 intellectual powers or your enthusiasm and diligence, which the common herd of academics strives in vain to attain in spite of their best efforts. Obviously you have achieved that most difficult accomplishment, the ability to speak and write elegantly, to the point where you no longer have to strain after the purity of your Latin and a polished style, since you excel to such an extent in these matters and effortlessly snatch the palm of victory from your other contemporaries.2 The truth of the situation forces this acknowledgement from me, and if I were not to ascribe to you this praise which is your due, I should deserve to be criticised and be unworthy of the name of friend. There is no need for me to work hard to win Mr. Willughby over to support you, since he embraces without prompting all honourable, well-educated men who resemble you, and is anxious to deserve well of you by showing you every kindness and to place you under an obligation to him. Your recommendation has ensured that I am longing to read Scribonius,3 but the book is not available everywhere or readily purchased. As soon as I have the chance of obtaining it, I shall begin to read it. As for those difficulties which you have encountered, which slow down your reading, why, you are very wrong if you imagine that I can solve them and extricate you. I cannot guess what that author means when he defines Hypocistis as the sap of a woodland rose, etc.4 Our good friend Bauhin5 and other botanists make the shrub called the Cistus6 a very close relative of the rose on account of its related flower, but nobody uses the term “dog-rose” [Rosa canina], unless possibly the term “sea-rose” [Rosa marina] should be substituted. For Caesalpinus,7 as quoted by J. Bauhin,8 writes that the Cistus was once called the Rosa marina. But even if this is the case we shall not solve the problem, since Hypocistis is not the sap of the cistus itself, but of a little plant which develops on the roots of the cistus, which is called the Hypocistis. In place of the Oxytriphyllum of Scribonius’s the great Lobelius9 and Clusius show us a far different plant, namely the Lotus pentaphyllus siliquosus villosus, C.B.,10 as one may see in the illustration in his work: I have the highest possible opinion of your judgment, and I think that your verdict is probable, since adequate proof is found in the fact that the former has a remarkably powerful characteristic in its bituminous smell, whereas in the latter I have not observed any obvious smell or taste. I am in no doubt whatever that opium is an outstanding medication, especially when administered externally, but in taking it internally the greatest caution must be exercised to avoid an error or the administration of an overdose. For it is well-known from the sad experience of many that fatal symptoms have followed from the excessively frequent use of opium, even when it has been prepared in the best way. 0094 Ray to Lister 139

As for his forbidding the limbs to be bound together whenever there is an eruption of blood, it would appear that he is mistaken and deceived by the similarity of the swelling. It is likely however that by ‘vein’ he means the artery of a living creature, since the Romans called both veins and arteries by the common name of veins.11 Nor did they show any concern to distinguish between these vessels, and I would under no circumstances allow that they had even the foggiest notion of the circulation of the blood.12 We shall discuss fungi at greater length when, God willing, I see you. I congratulate you heartily on your determined perseverance in your studies of the natural world, and your unfailing pursuit of your aim. You tell me that you recently observed what was truly a most peculiar occurrence, namely a snail whose coils went in the opposite direction, although there is a steadfast belief among scholars that all snails to the north of the equator twist from left to right (observing the movement of the sun of course).13 I have never found one such as you describe. Whether therefore there are others of this kind, or this is an isolated exception, it deserves to be carefully observed and precisely described and drawn. If I had decided how long I would stay in this city, I would have asked you for it, so as to show it to the Royal Society (of which I have recently been made a member).14 Next Monday (God willing) I shall leave London, where I have been detained for too long because of some empty promises, and shall head for Sussex. If you see fit to write any of your letters to me, make sure you address them as follows: For J.W. at Cuckfield in Sussex to be left at Mr. Leach his house in Scroopes court in Holborn over against S. Andrew’s church, London.15

Farewell.

London, November 23rd, 1667.

1. This letter has been lost. 2. Lister must have been delighted at this acknowledgment of his efforts from Ray, as he had been writing to him in Latin for some time to impress him with his command of the language. 3. Scribonius Largus, one of the physicians of Emperor Claudius, to whom he dedicated his Compositiones, a collection or drug recipes and compounds. Lister had mentioned him before to Ray, as Ray’s letter of 12 October 1667 attests. 4. Scribonius wrote: “hypocistidos (sc. succus) qui est succus rosae silvaticae, quam caninam quidam vocant.” See “Rosa canina,” in Dr. Med. Gerhard Madaus, Lehrbuch der Biologischen Heilmittel (Leipzig: Verlag, 1938). Hypocistis is better known as Cytinus hypocistis, or a parasitical plant found on the hips of the dog-rose and the roots of the rock-rose. The astringent juice, made up chiefly of gallic acid, was used as an antidote and as an exedent. Pliny mentioned it in his Natural History, and Celsus included it in his De medicina, See Celsus, De medicina, vol. 2, p. xxxvi. 140 Ray to Lister 0094

5. Presumably Caspar Bauhin (1560–1624) the Swiss botanist who wrote Pinax theatri botanici (1596), a comprehensive botanical catalogue, or his brother Johann Bauhin (1541–1613) who published the Historia plantarum universalis (Yverdon, 1650), the first international flora containing descriptions of 5,226 plants. 6. “Cistus” would refer to a shrub in the rockrose family in the family Cistaceae. They are the only hosts of Cytinus hypocistis. 7. Andreas Caesalpinus [Cesalpino] (1519–1603), Italian natural philosopher. He was professor of materia medica and director of the botanical gardens at the University of Pisa. Cesalpino was best known for his work, De Plantis libri xvi (Florence, 1583), the source from which subsequent writers, especially Robert Morison (1620–1683), derived their ideas of botanical arrangement. 8. Johann Bauhin, in his Historia plantarum universalis (Yverdon, 1650). 9. The French botanist, Mathieu de l’Obel (Lobelius) (1538–1616). 10. C.B. is Caspar Bauhin, and his discussion of the plant is in his Pinax theatri botanici, p. 332, col. 1, plate ix. In modern taxonomy the plant to which they referred is called the Lotus hirsutus or the hairy canary clover. 11. In a letter of 12 October 1667, Ray praised Lister for his study of Roman medical works, so it is evident that Ray is referring to a work from this genre. 12. This is not strictly true, as the Roman physician Galen did understand the difference between arterial (vital blood) and venous blood (nutritive blood), although he clearly did not have our view of the circulatory system. See Luis García Ballester, “Galen as a Medical Practitioner: Problems in Diagnosis,” in Vivian Nutton, ed., Galen: Problems and Prospects. (London: Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1981), pp. 13–46. 13. Lister’s first paper for the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, submitted anonymously, concerned species of snails that had sinistral shells. Lister noted in his paper that although the ancient philosophers concluded most snails had a shell that turned “from the left to the right” following the “like motion of the Sun,” his observation that snail shells could spiral counterclockwise demonstrated otherwise. Lister continued in his paper, “but this is not the only case, where they [the philosophers] are out, who consult not the Stores of Nature, but their own phancy.” See [Martin Lister], “Some Observations Concerning the Odd Turn of Some Shell- Snailes, and the Darting of Spiders, Made by an Ingenious Cantabrigian and by Way of Letter Communicated to Mr. J. Wray, who Transmitted Them to the Publisher for the R.S.” Phil. Trans., 4 (1669), pp. 1011–1016, on p. 1014. 14. Ray was elected to the Royal Society on 7 November 1667. Ray was also excused from payment of his subscription. See Birch (1756–67), vol. 2, pp. 203, 207, and 300. 15. Ray went to see his friend Walter Burrell of Cuckfield in Sussex almost immediately after this letter. Burrell was an iron-master, and his fifth son Timothy had been a pupil of Ray’s at Trinity College, Cambridge, coming to the college in 1659. Thomas Burrell was responsible for the publication of Ray’s two small books, the Collection of English Words and the Dictionariolum Trilingue. See Raven (1986), p. 52 and p. 147. 0095 Lister to Lister 141

0095 Susanna Lister to [Martin Lister] [Burwell, Lincolnshire], 23 November [1667]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols 93–94. Address: thes | to Mr Marten Lister at St Johns | Colladg in Cambredg present | With a box|.2

Dear marten,

You shall receve by this cariar archar a goose pye with a duck in the belly of it, it is the best venison we can get you, for the keepar mr mackintas3 is so weeke and lasie that he can get no do[e]s kelled and we have no body else to kill any, so that my husband is out of patiance; I am very ioyfull that my sister Ayloff4 is of lu[c]ky as to walke to you, I pray god continue it to her, I have much also to get into the parlar, and once again in to my chambar but god I thanke that I can do so, a lady much more likely to live then eye ended her days on thursday last, which is the Lady Christifor;5 she as lain si[c]ke eight or nine weekes and Sir Robart but he begins to recover; thar daughter and her lord has ben with them all the time of that sicknes, she is imbalmed so we thinke that wilbe a great funerall for her, my daug\hter/ Barcom6 is well and her child begens to thrive but her eyes are very bade still, yet she has ben bestired in severall plases, and now she has a nirsmade,7 which we hope may woorke the cure; will is come out of france with my sonne Hamelton, and west8 thinks he has no friend to go againe but my sonne Hamilton gos again and caries his wife with him sudainly, your brother matthew9 is got into a new plase with an attorny of the frence cort that Mr Wellbe was, but he cannot be drane11 to be with Wellbe he sais hee has used him so basly, so he must loos all the mony that your father gave with him. my daughter Jenins is well now but has ben ill, but would not let me know of it, the small poxe is at my coson Lambords12 so she is forced to chaing her lodging but I do not know wither, but she lay at her narse uptons a night or to. I know no more to right now, I pray god blesse you and keep you in healthe, this is the wishes of

your affectionat mother

Su: lister 142 Lister to Lister 0095

Nove: the. 23 your father sends you his blessing, and will send you he sais some venison as sone as he can get it.

1. Lister’s mother Susanna died in 1669, and this letter was presumably written to Lister when he was at St John’s College, Cambridge, in the 1660s. It is one in a series of other dated letters that she wrote to him. The date is inferred from context (see note 5). 2. Presumably containing his goose pie. 3. “Macintosh.” 4. It is not known who sister Ayloff was, though Susanna does mention a niece by the name of Katharine Ayloff in other correspondence. See her letter to Martin Lister of 4 November 1667. 5. Presumably Dame Elizabeth Christopher, wife of Robert Christopher of Alford (bap. 1606–1668). Her tomb in St Wilfrid’s Parish Church, Alford, states that she died on 21 November 1667 at the age of fifty, and that her husband died the following year. Alford is approximately eight miles from the Lister’s residence in Burwell. Christopher was a lawyer who became esche- ator and magistrate for Lincolnshire and amassed a fortune in property in east Lincolnshire; as he fought on the Royalist side, he was made a Knight Bachelor at Whitehall on 7 January 1661. His manor house, which is still extant, is one of the largest thatched manor houses in England. The almshouses he left for the care of the poor are also still extant in the town. See Rev. Anthony Reader-Moore, St Wilfrid’s Church, Alford (Bourne, Lincolnshire: Warners (Midlands) plc, 1998). Dame Christopher is mentioned also in Susanna’s letter to Lister of 27 November 1667. 6. Daughter Barkham is mentioned in several letters from Susanna including her correspondence of 20 November 1667. This was Frances Barkham, née Lister (1644–1691), Lister’s younger sister. 7. “Nursemaid” a girl or young woman employed to look after children. In this case, it may be a wet-nurse, as it was customary for early modern English elites to employ them. There was a belief that the child’s character was shaped by the milk it suckled so, in this case, the wet- nurse may have been seen as conveying health benefits. See Linda Campbell, “Wet-Nurses in Early Modern England: Some Evidence from the Archive,” Medical History, 33 (1989), pp. 360– 370; Christine Peters, Women in Early Modern Britain, 1450–1640 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), p. 66. 8. An upper servant of the Listers or the children’s tutor. 9. The wayward nature of Lister’s younger brother is evident in other letters from Susanna to Martin. 10. “An attorney.” 11. “Drawn.” 12. Presumably “Lambert.” Sir Martin Lister’s cousin Frances married John Lambert, the famous general in the Parliamentary forces under Oliver Cromwell, Cromwell witnessing their marriage in Thornton-in-Craven church in 1639. This marriage symbolized a long-standing familial connection between the Lamberts and Listers that dated to the early sixteenth century. Sir Martin’s father William had helped finance John Lambert’s education at Trinity College, Cambridge, and the Inns of Court, and “the Lister network was essential to Lambert’s social and ideological development . . . not only at a personal level but in terms of his future standing and 0096 Lister to Lister 143 role in society.” Through the Listers, Lambert was related to Lord Ferdinando Fairfax of Denton Hall, who commanded the Northern Association Army at the start of the Civil War, as well as to his son Sir Thomas Fairfax, who later commanded the New Model Army. See David Farr, “The education of Major-General John Lambert,” Cromwelliana (2000), pp. 8–23; David Farr, John Lambert: Parliamentary Soldier and Cromwellian Major-General, 1619–1684 (Melton, Woodbridge, 2003), p. 16; David Farr, “Kin, cash, Catholics and Cavaliers: the role of kinship in the financial management of Major- General John Lambert,” Historical Research, 74, 183 (2001), pp. 44–62.

0096 Susanna Lister to [Martin Lister] [Burwell, Lincolnshire], 27 November [1667]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 87. The wrapper has been torn, leading to loss of text. Address: These | to Mr Mar[[several words]].

Marten

I had your letter and that inclosed to weste2 which I delivered to him. he sais that Mr. Gardiner is to come to burwell between this and crismas and then he will speake with him concearning you[r] lettar and give you an answer; that Lady Christifor was buried yesterday and Sr. Robert hese very weeke nor likely to live. they were both sicke before micallmas4 a monthe and have bine sicke evar sence; the small poxe is very busie in london and it is in the Lady Lambards hows.5 So that my daughter Jenins6 is removed from thence but I have not heard once from her but I am in much fear of her and so of my Daughters hamelltone.7 She is great with childe if you right to her you must derecte your Letters to her howse in the deans yarde,8 her husband was kni[gh] ted before he went into france he is come backe again and your brother wil- lam and weste tells me he thinke he dos not go backe again with Sr G[e]orge Hamellton9 for he sais he does not like to be thare this is all the nuse I have. pray remember me to my sisters and to all the good company thare, I am very glad to hear of my neace Katherens good fortune.10 I pray god blesse you which is the harty prayer of me

your affectinat mother

Su: Lister 144 Grove to Lister 0097

[No]ue the 27

[on the wrapper]: I hope you have received the pye11 I sent you by packe the carriar

1. This letter is dated from context, primarily the reference to the burial of “Lady Christifor.” She is presumably Dame Elizabeth Christopher, wife of Robert Christopher of Alford (bap. 1606– 1667). See Susanna Lister’s letter to Martin Lister of 23 November 1667, note 5. 2. Presumably “weste” was companion or tutor to Lister’s brother William. He is mentioned in Susanna Lister’s correspondence of 26 June 1667. 3. Lister was awaiting news about a royal dispensation from holy orders to continue his fellowship at Cambridge, which was granted on 19 June 1688; in the interim Mr. Gardiner had refused to pay Lister his stipend. See letter of Thomas Briggs to Lister of 20 May 1668. 4. “Michaelmas.” 5. See Susanna Lister’s letter to Martin Lister of 23 November 1667, note 11. 6. See Susanna’s letter of 20 November 1667, note 4. 7. See Susanna’s letter of 20 November 1667, note 8. 8. Possibly Dean’s Yard, Westminster. 9. See Susanna’s letter of 20 November 1667, note 8. 10. Katherine Ayloffe is mentioned in Susanna’s letter to Lister of 4 November 1667. Katherine received a legacy from Susanna’s brother-in-law, Robert Busbridge. 11. See Susanna’s letter to Martin of 23 November 1667.

0097 Robert Grove to Martin Lister London, 9 December 1667

Source: Bodl. ms. Lister 3, fols 112–113. Address: Ffor Mr Martin [cut off] | ffellow of St J [cut off] | Colledge.1

London Munday Dec. the 9th.–67.

Mon cher amy

I received your letter with my goods; all came very safe, except my bed some- thinge damaged, and a hole made by the wheele of the wagon; it was Green’s negligence not to see itt carefully bestowed.2 I feare my Lord3 is in greate danger; Teuseday hee came hither, Thursday his ague returned after ten weekes intermission, laste night hee had another sore fitt; hee is very cheerfull and merry to day; and Sir George Ent4 has warranted him hee shall not have above 0097 Grove to Lister 145 one fitt more att the most: yet methinks I am a little apprehensive still; but if Sir George bee sure hee can cure an old man, relapsed, into a quartan ague, in the depth of winter; I do confesse hee has better skill in Physicke then I have. Butt bee itt what will bee, I must give you one trouble more, and it is to take the key inclosed, and open the little case of drawers in my study of happy memory and in one of the lesser drawers I thinke you will finde two keys linked together with the greater of them open my trunke and take out 2 pairs of sheets, 2 pillowbyrs,5 2 towells all marked R.G. this done secundum artem,6 you may replace the Keys and take the little drawers to keep company with the rest of my lumber; you may returne mee the key or keep it accordinge to your discretion: all this is punctuall enough: but now what must wee doe with the sheets etc. I suppose this will bee with to morrow. Then you may binde the linen safely up in good store of parchment browne paper; and send to old Greene who goeth out on Wednesday, and charge him to deliver it to mee on Thursday here at London House Aldersgate Streite.7 if you cannot take this opportunity bee sure to make use of the next which will bee by Roger Hurste on ffriday: I am undone if all bee not here this weeke. Pray some news of the Knights servant; but Il write a whole letter about him next time. In the meane desire Mr Saywell8 to doe what he can by his owne convenience, to make his pupills send for money, to wake some of them att Lectures with \his/ owne, etc. but I shall write to him more particularly on this businesse, as soone as I have time. I am

my Deare ffriende, Your most affectionate

R.G. 1. Clearly St John’s College, Cambridge. 2. Presumably Robert Grove (ca. 1634–1696) who attended St John’s; Grove was admitted as a pensioner in 1652, gaining his B.A. in 1657, then was made a fellow in 1659, proceeding M.A. in 1660, earned a Bachelor of Divinity in 1667, and finally received his Doctorate of Divinity in 1681. Eventually Grove would become Bishop of Chichester but, at the time of this letter, he was chaplain to Humphrey Henchman, Bishop of London. He was apparently asking Lister to send his furniture to him from College. Presumably Green was the college porter or Cambridge carrier. 3. Presumably Humphrey Henchman (bap. 1592–1675), Bishop of London. Despite his age, Henchman’s episcopate was marked by diligence and efficiency, seeing his diocese through the Great Plague of 1665–1666 and the Great Fire of London. Described by Pepys as “a comely old man”, Henchman was a moderate and popular bishop, “concerned that the parishes of the city were served during the great plague and took a leading role in organizing collections of money 146 Lister to Lister 0098 for distribution among the poor and the services of national humiliation and penance.” It was little wonder that Grove was protective of his health. See John Spurr, “Henchman, Humphrey (bap. 1592, d. 1675),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 4. Sir George Ent (1604–1689). Ent was best known for his associations with William Harvey, particularly his Apologia pro circulatione sanguinis (1641), a defense of Harvey’s theory of blood circulation; he also edited Harvey’s work on embryology, the Generatione Animalium (1651). Despite Ent being considered the “ornament of his age,” Grove appeared to think little of his medicine, later sending Lister a humorous poem about the theories of the circulatory system that Ent supported. See Harold J. Cook, “Ent, Sir George (1604–1689),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, Sept 2004). 5. Pillowcase. It also could be spelt pillow-bere, a term still used in the north of England. 6. Secumdum artem is a Latin phrase meaning “according to the art,” or according to the accepted practice. 7. Fulham Palace was the residence of the Bishop of London, although it was in Aldersgate Street, where his chapel and his chambers were situated. 8. Presumably William Saywell (1642/3–1701), who was made a fellow of St John’s on 2 April 1666, proceeded D.D. in 1679, and would become master of Jesus College, Cambridge. Saywell was best known as a staunch Anglican apologist, publishing several tracts. See Sarah Carr, “Saywell, William (1642/3–1701),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

0098 Susanna Lister to [Martin Lister] [Burwell, Lincolnshire] 10 January [ca. 1667/8]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 84. Letter has been torn on its margins, leading to slight loss of text. Address: No address present.

Dear marten

I have defered writing to you hoping to have git some venison to send you but I cannot. your brother will has ben here to solicit his fathers to give him somthing to fit him for his Jurny into france with Sir George Hamelltone,2 and with much ado he has given him thirty pound, but he woould not se[e] him, yet he was in the house a weeke, my daughter Hamellton,3 is brout a bed of a boay but it is dead she cam 9 weeks before her time, she goes away into france soso[o]n as she is fite to leave. your sister gregory4 li[e]s in of a boay; this is all the nuse, now I shall be glad to hear good nuse from you, and my sisters and my friends at Busingburne.5 I am in my healthe much as I was last winter; but tenderor if 0099 Hartopp to Lister 147 it be posibell, god I give him thanks for all his mercies to [[xx]] me and blesse you that are great comfort to me

your affectionate mother

Su: Lister january the 10

1. This letter is dated from context. 2. Presumably this was Sir George Hamilton (1621–1676), a count and Maréchal de Camp. He was married to Lister’s niece Frances Jennings (1649–1731). Frances was the older sister of Sarah Jennings (1660–1744), who would become Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough. George Hamilton was on campaign in France at the time this letter was written. 3. Frances Hamilton, née Jennings. 4. She was Lister’s sister Susanna (bap. 25 September 1642) who on 21 January 1663/4 married George Gregory, Esq. Gregory (d. 1688) became High Sheriff of Nottingham in 1668. See Lyster—Denny (1913), p. 217, and “Settlement on the marriage of George Gregory, Esq. with Susanna Lister,” 20 January 1663/4, 1.pg/3/1/1/1, Lincolnshire Archives, Lincoln. 5. Presumably Bassingbourn, now Bassingbourn-cum-Kneesworth, near Royston, Cambridgeshire. Jane Lister recalls visiting relatives there in her letter to Lister of 13 October, ca. 1660s.

0099 Dorothy Hartopp and unknown 19 February 1667/8 author to [Martin Lister]

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 45. Address: No address present. Printed: Goulding (1900), pp. 330–331 (partial).

February the 19th 1667

Dear Uncle

Whith much impatience I haue long expec[t]ed what I have now receaued which was the happiness of a leter from you whearin you were pleased to say you lived in so malancolick a place1 that you could not tell how to write so as to entertain me: but I asure you (dearest uncle) that what euer you write a leter 148 Hartopp to Lister 0099 from you is the wellcomest thing imaginable to me for though you are pleased to make so modest an excuse yet what ever you write does so much pase what I can possible return that I should not dare to giue the troble of a leter did I not know your goodness would pardon all failings: wee are very mery att my lady delafountane2 but doe not goe so far as a courante3 or a french dance for being in the countrey we practis nothing but what in therin used: you giue me very great hope of seeing you here which I hope my grandfather4 will not be so cruell as to frustrate and when we have that hapiness of you if you will condecent to Danse a country danse whith us we shall be for you: but I fear what whith very bad English and so much noncence as is here inserted I shall tire your patience. Therefore I will now subscribe my selfe as really I am your

Most affectioned neec[e]and humblest saruant

Dorothy Hartopp

[In another hand in top margin]

Sir,

Mr. Smith puts his services to you, who wilbe at Cambridge about Easter, to admit his son.5 He lost an opportunity which cannot be retrieved. He is to be admitted under Mr. Jenkes of Caius Coll[ege]6 as his sizer7 but has [[xxxx]] \taken/ som[e]what unhealthy I doubt must discontinue which wilbe ye lads disadvantage, my desire to you on his behalf is that if any place should come to your notice, which may be fit for the lad and an ease to his father, you would think of him, and let him have your best assistance which I shall take as a great kindness to myself

1. Presumably his lodgings at St John’s College, Cambridge. Lister was trying to leave his fellowship to practise medicine. 2. Dorothy Hartopp was living in Rotherby, Leicestershire. Three miles away in Kirkby Bellars, Leicestershire, lived Sir Erasmus de la Fontaine (d. 1671) who was married to Mary Noel, the daughter of Edward Noel, second Viscount Campden. Mary Noel may be the possible identity of “Lady Delafontane” whom Hartopp was visiting. See Charles Mosley, ed., Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage, 106th edition, 2 vols (Crans, Switzerland: Burke’s Peerage (Genealogical Books) Ltd, 1999), 1, p. 229. 3. Triple meter dances from the late Renaissance and Baroque eras. The French courante was a moderately fast court dance for couples characterized by small, back-and-forth running and gliding steps. Learning the courant was considered a prerequisite to learning the minuet. See 0100 du Moulin to Lister 149

John Playford, Court-ayres, or, Pavins, almains, corant’s and sarabands . . . (London: John Playford, 1655). 4. Presumably Sir Martin Lister, Lister’s father. 5. Presumably Edward Smith, admitted as a sizar at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, on 26 March 1668, receiving his B.A. in 1671/2. He was the son of Edward Smith, the minister of Rotherby, Leicestershire where the Hartopps had their home. The younger Smith would follow in the footsteps of father, being ordained a priest on 11 June 1682. It is possible that Dorothy’s father, Sir William Hartopp, wrote this on his clergyman’s behalf. See Venn, Alum. Cantab., vol. 1, p. 434. 6. Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge. “Mr. Jenkes” has not been identified. 7. A sizar was a student who received some form of financial assistance such as room and board during his period of study, usually in return for doing a defined job. Sizars were usually from poorer social groups, often the sons of clergy.

0100 [Jaques du Moulin] to Martin Lister London, 20 February 1667/8

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fols 47–48. The letter is unsigned and the last page is missing. Authorship is inferred from handwriting. The letter has no paragraph breaks, and they have been inserted into the translation for the purpose of sense. Address: No address present.

A Londres ce 20 Feb: 1668

Il est bien juste mon cher Monsieur ayant receu des marques si obligeantes de vostre souvenir dans vostre belle lettre que je vous avertisse un peu de ce qui se passe dans mon coeur, scachez donc s’il vous plait qu’il scait gouster comme il faut le plaisir qu’il a d’estre aimé d’un veritablement honneste homme comme vous, mais il a le malheur de croire que les paroles pour grandes et magnifiques qu’elles puissent estre ne sont pas capables d’exprimer la moindre partie de sa gratitude, c’est pourquoi il joüit souvent de sa bonne fortune sans dire mot, de peur pourtant que vous ne croyez que je voulusse complimenter avec vous je m’en vais repondre a vostre derniere en disant dans le stile ordinaire— Monsieur—J’ai receu la vostre du 10e du passé et vous demande pardon si j’ay tant tardé d’y repondre mais en verité j’ai esté un peu malade, a present nean- moins je me poute bien et prie Dieu qu’ainsi soit de vous de tout de bon Monsr je vous \suis/ obligé en beaucoup de manieres et puis que vous avez la bonté de vous interesser en ce qui me regarde je vous diray mon estat avec toute la premiere franchise dont je suis capable; je vous manday dernieremt comme l’on 150 du Moulin to Lister 0100 m’avoit obligé de donner quelques pre[[üeües/euves]] de la conoissance que j’avois de la langue françoise en faisant voir a la societé Roiale quelques feuilles de leur histoire traduites de ma façon, je ne pûs resister comme vous savez a leur [[x]]preuve, mais par malheur pour moy, ayant fait examiner ce que \je/ leur avois envoyé, ils le gouterent et donnerent ordre en mesme temps a leure secretaire d’escrire a Paris ou il avoit appris que l’on travailloit a cette traduction pour les prier de desister en cas qu’ils n’eussent pas beaucoup avancé, parce qu’ils desiorent de ‘avoir traduite par un membre de la societé mesme, ce qu’il fit et depuis il y a environ 15 jours il eut reponse qu’on seroit bien aise de la voir traduite ici c’est pourquoy le President au nom de tout le corps me pria de poursuivre ce que je fais Monsieur avec tout la diligence possible, et a l’heure que je vous escris je vien d’acheter la premiere partie du livre qui est a la verité la plus petite de toutes les trois mais comme vous savez quand on est une fois en train c’est beaucoup, je ne vous saurois dire quand je la pourray achever ny ou elle sera imprimé, my Lord Berkeley me parle toujours d’aller en France ce printemps en ce cas la je pourrois la faire imprimer a Paris, et la luy delier, j’espere aussy de ne faire aucun tort a l’Anglois de Monsieur Sprat quoy que plusieurs m’ayant dissuadé d’entreprendre de le traduire comme estant une piece si achevée, mais ils me pardonneront s’il leur plait si j’ose dire que je connois le goust des Estrangers aussi bien qu’ils connoissent le leur, et qu’il me seroit honteux d’avoir demeuré si long temps parmy les François sans pouvoir mettre en livre en leur langue qu’ils puissent lire sans degoust; tant y a il ne tiendra pas a moy que le public ne l’aye, et alors je suis persuadé que ceux qui entendront le mieux les deux langues luy seront les plus sobres dans leur measure. Au reste Monsieur de l’assaire que vous scavez, bien [[x]]ay fait parte a nostre Chancelier par une personne de qualité bien de mes amis, mais il luy á representé l’jmpossibilité qu’il y auroit d’en . . . eur a bout, a protesté cependant qu’il seroit aise de m’y servir et m’a fait prier d’escrire a mon amy a Cambrige que vous connoissez bien de me faire avertir quand il l auroit un de ces senior fellowships ou vacant ou en estat de l’estre bien tost c est a dire de me faire savoir combien il y en a eu tout et si quelqu’un de ceux qui [[x]]mechont est ou fort vieux ou fort malade, et qu’alors il me servira de tout son pouvoir en me recomandant au Roi pour y succeder, Enfin Monsieur Je n’ay pû le presser davantage et vous aurez la bonté s’il vous plait de me faire advertir, de ce que dessus. Pour nouvelles mr de bossúges de Montpelier est ici J’ay disné avec luy chez my Lord Roberts a Chelsey, il m’a dit que Madame de Brissac s’est sauvée de ce paii la avec un Alemand qui luy faisoit l’amour quand nous y estions s’il vous en sou[[x]]vient, ne le

London the 20 February 1668 0100 du Moulin to Lister 151

It is only right, my dear Sir, that having received such obliging marks of your remembrance in your kind letter I should let you know a little of it is manifest in my heart. Know then I pray you that it savours as it should the pleasure it has of being esteemed [or loved] by a true gentleman such as yourself, but it has the misfortune to believe that words, however grand[iose] and magnificent they may be, cannot express the least part of its gratitude. That is why it often rejoices in its good fortune without saying a word. For [As I] fear, however, that you doubt my wish to exchange compliments with you, I will reply to your last saying in the ordinary style—Sir—I received yours of the 10th last and ask your forgiveness for my having delayed so long in my reply, but in truth I was somewhat ill, nonetheless at present I [am in health] and pray God that it is the same with you [in every respect]. Sir I am obliged to you in many ways and since you have the goodness to interest yourself in my affairs, I will tell you with the utmost frankness how I stand; finally I report how they obliged me to give proofs of my knowledge of the French language by showing to the Royal Society a few pages of their history translated in my way.1 As you know, I could not resist their test, but unfortunately for me, having caused what I had sent them to be examined, they sampled it and at the same time ordered their secretary to write to Paris where he had learned that a translation was in train in order to ask them to leave it off if they were not far advanced, because they wished the translation to be by a member of the society itself. That he did, and after about a fortnight he had answer that they were quite happy to have the translation done here. That is the reason the President,2 in the name of the whole body, requested that I continue, which I do, Sir, with all possible diligence, and at the time of writing I have just bought the first part of the book, which is indeed the smallest of the three volumes but as you know once you have begun it is considerable. I cannot tell you when I might finish it or where it will be printed. Lord Berkeley3 still talks of going to France this spring. In that eventuality I could have it printed in Paris, and deliver it to him. I hope also not to make any mistake in Mr Sprat’s English, although several people have [tried to] dissuade me from undertaking the translation as it is such a perfect composition, but I pray they will pardon me if I dare say that I understand the tastes of Foreigners as well as they understand their own, and that I would feel ashamed to have lived so long among the French without being able to render a book in their tongue that they could read without distaste/dissatisfaction. Better [that] I am mis-liked than [that] the public do not have [the book], and besides I am persuaded that those who will best understand the two languages will be the most sober in their judgement of it. 152 du Moulin to Lister 0100

For the rest, Monsieur de L’Assaire whom you know was introduced to our chancellor by a person of good quality from among my friends, but he explained to him the impossibility there would be in attaining the end, [but] protested that it would be easy to help me in this and asked me to write to my friend in Cambridge whom you know well to inform me when there were one of those senior fellowships either vacant or about to be soon, that’s to say to let me know how many there were altogether and if one of them [were] delin- quent or very old or very ill, and that then he would help me as much as he could in recommending me to the king to replace him. In the end, Monsieur, I could not pursue it further and I should be very grateful if you could let me know of the above. As for news, M. de Bossuges of Montpelier4 is here. I dined with him at my Lord Roberts’ in Chelsea.5 He told me that Madame de Brissac6 escaped [ran off] from that country with a German who was making love to her when we were there if [you remember it] . . .

1. On 16 January 1668, the Royal Society Journal Book records that du Moulin was desired to proceed with the translation into French that he had undertaken to make of Thomas Sprat’s History of the Royal Society (London, 1667). Du Moulin received a Latin certificate from the Royal Society attesting he had done that satisfactorily on 3 March 1670. Unfortunately for du Moulin, an earlier translation that was not his had been published in Geneva in 1669 and in Paris the year after. See Morris, “On the Identity of Jaques du Moulin,” p. 8. 2. William Brouncker, second Viscount Brouncker (1620–1685) served as president of the Royal Society from 1662 until 1677. 3. For Lord Berkeley, see Du Moulin’s letter of 16 October 1667, note 5. 4. Possibly Pierre de Bossuges, Seignor du Pomessargues and Christin, conseiller en la cour des comptes à Montpellier. The Bossuges had been a noble family in Montpellier since the early fourteenth century, and as Du Moulin had been in Montpellier with Lister, it is likely he became acquainted them in some capacity. Pierre’s sons Philippe and Guillaume were invested with their coats of arms on 16 January 1669. See Charles de Baschi Aubais and Léon Ménard, eds., Pieces Fugitives Pour Servir a L’Histoire de France (Paris: Chaubert and Herissant, 1759), vol. 1, part 2, p. 55; Henry de Caux, Catalogue General des Gentils—Hommes de la Province de Languedoc (Pezenas: Jean Martel, 1676), p. 70. 5. Presumably Sir William Roberts (1638–1688), first Baronet of Willesden in Middlesex. He was an English landowner and politician who inherited considerable property in North London from his father. 6. Presumably Madame Brissac, or Marie-Gabrille-Louise de Saint-Simon (1646–84), the daughter of Claude de Rouvroy, duc de Saint-Simon (1607–93). In 1663, she married Henri-Albert de Cossé, duc de Brissac (1645–98), bringing a dowry of 600,000 livres. As Brissac had extensive debts, her dowry was rapidly depleted, and after three years of marriage, Madame de Brissac sought a physical separation, which was granted in 1666. 0101 Ray to Lister 153

0101 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 5 March 1667/8

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 6, letter 16. Address: These | for Mr Martin Lister | at his chamber in S. Johns | College in | Cambridge | Pd to London 3d. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 43–44; Lankester (1848), pp. 38–39; Gunther (1928), pp. 121–122. (All partial transcriptions.).

J. Wray D. Martino Lister S.D.

Post integrum demum mensem libellum accepi, cùm de eo jam planè desper- averam; quod in mora fuit, quò minùs ad te scripserim à tanto tempore, nè me officii neglecti insimules quamvis non benè sciverim nec adhuc sciam ubi terrarum \locorum/ sis, aut quò literae meae dirigendae sunt. Observationes tuas aliquandiu apud me detinui quoniam innuere videbaris et cochleas unà cum epistolis missas quarum cùm in charta cui inclusas speraveram, nec vola (q[uo]d aiunt) nec vestigium, expectavi tantisper, donec viderem, an in eun- dem cum libello fasciculum compositae forent. Verùm cum et ea quoque spes me fefellit, non ulterius morandum ratus, Londinium statim observationes misi, nec tamen hactenus scio quid de ijs factum sit; nam amicus ille cui ease consignaveram (ut postea intellexi) ab urbe antea discesserat quàm literae meae èo perlatae fuerint; unde periculum est nè cum literis et observationes unà amittantur, quarum jactura me imprimis malum haberet, ideòque ijs exquirendis quod in me est sedulò faciam. Nos hic nuper Arbores nonnullas, Betulam v.g. acer majus sycomorum vulgò dictum, alnum, fraxinum, corylum et castaneam vulneravimus, ut indè succos colligeremus. In aliis expectationi nostrae eventus non respondit, at in betulâ et acere majore etiam superavit, siquidem medio Februario, incisione factâ liquor nutritius ubertim extillabat, diu noctúque absque ullâ intermissione, non obstante frigoris pòst subsecuti vehementiâ; etiam cùm succus statim post egressum suum è vulnere in stirias concresceret, antequam in vas ei excipiendo subjectum defluere posset, donec tandem in ipsis pororum osculis congelascens ea penitus obstrueret. Sed et tunc quoque arbor interdiu denuò lacrymare coepit quamprimùm sol gla- ciem dissolverat, et occlusos pororum meatus reserârat. Absque intermissione dico, non tamen omnino sine remissione; frigus enim fluxum inhibebat, quamvis non omnino sisteret, unde tempestate calidâ copiosiùs quàm frigidâ, et interdiu quàm internoctu ob eandem rationem destillabat. Tu si modò otium, animus, et facultas fuerit, eadem \et his similia/ experiaris rogo, non tantùm in modò memoratis, sed in aliis quibuscunque arboribus, ut collatis postea 154 Ray to Lister 0101 experimentis, vel novis à te factis erudiamur, vel concurrentibus confirmemur, vel contrariis convincamur. Nec enim versimile est pariter utrisque succes- surum, aut utrosque eadem observaturos, quin alteri inter experiendum obvenient vel succurrent \plurima/ quae alteri vel numquam contigerint, vel in mentem nunquam venerint. Verùm aliàs de his plura, cùm reliqua quae nobismetipsis experienda proponimus absolverimus. Superest ut tibi gratias agamus (Ego et D. Willughby), quod non insigni errore liberâsti. Cùm enim olim Gallinagines minores snipes vulgò dictas, et minimas tibi Gids, nobis Jack- snipes titulo cognitas pro unâ et eâdem specie habuerimus, et sexu tantùm \differre/ credidimus, partim vulgari praejudicio abrepti, partim quòd fortè for- tunâ quod \nobis oblati sunt/ in hoc genere due aut tres mares, in illo totidem foeminae; occasione tuarum literarum exactiore scrutinio facto, in utroque genere tum mares tum foeminas observavimus. Qud novae tibi molestiae exortae sunt, vehementer doleo, opto quoque et tibi prosperos exitus, ut sc. teipsum omnibus difficultatibus feliciter (favente numine) expedias, valeas, et bene rem geras.

Dabam Mediae villae

3 Non: Mart. 1668.

John Wray sends Martin Lister greetings.

After a whole month I have finally received the little book, although I had already clearly despaired of it. This is the reason for my failure to write to you for such a long time—in case you should accuse me of neglecting my obligations—although I did not really know, and I still do not, where on earth you are, or to where my letters should be directed.1 I have kept your notes by me for some time, since you appeared to be giving hints and I waited for the snails which you sent along with your letters, of which there remains not a trace, as they say,2 in the paper in which I had hoped to find them enclosed, until I might see whether they had been placed together in the same parcel as the booklet. But when this hope also proved misplaced, I concluded that I should delay no longer, and at once sent the notes to London, although I still do not know what has happened to them. For that friend to whom I had dispatched them (as I subsequently learned) had already left London before my letter was delivered to him. Consequently there is a risk that the notes have been lost as well as the letter; the loss of these particularly upset me, and I shall therefore make every possible effort to look for them.3 0101 Ray to Lister 155

Here I recently ‘wounded’ some trees, among which were a birch, a greater maple, which is commonly known as the sycamore, an alder, ash, hazel and chestnut, so that I could collect the sap from them.4 In the others the results did not live up to my expectations, but in the case of the birch and the sycamore they were exceeded, for in the middle of February, after an incision had been made, a liquid containing nourishment dripped out in abundance day and night, in spite of the bitter cold which then followed, even when, immediately after flowing from the cut, it congealed into icicles before it could flow down into the vessel set below it for the purpose of collecting it, until finally it froze solid actually in the little mouths of the pores and completely blocked them. But then too the tree began to weep once again in the daytime as soon as the sun melted the ice and unblocked the obstructed channels in the pores. I say ‘unceasingly’, yet it was not entirely without slackening; for the cold inhib- ited the flow, although it did not entirely halt it, and as a result it dripped down more abundantly in warm weather than when it was cold. Provided you have the free time, desire and opportunity, I would like you to try out these and similar things, not only in the case of those I have just mentioned, but in any other trees whatever, so that I may compare our experiments afterwards, and learn from the new discoveries you have made, and either have my findings confirmed if they agree or be won over by contrary results. For it is not likely each of us will enjoy the same success, or will observe the same results, but rather one of us will obtain or infer many results from his experiments which the other will never either obtain or imagine. But I shall have more to say about this at another time, when we complete the remaining procedures which we propose to try out. It remains for us (Mr. Willughby and me) to thank you for freeing us from a minor error. For formerly we considered lesser ‘gallinagines’5 which are commonly called ‘snipes’, and the smallest kind, which you call ‘gids’ and we know as ‘jack-snipes’, as the same species, and believed that the difference was one of sex, partly because we were misled by a commonly held prejudice, and because by chance we were supplied with two or three males of the latter type, and the same number of females of the former type, but now, having made a more careful examination thanks to your letter, we have observed both males and females of each type. I am very sorry that you are suffering fresh troubles, and I wish you a favourable outcome, so that, of course, you may successfully extricate yourself from all difficulties (God willing), and may enjoy good health and success.6

Written from Middleton, 5th March, 16687 156 Lister to Ray 0102

1. Lister had been going back and forth between Cambridge and Burwell, as he was contemplating resigning his fellowship at St John’s to pursue a career in medicine. 2. Ray is apologizing for a Latin proverbial expression. 3. It is not surprising that the notes and snail specimens were lost, as Ray had also been traveling, spending the beginning of November 1667 in London, then visiting his Peter Courthope in Sussex, before moving onto see his friends the Burrells in Cuckfield, Sussex, until April 1668. See Raven (1986), p. xvii and p. 147. 4. Ray, Willughby, and Lister were examining the sap flow in plants in an attempt to make an analogy between animal and plant circulation or “bleeding.” 5. Gallinago refers to a group of wader birds all known as snipes. Ray was trying to distinguish between the different types. In modern taxonomy, the jack snipe is placed in its own genus, that of Lymnocryptes. “Gid” was a provincial name for the Jack Snipe, recognized as such in Willughby’s Ornithology (1676), p. 291, and called by Ray in his Collection of English words not generally used (1674), p. 89, “The Gid or Jack-snipe, Gallinago minima.” 6. Undoubtedly concerning Lister’s attempts to leave Cambridge. 7. Lankester gives an incorrect date in his edition of 13 March, confusing the Nones and the Ides in the Roman calendar. The mistake was perpetuated by Gunther. 3 Nones Mart is 5 March; 3 Ides March is 13 March.

0102 Martin Lister to John Ray 15 March 1667/8

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 7, letter 17. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 14. Address: No address present. Reply to: Ray’s letter of 5 March 1668. Printed: Derham (1718), p. 45 (partial); Lankester (1848), p. 39.

M.L. D J. Wray suo S.D.

Proximas tuas iii Non. Mart. accepi ex quibus intellexi te de arborum succo experimenta quaedam feliciter tentâsse, idque scire vehementer gaudeo, quod ego etiam, ne quid te celem, jam ab eo tempore quo sim ruri, in iisdem penè rebus me oblecto. nihil tamen eximium adhuc confeci propter nescio quas molestias. Intra hunc mensem iter cogito in agrum Eboracensem: pudet dicere, quae sit ejus rei causa; tamen mihi sic certum est et in hac \et/ in ceteris rebus Patri morem gerere. utinam in reditu mihi copia facultasque daretur vos visendi, ut quos amo, colam. sed nihi promitto, qui ex alieno arbitratu vivam. Quod scribis te vereri ne observationes meae sint perditae, omnino levis est earum jactura; neque enim de iis multùm laborarem, nisi quòd ipsae etiam Cochleae periêre: quae quidem è naturae scriniis munera, sat scio, tibi gratis- sima fuissent, et cuius sane, reparandi diligens sum, non de tenuitate nostra 0102 Lister to Ray 157 aliquid. tanquam cramben bis coctam denuo offerendi. Itaque in fidem verbo- rum nostrorum cochleas in his ipsis literis compositas accipies. Vobis gratulor jam planè constare de utrisque speciebus Gallinagrium minorum: idem et ego tentâsse diu cogitavi; neque tamen ejus rei ulla adhuc mihi data est facultas. de Bufonibus hoc addo, mihi compertum esse, non sine insigni periculo, eos lacessitos posse longè ejaculari istum liquorem lacteum, de quo ad te antea scripsi, et praecipuè de dorso, cervice et. minimè de ore, aut ano. Rem tamen summâ cautione urgeo, earumque bestiolarum genus in species aliquot diduxi. Tu velim Hospitem tuum plurimum salvere iubeas meis verbis, meque ei lumini caro commendes. Vale. From me at Burwell neer Louth in Lincolnshire; est eorum paucorum tantum dierum iter, quod mediteor; atque adeo hic \loci/ tuas expectabo, quoties \tibi/ id facere sit commodum.

Idibus Martiis 1668.

Martin Lister sends Mr. John Wray warmest greetings

I received your most recent letter of the 5th of March, from which I understood that you had made some successful experiments with the sap of trees, and I am delighted to be informed of this, because I too, to tell you the complete truth, have being delighted by pretty much the same things ever since I have been in the countryside. But I have not achieved anything outstanding because of certain inconveniences. I am planning to travel to Yorkshire before the end of the month: I am embarrassed to say what the reason is, but I am determined in this way to gratify my father both in this matter and in all else.1 I only hope that on my return I shall be given the chance and opportunity of visiting you, so that I may pay my respects to those of whom I am so fond. As for your writing that you are afraid that my notes have been lost, their loss is utterly unimportant, and I would not be greatly concerned about them were it not that the snails themselves have also been lost. I am well aware that you would have found these gifts from nature’s store cupboard most welcome, and I am of course keen to make good the loss, but not to offer something from my own meagre resources as though it were cabbage boiled for the second time.2 And so, to prove my words, you will receive snails that have been formed in these very letters. I congratulate you3 on your agreement on each species of the lesser snipe. I too have been considering attempting the same thing for a long time, but up to the present I have not been given any opportunity of doing this. With regard to toads, I make the following additional observation, that I have discovered, not without considerable danger, that when they are threatened 158 Briggs to Lister 0103 they can eject that milky liquid, about which I previously wrote to you, over a long distance, and especially from the back, and neck, but not at all from the mouth or anus. But I press this matter with the greatest caution, and I have divided the family of these little creatures into several species. I should like you to greet your guest from me in my own words, and commend me to this radiant luminary.4 Farewell. From me at Burwell near Louth in Lincolnshire. The journey which I plan will take only a few days, and therefore it is here that I shall expect a letter from you, whenever it is convenient for you to write.

March 15th, 1668.

1. Lister’s remarks concern his resolution to leave his fellowship at St John’s. To continue there, he would have had to take holy orders required for ordinary fellows. As he did not wish to take holy orders, Lister was contemplating resigning his fellowship there to pursue a more lucrative profession in private practice as a physician. As Lister seemed loath to risk leaving the university before his plans were more settled, there was the “small possibility of obtaining a royal dispensation from the collegiate statutes,” for which he would also need his father’s blessing. See Roos, (2011), p. 95, and Robert G. Frank, “Science Medicine, and the Universities of Early Modern England: Background and Sources, Part 2,” History of Science, xi (1973), p. 254. 2. Cramben bis coctam was a common Latin expression for something that has been rehashed. 3. The “you” here is plural. Lister is congratulating both Ray and Willughby on their agreement on the identification of the “Gallinagrium minorum” in their letter of 5 March 1668. 4. A probable reference to Francis Willughby, who was working with Ray at the time.

0103 Thomas Briggs to Martin Lister Cambridge, 20 March 1667/8

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 30. This letter has extensive damage. Address: To Mr Martin Lister at Sr | Martin Listers’ house att | Burwell neare Lowth in | Lincolnshire | The post master of Grantham is [d]esired to send this forward. Postmark: [p]d 2 at Cambridge | Grantham.

[[several words]]1 very glad to understand your safe arrivell att Burwell2 and of [[several words]] [g]ood welcome there; I knew not how I came to bee out of my [cha]mber when \you/ woke up on so suddain resolution of a journey. I am sure I have been much concerned that I lost you so unexpectedly. Mr P3 communicated yours to Mr Martin and to my selfe [that] his resolution is with himselfe and youle [you’ll] understand him better by this Post.4 Dear Martin 0103 Briggs to Lister 159 though a ffellowship in St Johns’ bee of small value and so the loss perhaps not so much to you yet consider you are not the onely person conserned in the Case. You have very many good wishers and ffriends in College that will thinke themselves much loosers by your remove and twill bee but justice to them (absteining your owne Interest) to endeavour what you may your continuance amongst us, if you wish you againe here, I know no other means then a dispensation from the Court5 the which assure your self wee all desire (if we may not enjoy you otherwise) and therefore once obtayned would readily bee accepted of, I should thinke twould not bee difficult to perswade Sr Martin to consent to the K[ing’s] letters since the second for continuing your place will not be so difficult as the first for procuring it6 and to accept a boone from the K[ing] what [[xxxxx]]=ject is not proud to doe it; Lett Sir Martin bee thoroughly [[xxxxx]] tuned and that as soone as don[e] come towards Coll.[ege] again, if our good wishes and whatever of that nature all which \are/ evere towards you bee inef- fectuall, bee sure that neither Art not Interest shall be averting7 towards the continuing so dear a member amongst us. I am going above a hundred miles tomorrow morneing Southward upon Coll[ege] conserns8 and am now betwixt sleepe and wake pardens [[one word]] and believe that all times I am

your very affectionate ffreind and servant

Tho Briggs

Good friday night. 11 Clockes

I answered Mr Welbens desires, as I hope heele [he’ll] doe myne again according to the time appointed. I expect to bee att Coll[ege] some ten days hence.

1. This letter has extensive damage to the left and right margins. 2. Burwell, Lincolnshire was the location of the manor house of Lister’s parents. Lister left St John’s College rather abruptly in the spring of 1668 for a three-month visit to Burwell at the start of the Easter holiday. 3. Presumably Henry Paman, Lister’s former tutor in physic and his mentor, or John Peck (d. 1682), Lister’s sizar at the college. Peck’s short biography is in Venn, Alum. Cantab, pt. 1, vol 3, p. 333. 4. Lister’s resolution to leave St John’s, communicated to Paman, was apparently passed on to his father “Mr. Martin” or Sir Martin Lister and to Briggs. At this point, Lister was contemplating resigning his fellowship to pursue a more lucrative profession in private practice as a physician. As his fellowship at St John’s was not in medicine, it would have been difficult for Lister to have a practice as a fellow. Carr speculated also that Lister may “have been under some pressure [to leave] because of his not having taken the holy orders required for ordinary fellows.” See Carr (1974), p. 16. 160 Hartopp to Lister 0104

5. It seemed that Lister was attempting to get a royal dispensation to avoid taking holy orders as a fallback in case his father, Sir Martin, did not consent to him leaving his fellowship. 6. Lister’s fellowship was granted via royal mandate on 31 August 1660 ostensibly due to his “learning, civill behavior, and abilities,” but most likely as a reward for his great-uncle Matthew Lister’s loyalty and service to Charles i’s family as a royal physician (Matthew Lister delivered one of Queen Henrietta Maria’s children). The letter of royal mandate in the archives is a copy made for the college’s letter books. See “Cartularies and registers of college lands and goods, 1250–1841,” St John’s College Archives, Cambridge, C7.16, f. 420. 7. The action of turning away. 8. Briggs was serving as senior bursar of the College at the time.

0104 Dorothy Hartopp to Martin Lister 23 March 1667/8

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 43. There is significant damage to the bottom of the letter and a portion torn away from the wrapper. Address: To My Deare Uncle M[x] | Martin Liste[x]. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 331.

March the 23th 1667

Deare uncle

I must needs acknowledg this to be a uery great presumtion in me to write too leters1 for your one2 but since you did when I saw you, giue me commission to write to you, \you/ muste now be forced to take the troble of it and you shall hear how uainglorious I was once I did expect a leter from you, thinking you had been one in my dept,3 but after I found my expectations frustrat and a little beter consideration, I did plainly see my eror, for (alas) I then began to thinke that for any body to hold corispondance whith me that wright so ridiculously would giue them a great deal of troble to noe purpos thus you see how we poor mortals are apt to be puff up whith high thoughts of our selu[e]s, but how soon those uain fancys uanish,4 and then how simply wee look but stay if I goe one at this rate I shall make you out of charity therefore to avoid that, I must now conclude and tell you in uery plain languag that I really am

Your truly affecionat neec5 and humble servant

Dorothy Hartopp

[[several words]]6 0105 du Moulin to Lister 161

1. Dorothy could have been referring to Lister’s letter of 8 December 1667. 2. This letter has been lost. 3. “debt.” 4. “vain fancies vanish.” 5. “niece.” 6. A portion of the lower part of the letter has been torn away, leading to loss of the postscript.

0105 [Jaques du Moulin] to Martin Lister London, 7 April 1668

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fols 49–50. The verso of the letter is damaged on its bottom margin. Address: This | for my honoured friend | Mr Lister fellow of | St Johns Colledge in | Cambridge. Postmark: Bishop Mark ap/7 [April 7].

A Londres ce 7e Avril 1668

Monsieur,

J’espere que vous me pardonnerez bien si je repond si tard a vostre derniere mais en verité je n’ay guerre esté en ville, ayant demeuré la plupart a la Campagne, J’y reponds donc maintenant et eu premier bien vous rend les humbles grace de vostre avis et de la candeur, sincerité et franchise avec laquelle vous me le donnez, Je m’en serviray et vous en rendray compte de tout. Au reste j’espere que vous aurez re[xxxxxx] il y a assez long temps une lettre de Madame vostre Niece, je la f[x]us visiter de vostre part et selon vostre ordre et elle me temoigna d’estre fort satisfaite du soin que vous preniez de vous en informer, elle me demanda vostre adresse et je le luy donnay et ne doute point qu’elle ne vous ait satisfait sur tout ce que vous desiriez de savoir, c’est pourquoi je n’y toucherai pas ici, mais vous diray seulement que c’est une tres aimable personne, fort doúce et fort spirituelle tout ensemble et asseurement Monsieur le Chevalier Hamilton son mary doit estre galant homme pour qu’il a sceu plaine a une fille si aimable et si eclairée. Pour ce qui est de Monsieur Verchant de Montpelier vous luy pouvez ecrire et j’auray soin de luy envoyer asseurement vostre lettre et a vous sa reponse, J’ay fait vos b[xxxxxxxxx] et vos compliments a Monsieur le Chevalier Crew, Monsieur Skyppon et Docteur ward ils vous salüent tous1 162 du Moulin to Lister 0105 blement, donnez moy Je vous prie de vos nouvelles puis que vous estez per- suadé que je suis et seray toujours entierement

Vostre Deu Moelin

London 7 April 1668

Sir,

I hope you will pardon my late reply to your last but in truth I have hardly been in town, having stayed for the most part in the country. I thus reply from there now and first offer my humble thanks for your opinion and the candour, sincerity and frankness with which you gave it me. I will use it and give you an account of all. For the rest, I hope that you received some time ago a letter from Madame your niece.2 I visited her on your behalf and according to your order and she indicated to me that she was highly satisfied with the care you had taken to find out. She asked me your address and I gave it to her, and have no doubt that she has supplied above all what you wanted to know. That’s why I will not touch on it here, but only tell you that she is a very amiable person, very gentle and very lively both together, and assuredly M. le Chevalier Hamilton her husband3 must be a very gallant man for having identified a girl [[who is]] so amiable and enlightened. As to the business of M. Verchant of Montpellier, you can write to him and I will take good care to send him your letter and his reply to you.4 I presented your [[one word]] and your compliments to M. le Chevalier de Crew, Mr Skyppon and Dr Ward.5 They all greet you [[warmly or humbly]]. I pray you for your news since you are persuaded that I am and always will be entirely

your

Deu Moelin

1. There are two words missing at this point due to damage to the letter. 2. Presumably Frances Hamilton, née Jennings (1649–1731), the second daughter of Richard Jenyns (ca. 1618–1668) and Frances Thornhurst (1615–1693). 3. George Hamilton (d. 1676), an Irish Roman Catholic army officer. He and Frances were married in the spring of 1666. After the birth of her first child, in 1667, Frances converted to Catholicism and moved to Paris. Her husband joined the French army. 4. For Verchant, please see his letter to Lister of 31 May 1664. 0106 Ray to Lister 163

5. References to Sir Thomas Crew, Mr, Philip Skippon and possibly Dr Seth Ward. Presumably Sir Thomas Crew, later second Baron Crew of Stene (1624–1697). When a student in Montpellier, Lister recorded in his student pocketbook (ms Lister 19, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford) that he went to salons hosted by Sir Thomas Crew. Crew is mentioned again by Du Moulin in his letter of 24 July 1668. Philip Skippon (1641–1691), son of the Cromwellian major general, was a pupil of John Ray’s at Trinity College, Cambridge, as well as a protégé of John Wilkins, who was master of Trinity from 1659–1660. He travelled with Ray in 1661, 1662, and on the Continent in 1663–1666, where he met Lister in Montpellier. “Dr Ward” may just possibly be Seth Ward (1617–1689), the English mathematician, astronomer, and (later) Bishop of Salisbury. Ward had been President of Trinity College, Cambridge from 1659–1660.

0106 John Ray to Martin Lister 19 April 1668

Source: The original letter has been lost. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 29–30; Lankester (1848), p. 24. (All presumably partial transcriptions.) Reply to: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 3, letter 4.

Jo. Wray D. Martino Lister, suo S.D.

Sententiam tuam de autoribus iis qui de Insectis commentati sunt, in plerisque probo. Aristoteles quamvis egregius autor, confusus esse videtur aliquando et obscurus, et in quamplurimis à scopo aberrat. Qui tamen supersunt historiae animalium libri non sunt integrum Aristotelis de hâc materiâ opus. Cùm Plinius (ni malè memini) quinquaginta voluminum meminit. De Aldrovando, Alberto, Cardano, juxtà tecum sentio. In Wottoni opera non admodum versatus sum; video tamen illum ex antiquorum scriptis hausisse quicquid ferè in illud volumen contulerit. In Mouffetum nimis iniquus videris: nam et ille, me judice, non malè meruit de repub. literariâ, et pleriq. viri docti mihi suf- fragantur. Goedartium mihi nondum videre contigit. Kircheri judicium nihili facio; an verò Insecta quaedam spontè oriantur nécne, determinare nequeo. Praeter hos qui de insectis scripserunt, alicujus nominis aut pretii nullos novi: vidi aliquando in Siciliâ opus manuscriptrum D. Castelli Romani in duos tomos divisum. Volumen satìs spissum et grande cum figuris propriâ ipsius manu delineatis, quod nescio an unquam lucem publicam visurum sit.

Londini. xiii Kal. Maii, 1668. 164 Ray to Lister 0106

John Wray sends greetings to his dear Martin Lister

For the most part I agree with your opinion of those authors who have made observations on insects. Although Aristotle is an outstanding writer, he appears to be confused at times and obscure, and in very many respects he wanders from his purpose. Yet the surviving books giving an account of living creatures does not represent Aristotle’s entire work on this theme, for Pliny (unless my memory is defective) recalls fifty volumes.1 My opinion of Aldrovandi,2 Albertus3 and Cardano4 is close to yours. I am not greatly familiar with Wotton’s works,5 but I can see that he drew from the writings of the ancients pretty much everything that he amassed in that volume. I think you are too hard on Mouffet,6 for he too, in my judgment, served the educated world well, and most learned men support my view. I have not yet had the chance to see Goedart.7 I consider Kircher’s8 judgment worthless, but I am unable to determine whether certain insects arise spontaneously or not. Apart from these men I know of none of any reputation or value who have written about insects. Once in Sicily I saw a manuscript work of the Lord of Castelli Romani,9 divided into two tomes. It is a very thick and large volume with illustrations drawn in his own hand, and I do not know whether it will ever see the public light of day.

London 19th April 1668

1. Ray referred to Pliny the Elder’s Naturalis Historia, his famous encyclopedia published ca. 77–79 ad. 2. Ray referred to Ulisse Aldrovandi’s work on insects entitled De animalibus insectis libri septem, cum singulorum iconibus ad vivum expressis (Bologna, 1602). 3. Presumably a reference to Albertus Magnus’s On Animals. 4. Presumably the work of Girolamo Cardano, De rerum varietate (1557), in Opera omnia, ed. C. Sponius, 9 vols (Lyon, 1663). 5. The sixteenth-century English naturalist Edward Wotton collected materials for the history of insects, later published in the Insectorum, sive, Minimorum animalium theatrum or Theatre of Insects (1634) coauthored with Conrad Gesner, Thomas Mouffet, and Thomas Penny. 6. Thomas Mouffet, Insectorum sive minimorum animalium theatrum (London: Thomas Coates, 1634). This was the first entomological work published in English. 7. Ray referred to Johannes Goedaert’s Metamorphosis et Historia Naturalis Insectorum (Amsterdam, 1662). 8. Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680), the Jesuit Polymath. His Mundus Subterraneus (1664– 1678) contained speculations on a variety of subjects, including tidal mechanisms and spontaneous generation. 9. When Ray travelled with Phillip Skippon to Italy in 1664, he had seen in Sicily a substantial manuscript in two volumes that was written and illustrated by Pietro Castelli (1574–1662), physician and prefect of the botanical garden at Messina. “This he had tried unsuccessfully to 0107 Briggs to Lister 165 purchase for Willughby, and evidently thought valuable.” Raven (1986), p. 392. Castelli studied under the botanist Andrea Cesalpino (1519–1603), and he was one of the first to publicize the use of the cinchona plant to treat malaria. See Charles Herbermann, “Pietro Castelli,” The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 3 (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908), p. 409.

0107 Thomas Briggs to [Martin Lister] Cambridge, 28 April 1668

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 20. This letter is partially damaged at its header Address: No address present. Printed: Goulding (1900), p 332 (partial).

Deare Sir

Yours I received first and second, but at rebound1 [[several words]] days in others hands in Colledge, I not returneing home so speedily as I expected, so that I had not sight of them before Saturday last, as to Testimonialls2 Mr Peck3 has prevented mee as he tells mee, and sent them allready, if ther bee any occasion for days they shall bee excused though I suppose no great neede of that trouble; I should rejoyce to understand any thing from Sir Martin4 to your better advantage, but till assured of that quitt not a certanty if it may be retayned, youle questionless find every man your ffriend with Seniority, and if you procure a dispensat5 lette it bee onely till such time as a Phisique place fall voyd6 whereby the Coll[ege] will apprehend less infringement of the Statu[t]es; if your true Testimoniall come not to your hand send word and they may be sent to you att London if you appoint the place when; I shall this day seven- night give John Rubbings your receipt and directions for N. Gardners monys, as before if I have opportunity.7 I thinke I sent you word I sent Mr. Weldon8 30£ and I hope by the next I may be able to acquaint you hee has paid me againe the which as yett hee has not, I have sent him a remembrance of it and expect his answer. If there bee anything conducing to you wherein I may be thought necessary, you have the full command and dispose of

Sir, your ffaithfull ffreind and servant

Tho Briggs

St. Johns’ Coll., Apr. 28 1668. 166 Briggs to Lister 0108

1. “At rebound” meant via an indirect route or second hand. Lister’s post was apparently received by others when Briggs was away. 2. Apparently needed for Lister to receive a dispensation from his fellowship from St John’s. In a previous letter, Briggs had reported he was going to travel on college business as he was senior bursar. 3. John Peck (1639–1682) Lister’s former sizar at the college. He was made a fellow in 1660. Peck’s short biography is in Venn, Alum. Cantab, pt. 1, vol. 3, p. 333. 4. Sir Martin Lister, the father of Martin Lister. Lister was trying to persuade his father to let him leave his university fellowship to go into private medical practice. 5. A Royal Dispensation allowing Lister to leave his college fellowship. 6. Lister’s fellowship was not in medicine. It was given by royal mandate in 1660, the college directed to appoint him “the first voyd place.” Not having a fellowship in physic would have made it difficult for him to have a practice as a fellow. However, a vacant fellowship in medicine would have suited his purposes nicely. 7. Part of Briggs’s duties as bursar of the college. 8. Weldon is also mentioned in Briggs’s letter of 20 March 1668. His identity is not certain, but he could have been Charles Weldon, admitted as a sizar at St John’s in May 1660.

0108 Thomas Briggs to Martin Lister Cambridge, 20 May 1668

Deare Sir

Yours was every ways welcome, but espetialy since it carried the good news of Sir Martin’s consenting to your requests,2 though wee in College shall bee loosers thereby yet the gaine will bee the better since youle bee a saver. I am glad that any thing of myne should chance to bee conduceing towards you I am sure no good inclination shall bee awanting to serve you how ineffec- tuall soeever the performance may bee; I hope wee shall see you shortly at Cambridge, However I thought good to advise that your receipt for Ladyday3 was sent to Mr Gardiner, who sent it backe againe and says hee’s not to pay any, you being in Country may satisfy your selfe better of his meaneing, as to my 0109 Lister to Lister 167 owne particular I does not well understand it,4 your ffriends here desire very much your company now your business is resolved on and none more than

Your most affectionate ffrend and servant

Tho Briggs

St. John’s Coll May. 20. 1668

1. Louth is a market town that is 5.5 miles north of Burwell. 2. His father, Sir Martin Lister (1603–1670), had apparently given his son permission to leave his fellowship at Cambridge to pursue a medical career. Indeed, Lister was given a royal dispensation, dated 19 June 1668, requiring the College to continue him in his fellowship until a fellowship in Physic became available. See R.T. Gunther, Early Science in Oxford (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1939), vol. 12, p. 316. 3. Presumably the fellow’s annual dividend. Since Lister’s status as a fellow was in doubt and he was not resident at this point, the college administrators may have refused to pay him. The identity of Mr. Gardiner is unknown. 4. Briggs was speaking here in his capacity as senior bursar of the College.

0109 Susanna Lister to Martin Lister [Burwell, Lincolnshire], 7 July [1668]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols 82–83. The letter has been torn on its right margin leading to slight loss of text. Susanna wrote on the wrapper “Leave thes at the post house at reiston.”2 Address: these | To mr marten Lister | St Johns Colladg in | Cambridg present. Postmark: Post pd att Lincolne 2d.

Dear Marten

I perseve3 you are com[[e to]] cambridg againe, I wishe you a good sett[[xxxxx]]4 whare ever its be, I perseve my sisters wi[[ll]] not come to me, I cannot blame her not t[[x]]5 [[one word]] upon such a long jurny, but I hav[[e]] no letter from her, as you rite I should, I marvell that you had not the confedence to se your Sister Jenins6 and the doctor who was there in towne in your owld cloisters. He much [[one word]] when he cam to us and I tould him you were 168 du Moulin to Lister 0110 in the towne and he could hear nothing of you, he said he woould rite to you by the last post. I am as you lefte me and ar rather weake yet I go twis or thris a weeke to ayre my selfe, excuse my brevity, I pray god blesse you which is daily wished by

Your affectinat mother

Su: lister iuly the. 7.

1. Letter is dated from context, particular with the reference to Lister’s fellowship at Cambridge. 2. Reston, Lincolnshire, about six miles from Burwell. 3. “Perceive.” 4. Damage at this point led to loss of text. The word is probably “settlement” and it may have to do with Lister leaving his college fellowship at St. John’s in 1668 to start private practice as a physician. 5. Damage at this point led to loss of text. 6. Frances Thornhurst Jennings was Lister’s half-sister.

0110 [Jaques du Moulin] to Martin Lister London, 24 July 1668

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fol. 51. Address: This | For my honoured friend— | Mr Lister fellow of St | Johns Colledge In Cambridge | Cambridge. Postmark: Bishop Mark iv/25 [July 25].

A Londres ce 24e Juillet 1668

Cher amy,

Je vous demande un million de pardons d’avoir esté si long temps sans vous demander de vos nouvelles, ce n’est pas que je n’eusse bien toute l’envie du monde d’apprendre vostre estat, mais en verité j’avois honte de vous escrire sans vous pouvoir mander en mesme temps celuy de mon affaire [[3 or 4 words]], et tout ce que je vous puis dire maitenant, est, que je n’ay rien pû faire jusques ici ou les affaires publiques ou les domestiques, ou ceux qui me devoient servir estoient engagés les ayant empechés d’y songer comme ils me l’avoient promis, et moi de les presser dans l’estat ou je les voyois, a present 0110 du Moulin to Lister 169

Monsieur que je l[[xxx]] [[x]]ois en plus de liberté. Je vous prie de me dire en quel estat sont les choses et ce que j’auray a faire et etc. Je disnay la semaine passée chez my lord Berkeley a Durdens avec madame Hamilton vostre niece qui y estoit allée avec Madame fitzharding et quelques autres dames, elle me dit qu’elle attendoit son mary dans peu de jours. Monsieur le Chevalier Crew est a la Compagne il y a deux mois, Mr de St Ravy est allé en France avec Monsieur de Ruvigny, Monsieur son neveu de Bossuges est ici, pour d’autres nouvelles je vous proteste que je n’en scais point, ma traduction s’avance le plus que je puis. adieu mon cher amy j’attends bientost s’il vous plait de vos nouvelles, je suis entierement vostre

Du Moulin

London, 24 July 1668

Dear friend,

I ask a million pardons that I have let such a time pass without seeking your news. It is not that I lack every eagerness to learn how you do, but in truth I was ashamed to write to you without being able to relay at the same time something of my affairs, and all I can say now is, that I could do nothing until this moment. Either public affairs, or servants, or those who owe me service were occupied [and thus] prevented from thinking of it as they had promised, or I from hurrying them in the situation in which I saw them, until now, Sir, [when] I am more at liberty. I pray you tell me how things stand and what I have to do, etc. I dined last week at Lord Berkeley’s at Durdens with Mistress Hamilton1 your niece who went there with Mistress Fitzharding2 and some other ladies, she told me she was awaiting her husband within a few days. Sir [Thomas] Crew has been in the country these two months,3 M. de St Ravy4 is gone to France with Mr. de Ruvigny,5 his nephew M. de Bossuges6 is here, for other news I protest that I know nothing, my translation progresses as much as I can.7 Farewell my dear friend. I await your news soon, if it please you, I am entirely your

Du Moulin

1. Frances Hamilton, née Jennings (1649–1731). George, Lord Berkeley (1628–1698) was du Moulin’s patron. Berkeley owned Villa Durdens in Surrey. 2. The Berkeley family were Viscounts Fitzharding of Berehaven, so clearly “Mistress Fitzharding” was a relative. 170 Ray to Lister 0111

3. Presumably Sir Thomas Crew, later second Baron Crew of Stene (1624–1697). When a student in Montpellier, Lister recorded in his student pocketbook that he went to salons hosted by Sir Thomas Crew. 4. Presumably Sir William St. Ravy or one of his relatives. St. Ravy was a French gentleman and knight in the Royalist army who had served as chief huntsman to Charles I and Charles ii. Though he held no formal state post, he may have been engaged in espionage work for the Stuarts. The Calendar of State Papers Domestic recorded that on 23 October 1635 he was being paid £400 for “secret service.” St. Ravy was noted in the Calendar of State Papers Domestic again on 11 September 1638, being given £300 to go into France to obtain deer for the royal forests at great urgency. A warrant was also signed in November 1661 for the payment of £1000 to Sir William St Ravy for the expenses of transporting red and fallow deer from Germany to help restock the forests of Sherwood and Windsor. Alvise Sagredo, the Venetian Ambassador in France, reported on 19 June 1663 that Charles ii was enlarging St. James Park “for the reception of a countless number of strange animals, for his amusement; and he is sending to the Most Christian [King of France] by Saint Ravi, A Huguenot gentleman, who distinguished himself in the armies of England by his sword for 35 years, a very great quantity of deer, Indian ducks, pelicans and other extraordinary animals, to put in the park of Versailles.” See William Page, The Victoria history of the county of Nottingham (London: Constable, 1906), vol. 1, p. 375. See “Venice: June 1663,” Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 33: 1661–1664 (1932), pp. 248–250. 5. Possibly Henri de Massüe (1599/1610–ca. 1689), first Marquis de Ruvigny, a General in the French army, Huguenot, and Councillor of State. The Marquis was a former French ambassador to England and related through his sister to the Whig family of Russell, dukes of Bedford. He had “prudently obtained letters of naturalization as an English subject in 1680, and he settled at Greenwich and became one of the most important of the refugees’ leaders in England.” The reference in the letter could also be to his son, Henri de Massüe (1648–1720), second Marquis de Ruvigny, who served with the French Army between 1668 and 1679. After his service as a diplomat and soldier, he would be created first Earl of Galway on 12 May 1697. See Harman Murtaugh, “ ‘Massue de Ruvigny, Henri de, Earl of Galway, and Marquess of Ruvigny in the French nobility (1648–1720),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 6. For Pierre de Bossuges, see du Moulin’s letter of 20 February 1668. 7. A reference to du Moulin’s translation into French of Sprat’s History of the Royal Society. See his letter to Lister of 20 February 1667/8.

0111 John Ray to Martin Lister Broomhall, Sheffield, 26 July 1668

Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/30 [July 30] and “post pd to London 3d.” Printed: Derham (1718), p. 30; Lankester (1848), p. 25; Gunther (1928), pp. 117–118; Raven (1986), p. 147. (All partial transcriptions.)

J. Wray D. Martino Lister suo S.D.

Diu jam est, Amicorum suavissime, ex quo ullas ad te literas dedi, partim quòd non certò scirem ubi commorareris, praecipuè verò quòd per tres men- ses proximè elapsos in continuo fere motu fui; quam primum enim è Sussexia Londinum redij amicorum precibus evocatus Boctonam in agro Cantiano con- cessi ad invisendos parentes, viduam, sorores D. Barnham amici mei nuper defuncti, quos ut potui consolatus post tres tandem septimanas venia et mis- sione aegrè impetratâ, denuo Londinum petii: Londino iterum post brevem quatridui moram egressus, Essexiam ad necessitudines meas contendo; inde vix unâ exacta septimanâ Haslinfieldam proficiscor, ut D.F. Willughby ibi conveniam ejusque nuper nuptam uxorem videam et salutem, praesens praesenti felix conjugium gratuler, perenne gaudium faustaque omnia com- precer et voveam. Necque hîc diu substiti, sed Londinum tertium ad neces- saria quaedam negotia obeunda revertor. Interim tamen dum Haslingfeldae commorarer Cantabrigiam excurri ad veteres amicos et familiares saltutandos. Londino Essexiam repeto, Essexia Haslingfieldam, indè D. Willughby domum redeuntem Middletonum usque comitatus sum. Verùm nec ibi pedem fixi, sed brevi interpositâ morâ in viam iterum me do, septentriones versus cursum dirigens. Proxima statio fuit Sheffeldia in comitatu Eboracensi. Ibi a vetere amico D. Jessop perbenevolè exceptus sum, in cujus aedibus etiamnum diversor. Quid tibi inquies illic negotii. Dicam quod res est. Scis me Phytologiae studio dedi- tum esse, et Catalogum Angliae indigenarum stirpium jamdudum meditari, quem ut tandem absolutum et omnibus suis numeris perfectum reddam nul- lis laboribus parco, quin quotannis aestivis mensibus profectiones longinquas etiam in remotissimas huius regni provincias suscipio, quatenus facultates suppetunt, ad plantas indagandas. Hâc aestate Australes Eboracensis provin- ciae tractus et Westmorlandiam mihi lustrandas proposui, quod et jam feci, duabus in eo itinere consumptis septimanis. Nondum tamen, quod dolet, incidi in abiquas\dum/ stirpes, quas in iis regionibus sponte provenire certa fides mihi facta est; Ea sunt. Bistorta minor, Christophoriana, Pyrola Alsines flore Europaea, Calceolus Mariae, Thlaspi Globulariae folio, J.B., \aliaeque/ [[xxxxxxxxxxxx]] unde nec mihi adhuc penitus satisfactum est. Hinc ego in Sheffeldia; ubi ad aequinoctium usque manere in animo habeo. Tu interim, si 172 Ray to Lister 0111 hae suo \liter/ae ad manus tuas pervenerint, ad me rescribas oro, meque vicissim ubi sis, et valeas, quid agas, quem vitae cursum insistas (quae vehementer scire desidero) quamprimum certiorem facias Vale. Dabam Sheffeldiae ex aed. D. Jessopp Broomhall dictis vii Kal. Augusti, 1668.1

John Wray sends Martin Lister greetings

It is now a long time, my most delightful friend, since I sent a letter to you, partly because I did not know for certain where you were staying, but especially because for the last three months I have been in almost perpetual motion; for I returned as soon as possible to London and then at the promptings of my friends I travelled to Boughton in Kent to visit the parents, widow, and sisters of my friend Mr. Barnham2 who recently died. Having comforted them as best I could, finally with difficulty after three weeks I gained leave and a dismissal and once more made for London. After a brief stay of four days I again left London and made my way to my relations in Essex; then after scarcely one week I set out for Haslingfield,3 to meet Mr. Francis Willughby there and see and greet his recently married wife, and congratulate him in person on his happy marriage and wish them both unending joy and every happiness. I did not stay here long however, but returned to London for a third time to perform some essential business. In the meantime however, while staying in Haslingfield, I took an excursion to Cambridge to visit some old friends and intimates. I headed back to Essex from London, and from Essex to Haslingfield. Then I accompanied Mr. Willughby who was returning home, as far as Middleton. But I did not stop here either, but after a brief delay took to the road once again, and turned my course northwards. My next halt was at Sheffield in Yorkshire. There I received a most kindly welcome from my old friend Mr. Jessop,4 in whose house I am still lodging. ‘What business did you have there?’ you will ask. I shall speak the truth. You know that I am dedicated to botany and have for some time been planning a native British flora. In order finally to finish this and complete it in every detail I am sparing no labors, even to the extent of undertaking long journeys in the summer months every year, even to the most distant counties of this realm, for as long as I can afford it, to track down plants. This summer I resolved to tour south Yorkshire and Westmorland, and I have now actually done this, after spending two weeks on the journey. To my sorrow, I have still failed to come across certain plants, which I am convinced occur naturally in those regions. These are: lesser bistort,5 baneberry,6 wintergreen,7 ladies’ slipper orchid,8 alpine pennygrass,9 in J.B.10 and others, and as a result I am still not completely 0111 Ray to Lister 173 satisfied. From here I shall stay in Sheffield, where I intend to stay until the equinox. In the meantime, if this letter should come into your hands, I beg you to write back to me, and inform me in turn as soon as possible where you are, how you are faring, what you are doing, and what plan of life you are pursuing (I am greatly desirous of knowing all these things). Farewell. Sent from Sheffield from the house of Mr. Jessop’s known as Broomhall, on the 26th of July 1668.

1. Here Derham wrote: “i.e. 26. Jul.” 2. Robert Barnham, the son of Sir Robert Barnham, the royalist M.P. for Maidstone, who lived in Kent. Derham suggested that Ray was the tutor of Barnham’s son, but there is no other evidence to support this. See Derham (1848), p. 22 and Raven (1986), p. 130. 3. Haslingfield, Cambridgeshire, was the seat of Sir Thomas Wendy, who had married Willughby’s sister Letitia. Sir Thomas Wendy (d. 1673), knighted at the Restoration, was a virtuoso. He assembled at Haslingfield Hall a collection of medals, optic glasses, and other rarities, as well as a library, which his executors gave to Balliol College, Oxford. See C.R. Elrington, ed., “Parishes: Haslingfield,” in Victoria County Histories: History of the County of Cambridge and the Isle of Ely (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), vol. 5, pp. 227–240. 4. Francis Jessop (1638–1691) whom Ray met in Montpellier whilst on his travels with Willughby in the 1660s. Jessop’s seat was Broomhall, a manor built outside Sheffield in the time of Henry viii. He was a natural historian and mathematician, the Royal Society printing his tract Propositiones Hydrostaticae ad illustrandum Aristarchi systema. See Birch, (1756–57), vol. 4, p. 556 and W.H.G. Armytage, “Francis Jessop, 1638–1691: A Seventeenth-Century Sheffield Scientist,” Notes and Queries (7 August 1952), pp. 343–346, on p. 344. 5. Persicaria vivipara, Alpine Bistort, which had been reported from Westmorland in Gerarde’s Herball (1597). Eventually Ray was shown it by Thomas Willisel in Yorkshire in 1671 (Ray, Catalogus plantarum Angliae, ed. 2 [1677], p. 42). 6. Christophoriana is known as Herb Christopher or Baneberry, now Actaea spicata. Baneberry contains toxins than can have an immediate sedative effect on human cardiac muscle tissue, the berries being the most poisonous part of the plant—hence its name. Ray was shown this by Mr. Witham before he left Yorkshire (see his letter to Martin Lister, 10 September 1668). 7. The name for wintergreen—Pyrola alsines flore Europaea—that Ray refers to in this letter is from Caspar Bauhin ‘s Pinax theatri botanici (1623), p. 191. This is Pyrola rotundifolia, another plant shown to Ray before he left Yorkshire (see his letter to Martin Lister, 10 September 1668). 8. Cypripedium calceolus, which was known from the limestone regions of northern England, particularly the Yorkshire Dales, but was rare even in Ray’s time. Driven almost to extinction by the clearance of woodland, and by collection, the orchid has been reintroduced to the Yorkshire Dales in recent years. See Jan Čeřovský, Endangered Plants (London: Sunburst Books, 1995), pp. 121–122. 9. Thlaspi Globulariae folio is alpine pennygrass, now called Noccaea caerulescens (formerly Thlaspi caerulescens). It is in the family Brassicaceae and is uncommon in Northern England, where it is particularly associated with contaminated soil around disused lead mines. 10. “J.B.” refers to Johann Bauhin’s Historia plantarum universalis (Yverdon, 1650–51). 174 Lister to Lister 0112

0112 Anne Lister1 to [Martin Lister] Eastrop, Hampshire, 17 August 1668

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 59. Address: No address present. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 333.

My ever Honoured Brother

I cannot but rejoice in that you have found a settelment to suite your naturall inclinations and wish it may proue advantageous to you.2 but sure I am it much maks for my Conserne in my sonn3 seeing you are pleased to take the care and trobell of him there. When time shall render him fitt for it, which I intend about a yeare and halfe hence who I suppose young enough he then not being aboue seuenteene years old.4 And I hope may be capable of understanding the benifitt you doe him and ever owne his obligation to you: I must confess it is noe smale satisfaction to mee; and without Aprobation there. I should have biin very fearefull to send him theither but seeing providence has soe disposed \of/ things. I am very coragious in my dissigne in the meane time: I can but returne my reall thanks and not forgett the kindess your pills dus me for the toothake which I am much punished with: but as soone as I take a pill it frees me of the paine: I haue only one Left. And am uery nice to use it. lest I haue none when I haue greater occasion for it: Sir, I desire you to pa[r]don this and all the trobles I haue giuen you and beleeiue I am

your most affectionate sister to honoure and serue you

Anne Lister

Estrop August 17 1668

Mr Lister giues his seruis to you5

1. Anne (Burrell) Peers or Piers, widow of Thomas Peers of Alverstone, Warwickshire, married Michael Lister on 25 August 1659 in South Ormsby, Lincolnshire. Michael Lister was Martin Lister’s eldest brother, and the heir to the manor house in Burwell, Lincolnshire, and the neighbouring estates in Muckton. Anne was buried at Burwell on 18 April 1673. See Lyster-Denny (1913), p. 224. For the marriage settlement between Anne and Michael Lister, see “Indenture of lease for a year and grant for a marriage settlement,” 23 August 1659, Massingberd Mundy Papers, Lincolnshire Archives 1MM/2/11/40 & 40a. 0113 du Moulin to Lister 175

2. Presumably concerning Lister’s decision to become a physician and leave his fellowship at St John’s College, Cambridge. 3. This could have been either Abraham or Thomas Peers, Anne’s children via her first marriage to Thomas Peers. Her son Matthew by Michael Lister was too young when this letter was written. See Lyster-Denny (1913), pp. 224–225. 4. Anne may have been contemplating sending her son to university. 5. Presumably Michael Lister (d. 1678), Anne’s husband.

0113 [Jaques du Moulin] to Martin Lister London, 24 August 1668

A Londres ce 24e Aoust 1668

Monsieur,

Que direz vous de moi, de vous avoir tant d’obligation que j’en ay, et de vous en temoigner si peu ma reconnoissance en verité Monsr j’ay grand tort je l’avoüe, mais aussi j’espere que vous aurez la bonté de croire qu’il m’a esté en quelque façon impossible d’en user autrement j’ay demeuré la pluspart du temps a la Campagne aussi bien que vous, d’ou vous scavez que je n’avois rien de nouveau à vous mander; depuis vostre derniere du 28e du passé j’ay esté a Oxford avec my Lord Berkeley, d’ou nous ne sommes de retour que depuis quelques jours; pour l’affaire ceux qu’il y faudra employer ne sont pas en ville presentement et je serois toujours aise d’en scavoir en quel estat elle est dans vos quartiers. Je croyois il est vray d’estre en France avant ce temps icy et j’y aurois esté asseurement sans mylord Berkeley qui m’a toujours retenu avec luy et qui a envie encore d’y aller cet Automne, je ne scais ce qui en sera, mais j’espere d’achever avant ce temps la ma traduction de l’histoire de la Societé Roiale que j’aurois envie de faire imprimer à Paris, enfin cher amy soyez asseuré que vous saurez toujours ce que je deviendray et que je seray toute ma vie avec passion

Vostre tres humble et tres obeïst serviteur

Du Moulin 176 Ray to Lister 0114

London 24 August 1668

Sir,

What will you say of me who is so much obliged to you yet shows such small remembrance of it? In truth, Sir, I admit my great fault, but I hope also that you will have the goodness to believe that it has been well nigh impossible for me to do otherwise. Like you I have spent most of my time in the country, from where you must know that I have no news to relay. Since your last of the 28th instant I have been at Oxford with Lord Berkeley, from where we only returned a few days since.1 [As] for the business, those who must be employed in it are in presently in town and I would still be pleased to know how it stands in your quarter. It is true that I had hoped to be in France before this present and I would certainly have been there but for Lord Berkeley, who kept me with him and who still wishes to go there this autumn. I do not now what will come of it, but I hope before then to finish my translation of the history of the Royal Society, which I would like to have printed at Paris.2 Finally my dear friend be assured that you will always know what becomes of me and that I will be all my life devotedly

Your very humble and very obedient servant

Du Moulin

1. George, Lord Berkeley (1628–1698) was du Moulin’s patron. They had been acquainted for some time, as du Moulin accompanied Berkeley to Cambridge on 16 May 1667. 2. A reference to du Moulin’s translation of Sprat’s History of the Royal Society into French. See letter of 20 February 1668 of du Moulin to Lister.

0114 John Ray to Martin Lister [Broomhall, Sheffield], 10 September 1668

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 7, letter 19. Although there are no paragraph breaks in the original, they have been inserted here for clarity. Address: These | for Mr Martin Lister | fellow of St Johns | College | Cambridge. Postmark: Bishop Mark se/?1 [September 11], and “post pd to London 3d.” Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 31–33; Lankester (1848), pp. 25–28; Gunther (1928), pp. 118–119. (All partial transcriptions.) 0114 Ray to Lister 177

J. Wray D. Martino Lister suo S.D.

Quod scribis te difficultatibus illis quibus impeditus tenebaris superatis jam penè liberum tuique compotem factum pristinam animi tranquillitatem recuperasse plurimùm gaudeo—[[xxxx]] \Eamque/ ut tibi stablilem et per- petuam \est/ velit. Deum opt. max. suppliciter veneror. Quod tibi consulam non habeo, nisi ut eadem quo coepisti pede pergas et institutum pertinaciter urgeas: Ego, ex quo huc veni, partim physicis, partim Mathematicis studiis memet [[xxxx]] exercui, siquidem D. Jessop mathematicis imprimis delecta- tur, in quibus non contemnendos sanè progressus fecit. Quo consilio hoc iter susceperim tibi (ni male memini); antea aperus; et res sanè ex voto cecidit, quamvis nondum penitus institu\tu/m absolverim, aut invenerim omnes quas quaesiverim plantas, quásque in septentrionalibus hisce regionibus provenire certa fides mihi facta est. Quaenam inquies sunt illae? Androsace altera Matthioli minor, Valeriana Graeca, Thlaspi Globulariae folio, J.B. Pyrola Alsines flore Europaea, Polygonatum baccâ nigrâ simplici, flore unico fimbriato viridi, D. Merret. Bistorta minor, A sort of Nasturtium folio tenuiter dissecto. &c. Cùm verò tot adhuc species exquirendae supersint, ne me nihil omninò egisse, aut nequicquam hoc itinere profecisse suspiceris; adjiciam earum nomina quae mihi noviter hac primum aestate observatae sunt. Sedum ericoides, J.B. in summitate montis Ingleborough. Bursae pastoris loculo oblongo affinis, pulchra planta J.B., in montosis circa Settle et Ingleborough et alibi in regiuncula Eboracensi Craven dicta. Gallium cruciatum, J.B. in Westmorlandia prope Orton et alibi. Filix pumila saxatilis 2o Clus. ibidem in muris et locis ruderatis: Crataeogono Euphrosynes facie similes n. d. quod sciam, propè Orton. Sedi aut Cotyledonis nova species in rupibus Wrenose. Descripsi praeterea accu- ratiùs alias aliquam multas quas olim inveneram, nimirum Filicem quandam petraeam crispam elegantem, sive Adianthum album floridum mihi dictum; Sedum Alpinum angustifolium luteum; Sideritidem hirsutam arvensem: Geranium Batrachoides alterum fusco simile; Rosam pomiferam fructu spinoso majorem. Ostensa insuper mihi sunt ab aliis, Meum vulgare in Westmorlandia, viâ inter Sedberg et Orton, magna in copia; Christophoriana Sylvis Haselwood Eboracens: Pyrola vulgaris ibidem. Helleborine flore atrorubente variis in locis. Bistorta major vulgaris hîc passim prevenit in pascuis; Omitto Padum Theophrasti; Paralysin Alpinam Birds-eye dictam; Salicem folio laureo sive lato glabro odorato; Vaccinia nubis quae copiosè collegi in monte Hinckle haugh propè Settle; Pneumonanthen, quae in agro etiam Lincolniensi abundat: Quatuor musci clavati varietates, sci. Lycopodium; Sabinam sylvestrem Tragi seu muscum clavatum foliis cupressis Chamapeucen Turneri, seu Muscum clavatum abietiformem, Muscum forte terrestrem erectum, J.B., et tandem 178 Ray to Lister 0114

Muscum partim erectum, partim repentem: Cirsium Britannicum repens Clus, J.B. Ranunculum globosum: Sedum minimum flore albo: Mercurialem sylv. noli me tangere dictam; Trachelium majus Belgarum, aliásque. quae in his partibus satìs frequentes sunt, alibi quod sciam in Anglia nusquam proveniunt. Quamvis verò plantis indagandis hoc iter praecipuè destinaverim, alias tamen historiae naturalis partes non omninò neglexi. In historiâ quidem piscium nihil promovi: Avium vero 4 aut 5 species mihi oblatae sunt non antea visae, nimirum Grygallus major Gesneri, quem Francolinum Itali vocant, in monti- bus ericosis frequens, Red Moregame Venatores et Rustici vocant. Non me latet Gesnerum Francolinum Italorum Gallinam corylorum dictum existimare. Ego avem hanc eandem esse puto \ei/ quam D. Thomas Crew Monspelii pictam nobis ostendebat, cujus appellationem Gallicam oblitus sum. Merula saxatilis seu montana, à Torquatâ dicta (ut mihi videtur), omninò diversa; Merula aquatica et Caprimulgus; Avicularum quoque duae aut tres species, quae nescio an aut quibus nominibus descriptae sunt. Vin’ ut observationes meas de insectis tibi communicem quasi verò eae diligentiam tuam effugissent. Age, nè me in hâc incultâ, foecundissimâ tamen Philosophiae naturalis parte nihilo studii aut operae collocâsse existimes, dicam non pigebit eas referre \adscribere/ quamvis tibi fortasse notissimas: In summitate montis oppido Settle imminentis, apem sylvestrem observavi, cuius alae cinereae ductu nigro transverso insignes fuere. Aliam praeterea Apem sylvestrem ex eula in lasano seu latrina generata aculeo carentem, aliàs Api domesticae non absimilem. Est a. Eula haec (seu vermiculum mavis dicere) sordidè alba, oblonga, caudâ tenui productâ. duas insuper Apum sylvestrium species, quae in parietibus antiquis \ex luto compositis nidificant/, in agro praecipuè Northamptoniensi. Verùm antequam apes dimittam, de fucis tibi respondebo. Mihi equidem nullo meo experimento constat mares eos esse. Verùm quoniam Butlerus aliique qui apum historiam summa cum diligentia tradiderunt id asserunt, nos quoque receptae sententiae tantisper adhaerendum censuimus, donec falsi- tatis convinceretur. Formicae si eas irritaveris, (de majoribus horse Ants dictis intellige), earum cumulos baculo agitando, liquorem quendam acetosum eji- cient in baculum, qui naribus admotus eas vehementiùs ferit quam acetum. Si iratam \Formicam/ cuti admoveas eam rostello primùm perforat, deinde caudâ obversâ liquorem hunc orificio instillat, qui pruritum et dolorem exci- tat. Huius rei experimentum ego nondum \feci/, ab amico tamen fide dignissimo accepi, \nec de eâ dubito/, praesertim cum liquorem dictum adeo acrem senserim. Plura habeo quae tibi aliàs communicanda reservantur nè modum Epistolae excedam. Dr. Howlett, quem tibi gratulor studiorum socium, plurima meis verbis salutem nunties, ut et D. Dent aliisque, familiaribus meis tibi [[notis]]. Hospitem meum veterem uxorem duxisse tam verum est quam 0114 Ray to Lister 179 quod verissimum; quid quod ipsius uxor et gravida est et partui proxima, cui felix puerperium voveo. Quamvis non id mihi jus in te sumam ut studiorum \tuam/ rationem exigam, quam tamen te instituere scribis non possum non probare; nec dubito quin tu olim aliquid musis et Apolline dignum elaborabis. Procedas ergo bonis avibus in commentariis quos de insectis meditatus es. Studiorum tuorum in hoc genere [[aemulum]] habes insignem qui industriam tuam excitet \acuat/ D. Willughby. D. Charelton (ut audio) Onomasticon suum Zoicon in 4to nuper edidit. Nudiustertius hinc discessit conterraneus tuus et vicinus et tuus et parentis tui (ut mihi retulit) familiaris D. South consobri- nus D. Jessop. qui ad amitas suas \aliasque necessitudines/ invisendas duabus abhinc septimanis se huc contulit. Sequente septimana hinc discessurus sum et ipse Middletonium versus ubi literas tuas paulisper expectabo: nam ad fes- tum S. Michaelis in Essexiam \mihi donuo/ redeundum est. Ignoscas incuriae scriptionis, et siquid erratum sit condones et homini et amico. Vale iv Idus Septembre 1668.

John Wray sends Martin Lister greetings

I am absolutely delighted to learn from your letter that you have overcome those difficulties which were plaguing you, and, being now almost free and in possession of yourself, have recovered your earlier calm disposition. I humbly pray that God, the best and greatest, may wish you so to remain constantly. I can think of no advice to give you, save that you should continue upon your chosen path and pursue your interests with determination.1 Since my arrival here I have been concerned partly with the natural world, and partly with mathematics, for Mr. Jessop is very fond of mathematics and has made considerable progress in this field.2 I previously revealed to you, unless my memory plays me false, my reasons for undertaking this journey, and things have turned out as I wished, although I have not yet completed my entire plan, or found all the plants I was looking for, and which I have been assured occur beyond doubt in northern regions. What, you will say, are these? They are a second type of lesser rock jasmine,3 Greek valerian,4 Treacle-mustard with Leaves like Globularia5 J.B. wintergreen,6 Polygonatum7 with a simple black berry, and a single green fringed flower, Dr. Merret,8 lesser bistort,9 a sort of nasturtium with a thinly split leaf, etc.10 Since however so many species still remain to be sought out, in order to avoid giving you the impression that I have achieved nothing at all, or have undertaken this journey in vain, I shall add the names of those which I newly observed this summer. Purple Saxifrage, J.B., on top of Ingleborough hill;11 a handsome plant related to the shepherd’s purse which has an oblong pod,12 180 Ray to Lister 0114 on the hills around Settle and Ingleborough and elsewhere in the little area in Yorkshire called Craven;13 crosswort bedstraw,14 J.B., in Westmorland near Orton15 and elsewhere; limestone fern,16 the second volume of Clus[ius].,17 in the same locality on walls and in waste places; plants resembling in appearance crataegonon euphrosynes,18 newly discovered, as far as I am aware; and a new species of sedum or cotyledon amid the rocks at Wrenose.19 In addition I have made a more precise description of many of the other species which I discovered some time ago, that is, a sort of curly, rock dwelling, compact fern, which I have called white flowering parsley fern;20 a narrow-leaved yellow alpine sedum;21 a downy hemp nettle;22 a second type of mountain cranes- bill23 resembling the dusky kind; and a greater fruit-bearing rose with a thorny fruit.24 In addition other persons showed me a common baldmoney25 in Westmorland, on the road between Sedbergh and Orton in great quantity; a Herb Christopher26 in the woods known as Haselwood in Yorkshire;27 a common wintergreen28 in the same place; a helleborine orchid with a black-red flower29 in various places. The greater common bistort30 occurred here everywhere in the pastures. I pass over the bird cherry tree,31 paralysis alpina,32 which is known as bird’s eye, a willow with a laurel-like leaf which was broad, smooth and strong-smelling,33 cloud whortleberry,34 which I collected in large numbers on Hincklehaugh hill near Settle,35 the marsh gentian,36 which is abundant in Lincolnshire, four kinds of club moss that is, lycopodium,37 wild sabina of Tragus, or the club moss with cypress-like leaves;38 chamaepeuce Turner or the club fir-like moss, possibly moss that grows upright on the soil,39 and finally a moss that is partly upright and partly creeps along the ground;40 creeping melancholy thistle Clus., J.B.41 globe flower;42 white-flowering English stonecrop;43 wild mercury known as ‘touch-me-not’,44 greater bellflower,45 and others, which are very common in these parts but, as far as I am aware, occur nowhere else in England. Yet although I had intended using this journey for the tracking-down of plants, I have not entirely neglected other areas of the natural world. I have made some progress in giving an account of fish. I have been shown four or five species of bird that I have not previously seen, that is Gesner’s greater grygallus,46 which the Italians call the “francolino,” which is common on upland heaths and known by hunters and countrymen as the “red moregame.”47 I am well aware that Gesner thinks that the “francolino” of the Italians is called the “fowl of hazel trees.” I think that this bird is the same one of which Mr. Thomas Crew showed me a painting in Montpellier, whose French name I have forgotten.48 There was also the rock ouzel,49 which is completely different (so it seems to me) from the type called the ring ouzel; water ouzel,50 and the goat-sucker,51 0114 Ray to Lister 181 and two or three species of bird, the names of which I do not know, nor even if they have been named. Would you like me to share with you my observations on insects, as if they had escaped your careful attention? Come now, since I cannot allow you to think that I have devoted no care or attention to this neglected and most unattractive part of natural history, I shall not find it irksome to describe the ones which are perhaps very well-known to you. On top of the hill which towers over Settle I observed a woodland bee, whose ash-coloured wings were marked by a black stripe running across them. I also observed another woodland bee produced in a chamber-pot or lavatory from a grub, without a sting, but in other respects not unlike the honey bee. This grub furthermore (or perhaps you would rather call it a little worm) is a dirty white, oblong, with a long thin tail. I also observed two species of woodland bee which build their nests in old walls made of mud, especially in Northamptonshire. But before I leave bees, I shall reply to you about drones. I believe that they are males, although I have no practical proof of my own. But since Butler52 and others who have written the history of bees with the utmost attention say that this is the case, I took think that one should adhere to the commonly accepted belief until it is proven false. If you anger those ants (I mean the ones called ‘greater horse ants’) by poking a stick into their mounds, they squirt out a certain acidic liquid onto the stick, and if you bring this close to the nostrils it acts with greater pungency than vinegar. If you place an angry ant next to your skin it first pricks it with its little sting, then turns its tail to face the hole it has made and injects the liquid, which causes itching and pain. I have not tried this personally, but heard about it from a very trustworthy friend, and I am in no doubt that it is true, especially since I have experienced how acrid the said liquid is. I have more to tell you, which I am keeping back to share with you at another time, to keep my letter to a reasonable length. I congratulate you on having Mr. Howlett53 as a colleague in your studies, and I would ask you to pass on my warmest greetings to him, and also to Mr. Dent54 and other close friends of mine whom you know. It is absolutely true that my old host has taken a wife, and now his wife is pregnant and very close to giving birth, and I pray that she may have a good birth.55 Although I do not claim the authority over you actually to ask for an account of your studies, I am however bound to give my approval when you write that you are preparing one, and I have no doubt that you will one day complete one which is worthy of the muses and Apollo. I pray therefore that you may advance with good omens in the notes which you are planning on insects. You have in Mr. Willughby a remarkable emulator of your studies in this field to render your application all the keener. Mr. Charelton56 182 Ray to Lister 0114

(so I hear) has recently published his catalogue of the living world in quarto. Two days ago, your fellow-countryman, neighbour, and close friend (so he told me) of yourself and your parents Mr. South,57 who is the cousin of Mr. Jessop, who came here a fortnight ago to visit his aunts and other relatives, took his leave from here. Next week I too shall leave for Middleton where I shall await your letter for a little time, for at Michaelmas I must again return to Essex. Please forgive the poor hand-writing, and pardon any mistakes in one who is both human and your friend. Farewell,

September 10th, 1668.

1. Presumably Ray is referring to the fact that, with his father’s permission, Lister obtained a royal dispensation dated 19 June 1668 that required St John’s to retain him in his fellowship until one in medicine became available. Eventually Lister would leave St John’s to go into private medical practice. 2. Francis Jessop. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 26 July 1668. 3. The modern botanic name for this plant, named by Ray as Androsace altera Matthioli minor, is Androsace maxima or greater rock-jasmine. Androsace species, which are sometimes also known as fairy candelabras, are in the family Primulaceae, and may have Arctic-alpine distributions. None is native to Britain, and whoever assured Ray that a species of Androsace grew in northern England must have been mistaken. “Matthioli” refers to Pietro Andrea Mattioli (1500–1577), an Italian physician and botanist, and a physician to Emperor Maximilian ii. Mattioli wrote Compendium de Plantis Omnibus una cum Earum Iconibus (1571) as well as a commentary on the materia medica of Dioscorides (1544), which was reprinted in several editions and was noteworthy for its botanical illustrations. 4. Polemonium caeruleum or Jacob’s ladder, a rare plant of limestone scree in northern England. In Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, pp. 310–311), Ray noted that it had been “found by Mr. Lister in Carleton-beck, in the falling of it into the river Air.” 5. Thlaspi Globularia folio is alpine pennygrass, now called Noccaea caerulescens (formerly Thlaspi caerulescens). It is in the family Brassicaceae and is uncommon in Northern England, where it is particularly associated with contaminated soil around disused lead mines. “J.B.” refers to Johann Bauhin’s Historia plantarum universalis (Yverdon, 1650–1651). Thlapsi foliis Globulariae affine is described in vol. 2 (1651), pp. 915–916. My thanks to Christopher Preston for this information. 6. The name for wintergreen—Pyrola alsines flore Europaea—to which Ray refers in this letter is from Caspar Bauhin’s Pinax theatri botanici (1623), p. 191. The plant is Trientalis europaea (Primulaceae); it is unrelated to the true wintergreens (Pyrola spp., Ericaceae) but its former name is reflected in its current English name, chickweed wintergreen. 7. Polygonatum is a genus of fifty species of Asparagaceae, known colloquially as Solomon’s seal. 8. A reference to Polygonatum odoratum or angular Solomon’s seal, described as Convallaria polygonatum in Christopher Merret’s Pinax rerum naturalium britannicarum (London, 1666), p. 96. Merret described finding this type of Solomon’s seal “at Clapdale in the mid-way ’twixt Settle and Ingleborough hill in Yorkshire.” The locality “Clapdale woods, three miles from a vil- 0114 Ray to Lister 183 lage called Settle” is in John Gerard, The Herbal or the General History of Plants (London, 1597), p. 758. Its modern taxonomic name is Polygonatum odoratum. 9. Persicaria vivipara (formerly Polygonum viviparum) or Alpine bistort. 10. This is presumably the plant included by Ray in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, pp. 219–220) as Nasturtium montanum tenellis & dissectis foliis siliquosum, about which he wrote “Found by Th. Willisell on a broken Mountain, about the mid-way between Settle and Ingleborough. Of this I have as yet seen onely some young tender plants, but neither flower nor seed-vessel, and therefore can say little.” 11. Ray’s name of Sedum ericoides in Linnaean taxonomy is Saxifraga oppositifolia, or the purple saxifrage. The species was described as Sedum alpinum ericoides caeruleum of Johann Bauhin, Historia Plantarum (1651), vol. 3(2), p. 694. 12. This is Draba muralis, Wall whitlowgrass, subsequently reported by Ray in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, pp. 49–50), the first published British record. 13. Lister’s wife was from Carlton-in-Craven in Yorkshire, and Lister would settle there for a year in 1669, so he was obviously well-acquainted with the area. 14. Gallius latifolium, Cruciata J.B. is in modern taxonomy Cruciata laevipes (Opiz, 1852), or crosswort, but this is a widespread species, which was already known to Ray in his Cambridge days. The record in this letter must refer to the modern Galium boreale, northern bedstraw, and it was published by Ray in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, pp. 268–269) as Rubia erecta quadri- folia J.B., “Propè Orton, Winander-mere, & alibi in Westmorlandia,” the first published British record. 15. Orton is in Cumbria, fifteen miles south of Penrith, and eight miles from Appleby-in-Westmorland. 16. This was reported as Filix pumila saxatilis altera Clusii Park. in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670) p. 114. John Edgington (Who found our ferns?, in press) discusses its identity and shows that it is Phegopteris connectilis, beech fern. 17. Ray makes reference to Carolus Clusius, Rariorum plantarum historia (1601), vol. 2, p. 212. Clusius or Charles de l’Ecluse (1529–1609) was a Flemish doctor and pioneering botanist. See Sir James Edward Smith, The English Flora (London, 1828), vol. 4, p. 284. 18. One of the most important of the numerous significant records in this letter, this refers to the modern Bartsia alpina, alpine bartsia, for which Ray provides a full description in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 86) under the name Crataegonon foliis brevibus obtusis Westmorlandicum. The species to which Ray compares his new species in this letter, Crataegonon Euphrosynes, is the related red bartsia, Odontites vernus. 19. Ray is referring to Wrynose Pass in the Lake District in Cumbria between the Duddon Valley and Little Langdale. At its top is the Three Shire Stone, the meeting point of the historic counties of Cumberland, Lancashire, and Westmorland. Ray appears to have decided that this new species of Sedum or Cotyledon was in fact one he already knew from North Wales, Cotyledon hirsuta P.B., the current Saxifraga stellaris, starry saxifrage, which he says in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, pp. 84–85) that he found “also in the North on Hardknot and Wrenose” and which he described in detail (cf. Raven 1986, p. 148). 20. Cryptogramma crispa, parsley fern. 21. Ray’s description of Sedum Alpinum luteum minus was published in his Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, pp. 279–280) and constitutes the first published British record of Saxifraga aizoides, yellow saxifrage. 184 Ray to Lister 0114

22. Galeopsis segetum or downy hemp nettle. There is a detailed description in Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 283), the first published British record. 23. In modern taxonomy, Geranium sylvaticum, wood cranesbill. For the description, see Ray’s account of Geranium batrachoides montanum in his Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, pp. 130–131), the first published British record. 24. This was included by Ray in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 266) as Rosa sylvestris pomifera major C.B. Park. It is a downy-rose, but cannot be identified more precisely as two species occur in northern England (Rosa mollis and R. sherardii). 25. Meum athamanticum or baldmoney. Common names include Meu and Spignel. It is a pleasantly aromatic perennial member of the carrot family. 26. Actaea spicata, known as baneberry or Herb Christopher. This plant is extremely poisonous, as it is a sedative on human cardiac muscle tissue. In Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 71) Ray says “Mr. Witham shewed me this growing in Haselwood-woods, near Sir Walter Vavasours Park-pale in Yorkshire.” 27. Haselwood is between Leeds and Tadcaster, the woods presumably near Haselwood Castle. 28. Pyrola rotundifolia or round-leaved wintergreen. 29. Ray recorded the terrestrial orchid Helleborine flore rubente Park. in the first edition of Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 162) “Near Sheffield in Yorkshire.” In the second edition (1677, pp. 157–158) he adds to the Sheffield locality, “and on the sides of the mountains near Malham 4 miles from Settle in the same County in great plenty, as also in many other places thereabout.” The Malham plant is certainly Epipactis atrorubens, dark-red helleborine, an upland plant of limestone rocks and screes. However, the identity of the Sheffield plant as E. atrorubens has been doubted, e.g. by F.A. Lees in Flora of West Yorkshire (London: Lovell, Reed, and Company, 1888), p. 434, as this species would not be expected in this area. 30. Persicaria bistorta, common bistort, described by Ray in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 44) as “frequent in the meadows and pastures about Sheffield in York-shire, and in several other places of that Countrey.” 31. Ray’s Padus Theophrasti is Prunus padus or the bird-cherry, also known as the hagberry tree. 32. Ray’s Paralysis alpina is in Linnaean taxonomy, Primula farinosa, the bird’s-eye primrose. 33. Salix pentandra, the bay willow. 34. Rubus chamaemorus or cloudberry, an orange-fruited, herbaceous relative of the bram- ble found on peaty soils in northern England. Ray included it as Chamaemorus in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 68) and noted that he had found it with abundant mature fruit on the summit of Hinckelhaugh in July 1668. 35. These settlements are situated between the Yorkshire Dales and the Forest of Bowland. 36. Gentiana pneumonanthe, the marsh gentian. 37. Clubmosses, also known as ground pines or creeping cedar. Lycopodium is Lycopodium clavatum, stag’s-horn clubmoss. 38. Diphasiastrum alpinum, Alpine clubmoss. 39. Huperzia selago, fir clubmoss. 40. Lycopodiella inundata, marsh clubmoss. 41. Ray’s Cirsius britannicum is in Linnaean taxonomy known as Cirsium heterophyllum. The species is in Bauhin, Historia plantarum universalis, vol. 3 (1), p. 46. It is also known as the mel- 0114 Ray to Lister 185 ancholy thistle, an uncommon perennial plant of damp northern meadows, woodland edges and verges. 42. Ray’s Ranunculus globosus is in Linnaean taxonomy, Trollius europaeus, or the globe flower. 43. Ray’s Sedum minimum is in Linnaean taxonomy, Sedum anglicum or English stonecrop. 44. Impatiens noli-tangere or touch-me-not-balsam. The yellow flowers are followed by pods which explode when ripe or touched, ejecting the seeds. Ray listed this as Persicaria siliquosa Ger. in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 239) but with the synonym Mercurialis sylvestris Noli me tangere dicta. 45. Ray’s Trachelius majus belgarum is in Linnaean taxonomy, Campanula latifolia, or giant bellflower. 46. A reference to naturalist Conrad Gesner’s De avium natura (1585). Grygallus maior is on plate 495a. 47. As Birkhead and Charmantier have noted, Ray thought this bird was a poorly colored “francolino,” or hazel grouse (Bonasia bonasia), and did not include it in his edition of Willughby’s Ornithology. However, the bird is actually the pin-tailed sandgrouse, Pterocles alchata. See Isabelle Charmantier and T.R. Birkhead, “Willughby’s angel: the pintailed sandgrouse (Pterocles alchata),” Journal of Ornithology, 149, 3 (2008), pp. 469–472. 48. Lister’s student notebook (Bodleian ms Lister 19) indicates that Sir Thomas Crew (1624– 1697), second Baron Crew of Stene, was part of a salon of English expatriates in Montpellier during the 1660s that met to discuss ornithology, medicine, and literature. See http://listerstravels .modhist.ox.ac.uk. 49. Ray referred to “merula saxatilis” or “montana,” or the rock ouzel in his edition of Willughby’s Ornithology (p. 195). Based on its appearance, it induced him to believe “that this bird is a Species different from the Ring-Ouzel.” Ray is incorrect; it is indeed the same bird as “torquata” or the ring ouzel. 50. Ray refers to a “merula aquatic,” or a water ouzel, better known as the [White-throated] dipper (Cinclus cinclus). 51. Ray refers to the “Caprimulgus,” which literally translates as “goat-sucker.” The bird is a European nightjar, Caprimulgus europaeus, which was fabled to milk goats due to their soft wide beaks and habit of feeding near grazing animals. 52. Charles Butler (1540–1647), a minister, author, educationist, and beekeeper whose The Feminine Monarchie (1609) was the first full-length English language book about beekeeping. 53. Samuel Howlett (b. 1644), a fellow at St John’s College, Cambridge, with whom Lister became acquainted during his studies in Montpellier. Lister returned from Paris with Howlett. Howlett matriculated at St John’s in 1660, getting his B.A. in 1664, and his M.A. in 1667. Howlett was elected to a Fellowship in 1664, although this ceased in 1671, possibly due to his death. The St John’s Book of Benefactors reveals Howlett left eighty volumes to the college, primarily French or Italian volumes concerning language and history. See http://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/library/ special_collections/early_books/pix/provenance/howlet/howlet.htm. See also Raven (1986), p. 137 and p. 142, and Thomas Baker, History of the College of St. John the Evangelist, Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1869), vol. 1, p. 299. 54. Peter Dent (d. 1689), a Cambridge apothecary who contributed to John Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae in 1670. 186 Lister to Lister 0115

55. Presumably Francis Willughby, who in January 1668 married Emma, the second daughter and co-heiress of Sir Henry Barnard; his first son Francis was born later that year. See Raven (1986), p. 164. 56. Dr. Walter Charleton (1619–1707), who published Onomasticon Zoicon, plerorumque Animalium differentias et nomina propria pluribus linguis exponens (London, 1668). 57. It is not known who “Mr. South” was. Francis Jessop’s mother was a daughter of Sir Francis South, so this may have been a relative. See Raven (1986), p. 148.

0115 Susanna Lister to [Martin Lister] [Burwell, Lincolnshire] 26 September [ca. 1668]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols 89–90. Letter has been torn on its margins, leading to slight loss of text. Address: thes | to Mr Marten lister at St | Johns colladge in cambredg | present.

Dear marten, the company you rot2 to me ware upon thar Junry3 to burwell have I \thinke/ visited you, befor this time for so thay inferd [[and]] when they went from hence which was on wensday last, and thay intended to be with you on friday, and resolved to carie you with them to St Albans,4 which I desire much to hear if they do soe, I could not rite to you soner by reson of much company, I hear by west5 you haue sent for your bookes and other things, so that I parseve you mean to take upe your quarters in a better plase than burwells which I commend you for; for thar is no advantage to be had heare neither for helthe or welth. I shall as far as I can take your advis for to presarve my own helthe; which is at this very time prety well after my fashion of healthe, but I have not stared6 downe stairs this sixe or seaven weeks, and thar wilbe my quartars, but I know not how long; your sister gregory7 is hear but gos away next weeke, your father is findng out a way to send, your brother matt8 into verieny,9 to my coson nede listar10 that has ben thar many years, and grows riche; mathew Listar that was goes in Barbary11 is now hear he coms I beleeve to se what he can do abbout the houses in the Strand,12 but yet he sayes nothing this is all the nuse I haue, I shall continue to pray for a blessing upon you and euari13 aid for your healthe, and I shall long to hear from you shortly, and as often as you can, I am

your affectionat mother

Su: listar 0115 Lister to Lister 187

Septe: the. 26 pray convay Mrs battisons Lettar to her. all your sistars and your brother will and my sonne Gregory14 present thar love to you. Sir G[e]orge hamilltone15 when hee was hear brought your father to se[e] will16 and to give him his blessing; but I do not know what he will do more for him, he goes not tell next weeke

1. Lister’s mother Susanna died in 1669, and presumably this letter was written to Lister when he was at St John’s College, Cambridge, in the 1660s. It is one of a series of other dated letters that she wrote to him. From the reference to sending Lister’s younger brother abroad, this letter probably dates from 1668; Susanna’s letter to Martin of 26 October 1668 also mentions sending Matthew to a plantation. 2. “Wrote.” 3. “Their journey.” 4. St Albans, Herefordshire, about forty-five miles from Cambridge. Richard Jennings, the husband of Susanna’s daughter, Frances Thornhurst Jennings, had an estate in Sandridge, near St Albans. Lister may have been staying with his half-sister there. 5. It is unknown who “west” was; presumably he was one of the more senior servants on the Burwell Estate. He appears in a letter from Susanna to Martin of 27 November 1667. 6. “Stirred.” 7. She was Lister’s sister Susanna (bap. 25 September 1642) who on 21 January 1663/4 married George Gregory, Esq. Gregory (d. 1688) became High Sheriff of Nottingham in 1668. See Susanna Lister’s letter to Martin Lister of 10 January, ca. 1660s, note 4. 8. Matthew Lister (bap. Thorpe Arnold, 31 August 1642), Susanna’s fifth child with Sir Martin Lister. See Lyster-Denny (1913), p. 217. He was described as a rebellious young man in other letters from this period. 9. Virginia. 10. It is not known who Ned, or Edward, Lister was. 11. Barbary was used by Europeans from the sixteenth until the nineteenth century to refer to much of the collective land of the Berber people, the middle and western coastal regions of North Africa—what is now Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya. 12. Martin Lister’s great-uncle Matthew left his wife a London house in the Strand. As Matthew was childless, Lister’s father, the sole executor and residuary legatee, eventually inherited it. See pro, prob 11/261, will of Sir Matthew Lister, National Archives, Kew. 13. “Every.” 14. George Gregory, Esq. (d. 1688), husband of Lister’s sister Susanna. 15. Lister’s niece Frances Jennings (1649–1731) was married to George Hamilton who was on campaign in France at the time this letter was written. Frances was the older sister of Sarah Jennings (1660–1744) who would become Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough. 16. Lister’s brother, William, of Westminster, living as of September 1677, who had issue. See Lyster-Denny (1913), p. 217. 188 Bayulay to Lister 0116

0116 J. Bayulay to Martin Lister [Chichester, West Sussex] 26 September [ca. 1668]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fols 10–11. There is a note on the wrapper in Bayulay’s handwriting to “put this into the post office at London.” Address: ffor Mr Lister fellow | of St John’s Coll Cambridg | these. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/6 [October 6].

Chichester Sept: 29

Dear Mr. Lister

I received yours. I should be hartily glad if the temper of Chichester might sute with your designs. I am sure your society will infinitly comply with my desires. And you may assure your selfe that in what I am able to serve you ther is no freind you have can do it more willingly. if you hold your resolution my poore house or any thing I have shall be free at your service and without a complement I shall be proud of so good a guest. we have no phisitions of any note here and I do not see but one if will intend it might gaine considerable practice. Since I last saw you here is one of our practitioners whom I supposed to have left is returned again with a rich Lady. I am sure his practice before could maintain no body. what’s a wife with £10000 may doe I know not. you need not come with any resolution of staying any time. but as upon a visite you will be better able to judge when you see the place. you know that all in your profession most men spring riches. this is a corner of the world you may come hither or remove without any notice. You may have a coach of the white hart in Southwark.2 his fare is but 12d he comes through in 2 dayes he does not often faile. though sometimes he does. he sets out on Thursdays. Nil mihi rescribas: attamen ipse veni.3

your reall freind and servant.

J. Bayulay

1. Lister was hunting for a medical practice after he was given his dispensation from his St John’s fellowship, an event from which the date of this letter was surmised. 2. Chichester is sixty-six miles from Southwark, which is in Greater London. The White Hart was the headquarters of Jack Cade and his band of rebels during their brief possession 0117 Lister to Lister 189 of London in 1450 and features in Shakespeare’s Henry vi, Part 2. Cade addresses his followers: “Will you needs be hanged with your pardons about your necks? Hath my sword therefore broke through London gates, that you should leave me at the ‘White Hart,’ in Southwark?” In 1669, the back part of the old inn was accidentally burnt down, and the tavern was destroyed by the great fire of Southwark in 1676, though it was rebuilt in the style of the older edifice. The White Hart had an open court or yard, surrounded by open galleries, which had been used for temporary theatres for dramatic performances. See Edward Walford, “Chapter vii: Southwark: Famous Inns of Olden Times,” Old and New London: A Narrative of its History, its People and its Places (London: Cassell, Petter, and Galpin, 1878), vol. 6, pp. 76–89. 3. “Do not write anything back to me; but rather, come yourself,” from Ovid’s Heroides, 1, line 2, Penelope writing to Ulysses. Ultimately Lister decided against Chichester, opting to begin his practice in York in 1670. My thanks to Roger Tomlin and Tom Holland for their assistance with this phrase.

0117 Susanna Lister to Martin Lister [Burwell, Lincolnshire], 26 October 16681

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 86. The letter has been torn on its top margin leading to slight loss of text. Address: No address present.

Dear marten,

I received your [l]ast letter, but I could not rite to you tell [[now]] your Sister Gregory2 comes from france but last wensday, She is so apte to miscarie, we darst not let her sture3 tell she had ben quicke4 a 3 weekes but I have not herd how she dos sence she comes home, your sister Barcom5 is not yet brought to bed but lookes to it with in a fortnight, she is exceding lardge; your brother Matthew6 is com from my sonne mikells,7 and is at westes howse8 for your fathar would not let him com to burwell, neither wold he let him stay any longer with his brothar he is about sending him to a plantation but cannot determin of any thing.9 westes gos to Londone which wilbe with me this fortnight, I hope; now could wethers10 coms in. I wish you may have your helthe which I shall not cese to pray for and that god woould give a blessing to your endevors.

Your affectionat mother:

Su: Lister 190 Ray to Lister 0118 doctor berifford11 was hear last weeke, and so have his company as ofte as he can, being a well wishar of you and all this family. octob. 26. our litell parson12 has commited such erors of late, we ware resolved to put him a way but he was as lat[e] very sensibell of his fathr and pro mises a throu reformation so he is now received againe, but beleeve he cannot hould long, so I pray informe your selfe whar we may have you when we stand in nead.

1. The letter is dated from context. Please see note 5, below. 2. She was Lister’s sister Susanna (bap. 25 September 1642) who on 21 January 1663/4 married George Gregory, Esq. See Susanna Lister’s letter of 10 January [ca. 1660s] to Martin Lister, note 4, below. 3. “Stir.” 4. The “quickening” was the first perceptible movements of the fetus during pregnancy. 5. This was Frances Barkham, née Lister (1644–1691), Lister’s younger sister. She had three children who were baptized at Burwell: Frances, who was baptised on 18 October 1667 and who died two months later; Susanna, who was baptized at Burwell on 15 December 1668; and Mary who was not baptized until 7 May 1670, dying one day later. As Susanna Lister died in 1669 and her letter was sent in late October, Frances must have been pregnant with her second child, dating this letter as 1668. See Maddison, Lincolnshire Pedigrees, vol. 1, p. 86. 6. Matthew Lister (bap. Thorpe Arnold, 31 August 1642), Susanna’s fifth child with Sir Martin Lister. See Lyster Denny (1913), p. 217. 7. Michael Lister was Sir Martin Lister’s and Susanna Lister’s first-born son, and the heir to the manor house in Burwell, Lincolnshire, and neighboring estates in Muckton. Michael married Anne (Bureell) Peers or Piers, widow of Thomas Peers of Warwickshire on 25 August 1659. 8. It is unknown who “weste” was; presumably he was one of the more senior servants on the Burwell Estate. He appears in a letter from Susanna to Martin of 27 November 1667. 9. In Susanna’s letter to her son of 26 September, she discussed Matthew being sent to Virginia. 10. “Cold weather.” 11. This physician has not been identified. 12. Presumably the wayward Matthew Lister.

0118 John Ray to Martin Lister Black Notley, Essex, 31 October [1668]

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 8, letter 20. The nhm folio only contains an abstract of part of the letter not published in Lankester, written by the plant collector and geologist John D. Enys (1837–1912). Enys 0118 Ray to Lister 191

had sold his collection of eighty-eight letters by Ray, Lister, and his contemporaries to the Natural History Museum in 1884 for £40. The original letter was auctioned on 28 September 2004, “The Enys Collection of Autograph Manuscripts,” Bonhams, New Bond Street, London, sale 11288. Thus this transcription and translation will use extant editions of correspondence which have inserted paragraph breaks for clarity. Address: The Bonhams catalogue reports, “address panel on verso, seal and postal markings, partly laid down on verso, small piece from address leaf cut away, printed identification slip, Black Notley, 31 October 1668.” Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 34–35; Lankester (1848), pp. 29–30 (partial); Gunther (1928), p. 119; Harley (1992), pp. 161–62 (partial); McMahon (2000), p. 165 (partial); Valle (2004), pp. 226–227; The Enys Collection of Autograph Manuscripts, Bonhams New Bond Street, London, Sale 11288, 28 September 2004, (partial).

Joannes Wray D. Martino Lister S.D.

Literas tuas et novissimas et superioris accepi, quibus Araneorum 30 à te nuper observatorum nomenclaturas inseruisti. Miror sanè quâ arte et industriâ usus, tam brevi temporis spatio, tam angustis loci limitibus tot distinctas species investigare potueris: At verò satìs mirari nequeo, unde tibi tantum otii tam alieno tempore cum curis et solicitudinibus variis perturbatus huc illuc fluc- tuaret animus, nec sui juris esset, ut posit cuiquam studio se totum impend- ere. Ego equidem (ut verum fatear) in Araneis inquirendis et comtemplandis minùs diligens et industrius fui, partim quòd aliis studiis et negotiis impeditus iis attendere non vacaret; partim quoniam ob veneni suspicionem vix tracta- biles sint hae bestiolae, mihi praesertim, qui ab ineunte aetate vulgari praejudicio abreptus, ab iis nonnihil etiamnum abhorream. Ast quam vis Araneorum historiae parum peritus sim, duo tamen habeo, de quibus te consulendum censeo. Alterum occurit (ni malè memini, nam liber ad manum non est) in Micrographiâ dictâ D. Hook, estque historiola per quam lepida de areneâ vena- trice et insidiatrice, quam à se visam autori communicavit D. Evelyn, vide sis librum ipsum, ego enim memoriae meae non satìs fido, ut eam referre ausim. Nunquid simile à te unquam observatum fuerit scire aveo; nam et tu quoque in titulis ad me transmissis Araneae saltatricis unius et alterius meministi. Alterum ab amico fide signissimo mihi communicatum fuit, à se saepius spec- tatum. Nimirum quòd Aranei nonnulli telas suas non extrahant tantùm et eli- ciant ut moris est, sed protrudant et quasi projiciant ad distantiam notabilem, 192 Ray to Lister 0118 projiciunt inquam, i.e. prorsum ejaculantur oblique, et ad latus, et non tantùm demittunt rectà deorsum, nam et hoc ab aliis observatum nobis antea innotuit. Quomodo illud fieri posit, quum filum non rigidum sit baculi ad instar tenuis- simum et ut puto molle, non satìs perspicio. At ille nullus dubitavit se rem ipsam nihi brevi monstraturum, ut oculis saltem meis si minus ipsius sermoni crederem, quod et effecisset, ni nihi occupato res memoriâ excidisset. Superest jam ut tu rem penitùs conficias, et omnem mihi scrupulum eximas. Alia Insectorum genera non omninò neglexi et κολεόπτερων et ἀνέλυτρα at verò cùm Ds. Willughby iis conquirendis, examinandis, describendis, confer- endis sedulam à multis retro annis navavit operam, ego obiter tantùm et animi causâ hâc in parte versatus sum. Non deerit utrique vestrûm material in quâ ingenia exerceatis. Latissimus patet campus à nemine antea occupatus, nullius pede tritus. Naturae divitiae planè sunt inexhaustae, nec cuiquam post mille secula nato deerit quod scrutetur, et in quo se cum laude exerceat. Hippocrati viro summo qui jamdudum in medicinâ principatum tenuit, detractum nol- lem, quem Spagyrici etiam mirantur, in primis Helmontius tuus, dum rarissimi doni virum et Adeptorum participem eum appellat. Libros επιδημον nunquam legi, nec alios quàm aphorismorum, in quibus ego nonnulla observavi quae mihi aut falsa aut cum ratione minus conjuncta visa sunt. Verùm de his fortasse aliâ vice. D. Wilkins in episcopalem cathedram evectum, et sui-ipsius, et mei, et prae- cipuè ecclesiae causâ vehementer gaudeo. Me tamen per eum ecclesiae res- titutum iri, stante sententiâ, planè est impossibile, nec enim unquam adduci me posse put out declarationi subscribam quam lex non ita pridem lata pres- byteris aliisque ecclesiae ministries injungit, nec tamen tanti est jactura mei qui nulli fere usui ecclesiae futurus essem, utut (quod dici solet) rectus in curia starem Cum vero ecclesiae mentio incidit, succurrit mihi quod te consulerem ex clausula cujusdam epistolae tuae male intellecta [qua]1 suspicor me in errorem inductum. Nempe cum scriberes parentis jussu affectum ut studia persequeris eo ipso in loco in quo nunc es, utque particeps esse colloquii, eto quoque verba illa de sodalitio accepi. Te sacris initiatum statim credidi, nam sodalitium quod vocant eam conditionem requirit. At cum D. South me certiorem fecisset non eam unquam fecisse qut tuam aut parentis tui mentem et tu quoque jam scri- bas expectare te ut sub initium veris patris mandato ad medicinam faciendam ex Academia evoceris, alio mutat sententia. Tu facile et mentem tuam expones, et me expedies. D. Howlett plurimis meis verbis salutem nuncies. Promixa septimana Mediam villam Warwickcensem revertor. Tu iterim fac ut valeas.

Prid[ie]. Kal[endae]. ixbris Dabam Notleiae. 0118 Ray to Lister 193

John Ray sends his greetings to Martin Lister.

I received your latest and earliest letters, in which you included the lists of names of thirty Spiders you had recently observed.2 Certainly I admire the skill and diligence with which you have been able to discover so many distinct kinds in so short a time and such a restricted area. Indeed I think it astonish- ing how you found the leisure in such a difficult time, when your mind was distracted hither and thither with the worry of manifold cares and anxieties, and it was beyond its power for you to be able to devote yourself entirely to any study whatever.3 To be honest, I myself have been less diligent and busy in the investigation and observation of Spiders, partly because the burden of other studies and business left no time to attend to them, and partly since those little creatures can hardly be handled for mistrust of their poison—I especially, who from an early age have been possessed by the vulgar prejudice, even now somewhat recoil from them. But although I have little experience in the study of Spiders, I have two at least about which I should value your opinion. One is found (if I am not mistaken—the book is not to hand) in the Micrographia of Mr. Hook,4 where there is a very nice account of a hunting and ambushing spider, which Mr. Evelyn5 had seen and reported it to the author (see the book itself, for I do not trust my memory enough to dare to repeat it). I should like to know if you have ever seen anything like it; in fact you yourself have also mentioned one or two jumping spiders under the Tituli6 you have sent me. The other was reported to me by a most reliable friend;7 having seen it himself quite frequently. Without doubt some Spiders not only draw out their threads and tease them out, as their custom is, but thrust them forth and, as it were, cast them to a considerable distance—by ‘cast’ I mean they are actually shot out slantingly, and to the side, and not simply let down in a straight line, for I had also learnt of this previously from the observation of others.8 I am far from clear how that can happen, since the thread is not rigid like a stick but very slender and, I suppose, soft. But he had no doubt that he would show me this very thing shortly, so I would believe my own eyes at least, if not his word; and he would have done so too, had it not slipped my memory when I was busy. It remains now for you to finish the matter thoroughly and take away all my doubts. I have not entirely neglected those other families of insects, namely coleoptera9 and anelytra.10 But whereas Mr. Willughby11 has worked with unfailing diligence for many years past in seeking them out, and in examining, describing and comparing them, I have operated in this area only incidentally and for amusement. Come then, and proceed under good auspices, you have someone to emulate. Neither of you will be lacking in material in which you 194 Ray to Lister 0118 may exercise your intellects. The field is wide open, and has been occupied by nobody hitherto, nor trodden by any other person’s foot. Nature’s riches are clearly inexhaustible, and nobody born in the next thousand centuries will lack things to examine and a subject in which he may work and gain praise. I would not wish Hippocrates to be unfairly criticized: he long ago held the foremost position in medicine, and the Spagyrics12 still hold him in awe, especially your Helmont,13 in calling him a man of very rare gifts and one of the Adepts.14 I have never read his books Epidemion,15 or any others except his books of aphorisms,16 in which I have noted certain things which seemed to me to be either false or based on insufficient reason. But perhaps I shall speak of these at another time. I am absolutely delighted that Mr. Wilkins17 has been elevated to an episco- pal see, both for his own sake, and mine, and that of the church. Yet it is clearly impossible for me to be restored to the church through his efforts as long as my opinion remains unchanged, and I do not think that I can ever be induced to subscribe to the declaration which the law, which was passed not so long ago, imposed on the Presbyters18 and other ministers of the church, yet the loss of myself is not of such great importance, since I would be of hardly any use to the church, however upright (as the saying goes) I stand in open court.19 Since however a mention of the church has been made, it occurs to me that I should consult you about a small section in one of your letters which, being misunderstood, has, I suspect, led me to make a mistake. You see, when you wrote that you had been prevailed upon at your parent’s bidding to pursue your studies in the same place where you now are, and take part in the conference, I too received word of the “fellowship.”20 I at once believed that you had received the sacrament(s), for this so-called “fellowship” demands this as a condition.21 But when Mr. South22 informed me that this had never been either your or your parents’ intention, and you too write that you are awaiting your father’s instruction at the beginning of spring to be called away from the university to practise medicine, my feelings changed. You will readily explain your intention and extricate me from this difficulty. You are to give Mr. Howlett23 a lengthy greeting from me. Next week I shall return to Middleton in Warwickshire.24 In the meantime take care of yourself.

Dated 31 October [1668] Notley.

1. The Latin in previous sentence is ungrammatical; “qua” should be inserted after “intellecta.” 2. This list served as the basis for a paper in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, as well as Lister’s Tractatus de Araneis, his groundbreaking tract on spiders contained in his Historiae Animalium (1678). Lister was mistaken, however, that there were only thirty 0118 Ray to Lister 195 species of English spiders. See Martyn Lister, “Extracts of Three Letters, One, Concerning Some Philosophical Inquiries about Spiders, together with a Table of 33 Sorts of Spiders to be Found in England; as Also of a Kind of Viviparous Fly: The Second, about an Insect Feeding upon Henbain, and Thereby Qualifying in Its Body the Horrid Smell of That Plant, and Altering It to an Aromatical and Agreeable One: The Third, Containing Some Observations of Glow-Worms,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1 January 1671), pp. 2170–2178, and Parker (1992). 3. Ray’s comment concerns Lister’s resolution to leave his fellowship at St John’s. At this point, Lister was contemplating resigning his fellowship there to pursue a more lucrative profession in private practice as a physician. To do so, he needed a royal dispensation, as his fellowship was given as a royal mandate, as well as his father’s blessing. Lister had not taken holy orders when accepting the fellowship, so he may have been under some pressure from the College to leave. 4. Ray is referring to Robert Hooke, Micrographia: Or some physiological descriptions of minute bodies made by Magnifying Glasses with Observations and Inquiries Thereupon (London: Martyn and Allestree, 1665). Hooke’s observations xlvii and xlviii were of spiders, including the shepherd spider (harvestmen or opiliones), which ambushes prey “by leaping on it” and the hunting spider. Hooke provided detailed microscopic figures of their anatomy in Scheme 31. Technically harvestmen are neither spiders nor insects, but long-legged arachnids closely related to spiders. 5. John Evelyn (1620–1706), the diarist, silviculturist, and virtuoso who sent an account of the hunting spider to Hooke, which was published in the Micrographia (p. 200). Hooke related Evelyn’s account: “Of all the sorts of insects, there is none has afforded me more diversements then the Venatores, which are sort of Lupi, that have their Denns in the rugged walls, and crevices of our houses; a small brown and delicately spotted kind of Spiders, whose hinder leggs are longer than the rest . . . ” Evelyn’s description, which continues with a description of the arachnid’s hunting technique, indicates that the “hunting spider” was a type of wolf spider (lupi). 6. Tituli were concise descriptions or headings that Lister gave to each species of spider that referred to their morphology and color. As his taxonomy was pre-Linnaean, Lister did not give each species a specific name. These tituli were followed by extended descriptions and life histories. Linnaeus referred to thirteen of Lister’s tituli in his Systema Naturae (1758). See Parker (2002), p. 18. 7. Dr. Edward Hulse (1636–1711), physician to the Prince of Orange. 8. Hulse and Lister would later have a priority dispute over the discovery of “ballooning spiders,” species that case threads to cast themselves great distances in the air. The activity of ballooning is especially prevalent in the temperate regions of the Northern Hemisphere among a small species of the family Linyphiidae, as well as among juvenile spiders from larger species. See Roos (2012), chapter 5, and E. Duffey, “Aerial Dispersal in Spiders,” in Proceedings of the 17th European Colloquium of Arachnology, Edinburgh 1997 (Burham Beeches, Buckinghamshire, 1998), pp. 187–191. 9. Coeloptera or Beetles from the Greek, koleos, meaning “sheath,” and pteron, meaning “wing.” The Greek is misspelled in editions containing this letter, but because the original epistle has been lost, it is unknown whether this was a result of Ray’s mistake or editorial errors. As Ray was appointed a lecturer of Greek at Cambridge, the latter possibility is more likely. 10. Beetles and insects without the chitinous forewings characteristic of beetles/coleoptera. 11. Francis Willughby. 196 Ray to Lister 0118

12. Literally practitioners of alchemy, but in this case, Ray is referring to “chemical physicians” or iatrochemists who utilized [al]chemical procedures in creating “chymic” medicines such as Paracelsus or Van Helmont. 13. Presumably Jan Baptista van Helmont (1579–1644). 14. An alchemical adept who was possessor of alchemical mysteries such as the alkahest, the philosopher’s stone, or universal panaceas. 15. The Greek in the correspondence editions is misspelled as “Hypodemion”, which makes no sense, so presumably Ray was referring to the Epidemion. These were six books written in the end of fifth and the beginning of the fourth centuries B.C. in the Hippocratic corpus concerning epidemics. Most of the books concern case histories. See Plinio Prioreschi, A History of Medicine: Greek Medicine (Omaha: Horatius Press, 1996), vol. 2, p. 220. 16. One of the most famous books in the Hippocratic corpus, the Aphorisms were an anthology of medical precepts written in the fourth century B.C. At the end of his career, Lister would publish a commentary on the aphorisms: Martin Lister, Hippocratis Aphorismi: cum commentariolo (London: A. and J. Churchill, 1703). 17. John Wilkins (1614–1672) became Bishop of Chester in 1668. 18. Literally “presbyters” in the Latin, translated as elder or priest depending on the denomination. 19. Ray was unable to subscribe to the Act of Uniformity of 1661, which obliged him to give up his fellowship at Trinity College, Cambridge. His future participation as a clergyman in the affairs of the Established Church was also denied. Although biographers such as Raven have identified Ray as of the Puritan inclination, McMahon has found no evidence of Ray’s Puritan leanings. She attributes Ray’s motives in leaving Trinity to an aversion at taking oaths and in being an active participant of the Church. As many of his colleagues had also left Cambridge, he may have found “Restoration Cambridge uncongenial.” In this letter he continued to justify his “voluntary absence from clerical office by an aversion to imposed oaths.” See Susan McMahon, “John Ray (1627–1705) and the Act of Uniformity 1662,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 54, 2 (May 2000), pp. 153–178, on p. 165. 20. Previous correspondence with Thomas Briggs indicated that Lister was presumably under pressure from his parents, particularly his father, Sir Martin Lister, to remain at his fellowship at St John’s. Lister was given, however, a royal dispensation dated 19 June 1668, requiring the College to continue him in his fellowship until a fellowship in Physic became available. See Gunther (1939), vol. 12, p. 316. 21. All fellows at Cambridge were obliged to take holy orders and be celibates, a requirement not removed until 1861. See E.S. Leedham-Green, A Concise History of the University of Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 57–59. Lister’s dispensation would have overcome the problem of holy orders. 22. The identity of “Mr. South” is unknown. Francis Jessop’s mother was a daughter of Sir Francis South, and so this may have been a relative of Lister’s friend. See Raven (1986), p. 148. But it is clear that Lister had never taken holy orders. South is also mentioned in Ray’s letter to Lister of 10 September 1668. 23. Samuel Howlett (1644–1671), a fellow of St John’s with whom Lister was previously acquainted. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 10 September 1668, note 47. 24. Middleton Hall, now in Staffordshire, where Ray worked with Francis Willughby from 1666 until 1672. 0119 Lister to Lister 197

0119 Jane Lister to Martin Lister London, 9 November [1668]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 64. Date is from context. Address: this | To Mr Martin Lister | fellow of St Johns | Coleidge in Cambridg. Postmark: Bishop Mark no/14 [November 14]. Printed: Goulding (1900), pp. 333–334.

London Novem: th. 9

Deare Brother my neece Hambleton2 is now going into france and she desirs to take a Chapline with her if she Could light of a good one. She presents her servis to you and desirs the favour of you to inquire out one for her She would alow him 20 pound a yeare and his Lodging and diat and washing rather then not have a sober discreet man she will give 30, she doth intend for france one munday next, she desirs you to take your owen time for prouiding her such a one if it be a quarter of a yeare before he come over to her She is willing to stay so Long, I am very well pleased with London and uery much obligd to Sir George3 and my neece for ther kindnesse to me on munday—come seuen-night4 I doe intend for Burwell where I heare my company is uery much desired by the old man I dare not trespas on his patience any longer,5 I should Like Burwell as well as the Co\u/rt if I had the plesure of your Company there. Deare Brother doe not be so much in Loue with your Malincholy Cell6 but Let us haue you at Burwell this winter which would would be the greatest plesure in the world and nothing would be so exceptable to her who is the greatest Louer of you and who dos pationatly desire to be beliued your affectionat sister and saruant

Jane Lister

1. Susanna Lister’s letter of 20 November 1668 indicates Francis Hamilton (née Jennings) was planning to go to France that year. 2. Frances Jennings (1649–1731). Frances was the older sister of Sarah Jennings (1660–1744) who would become Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough. Frances was married to George Hamilton, an Irish Catholic officer in the Horse Guards, which may explain why she did not want an English chaplain who was too thoroughly Protestant and exacting. 3. Sir George Hamilton. See Susanna Lister’s letter of 20 November 1668, note 8. 4. A week. 5. Susanna Lister, in her letter of 20 November 1668, mentioned to Martin that Jane would be in Burwell shortly. 6. Lister’s student rooms at St John’s College, Cambridge. 198 Lister to Lister 0120

0120 Susanna Lister to [Martin Lister] [Burwell, Lincolnshire] 20 November [1668]1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols 91–92. Susanna wrote on the wrapper “Jeny comes not home tell the next weeke, my daughter hamelton is gon for france I he[a]r. if [[two words]].” The last part of the text is obscured by a wax seal. Address: thes | to Mr Marten lister at St | Jo hns Colladg in cambredg | present | leave this at the post hows | in Roistan, to be sent.2 Postmark: pd at Lincolne 2d.

Dear marten,

I wrote to you a monthe sence but I never heard from \you/ sence, and your fathar wondars much at it, he would have you give the bishope of Cantarbury3 some time \a visit/ for he thinkes it is very fiting you should do so; if you do go I beleeve you may ly at my daughter Jenins4 lodging, she lyes at a hows in her[t] for[dsh]er[e], the next dor to the medell nayell5 gat[e].6 I know she wilbe glad of your company, your Sister Jayne7 is coming home, she askes \of you/ willes8 at home on satur day, and then we shall know when my daughter Hamelton9 gos into france, for as yet we do not know, my daughter Barkem is not yet brought to bead, but hear reken10 is out on sattar day. hear is no nuse, only I hear mr sarsen is ded. I grow every day weeker and weker, and often sicke, the lord fit me for my dieing.11 your father is not resolved which way to dispos of my sone matthew,12 but I thinke he will send him into the barbadows,13 with a marchant that in a plant[at]ion ther, not far from my uncle Tempell,14 this marchant knows him very well, thus with our blesing upon your indevars, I rest your loving mother

Su: Lister nove the 20.

1. The reference to “Sister Barkhem” dates this letter. Frances Barkham, née Lister (1644– 91), was Lister’s younger sister. She had three children baptized at Burwell: Frances, who was baptized in October 1667 and died two months later; Susanna, who was baptized at Burwell on 15 December 1668; and Mary who was not baptized until 7 May 1670, dying one day later. As Susanna Lister died in 1669 and her letter was sent in November, Frances must have been pregnant with her second child, dating this letter as 1668. See Maddison, Lincolnshire Pedigrees, vol. 1, p. 86. 2. Reston, Lincolnshire, about six miles from Burwell. 0120 Lister to Lister 199

3. See Susanna Lister’s letter to Martin Lister of 4 November 1667, note 5. 4. Frances Thornhurst Jennings, Susanna’s firstborn daughter with her first husband Sir Gifford Thornhurst (1598–1627), Baronet of Agnes Court, Kent. Subsequently Susanna married Sir Martin Lister in 1636. 5. “Medal-nailed gate.” Frances Thornhurst Jennings was apparently at home at the Jennings’s estate at Water End House, Sandridge, Hertfordshire. 6. Possibly Agnes Court, the manor of Agnes, in Old Romney Kent, which, though owned by the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury Cathedral, had been leased by the Thornhursts and to Frances Jennings. See A.T. Thomson, Memoirs of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough and the court of Queen Anne (London: Henry Colburn, 1839). 7. Lister’s younger sister, Jane (d. 1726). 8. “Will is” at home, a reference to Lister’s brother. 9. Lister’s niece Frances Jennings (1649–1731). Frances was the older sister of Sarah Jennings (1660–1744) who would become Sarah Churchill, Duchess of Marlborough. Frances was married to George Hamilton, an Irish Catholic officer in the Horse Guards. In the late 1660s, with the growing fears of French military strength in Europe, there was correspondent anti-Catholicism in England, exacerbated by the humiliating English defeat at the end of the second Dutch War in 1667. The Great Fire of 1666 was also popularly blamed on Catholics. As a result, Parliament pressured Charles ii to command the execution of penal laws against Catholics, including the disarming and dismissal of Papist soldiers. George Hamilton, having commenced his military career, was threatened with the loss of everything. However, as George had connections in France during his boyhood, a private overture was made to him to bring with him to Paris the men dismissed from English service. With Charles ii’s consent, Hamilton accepted the offer, and the other Roman Catholics in the Lifeguards agreed to go with him. Those who were natives of Scotland were incorporated with the ancient Compagnie des Gendarmes écossais of the Royal Guards; the rest were formed into another Company, called the Gendarmes anglais of which Louis named himself the captain, and George Hamilton his Captain-Lieutenant. In 1667, Charles ii knighted George Hamilton as a successor to his father’s baronetcy, and King Louis xiv appointed Hamilton as Captain-Lieutenant that year as well. In February 1668, Hamilton left England permanently to make a home for his wife and daughter in Paris. See John Cornelius O’ Callaghan, History of the Irish Brigades in the Service of France (Shannon: Irish University Press, 1969), p. 50; Philip Sergeant, Little Jennings and Fighting Dick Talbot: A Life of the Duke and Duchess of Tyrconnel (London: Hutchinson and Company, 1913), pp. 203–205. 10. “Her reckon.” (her reckoning meaning her due date). 11. Susanna did not pass away until 1669. 12. There are several letters in this sequence from Susanna to Martin about his wayward younger brother. 13. She referred to the Barbados, the foremost English possession in the seventeenth century. See Larry Dale Gragg, Englishmen transplanted: the English colonization of Barbados, 1627–1660 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003). 14. It is not known which relative of Susanna’s this was. She did have a cousin who was a lieutenant in the English navy called Sands Temple, the son of her uncle John Temple of Francton, Warwickshire. See John Nichols, The History and Antiquities of the County of Leicester (London, 1811), vol. iv, part 2, pp. 960–961. 200 Lister to Ray 0121

0121 Martin Lister to John Ray [22 November 1668]1

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 8, letter 21. The last few lines and signature have been cut off in the folio volume’s binding. Derham has included annotations on the letter. Address: No address present. Reply to: Ray’s letter to Lister of 31 October 1668. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 36–38; Lankester (1848), pp. 31–32; Harley (1992), pp. 163–165; Valle (2004), pp. 227–228. (All partial transcriptions.)

M.L.D. Johanni Wray, suo S.D.

Quod tibi otium nostrum probavimus, vehementer gaudeo. At quid ni me quaeris praecipuam artem, cujus tu non et author et praemonstrator fueris! aranearum nudi Tituli tibi arrisere: neque dubito, quin integrae earum Historiae magis placuissent, ita res plane novas observavimus. Sed librum mutilare nolui, in quo nomen tuum amicitiae nostrae ergo inscripseram, neque in prae- sentia alia transcribam, quam quae à me quaeris. Itaque scito in Micrographia D. Hook duas araneas nostras perstringi, quarum nomina habes, nimirum unam Araneum rufam non cristatam, etc., alteramque de qua quaeris, salta- tricem cineream, etc., atque hac etiam in nostra insula frequentissima est, et apertoque marte venatur solertissima bestiola, ejusque venationis modum elegantissimis verissimisque verbis enarravit D. Evelyn noster. Quod autem ego istam ejaculationem fili non ignoraveram, tibi abunde testetur aranea volucris nostra: imo vero feré omnes, quibus est materia ad fila remittenda, idem plane factitant: sed eâ praecipuè delectari videtur, quam ideo volucrem appellavi an quòd in ea hanc rem primum notavi. Ast ipsam rem à principio audi. profectò si mecum fuisses mense Septembri jucundissimo spectaculo te beâssem nam possis meminisse tum plures serenissimos dies coutinenter illuxisse, quales tu et ego toties admirati sumus in illa felici Gallia Narbonensi. Ego, inquam, tum temporis araneas conquirendo, mirificas illas Telas coelitùs delapsas propius considerare volui, in quibus pertractandis forté incidi in hanc araneam, mihi nunquam antea visam. hac ego novitate mire commotus, alias illico telas inter- cipio, aliasque easdem araneas itidem notavi. Atqui ne adhuc quidem suspic- ari potui, eam tot tantarumque telarum authorem fuisse. forte in diebus paucis dum attendo artificio aliarum mihius notissimarum aranearum, subitò ab instituto destitit ea, quam contemplatus sum, atque resupinata anum in ven- tum dedit, filumque ejaculata est quo planè modo fortissimus \robustissimus/ juvenis è distentissima vesica urinum. miror inusitatum morem bestiolae, 0121 Lister to Ray 201

videoque jam filum in plures ulnas remissum fluctuansque in aere; mox verò insiluit ipsa bestiola, eoque rapiebatur, quo ducebat filum emo etiamnum fer- miter adhaerens, supraque non nimium humiles arbores evecta est. ego laetus alias quaero, eandemque rem mihi postea confirmarunt infinita pene experimenta. atque illud quoque ab assidua observatione huc accedit, quod penè incredibile est, rem tamen plane conficit, nimirum dum ita volant, prioribus pedibus celerrimé circumactis, id omne longissimum filum ad se retrahunt, inque glomerem aut floccos implicant, subinde nova ob vecturam [[one word]] fila sufficiendo remittendoque. Tantam ego nec jam copiam miror hujusmodi telarum, cum tot earum authores sint; nec modum fiendi, quem tibi satis, ut puto, exposui; nec materiam cum hae telae plane eaedem sint quae caeterae domesticae. unum illud est \de/ quo dubites, has telas paulo teneriores esse, at tu cogites velim calorem solis, et si ita minus credas, fac experimentum ad ignem an recens tela aut fortasse vetus macerata non in eandem plane albe- dinem teneritudinemque coquatur. Sed de his hactenus: alia plura huc pertinentia, si rem fortasse jam minus illustraverim, tuque ea desideres, libenter expediam communicaboque. Cochleae, quas Superiori anno observeram, spiris è dextra in sinistram tortis tibi visae sunt res dignae notitia vestri amplis- simi Collegii. certe scio non parvi facies originem harum telarum, de quibus quantas nugas apud scriptores etiam recentissimos! ut aliquando homines etiam natures liberae, cum eam satis jam vexent, [[one word]] \diligenter/ attendant. nam video somnia vulgò philosophantium jam diu planè exoles- cere. De Formicarum aculeo, nihil mihi rescribis, cujus tamen, quod scio, nemo hactenus val levissimam mentionem fecit. Vides gloriolam nostram. ni his verò studiis aemulum nostrum tantum virum D. Willoughby summe honore prose- quor: neque enim aliud mihi magis gratius facere possis, quam ut ex te certo intellegat, tibique persuasum habeat me et communium studiorum causa et hac amicitia et suo singulari splendore sibi devinctissimum esse. Quod reli- quum est sacris initiatus non sum, nec fore cogito, esse ita requirit sodalitatis mei conditio, atque ad[[huc]]2 hic sum ex permissu collegii et non meo jure. nam literis regiis resistere nolui, quas tamen ex consilio et suasu amicorum aliquis mihi procurasset. D. Howlet, qui nuper ad nos Londini reversus est, te jubet salvere; habemus jam circiter his [this sentence is incomplete] . . .3

Martin Lister to John Wray, warmest greetings.

I am delighted by your approval of my leisure activities. But why do you look for a particular accomplishment in me, when you originated it, and guided me to it! You liked the unadorned Titles of Spiders; I have no doubt that you would have been even more pleased with their complete histories, such was 202 Lister to Ray 0121 the novel nature of the phenomena I have observed.4 But I was reluctant to disfigure a book in which I had written your name in token of our friendship, and I shall for the present only write what you asked of me. So, be assured that in the Micrographia of Mr Hook, our two spiders are alluded to; whose names you have, one of them certainly as the reddish spider without a crest &c., and the other you asked about the ashen-grey jumper &c.;5 the latter is very common in our island too. This expert little animal engages in open warfare, and our good friend Mr Evelyn has given a most elegant and accurate description of the way it hunts.6 However, my flying spider furnishes abundant proof that I was not unacquainted with the way it shoots out its thread, indeed almost all those creatures which have the material for releasing threads certainly practice the same procedure, but that Spider especially seems to enjoy it, which I have designated the bird spider for that reason, or perhaps because I first noted this habit in that species.7 But listen to the actual story from the beginning; certainly if you had been with me in September I would have gladdened your heart with a delightful spectacle. You may remember the long spell of sunshine and fine weather then, such as you and I have so often enjoyed in that happy land of Narbonne in the south of France.8 At that time, then, I was collecting Spiders, and I wanted to examine more closely those marvelous strands which fall from the sky, and in those investigations chanced upon this Spider which I had never seen before. I was astonished by this new discovery; I got hold of some of the threads on the spot, and in like manner I noted other spiders of the same sort. Yet I could never even have suspected until then that this one was the maker of such a large number of webs of that size. It so happened that in a few days, while I was studying the craftsmanship of other Spiders familiar to me, suddenly the one I was watching left off what it was doing, and bending backwards it pointed its anus into the wind and shot forth a thread in exactly the way a strapping young man expels urine from his swollen bladder. I was surprised at the creature’s unusual behavior, then I saw the thread stretched for many feet and waved in the air; soon, however, the Spider herself jumped upon it and was swept away wherever the thread took her, while still clinging tightly to it, and was borne over some quite tall trees. I was delighted and looked for others; the very same phenomenon was demonstrated to me in almost countless observations. But there is another fact to be added to this by unremitting observation, which though almost incredible yet is definitely proven: that is, that while they are flying along, their front legs whirling rapidly around, they haul back to themselves the whole of this very long thread and wind it into a ball or loops, constantly replenishing and releasing new threads for their flight. I am no longer puzzled by the abundance of webs of this kind, when there are so many Spiders that are the makers of them; 0121 Lister to Ray 203 nor by the way they are made, which I think I have sufficiently expounded to you; nor by the material, when these webs are obviously the same as the others which are found in houses. There is just one matter on which you may be doubtful, whether these webs are not rather delicate; but I would have you consider the heat of the sun, or that if you find that hard to believe, make experiment before a fire to see whether a fresh web or perhaps an old soaked one is not in fact baked into the same whiteness and softness. But so much for that; there are many other related matters which, if by chance I have insufficiently explained and you would like them, I shall gladly relate and impart to you. Those Snails that I had observed last year, with shells coiled from right to left, you thought facts worthy of the notice of your renowned Society.9 Certainly, I know that you will not make light of the origin of these threads (and what a lot of nonsense there is about them in even the most recent writers!), so that sometime hereafter men may pay careful attention even to wild Nature, when they have already troubled her enough. For I see the idle dreams of philosophers everywhere have now long been fading away. Concerning the sting of Ants, you send me no reply, and yet, as I know full well, no one hitherto has made the slightest mention of it.10 You see how little my grand schemes count for [[one word]] redeemed by the fact that in these pursuits I show my rival, that most distinguished gentleman Mr. Willoughby, the utmost respect. Indeed you could do me no more welcome service than by giving him to understand for a certainty and with conviction that I am under the greatest obligation to him because of our shared enthusiasms, and his unparalleled distinction. As for other news, I have not taken holy orders, nor do I think that this will happen, but the terms of my fellowship demand it, and I remain here by permission of the college, and am dependent on this. For I was reluctant to take a stand against the royal mandate, which one of my friends could have obtained for me by his advice and powers of persuasion.11 Mr. Howlet, who recently returned to us in London, sends his best wishes.12 In respect of these matters I now have . . .

1. Derham included this date on the original manuscript, along with the phrase “Darting of Spiders.” The letter itself is either undated, or the date is cut off with the signature. 2. The binding has cut off the word at this point. 3. The letter is cut off at this point. 4. Lister is referring to his catalogue of English spiders which would be published eventually by the Society as: “Extracts of Three Letters, One, Concerning Some Philosophical Inquiries about Spiders, together with a Table of 33 Sorts of Spiders to be Found in England . . . ,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2170–2178. This table would serve as the basis for Lister’s Tractatus de Araneis (1678), his revolutionary tract on spiders contained in his Historiae Animalium. 204 Ray to Lister 0122

5. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 31 October 1668, note 4. 6. Hooke includes John Evelyn’s observations of spiders, made whilst he was traveling in Italy. 7. This is the first comprehensive report of so-called “ballooning spiders” for which Lister was given the credit of discovery. Ray had received a similar, less detailed report from Dr. Edward Hulse about the same phenomenon. Lister’s account would be published as: “Some Observations Concerning the Odd Turn of Some Shell-Snailes, and the Darting of Spiders . . . ” Phil Trans., 4 (1669), pp. 1011–1016; Martin Lister, “On the manner of spiders projecting their threads,” Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), p. 2104. The activity of ballooning is especially prevalent in the temperate regions of the Northern Hemisphere among a small species of the family Linyphiidae, as well as among juvenile spiders from larger species. See Edward Duffey, “Aerial Dispersal in Spiders,” pp. 187–191 and Roos, (2011), chapter 5, passim. 8. This is a reference to Ray and Lister’s simpling expeditions outside Montpellier in the 1660s, when Lister was studying medicine. 9. This observation was published in the same article reporting ballooning spiders. See note 7. 10. See Ray’s reply of 6 December 1668. Ray first mentioned his work with ant stings to Lister in his letter of 10 September 1668. 11. Lister’s remarks concern his resolution to leave his fellowship at St John’s College, Cambridge. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 15 March 1668, note 1; Roos, (2011), p. 95. 12. Samuel Howlett (1644–1671), a fellow of St John’s with whom Lister was previously acquainted. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 10 September 1668, note 47.

0122 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 6 December 1668

Source: nhm Ray 1, fol. 9, letter 23. Tight binding has made some of the text unreadable. Although the letter has no paragraph breaks, they have been inserted for clarity. Reply to: nhm Ray 1, fol 8, letter 21. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 40–41; Lankester (1848), pp. 34–36; Gunther (1928), pp. 120–121; Harley (1992), p. 165; Valle (2004), p. 228. (All partial transcriptions.)

Johannes Wray D. Martino Lister suo S.D.

Quod partem aliquam lucubrationum tuarum mihi inscribere destinaveris, plurimum me tibi debere agnosco, proque tam insigni tuâ voluntate et propenso in me animo gratias quas possum maximas refero lubens meritò. Interim tamen monendus es, ne dum affectui nimium indulgeas minùs prudenter agas. Quin potiùs, dum integra adhuc res est, deligas tibi patronum aliquem ex antesigna- 0122 Ray to Lister 205 nis illis, magnis literarum luminibus, unde et operi tuo aliquid dignitatis et tibi ipsi fructûs accedere possit. Ego enim ut qui tenuitatis meae nimis conscius sum, haud equidem tali me dignor honore. Quod ad quaesita mea cumulatè et perspiciuè respondisti, addito insuper corollario, de filis illis longissimis in aëre volitantibus, quae tantopere stupet philosophantium vulgus, quorumque ineptas nescio quas et ridiculas causas fingit, pergratum habeo. Ego verò de hisce \quoque/ te consuluissem superiore epistolâ ni è memoriâ excidisset, quamvis et ipse Araneorum ea opus esse nunquam dubitaverim. Sanè omnia haec tibi explorata et prospecta fuisse ex ipsismet specierum titulis antea con- jectabam. Et has et superiores tuas observationes dignissimas censeo quae Soc. Reg. communicentur, quod et faciam tuo nomine tuisque verbis si tibi ità visum fuerit. Quamvis, ut nihil dissimulem, ex quo huc veni, dum philosophi- cas transactiones, quas vocant, lectito \mense octobri editas/, literis ex insulâ Bermudensi ad societatem scriptis simile quiddam observatum animadverto; quod tamen in tantâ telarum et Aranearum magnitudine nemini non obvium et factu facillimum fuit. Scribit enim Bermudensis ille telas \eas/ adeò crassas et validas esse, ut vel turdis irretiendis sufficiant. Superest ut tibi aperiam, me jam in sylloge proverbiorum Anglicanorum (quam olim meditatus adagia undique tum ex familiarium colloquiis et ore vulgi, tum ex libris editis conqui- siveram) ordinanda et adornanda totum esse; eamque brevi cum commentari- olis in lucem emittere ni quid vetas, cogitare. Tu verò orandus es ut symbolum tuum conferas, et siqua minùs vulgaria et non invenusta adagia observaveris, aliquando ea nobis communicare non graveris. Memini me non ita pridem videsse apud D. Dent libellum cuius et titulum et Autoris nomen oblitus sum, memini tantum tractare illum praecipue et tradere ea quae ad mores, vesti- tum, ornatum, gestum, in universum decorum in \omni vita et/ conversatione civili observandum (bien seance Galli vocant) pertinent; addidit etiam proverbiorum fasciculum, tu si librum investigaveris et quae in rem meam sint exerpseris rem mihi gratissimam facies. Formicarum nulla à me facta mentio, quoniam nihil certi haberem quod scriberem. An aculeum habeant nec ne, fateor mihi nondum experientiâ constare: nec enim periculum feci deses et negligens cùm mihi promptissimum fuit. Tu cùm id mihi persuadere conaris argumentis potiùs contendis quam ad αὐτοψίαν provocas. Ds. Willughby affir- mat in minoribus formicis (nam majores in hâc viciniâ nullae) sibi quaesitum, non visum tamen quamvis \aculeum/ an fortè oculorum vitio? Nam famulus, cuius ministerio usus est, adesse asserit. Ego verò expertus sum Formicas illas majusculas quas nostrates Horse-ants vocant, si illarum cumulos baculo aliquandiu agitaveris liquorem quendam acerrimum in baculum excernere aceto destillato non longè dissimilem, nisi quòd nares vehementius feriat. Cuius experimenti Dr. Fisher me primùm commonefecit cum Sheffeldiâ essem, qui 206 Ray to Lister 0122 et asseruit è formicis illis in curcurbitam conjectis se liquorem ejusmodi destillando elicuisse. In quot angustias et laqueos compulerint homines minime quidem malos, at timidiores, de futuro non securos, et pauperiem veritos: quae miserorum conscientiis vulnere inflixerit. Dices non ignorare candidatos qua conditione \in collegium sociorum/ admittendi sunt, quod jusjurandum praestare debeant tenentur, verum quidem id est; at sunt plerique omnes qui sodalitia ambiunt (in nonnullis saltem Collegiis) κομιδῆ νέοι temerarii et praecipites, quidvis agere et pati parati, modo parentum et tutorum voluntatibus obsequantur, et voto- rum \suorum/ compotes fiant. Quidni ego \de hisce/ apud te libere conquerar, cum et ipse ab ejusmodi statutis me male multatum sentiam. D. Howlett plurimam salutem impertias meo nomine. Gratulor vobis quem nacti estis the- saurum; nec invideo aliis bonum, (ut Plinii verbis utar), quo ipse careo, sed è contra potius voluptatem quandam jucunditatemque percipio, si quae mihi denengantur amicis superesse video. D. Willughby te vicissim salutat, et pros- pere in eodem stadio currenti successus vovet. Episcopum Cestriensem hîc propediem expectamus, namque nos in transitu se invisurum promisit. Verùm illius adventus hoc temporis articulo mihi non usque quaque gratus, quoniam subvereor nè Versionem libri sui vehementiùs urgeat, ego autem aliàs occu- patissimus, tot simul negotiis vix sufficiout. Quid ergo malùm tibi in mentem venerit, inquies, ut tam prolixam epistolam scriberes? Nescio quomodo materia id suasit, nec paucioribus expedire potui quae tibi communicanda habui. Ignoscas pro hac vice, in posterum cautior ero ne quid hac in parte delinquam. Nec tamen officium scribendi penitus negligam, quoniam amicitiam nostram nullo modo refrigescere vellem, quae est, ut Aristoteles recte definit εὔνοια ἐν τοῖς ἀντιπεπονθόσι μὴ λανθάνονσα et proinde fomento ei opus est, nè paulatim extinguatur. Sed manum de tabula, ne non tam epistolam quam libellum scribere videar, vale.

Dabam Mediae villae viiivo. Id Decemb. 1668.1

John Wray sends greetings to his dear Mr. Martin Lister

I acknowledge that I am greatly indebted to you for your intention of dedicat- ing some part of your work to me, and I am happy to render you all the thanks I can for your remarkable act of kindness and feelings of affection for me.2 At the same time, however, I must warn you not to show a lack of commonsense by indulging your warm feelings for me to excess. Why could you not, while the opportunity still exists, choose instead some patron for yourself out of those leading lights, those great luminaries of learning, as a consequence of which 0122 Ray to Lister 207 your work might be blessed with some additional prestige and you personally with some additional advantage. For I am only too aware of my own meager standing, and do not consider myself worthy of such an honor. I am most grateful for your thorough and clear reply to my questions, with the added deduction about those extremely long threads streaming through the air, so exceedingly perplexing to the common herd of philosophers, for which they invent such awkward and ridiculous causes.3 Indeed I would have asked your opinion on these matters also in my earlier letter, had it not slipped my memory, though I too have never doubted that they were the work of spiders. Certainly I previously conjectured that you had explored and looked into the whole question, from the very names of the species themselves. I suggest that both these and your earlier observations very strongly merit communication to the Royal Society, and I shall do this in your name and in your words, should you think fit. However, to be truthful, when, following my arrival here, I was perusing the Philosophical Transactions published in October, I noticed a similar observation in a letter written to the society from the island of Bermuda, although with webs and spiders of such a size that it was obvious to anyone and very easily made.4 For that Bermudan correspondent writes that their webs are so thick and strong that they are able to ensnare even thrushes. It remains for me to reveal to you that I am now wholly absorbed in arranging and annotating a collection of English proverbs5 (some time ago when I was planning this I sought sayings from all possible sources including conversations with close friends, the lips of the common people and published books), and plan to publish it soon with some brief comments, unless you have any objection. I must however ask you to make your own contribution, and, if you take note of any sayings that are not too vulgar or unattractive, to be willing to communicate them to me at some time. I remember that not so long ago I saw a little book in Mr. Dent’s6 house the name and author of which I have forgotten, and I remember only that in particular it discussed and handed down matters relevant to behavior, dress, decoration, gesture, and in general terms what forms of seemliness should be observed in every life and civil intercourse (which the French call ‘bien séance’).7 It also added a little bundle of proverbs, and if you will track it down and excerpt anything from which I can benefit you will be doing me a great favor. I have made no mention of ants because I had nothing of certainty to write.8 I admit that I have not yet proven by experiment whether they have a sting or not, for in my indolence and carelessness I failed to conduct a test when it would have been easiest for me. When you endeavor to persuade me of this, you are pressing your case with arguments rather than challenging me to see 208 Ray to Lister 0122 for myself. Mr. Willughby states that he has looked for a sting in lesser ants, (for he has none of the larger kind in his neighborhood), but has failed to see any, although this may be because of his poor eyesight, for a servant whose assistance he employed declared that stings were present. I have found that if you shake the ant-hills of those largish ants which our fellow-countrymen call ‘horse-ants’ for some time with a stick they excrete a sort of highly pungent liquid onto the stick which is not very different from distilled vinegar, except that it strikes the nose with greater vehemence. Dr. Fisher advised me of this experiment when I was in Sheffield, and he declared that when he had cast ants of this type into a gourd he extracted a liquid of that kind by distillation.9 How many are the difficulties and snares into which they have driven men who are by no means evil, but somewhat fearful, insecure about the future, and afraid of poverty.10 What wounds has he inflicted on the consciences of wretched persons? You will say that candidates are well aware of the condition on which they are to be admitted as fellows to the college, and the oath they are bound to swear, and this is true. And yet nearly all of those who apply for fellowships (at least in some colleges) are unruly young men, rash and head- strong, prepared to do and to suffer anything, provided that they obey the wishes of their parents and guardians, and achieve their own wishes. And why should I not complain to you freely about these matters, since I feel that I too have been badly treated by these statutes? Please give Mr. Howlett my warmest greetings.11 I congratulate you on the store of treasure you have acquired, and, (to use Pliny’s words) I do not envy others a good which I myself lack, but on the contrary I feel some pleasure and joy if I see my friends enjoying what is denied to me. Mr. Willughby greets you in turn, and prays for success for anyone who competes to good effect in the same race. I am expecting the bishop of Chester12 to arrive here soon, for he promised to visit me as he was passing through. But his arrival at this particular point is not entirely welcome to me, since I am somewhat fearful that he may press the translation of his book more forcefully, whilst I am very busy with other matters, and am scarcely able to keep up with so many tasks simultaneously. And so, you will say, what the devil has induced you to write such a lengthy letter? Somehow or other the subject matter persuaded me, and I was unable to explain in fewer words what I had to communicate with you. Just excuse me on this one occasion, and in future I shall be more careful to be deficient in this respect. Yet I shall not entirely neglect the duty of writing, since I should not wish our friendship to grow cool in any way, friendship being, as Aristotle correctly defines it, “acknowledged good-will between those who share the same feelings,”13 and consequently it requires fuel, if it is not be gradually 0122 Ray to Lister 209 extinguished. But let me put down my pen at this point, lest I should appear to have written not so much a letter as a little book.

Sent from Middleton on the 6th of December, 1668.

1. At this point, Derham wrote: “i.e. Dec. 6.” 2. Lister referred to his intent in his previous letter. 3. Ray referred to Lister’s queries about ballooning spiders. The work would appear in the Philosophical Transactions as “Some Observations Concerning the Odd Turn of Some Shell- Snailes, and the Darting of Spiders . . . ,” Phil. Trans., 4 (1669), pp. 1011–1016. John Ray contributed the paper anonymously on Lister’s behalf to the Society. 4. A reference to part of a letter sent to Oldenburg from Bermuda by Richard Stafford: “Here are Spiders, that spin Webbs betwixt Trees standing seven or 8 fathoms asunder; and they do their work by spirting their Webb into the Air, where the Wind carries it from Tree to Tree. This Webb, when finisht, will snare a Bird as big as a Thrush.” From Richard Stafford, “An Extract of a Letter, written to the Publisher from the Bermudas by Mr. Richard Stafford; concerning the Tides there, as also Whales, Sperma Ceti, strange Spiders-Webbs, some rare Vegetables, and the Longevity of the Inhabitants,” Phil. Trans., 3 (1668), pp. 791–796. 5. Ray’s Collection of English proverbs, published in 1670. 6. Ray’s friend Peter Dent (d. 1689), a Cambridge apothecary who contributed to John Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae in 1670. 7. Loosely translated as decorum. In addition to being the subject of many conduct books, bien séance was a key component of French classicism in both theater and the novel and in aes- thetics. See for instance, Bien-Seance de la Conversation entre les hommes. Communis vitae inter homines scitae urbanitas (Lyon: Claude Morillon, 1618). Laura Auriccio, “The Laws of Beinséance and the Gendering of Emulation in Eighteenth-Century French Art Education,” Eighteenth- Century Studies, 36, 2 (Winter 2003), pp. 231–240. 8. Lister had queried Ray in his previous letter about the sting of ants. Though Lisa Rosner has claimed that it was not until the eighteenth century that Andreas Sigismund Marggraf (1709–1782) distilled formic acid from ants, Francis Jessop was engaged in distilling it in 1670. Jessop reported his work to the Royal Society with Samuel and John Fisher, two Sheffield physicians. See Lisa Rosner, “Ants in the Academy: Formic Acid and the University Dissemination of Enlightenment Science,” Eighteenth-Century Thought, 2 (2004), pp. 207–223; William Armytage, “Francis Jessop, 1638–1691: A Seventeenth Century Sheffield Scientist,” Notes and Queries (2 August 1652), pp. 343–346, on p. 344. Lister quickly realized the acidic nature of the ants’ sting, publishing his speculations in Martin Lister, “Some observations, Touching Colours, in Order to the Increase of Dyes, and the Fixation of Colours,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2132–2136, on pp. 2132–2133. 9. “Dr. Fisher” referred to either Samuel or John Fisher, Sheffield physicians and brothers who were friends of Francis Jessop. They were the sons of James Fisher, ejected from the vicarage of Sheffield in 1662, and their sister married Timothy Jollie, pastor at the Independent Church which their father had founded after his ejection. See Raven (1986), p. 148; Armytage (1952), pp. 343–346. Ray would discuss the Fisher’s observations in: John Wray, “Extract of a Letter, Written by Mr. John Wray to the Publisher January 13. 1670. Concerning Some Un-Common 210 Lister to Ray 0123

Observations and Experiments Made with an Acid Juyce to be Found in Ants,” Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), pp 2063–2066. Tight binding at this point in the original folio volume means that the transition to Ray’s next topic is lost. 10. The Latin in this sentence appears to be corrupt, but the meaning is clear. Ray is referring to fellows of Oxford and Cambridge Colleges. As a former fellow of Trinity College who had come out of poverty, he could be describing himself. Ray had to resign his fellowship from Trinity College on 24 August 1662 as he would not swear to the Act of Uniformity. As McMahon has shown, however, it would be far too simple to conclude Ray was a radical Presbyterian or nonconformist; the evidence shows he simply been increasingly “dissatisfied with the intellectual climate” of Restoration Cambridge and possessed an “aversion to imposed oaths.” See Susan McMahon, “John Ray and the Act of Uniformity 1662,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 54, 2 (May 2000), pp. 131–151. As Lister had also experienced some distress when he resigned his fellowship, Ray could commiserate with him. 11. Samuel Howlett (1644–1671), a fellow of St John’s with whom Lister was previously acquainted. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 10 September 1668, note 47. 12. John Wilkins. Ray is referring to the Latin translation of the Bishop’s An Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language (London, 1668), which Ray had made in 1667–1668. Due to Wilkins’s death in 1672, the essay was unpublished. 13. Ray is taking Aristotle’s definition from Book viii, chapter three of the Nicomachean Ethics, 1156a and 1156b. See Terence Irwin, ed. and trans., Aristotle: Nicomachean Ethics, 2nd ed. (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company, 1999), p. 121.

0123 Martin Lister to John Ray 19 December [ca. 1668]

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 9, letter 24. The letter is dated from context. The work also has written remarks in it by William Derham who did the first edition of the Ray correspondence. There are no paragraph breaks in the original; they have been inserted in the translation for clarity. Address: No address present. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 42–43 (partial); Lankester (1848), pp. 36–38; Harley (1992), p. 166; Valle (2004), pp. 228–229. (All partial transcriptions.)

M.L.D.J. Wray, suo S.D.

Quo mihi spem dederis, me brevi visurum tuos commentarios in lucem editos, maximopere gaudeo. Quod autem ad proverbia anglicana attinet, promitto, quantum in me sit, non defuturum volutati tuae. Sed scias velim, me omnino nullum esse in iis rebus: etsi quòd a te suscepta sit ista provincia posthac non negligam. Sed quam velim ne ea in mora non sint aliis tuis commentariis, 0123 Lister to Ray 211 quorum sanè incredibile desiderium me jam diu tenent, ut quos scio quàm utiles sint medicinam facientibus. Tu verò dic mihi (nam jocari per te licebit) an non ille novae linguae author à vetere rediviva vehementèr abhorreat: vereor certè ne te malitiosè interpellat. Equidem de libro, quem olim apud D. Dent vidisti nihil tibi dicam, ni polliceris te velle supprimere istud odiosissimum adagium viz. A Spider Catalogue; quod me toties male habuit. nam hoc jam nemini non in ore est; cùm me aut vident, aut verba faciunt. Vides quam mihi sit laudi in his minimis rebus versari, nedum de iis commentariolos nescio quos in lucem emittere. Sed extra jocum, neminem aeque libenter colo atque te, quem mihi amicum primùm conciliaverunt communia studia, tùm auxit tua singularis humanitas, ex jam pridem confirmarit mutua [[xxxxx]] benevolentia. Itaque certò tibi persuadeas velim me nihil temerè in lucem emittere cogitare sine tuo monitu atque hortatu; aut laudes captare in ulla re, quam tu pro summa tua eruditione et prudentia non recognoveris, emendaveris, probaveris. Quo circa cum dixi me inscripsisse nomen tuum in libro, quem de Araneis commenta- tus sum, id intelligi velim non de aliquam \ullâ/ festinatione, sed de amore et scribendi genere: neque verò huius consilii me unquam paenitebit aut mutabo. Librum quem requiris in mea potestate habeo imo vero ex dono D. Dent si ita vellem; et libenter quae in re tua essent transcriberem, si quae ea sint benè scirem: satius duxi ipsum librum transmittere; et quod nulli Tabellarii sint, qui hinc recta ad te iter faciunt, tu velim quàm primum me certiorem facias, [[xxxxxxx]] cui eum tradendum curabo Londini ubi \illum/ aliquis Tabellarius ex ista tua regione ad urbem adventans et habere et ad te transmittere satis commode poterit. Non est quod tibi pergam amplius molestum esse de Araneis; nisi quod ipse jam proxime perlegeram epistolam illius Bermudensis, ubi factum quidem enarrat, sed fiendi modum ridiculum exposuit; nimirum fila ab iis exspui, ac si ex ore Aranearum et non ex ipso ano ejacularentur: deinde istam ejaculationem, quod observavi, Araneis minime usui esse in Reticulis pertexendis, non autem ad funes eorum suspensorios adfigendos. Sed de his alias plura et exactius; interim unum addam, quod superioribus literis omisi, me compertum habere Araneas volatum exercere, non \solum/ ab oblectationem, sed etiam ut Culices aliasque bestiolas capiant, quorum incredibili vi aer circa autumnum repletur. Istam quidem venationem mirificam esse oporteat, sed ea adhuc non satis mihi innotescit: hujus tantum benè memini in istis telis longissimis me membra Culicum, alas puta pedesque etc. decerptos saepius animadvertisse, non aliter quàm in earum cubilibus et plagis. Quod ad Formicarum aculeos pertinet, oculis meis certam fidem habeo, eos quotiescunque id tentare libuit (tentavi autem saepe) visos fuisse, nec nimium breves in minoribus, tum rufis, tum nigricantibus non alatis. Nam majores [[xxxx]] μύρμηκες in nostra insula 212 Lister to Ray 0123 adhuc non observavi, in quibus tamen ii poterint esse magis conspicui. Sed jam suspicor ex proxima inquisitione D. Willughby, eos posse deesse in aliqui- bus, ut desunt alae, atque in his fortasse sexûs discrimen; aliquid alias videbi- mus. Cum vero sermonem facimus de Aculeis, ego penè persuasum habeo, eos non deesse etiam Bufonibus et Lacertis nostris, imo vero in singulis tuberculis (quae quot sint bene nosti in rugosis cuticulis harum bestiolarum) singulos aut plures aculeos abscondi, et pro arbitrio exeri. Sed haec tantum mea conjec- tura, cum experimenta quae de iis meditor commode exequi non potero. Illud verissimum est, tum Bufones tum Lacertas vexatas lactei \cuiusdam/ liquoris guttulas undique emittere; nec cur ita id faciant video, nisi subsint stimuli ad vulnus infligendum, quo tantum eas nocére arbitror. Huc accedit ob similem rationem, quod nec te nec D. Willughby latet, inter vermiculos è quibus prox- imâ foeturâ fiunt Scarabaei, unum genus reperiri passim in sylvis admodum \virosi atque/ ingrati odoris depascens folia Populi albae; hunc, inquam \vermiculum/ si lacessiveris, statim exerit duplicem ordinem stimulorum insig- nium, qui antea aut ex plano erant cum superiore parte corporis, aut certé velut parva tubercula paululum eminentes; in summis autem apicibus stimulorum stant singulae guttulae lacteae: si bestiolam vexare paulisper mittas, protimùs subsidunt et guttulae et stimuli, idque toties experiri licet, quoties animalculum vexaveris. Plura possem adjicere in hanc rem, estque tum copio- sissima tum jucundissima contemplatio de telis, quibus animalia et inferunt et propellunt injurias: sed \amplius/ nec pagina nec Epistolae modus patitur. Vale. xiv Calend. Januarias. [1666 ut opinor]1

Martin Lister to Mr. John Wray, warmest greetings

I am absolutely delighted by the hope you have given me that I will soon see your commentaries published. As for the English proverbs, I promise that as far as I am able I will not disappoint your wishes.2 But I should like you to know that I have absolutely no experience of the subject, although I shall henceforth not forget that you have begun work in this field. But how I hope that they will not prove a factor delaying your other commentaries; I have long been unbe- lievably eager for them, since I know how useful they are to those who practice medicine. But you must tell me (for you will allow me to jest) whether it is not the case that the writer, who uses a modern language, violently recoils from one who uses an ancient and revived tongue: certainly I am afraid that he may spitefully interrupt you. I shall say nothing to you about the book, which you once saw in Mr. Dent’s house,3 unless you promise that you are willing to suppress what has become 0123 Lister to Ray 213 something of proverbial hatred, that is, ‘A Spider Catalogue,’ which has so often made me suffer.4 For this is on everyone’s lips when they either see me or are chatting. You see what praise I receive when I am engaged on these trivial matters, to say nothing of publishing some little commentaries on them. But, joking aside, I respect nobody as willingly as I do yourself, whom our shared enthusiasms first won as a friend, a friendship which was then deepened by your singular charity and has for some time since been strengthened by our mutual feelings of goodwill. And so I should certainly wish you to be convinced that I am planning to publish nothing without your advice, nor do I court approval in any matter without the examination, correction and approbation which you apply through your deep learning and intelligence. When therefore I say that I have inscribed your name on the book in which I have commented on spiders, I would like my action to be understood as arising not from any hasty decision, but out of affection and the category of writing, and I shall never regret my decision or change it. I have the book which you seek available to me, and indeed Mr. Dent would give it to me as a present if I wished.5 I would be happy to copy the things in it in which you are interested if I knew well what these were. I concluded that it would be better to send the entire book. Because there are no couriers who will travel directly from here to you, I would like you to inform me as soon as possible who it is to whom I shall have it handed over in London when the courier arrives in the city from your area who can keep it and hand it on to you conveniently. I have no reason to cause you further trouble on Spiders, save that I have only just read for myself the letter of that Bermudan,6 where he does indeed describe the action but expounds a ridiculous method of effecting it, namely, that threads are vomited out by spiders as though they were ejected from the mouth and not from the anus; next (he says) this ejection, as I have observed, is of little use to spiders in weaving nets, but very useful in affixing their hanging lines. But I shall have more to say about this in greater detail at another time; meanwhile I shall add one thing, which I omitted in my earlier letter, that I have ascertained for certain that spiders can fly, not only for pleasure but also to catch gnats and other tiny creatures, with which the air is filled in incredible numbers in autumn.7 This should prove to be an amazing form of hunting, but up to now I do not know enough about it. I can well remember only the following, that I have often observed the snapped-off limbs of gnats, say their wings and feet etc., in these very long webs, just as is the case in their lairs and nets. As far as the stings of ants are concerned, I have the proof of my own eyes that they have been seen whenever it pleased me to make an attempt to do 214 Lister to Ray 0123 so (which I have often done); they are not excessively short in the case of the younger ants, which are red, blackish, and without wings. For up to now I have not observed the larger horse ants in our island, although in the case of these the stings will be more noticeable. But following Mr. Willughby’s most recent investigation8 I now suspect that some may be lacking in these, since they have no wings, and in these there may perhaps be no sexual differences: we shall see at another time. Since however we are speaking of stings, I am almost convinced that our native toads and lizards are equipped with them, and indeed that individual and groups of stings are concealed in individual little tubes (you are well aware how many of these there are in the wrinkled cuticles of these little creatures) and are brought out at will. But this is simply my conjecture, since I have not been able to complete the experiments on these properly that I intend. This however is absolutely true, that when both toads and lizards are annoyed they emit in all directions little droplets of a sort of milky liquid, and I cannot see why they do this unless there are beneath them stings for inflicting a wound, which I think is their sole means of causing harm.9 For a similar reason there is in addition something which does not escape the notice of either yourself or Mr. Willughby, that among the little worms from which scarab beetles are subsequently produced one type is found everywhere in the woods which is very slimy and foul-smelling, which feeds on the leaves of the white poplar.10 If, I say, you annoy this little worm, it at once sticks out a double row of remarkable stings, which before this lay flat on the upper part of the body, or at the least projected a little from something like a little tube. Individual milky droplets stand on the points of the stings. If you stop irritating the little creature for a short time, the droplets and stings at once subside, and you may try this out whenever you annoy the tiny beast. I could add more on this topic, and there is scope for a very ample and delightful reflection on the stings by which animals both inflict and ward off injuries, but neither the page nor the limits of the letter permit anything further. Farewell.

19th December 1668.

1. This date was inserted by William Derham, and reprinted in the Lankester edition. 2. This is presumably a reference to Ray’s Collection of English proverbs (1670) in which he included etymology and pronunciation of archaic words. 3. Peter Dent (d. 1689), a Cambridge apothecary who contributed to John Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae in 1670. 4. Lister is referring to his catalogue of English spiders, which eventually would be submitted anonymously to the Royal Society via Ray. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 23 November 1667, note 13. 0124 du Moulin to Lister 215

5. In his letter to Lister of 6 December 1668, Ray mentioned he would like to see an unidentified French work of bien séance or decorum for the purposes of his work on proverbs. 6. A reference to Richard Stafford, “An Extract of a Letter, written to the Publisher from the Bermudas by Mr. Richard Stafford; concerning the Tides there, as also Whales, Sperma Ceti, strange Spiders-Webbs, some rare Vegetables, and the Longevity of the Inhabitants,” Phil. Trans., 3 (1668), pp. 791–796. 7. Lister is reporting here on his discovery of ballooning spiders, which shoot webs to propel themselves in the air to hunt for food. 8. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 6 December 1668. 9. Some toads indeed have poison (usually parotid) glands to protect against predators. 10. This is presumably a leaf beetle, member of Chrysomela. The larvae have a row of glands each side of their bodies; each “gland is tucked within a conical structure protruding from the larva’s back, giving the insect a studded appearance.” When a potential predator disturbs the beetle, these glands produce a milky liquid with a foul smell. To create their fluid, the beetles synthesize and accumulate iridoid monoterpenes from which they produce isoxazolinone glucosides, or as in the case Lister described, they probably derive their defensive compounds (usually salicylaldehyde) from their host plant, the poplars. See James T. Costa, The Other Insect Societies (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), p. 485.

0124 Jaques du Moulin1 to Martin Lister London, 6 January 1668/9

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fol. 45. The top margin of the letter is torn. The letter has no paragraph breaks; these have been inserted these into the translation for purposes of clarity. Address: This | For my honoured friend | Mr Lister at St Johns | Colledge, In Cambridge. Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/7 [January 7].

[Lond]res ce 6e Janvier 1668

Monsieur,

Vous vous estonnez peut estre de ce que je ne vous ai pas escrit depuis si long temps, et j’avoüe mesme que j’ay tort que les obligations que je vous ay, dont je ne perdra, jamais le souvenir, mais Monsieur j’ay toujours differé de vous escrire dans l’esperance que j’avois de vous pouvoir mander quelque chose de l’affaire que vous scavez, je vous disay donc maintenant qu’ayant fait parler a ceux a qui il falloit m’adresser, ils m’ont fait dire qu’ils ne croyoient pas que la chose fust faisable, ou si elle l’estoit je ferois beaucoup mieux de la remettre a 216 du Moulin to Lister 0124 un autre temps ou tout le monde n’auroit pas tant d’affaires a la teste., je me suis [[x]]veu apres cela obligé en quelque façon de suivre cet avis afin de n’irriter pas ceux qui me l’avoient donne, et c’est tout ce que je vous puis mander la dessus. Au reste le seigneur avec qui j’estois en vostre ville a dessein toujours de passer la mer au printemps prochain et veut que je lui tienne compagnie, Cependant ces jours passés l’on m’a fait l’honneur de me recevoir parmy ceux de la societé Roiale, et j’ay esté prié de la part de la societé d’entreprendre la traduction françoise de leur histoire, dequoi j’ay esté contraint de leur donner quelques preüves qui ont esté examinées et approuvées, mais je suis resolu de ne plus poursuivre jusques a ce que je scache bien que personne n’ait encore entrepris le mesme dessein; de vous a moy Monsieur j’eviteron volontier, si je pouvois ce travail, car outre que ce sera un ouvr[[age]]2 de langue Galeine, il ne sauroit estre traduit comme il faut sans beaucoup de peine, enfin il ne faut point s’opiniastrer contre le sentiment de tous nos amis et vous savez Monsieur que j’ay esté toujours accoustumé de preserver leur satisfaction a la mesme; je vous secris a la haste et je pense que vous recevrez ceste lettre des mains de Mr Austin du College la Trinité, j’ay eu le bonheur de le trouver icy chez Madame3 lere ou j’avois loge autrefois avec feu Monsr Vivian, [c’est] un fort honneste homme et vous me ferez plaisir de l’asseurer que je fais beaucoup d’estat de son merite; donnez moy je vous prie de vos nouvelles et adressez vos lettres pour moy chez my Lord Berkeley at St Johns, Adieu donc et ayez la bonté de me croire Monsrvostre trez humble et trez obeisst serviteur

Du Moulin

[[Lon]]don,4 6 January 1668

Sir,

You will perhaps be amazed that I have not written to you for so long, and I confess although I err the obligations which I owe you and which I never cease to remember, but Sir I always deferred writing to you in the hope of sending you word of the business you know. I can tell you now that, having spoken to those to whom I had to apply myself, they gave me to understand that they did not believe [that] the undertaking was feasible, or if it was [that] I would do better to leave it to another time when everyone has less business in mind.5 After that I found myself obliged in some sort to follow that advise in order not to annoy those who gave it to me, and that is all I can relay on the matter. For the rest, the Lord with whom I was in your town still intends to go beyond the sea6 next spring and wishes me to bear him company.7 0124 du Moulin to Lister 217

However, lately they have done me the honour of receiving me as a member of the Royal Society, and I have been asked by the Society to undertake the translation of their history into French.8 I was necessitated to give them some proofs, which were examined and approved, but I resolved not to pursue it further until I was satisfied that no-one else was engaged on the same design. Between you and me, Sir, I would gladly avoid this work if I could, as although it is a work in the tongue of Galen, it could not be translated as it should be without great pains.9 In the end one should not resist the opinion of all our friends and you know, Sir, that I have always been accustomed to preserve their satisfaction in the same. I write to you in haste and I think that you will receive this letter from the hands of Mr Austin of Trinity College.10 I have had the happiness to find Madame [torn] where I lodged before with the late Monsieur Vivian.11 He is a true gentleman and I would be grateful if you could assure him that I hold his worth high. Give me I pray you your news and address your letters for me at Lord Berkeley’s at St John’s.12 Thus farewell and have the goodness to believe, Sir, that I am your very humble and obedient servant.

Du Moulin

1. Lister had met James Milne or Jacques du Moulin in Montpellier when a medical student. For his biography, see du Moulin’s letter of 16 October 1667. 2. The page is torn at this point. 3. The page is torn at this point. 4. The place name is only partially indicated as the paper was torn. 5. This may have referred to du Moulin’s proposal to do a translation into French of Thomas Sprat’s History of the Royal Society (London, 1667). See letter of 20 February 1668 of du Moulin to Lister. 6. This was a phrase commonly used in obtaining passports. 7. Presumably a reference to Lord Berkeley, du Moulin’s patron. 8. See du Moulin’s letter to Lister of 20 February 1668. 9. The tongue of the Roman physician Galen was, of course, Latin. 10. Presumably Edward Austin who was admitted as a pensioner at Trinity on 29 March 1665. Austin then was admitted at Gray’s Inn on 24 March 1668/9. See Venn, Alumni Cantabrigienses (1922–1927) vol. 1, part 2, p. 99. 11. Presumably Peter Vivian, a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, who was a colleague of John Ray and who was in Montpellier at the same time as Lister and du Moulin. See Raven (1986), p. 137. 12. For Du Moulin’s relationship with Lord Berkeley, see Du Moulin’s letter to Lister of 16 October 1667, note 5. 218 Lister to Ray 0125a

0125a Martin Lister to John Ray ca. February 1668/9

Source: rs CP/15i/23 and rs rbo/4/17. The paper was read to the Royal Society on 18 February 1668/9. It was enclosed in Skippon’s letter to Oldenburg of 16 February 1668/9. This letter will comprise Lister’s earliest published paper for the Phil. Trans., although the article was published anonymously. Lister’s paper received a “kind reception” in the Royal Society with commands to the “ingenious observer” for a “further enquiry into these matters.” (See rs el/S1/30). Address: No address present. Printed: Phil. Trans., 4 (1669), pp. 1011–1016; Harley (1992), pp. 167–169, letter 5 (partial).

Sir,

I can deny you nothing, and you may does what you please with the Notes I send you. You would know of me (you say) what I observed concerning the Odd Turn of some Shell-snailes1 with us in England, and the Darting of Spiders.2 I will tell you then of the first, that I, have found two sorts of them, easily to be distinguisht one from the other, and from all besides, because the Turn of the wreaths is from the right hand to the left, contrary to what may be seen in common Snailes. They are very small, and might therefore well escape thus long the more Curious Naturalists; neither of them much exceeding, at lest in thickness, a large Oat-corne. The first I thus describe: The open of the shell is pretty round, the second turn or wreath is very large for the proportion, and the rest of the wreaths, about the number of six, are still lessen’d to a point. This Turben or Conical figure is well near a quarter of an inch; the colour of the shell is duskish, yet when the shrunk animall gives leave, you may see day through it, and then it is of a yellowish colour. These shells are extreame brittle and tender, so that I cannot send them in a Letter: You may guess at the figure, if I tell you, they are something like those of Aldrovandus de Testaceis, markt p. 359. Turbinum levium.3 Of the second sort I send you inclosed at a venture half a dozen; (you see, in that I can so plentifully repair the loss of the former, that they are not very rare); (they seem to be much stronger and thicker shell’d; they are well near half as long again as the other, and as slender; they have the exact figure of Oat-corn, being as it were pointed at both ends, and the middle a little swelled. The open of the shell is not exactly round there being as it were pointed at both ends, and the middle a little swelled. The open of the shell is not exactly round there being a peculiar Sinus in the lower part thereof. I think, you may number 0125a Lister to Ray 219

FIGURE 3 Ulisse Aldrovandi’s figure of door snails to which Lister refers in his correspondence. Wellcome Library, London.

about 10. Spires, having their turn from the right hand to the left. The colour of the Shell is of a dark and reddish brown. There are two sorts of this make described, and with their respective Cutts, in Favius Column;4 but ours agree not with them in any thing more than the odd Turn: though ‘tis true, that the other, the third there described, and call’d by him Cochlea Terrestris turbinata et striata,5 is very frequent in the road ‘twixt Canterbury and Dover, and likewise in some woody parts of the Woles6 in Lincoln-shire. There are odd differences in this very Snaile very remarkable, as its having but one pair of horns (if I mistake not,) as also a hard shelly cover; its manner of wearing that cover etc. which I leave to another opportunity and place. And to return to our two now described Snailes, they, when they creep, lift up the point of their shells towards a perpendicular, and exert with part of their body two pair of horns, as most of their kind doe. In March they are still to be found in paires, Aristotle affirmes all these kinds of creatures to be of a spontaneous birth, and no more to contribute to the procution of one another, than Trees, and therefore to have no distinction of Sex.7 I have no reason to subscribe to his authority, since I have seen so many of them pair’d, and in the very act of Venery. That they engender then, is most certain; but whether those, that are thus found coupled, be one of them male, 220 Lister to Ray 0125a and the other female, or rather, as you observ’d, and published to the World in the Catalogue of Plants growing Wild about Cambridge, that they are both male and female and do in the act of generation bothe receive into themselves, and immit a like penis (as it seems probable to any man that shall part them) I leave to further and more minute discovery to determine.8 Moreover, we find in Aristotle a Circle of other parts, but of these no mention at all. However the Romans knew something extraordinary of these kinds of Animals, that made them so choice of them, as to reckon them among their most delicate food, and to use all care and diligence to breed and fat them for their Tables at large described to us by Varro.9 Their tast and relish is none, methinks, of the most agreeable. Of late, comparing Bussy’s Histoire Amoureuse de Gaule10 with Petronius Arbiter,11 out of whom I was made to believe, he had taken two of his Letters word for word, besides other Love intrigues; I found, in running him over, what satisfied me not a little in this very subject of Snailes; viz. That these very Animals, as well as other odd things in Nature, as Truffs, Mushroms, and no doubt too the Cossi12 or great Worms in the Oak (another Roman dainty) were made use of by the Antients to incite Venery. You’l there find, that the distressed and feeble Lover prepares himself with a ragout of Snailes necks (cervices Cochlearum;) and indeed in this part it is that these strange penes’s are to be found. Mr Hook does as it were promise the Anatomy of this Insect.13 It were surely worth his pains, and the Learn’d World would be obliged to him for a piece of this nature; nothing accurately done of the inward part of any insect, being yet publisht*14 These Snails are to be found frequent enough under the loose bark of Trees, as old Willows, and in the ragged clefts of Elmes and Oak etc. and in no other place else, that I could observe. You tell me, that it is generally concluded by Philosophers, That the reason of the usual Turn of Snailes from the left to the right, is the like motion of the Sun, and that especially more Nord-ward, there having not been hitherto discovered any in our parts of the contrary Turn to the Sun’s motion. But this is not the only case, where they are out, who consult not the Stores of Nature, but their own phancy. What I am further about to tell you concerning Spiders, is as evident an Instance against them. The long Threads in the Air in Summer, and especially towards September, have been a strange puzel to the wiser World.15 It would divert you, though you know them as well as I, if I here reckoned up the ridiculous opinions concerning them; but I omit them, and proceed to tell you the certain and immediate Authors of them, and how they make them. 0125a Lister to Ray 221

I say then, that all Spiders, that spin in a thread (those, which we call Shepherds or long-legg’d Spiders,16 never doe;) are the maker of these threads, so much wondred at, and in such infinite quantities every where. I sent you the last summer a Catalogue of thirty sorts of Spiders, that I had distinguisht here with us in England; and I must confess, I had well near com- pleated that number, with many other Experiments concerning them, before I discovered this secret.17 You must not expect here from me any thing more, than what you demanded of me; for as for other Experiments, I reserve them till our meeting. I had exactly mark’d all the ways of Weaving, used by many sorts of them, and in those admirable works I had ever noted that they still let down the Thread, they made use of; and drew it after them. Happily at length in neerly attending on one, that wrought a nett, I saw him suddainly in the mid-work to desist, and turning his taile into the wind to dart out a thred with the violence and streame, we see water spout out of a Spring: This thread taken up by the wind, was in a moment emitted some fathoms long still issuing out of the belly of the animal; by and by the Spider lept into the air, and the thread mounted her up swiftly. After this first discovery, I made the like Observation in almost all the sorts of Spiders, I had before distinguished; and I found the Air filled with young and old sailing on their threads, and undoubtedly seizing Gnats and other Insects in their passage; there being often as manifest signes of slaughter, as leggs, wings of Flyes, etc. on these threads, as in their webbs below.18 One thing yet was a wonder to me, viz. That many of these threads, that came down out of the Air, were not single, but snarled and with complicable woolly locks, now more now less; and that on these I did not always find spiders, though many times I had found two or three upon one of them: whereas when they first flew up, the thread was still single, or but little tangled, or, it may be, thicker in one place then another. In the end, by good attention I plainly found, what satisfied me abundantly, and that was this; That I observed them to get to the top of a stalk or bough, or some such like think, where they exercise this darting of threads into the aid, and if they had not a mind to saile, they either swiftly drew it up again, winding it up with their fore-feet over theire head into a lock, or break it off short, and let the air carry away. This they will doe many times together, and you may see of them, that have chains of these locks or snarled thread before them, and yet not taken flight. Again, I found, that after the first flight, all the time of their sailing they make locks, still darting forth fresh supplies of thred to sport and saile by. It is further to be noted, that these complicated threads are much more tender, than our house-webbs. 222 Lister to Ray 0125a

In Winter and at Christmas I have observed them busy a darting, but few of them saile then, and therefore but Single threds only are to be seen; And besides, they are but the young ones of last Autumns hatch, that are the employed; and it is more than probable, that the great ropes of Autumne are made only by the great ones, and upon long passages and Summer weather, when great numbers of prey may invite them but to stay longer up. But I cease to be tedious: I have many Experiments by me to satisfy many doubts, that may be made, viz. of the infinite number of these Insects, and their numberless Increase; and besides, how strangely they are able to furnish and husband great quantities of matter out of so small a bulk, etc. You may expect all from me another summers leisure, which at least I think necessary to confirm to me these; and other things concerning their Generation and Poison. What I have said at present, is such as I have certainly observed; and you may take the Truth of these Observations for excuse of the ill Texture of them.

1. These are sinistral shells of snails that are “left-handed” or coiled in a counter-clockwise direction. Just as the majority of humans are right-handed, most snail species have shells that turn from left to right, but the species he examined were a rare exception. 2. This is the phenomenon of spider ballooning. 3. Aldrovandi’s figure of the snails to which Lister refers may be found in Ulisse Aldrovandi, De reliquis animalibus exanguibus libri quatuor, post mortem eius editi: nempe de mollibus, crustaceis, testaceis, et zoophytis (Bologna: Ioannem Baptistam Bellagambam, 1606), vol. 3, p. 359. Turning to Aldrovandi’s figure, it is likely Lister was observing the most easily obtained sinistral land snails in the U.K., the Clausiliidae (door snails). These are small turret-like snails that can be found at the base of trees in damp deciduous woodland. The British species tend to be brownish in color and grow to no more than 20mm. in length. 4. Fabio Colonna (1567–1650). His work was published as Fabius Columna, Purpura: Hoc est de purpura ab animali testaceo fusa, de hoc ipso animali, aliisque rarioribus testaceis quibusdam (Rome: Jacobum Mascardum, 1616). Cochlea Terrestris turbinata et striata, now known as Onobo semicostata, is found in chapter 9, p. 18. (Its previous name, Turbo striatus or the striated wreath shell, has been discounted). Literally, Columna’s title translates as “Purple: this book is about the purple made by a testaceous animal, about this animal, and other rarer testaceous animals.” Colonna was discussing Tyrian purple made from the hypobranchial glands of species of predatory sea snails such as the spiny dye murex. 5. Nerita elegans, also known as Pomatias elegans (Muller, 1774) or the round-mouthed snail, a species of small land snail with an operculum or lid (Lister’s “cover”) to close the aperture of the shell when the soft parts of the animal are retracted. 6. The Lincolnshire Wolds. 7. Aristotle believed all Testacea (molluscs) were spontaneously generated. He wrote: “The fact that all the Testacea take shape spontaneously is shown by considerations like the following: They form on the side of boats when the frothy slime putrefies; and also, in many places where 0125a Lister to Ray 223 nothing of the kind had been present previously, after a time when the place has become muddy owing to lack of water, lagoon-oysters, as they are called, a kind of testaceous animal, have been formed; for example, on an occasion when a naval squadron cast anchor off Rhodes, some earth- enware pots were thrown out into the sea, and as time went on and mud had collected round them, oysters were continually found inside them. Here is a piece of evidence to show that animals of this kind emit no generative substance: people from Chios transported some live oysters across from Pyrrha in Lesbos, and deposited them in some sea-straits where the currents met. As time passed the oysters did not increase at all in number, but they grew greatly in size.” See Aristotle, Generation of Animals, trans. A.L. Peck (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1942), iii.11, 763a24–763b5. 8. Lister did affirm that many snails could be hermaphrodites; many years later in 1693/4, Lister and the mathematician John Wallis also discussed the phenomenon upon the occasion of Lister presenting him with a copy of his work on snail anatomy, Exercitatio anatomica in qua de cochleis. Wallis commented to Lister in a letter of 13 March 1693/4: “What you note, of their being Androgynous, which I find you & some others of late years to mention as a late discovery; was a little surprise to me. Not as to the truth of it (for it is very evident,) but as to its being new. I will remember that above forty years agoe (about the year 1651 or 1652) I did myself observe it more than once (soon after my coming to Oxford) when I found snayls so coupled neutrally, having buryed themselves under ground close to a stone-wall; with a yard number of round white egges, about the biggness of a peppercorn, close by them. This I showed then to some, but made not much discourse about it, because, though new to me, I supposed it not to have been unknown to others; till of late years I found it noted as a thing not commonly known.” See bl Add. ms 4276, fol. 179. My thanks to Philip Beeley for alerting me to this reference. 9. Marcus Terentius Varro, De re rustica, ed. William Davis Hooper, rev. Harrison Boyd Ash, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1934), 3.14. 10. Roger de Rabutin, Comte de Roger de Rabutin Bussy, Histoire amoureuse des Gaules (Liege, n.p., 1660). This was written by the Comte de Bussy (1618–1693) for this mistress, Madame de Montglas, and the work consisted of four witty yet fairly damning accounts of the intrigues of the chief ladies of the court. The circulation of the work in manuscript, and then in print, resulted in Bussy’s imprisonment by Louis xiv in 1665, followed by his provincial exile to his estates in Burgundy until 1682. Lister recorded in his student diary that he read Bussy’s work in March and April of 1666, and he later donated a copy of the work to the University of Oxford. (Bodl. ms Lister 19, fol. 44r; Bodl. Shelfmark Lister I 86). See also: http://listerstravels.modhist .ox.ac.uk. 11. Petronius Arbiter, Satyricon. This Latin satirical novel, probably written by Gaius Petronius Arbiter (ca. 27–66 ad), was copied widely in the Middle Ages and first printed in 1664. In chapter 15 of this work, the character Polyaenos eats snails’ heads to cure impotence with his mistress Circe, to poor result. Lister recorded in his student diary that he read this work on 15 October 1663 on his way to Montpellier (Bodl. ms Lister 19, fol. 49v). He later donated two copies of this book to the University of Oxford in Latin and in French (Bodl. Shelfmark L 1 70; Lister G 25, 26). 12. The larva of the Great European Stag beetle, Lucanus cervus, which lives in the trunks of oak trees. Pliny remarked, “Romanis in hoc luxuria esse coepit, praegrandesque roborum vermes delicatiore sunt in cibo; cossus vocant.” (“Luxury had reached such a pitch among the Romans 224 Skippon to Oldenburg 0125b that they looked upon the huge worms of the oak as a delicacy; they called them Cossi.”) Pliny, Natural History, 17. 37. 519. See George Mamonov, “The Great European Stage Beetle: Its Past and Future,” aes Bulletin, 50 (August 1991), pp. 157–163. 13. In his Micrographia (1665), Robert Hooke wrote about the snail: “The Animal to which these teeth belong, is a very anomalous creature, and seems of a kind quite distinct from any other terrestrial Animal or Insect, the Anatomy whereof exceedingly differing from what has been hitherto given of it I should have inferred, but that it will be more proper in another place” (p. 181). 14. In the print version of this letter in Phil. Trans., there was a marginal note “*When this was written, Malphigius de Bombyce was not yet publisht.” 15. The long threads are the result of spider ballooning. Currently Lister is given the credit for his discovery of spider ballooning in the literature. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 31 October 1668, note 8. 16. Lister created the taxonomic term Opiliones or “shepherd spiders” for the order to which harvestmen, otherwise known as “daddy longlegs,” belong. Lister was the first to record and describe the three species in England. See Parker, “Introduction,” English Spiders, p. 26. 17. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1670/1 for the spider table, which would be published in Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2170–2174. It was the first classification scheme for English spiders. 18. This behavior is season-dependent, as spiders balloon to catch gnats and other prey in the growing season.

0125b Philip Skippon1 to Henry Oldenburg 16 February 1668/9

Source: rs el/S1/29. Skippon’s letter accompanied another piece of correspondence from Lister (his first scientific paper) to John Ray. Lister wished Ray to forward it to the Royal Society, which he did using Skippon as an intermediary. Address: For Mr Oldenburgh | These. Printed Oldenburg (1968), vol. 5, pp. 409–10, letter 1113; Harley (1992), p. 169, letter 6 (partial).

Sir

The enclosed coming to my hands but yesternight and my occasions urging me out of Towne this morning j could not my selfe wait upon you with it; the account was sent to Mr. Wray2 from Cambridge by an ingenious person who for the present desires to have his name concealed;3 j am desired to deliver it to you and if you thinke fitt, it may be communicated to the Society;4 the Italian snails spoken of in the paper are found in great Numbers upon the chalky hills 0126 Ray to Lister 225 nigh Dorking,5 which j once ordered to bee drest and j found them as well tasted as those in italy; if there be any further occasion or using Mr Wray or my selfe, your intimates by letter will meete with either of us if you please to leave them with Mr Horsnell in Cursitors Ally;6 j beg pardon for my hast and am Sir.

Your most humble Servant

Ph. Skippon

16 Feb: 1668/9

1. Philip Skippon (1641–1691) , son of the Cromwellian major general, was a pupil of John Ray’s at Trinity College, Cambridge, as well as a protégé of John Wilkins, who was master of Trinity from 1659–1660. Skippon travelled with Ray in 1661, 1662, and on the Continent in 1663– 1666, where he met Lister in Montpellier. Skippon was admitted to the Royal Society in 1667, although as Hall and Hall have noted in their edition of the Oldenburg Letters, he did little in natural history after his marriage and settlement in Suffolk. See Oldenburg (1968), vol. 5, p. 410, notes. 2. John Ray. His name was spelt with a “W” until 1670 when he decided to omit it. 3. The “ingenious person” is Martin Lister. 4. Lister’s paper was communicated to the Royal Society on 18 February 1668/9 by Oldenburg, and the original is in Royal Society Classified Papers xv (i), no. 23. It was published as: “Some observations concerning the odd turn of some shell-snailes, and the darting of spiders,” Phil. Trans., 4 (1669), pp. 1011–1016. 5. Helix pomatia, the edible snail, distinct from the common British garden snail. 6. Now known as Cursitor Street in London, leading east out of Chancery Lane. Only a small portion lies in Farringdon Ward Without, the rest is in the borough of Holborn and the city of Westminster. See Henry A. Harben, A Dictionary of London (London, 1918). The street had the Cursitor’s Office upon it; the Cursitor was an officer in the Court of Chancery, whose purpose it was to make out original writs. It is not clear who Mr. Horsnell was.

0126 John Ray to Martin Lister, Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 7 May 1669

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 10, letter 26. The original has no paragraph breaks, but they have been inserted here for clarity. Address: No address present. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 45–48; Lankester (1848), pp. 39–42; Gunther (1928), pp. 122–123. (All partial transcriptions.)

226 Ray to Lister 0126

Jo: Wray D. Martino Lister suo S.D.

Quod dignissimo D. Patri tui in omnibus licitis honestisque rebus obtemper- are, ejusque voluntati morem gerere firmiter decreveris, te vehementer laudo, utque in eodem proposito velis constanter perseverare exhortor. Piè enim et prudenter et omninò prout te dignum est facis. Eboracensis tuae profectionis causas nec ego facilè divinare queo, nec curiosiùs inquirere audeo. Verùm te in reditu (namque iter illud jampridem confectum existimò) hic solicite expecta- vimus ego et D. Willughby qui plurimam tibi salutem impertit: frustra tamen, ut eventus docuit. Non ità multo post Episcopus Cestriensis hâc transiens, nos invisit, et secum una abduxit Cestriam usque, ubi D. Willughby in febrem tertianam incidit, non simplicem et exquisitam, sed anomalam nec maligni- tatis suspicione vacuam, quae saevissimis paroxysmis eum graviter afflixit et debilitavit, adeo ut post duas dierum hebdomadas vix eas vires receperit ut ausus sit se carpento committere et in viam dare; needum integrè convaluit. Vides me semper excusationem paratam habere quòd ad te seriùs quam par est rescribam. Verùm non omnino infructosa nobis fuit haec mora, nam dum Cestriae haesimus, fortè fortuna allatus est ad urbem Delphinus antiquorum, nostratibus Porposse dictus, à piscatore quodam in vado captus, a quo eum modico pretio emimus. Erat a. piscis mediocris, longitudine unius ulnae, non squamosus. In fronte fistulam habuit, quâ et respirare potuit et aquam reject- are: tres duntaxat pinuas, in medic dorso unam, in ventre geminas, non proc- ulà branchiarum loco, nam branchiis caret. Singulare est, in hoc pisce cauda ad corporis planum transversa, i. e. horizonti parallela et non perpendicularis, ut in aliis omnibus ques mihi hactenus videre contigit: nam - è genere Cetaceo nullus antea mihi conspectus. Cerebrum ei et Cerebellum amplissima, piâ et durâ matre instructa, cranio osseo inclusa, et quadrupedum cerebris demptâ figurâ externa (quae in hoc latior erat nec adeo producta quam in illis), persi- milia. Quin et asperam arteriam et pulmones habuit quadrupedum more, qui folle inflati intumescebant, eolorémque et speciem Bovinorum Caninorumve omnino exhibebant. Cor gemino ventriculo instructum, eum eodem valvula- rum tricuspidum et semilunarium apparatu. Diaphragma musculosum. Hepar vel non omnino vel modice in duos lobos divisum. Ventriculus membrancsus duplex. Intestina Mesenterio annexa longissima 48 pedum mensuram implebant. Tenuium et crassorum distinctio nulla, nullum intestinum caecum, nullum omentum, nulla cystis fellea. Pancreas amplum manifesto ductu intestinum perforat. Renes magni ad bovinos accedentes, ex plurimis granulis seu glandi- bus conglomerati, plani et non gibbosi, aut interiore parte concavi, ureteres ab inferiore extremitate egrediuntur. Vesica urinaria pro piscis mole exigua. Penis longus, tenuis, in vaginam reductus latitat ut bovinus: testes intra cavitatem 0126 Ray to Lister 227 abdominis, longiusculi, suis vasis praeparantibus et deferentibus instructi. In summa, partium omnium interiorum structura ad quadrupedes proxime accedit: nec put eum sine respiratione per quadrantem unius horae durare posse. Coit, generat, et educat foetus ut quadrupeda. Quin et cerebri moles (quae pro corporis ratione huic major est quam plerisque quadrupedibus) sagacissimum esse arguit hoc animal, unde fortasse fabulosa non fuerint quae a veteribus de ejua ingenio et mansuetudine litcris prodita sunt. Astantium turba, curiosé omnia rimari et accuratam anatomen instituere, nos non permisit. Alia tamen plura observa vimus, quae né epistolae modum nimis excedam, praetereo. Unum adjiciam. Totum corpus copiosa et dense pinguedine Piscatores Blubber vocant, duorum plus minus digitorum crassitia undique integebatur, immediate sub cute et supra carnem musculosam sitâ ut in porcis; ob quam rationem, et quòd porcorum grunnitum quadantenus imitetur, Porpesse; i. e. Porcum piscem dictum eum existimo. Sed de Delphino hac vice plus satis. Vidimus insuper Cestriae foeminum cornigeram, cujus ad te fumam jampridèm pervenisse puto. Si [[xxxxxx]] masculum comutum ibi vidissemus, res non adeò mira fuisset. Praeterea Eucrasicholos pisces, seu Anchovams non procul inde in captos vidimus. Superest ut tibi aperiam, et in sinum tuum effundam quod ne non leviter pupugit. Pudet pigétque tabularum istarum botanicarum, in quibus conficiendis se opera mea usum esse prodidit episcopus cestriensis. Plurimum interfuisset famae meae eas aut nunquam fuisse editas, aut saltem suppresso nomine; sunt enim confusae et errorum plenissimae. Tu quia nondum peni- tius eas introspexeris ideo non damnas. Dr. Morison in opusculo nuper \edito/, cui Praeludia Botanica titulum fecit, illas, illurumque tacito nomine autorem, an pro meritis an indignis modis excepit, aliorum judicium esto. Nec tamen mirum tabulas confusas erroneas et imperfectas esse, cum trium tantum hebdomadum opus fuerint, ego vero nihil antea ejusmodi dentinaveram, nec de eo unquam cogitaverum. Praeterea in iis ordinandis coactus non naturae ductum sequi, sed ad autoris methodum praescriptam plantas accommodare, quae exegit ut herbas in tres turmas seu tria genera quamproxime aequalia dis- tribuerem, singulas deinde turmas in novem diiferentias illi dictas h. e. genera subalterna dividerem, ità tamen ut singulis differentiis subordinatae plantae certum numerum excederent: tandem ut plantas una binas copularem scu in paria disponerem. Quae jam spes est methodum hsnc absolutam fore et non potius imperfectissimam et absurdum? qualem eam ipse libenter et ingenue agnosco, non tam existimnationi meam quam veritati studens. Utcunque taen autorem illum merito contemno, qui quamvis adeo insons sit, ut nec Latinè scribere norit, tam putidè tamen sibi adulatur, et stolide superbit, ut viros mil- lecuplo se doctiores coutemnnt, et [[xxxx]] inique secum actum putet, quòd 228 Ray to Lister 0126 non jampridem in cathedram professoriam evectus \sit/. Dum vero Societatem Regism ineptissimé sugillat, scipsum sanis omnibus et cordatis viris deridcn- dum propinat. Sed haec mitto. Communis noster amicus D. Skippon nuper uxorem duxit. Cum jam omnes [[xxx]] familiares et intimi \mei/ te uno excepto uxorati sint, quid mihi agendum restat? De Bufonibus mira narras, et quae ego alio autore vix credidissem. Observationes tuae in tuto sunt, et socic- tati jampridem communicatae, quae earum autori ignoto quamvis gratias agi jussit. Ubi sis, quomodo valeas, quid agas, me quamprimum certiorem facias rogo, namque et ego hinc brevi discessurus sum et illa vehementer scire desidero. Vale

Dabam Middletoni

Nonis Maii 1669

John Wray to Mr. Martin Lister, warmest greetings.

I very strongly approve of your firm determination to obey your most worthy father in all that is lawful and honourable and to do his will, and I urge you to desire to continue steadfastly in this resolve. For you are acting with loving duty and good sense and in every respect in a manner worthy of yourself.1 I cannot readily guess the reasons for your journey to York, and I do not dare enquire too closely.2 But Mr. Willughby and I waited for you on your return here (for I think that this journey was completed some time ago) with some concern, and he sends you warmest greeting. But our expectation proved pointless, as the outcome showed. Not long afterwards the Bishop of Chester3 visited us as he passed this way, and took us off with him as far as Chester, where Mr. Willughby contracted a tertian fever, not the simple and wished-for type, but an anomalous kind bearing some suspicion of lasting harm.4 This attacked him severely with very violent fits and weakened him to the point where after two full weeks he has scarcely recovered the strength to risk trusting himself to a carriage and setting forth; he has not yet fully recovered. You see that I always have an excuse to hand for writing back to you later than I should. But this delay has not proved entirely disadvantageous to us, for while we were stuck in Chester, by a stroke of good luck a fish known to the ancients as a ‘dolphin’ was brought into the city; Englishmen call it a porpoise. It was caught by a fisherman in shallow waters, and I bought it from him for a modest price. It was in fact a fish of moderate size, eighteen inches long and without scales. 0126 Ray to Lister 229

At the front it had a tube through which it was able to breathe and spray out water. It had only three fins, one in the middle of the back, and two attached to the belly, not far from the place where the gills would have been, for it has no gills. It is singular that in this fish the tail follows the plane of the body, that is, it is parallel to the horizontal and not perpendicular, as is the case in all the other fish which I have chanced to see hitherto—I have never previously seen a member of the whale family. The brain and cerebellum are very large; they are equipped with a ‘pia mater’ and ‘dura mater’, enclosed in a boney cranium, and very like the brains of quadrupeds, if one takes away the external shape (which in the case of this creature was broader and not as long as in the case of those). Furthermore it had arteria aspera5 and lungs like those of quadrupeds, which swelled when inflated with bellows, and they showed completely the colour and appearance of those of oxen or dogs. The heart had a two-fold ventricle, with the same arrangement of tricuspid and semi-lunar valves. The diaphragm was muscular. The liver was either not at all or only partially split into two lobes. The membranous ventricle was twofold. The intestines attached to the mesen- tery were very long at a full 48 feet. There was no distinction between thin and fat intestines, no omentum and no gall bladder. The expansive pancreas makes a hole in the intestine with an obvious channel. The large kidneys are like those of oxen, and accumulated from large number of granules or glands; they are flat, without bumps, and not concave in their inner part, and ureters emerge from their lower edge. The urinary bladder is small for the size of the fish. The penis is long and thin, and is concealed within a sheath, like an ox. The testes are inside a hollow of the abdomen, fairly long, and equipped with their own preparatory and deferent vessels. In short, the structure of all the inner parts very closely resembles those of quadrupeds. I do not think it could survive for one quarter of an hour without breathing. It copulates, begets and brings forth its young like quadrupeds.6 Indeed, the size of the brain (which in proportion to its body is larger than is the case with most quadrupeds)7 proves that this is a highly intelligent animal, and this may be the source of those stories told by the ancients about its intelligence and gentleness. The crowd of bystanders did not permit us to investigate everything and draw up an accurate anatomy. But I did note a number of other things, which I pass over to avoid writing too long a letter. I shall add this one thing: the entire body was everywhere covered with abundant and thick fat which fishermen call blubber, to a thickness of more or less two fingers; this is located immediately beneath the skin and on top of the flesh of the muscles, just as in pigs. I think it is for this reason, and because to some extent it imitates the grunting of pigs, that is has been called the “porpesse,” that is “pig-fish” (porcum piscem). But we have had more than enough of the “dolphin” on this occasion. 230 Ray to Lister 0126

Also in Chester I saw a woman with horns, and I think that talk of this reached you some time ago.8 If I had seen a male there bearing horns, it would not have been such an amazing event. In addition I saw some little fish, or anchovies, which had been caught not far from there. It remains for me to reveal to you and pour into your bosom something that has severely stung me. I am ashamed and tired of those botanical tables, in the composing of which the bishop of Chester revealed that he had employed my efforts.9 It would have been greatly to the benefit of my reputation if they had never been published, or had at least been published anonymously, for they are confused and very full of errors. You are failing to condemn them because you have not yet thoroughly inspected them. I leave it to others to judge whether Dr. Morrison, in his little work recently published entitled “An Introduction to Botany,” evaluated them and their unnamed author in accordance with their merits or in a manner undeserved.10 Yet it is not surprising that the tables were confused, erroneous and unfinished, since they were the work of just three weeks, but I had never previously intended anything of that kind, and I had never thought about it. Besides, in arranging them I was compelled to follow not where nature led, but to adapt the plants to the prescribed method of the author, which demanded that I should distribute the plants into three groups or families as equal in size to one another as possible, then divide the groups into nine different kinds described by him, that is, into subordinate groupings, but in such a way that the plants in their separate sub-groupings did not exceed a fixed number, and finally that I should link sets of two plants together, that is to say, arrange them into pairs. What possible hope is there that this method would be perfect rather than utterly deficient and absurd? This is how I freely and honestly see it, when I pay more attention to the truth than to my own reputation. Yet one way or another I am justified in condemning that author,11 for although he is so innocent that he does not even know how to write in Latin, yet he so affectedly flatters himself and is so stupidly arrogant, that he condemns men who are a thousand times better educated than he is, and thinks that he has been treated unfairly because he was not long ago elevated to a professorial chair.12 But when he most idiotically reviles the Royal Society he exposes himself to the mockery of all sane and intelligent men. But I pass over these matters. Since now all my close friends and intimates are married with the single exception of yourself, what remains for me to do? You have amazing things to tell of toads, which I would scarcely have believed in another author. Your notes are now safe, and were some time ago communicated to the society, which ordered thanks to be given to their—albeit anonymous—author.13 0126 Ray to Lister 231

I would ask you to let me know as soon as possible where you are, how you are, and what you are doing, for I intend to depart from here shortly and I am very anxious to know these things.

Farewell.

Sent from Middleton.

7th of May, 1669.

1. Lister was seeking permission from his father to leave his fellowship at Cambridge to go into private practice as a physician. 2. It is possible Lister may have been courting Hannah Parkinson, his future wife. She resided in Carelton-in-Craven, Yorkshire. 3. Bishop John Wilkins (1614–1672). 4. Willughby was often sickly, and he died prematurely of pleurisy in 1672. 5. A term for the larynx and trachea. 6. Ray correctly identified the porpoise as a mammal. 7. The proportion of brain size (skull’s interior volume) to body size (the encephalization quotient) is indeed a predictor of intelligence. 8. Presumably Mary Davis of Saughall, Cheshire (1617–1688) who grew four cutaneous horns. Human horns are keratotic, or made from the same material as hair and fingernails. They may arise from a wide range of epidermal lesions, which may be benign, pre-malignant or malignant. See Arthur MacGregor, “Mary Davis’s horn: a vanished curiosity,” The Ashmolean, no. 3 (1983), pp. 10–11. According to MacGregor, one of her horns had been in Tradescant’s Ark, but was sent up to the Ashmolean Repository in 1685. 9. Ray assisted Wilkins with material for his Essay toward a Real Character and a Philosophical Language published under the auspices of the Royal Society. Some of Wilkins’s ideas on how subjects can be classified systematically and structurally were of use to Ray in his botanical studies. However, Ray obviously found his system too arbitrary to deal with the complexity of plants. See Barbara J. Shapiro, John Wilkins 1614–1672: An Intellectual Biography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), and Rhodri Lewis, Language, Mind and Nature: Artificial Languages in England from Bacon to Locke, “Ideas in Context” series, no. 80 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 10. Robert Morison (1620–1683), Royal Physician. He published his first botanical work, the Praeludia Botanica in 1669. Ray was correct to be apprehensive, as Morison’s attack on his botanical tables in Wilkins’s Real Character led to a prolonged dispute between the two men. See Sydney Vines, “Robert Morison 1620–1683 and John Ray 1627–1705,” in Makers of British Botany, ed. Francis Wall Oliver (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1913), p. 21. 11. Presumably a reference to Morison. 12. Morison would become the first professor of botany at Oxford later in this year. 13. Lister’s first paper concerning the chirality of snails and ballooning spiders was submitted anonymously to the Royal Society via Ray. 232 Lister to Lister 0127

0127 Jane Lister1 to Martin Lister 31 August [1669]2

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 63. Address: this | to Mr Martin Lister | in St John Colidg | in Cambridg | post pd att Lincolne. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 333.

Agus the last

Deare Brother

I cannot but chide you that you have forgot your word so much as not to let us know whether you are aliue or not I beleue it is a month sence he heard of you, and you promised to writ to us euery weeke. I doe not know what to think of \it/ shure you are bringing of us a nu sister if it be that which taks up all your thoughts I am satisfied but nothing else can excuse you. my mother3 giues you her blessing She reseaved your letter and desires to be excused She dos not writ, She is so weeke and ill she cannot, She has had a cold which has gon through the whol house which has very much weekened her, my Brother Gregorie4 and my sister is here who is your humble saruants, I am yours

Jane Lister

1. The correspondent is Lister’s younger sister, Jane (d. 1726), who would marry Hugh Alington, Esq., of Stenigot, Lincolnshire. 2. Lister married his fiancée, Hannah Parkinson (1645–1695), on 15 August 1669 (“the nu sister”) in Saint Sampson in York, hence the dating of this letter. 3. Lister’s mother Susanna Lister, née Temple (1600–1669). Apparently she died shortly after her illness, as she was buried at Burwell on 20 November 1669. 4. Lister’s brother-in-law George Gregory of Harlaxton Hall, Lincolnshire, who married Lister’s sister Susanna.

0128 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 15 November 1669

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 11, letter 27. The original letter is missing, the folio only containing an abstract of part of the letter not published in Lankester, written by the plant collector and geologist John D. Enys (1837–1912). Enys had sold his collection of eighty- 0128 Ray to Lister 233

eight letters by Ray, Lister, and his contemporaries to the Natural History Museum in 1884 for £40. This transcription and translation will thus use Enys’s abstract as well as extant editions of correspondence. Address: No address present. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 48–52; Lankester (1848), pp. 43–46; Gunther (1928), pp. 123–124.

Mr. Wray to Mr. Lister, at Nottingham.1

Dear Sir,

Having now received a second letter from you in English,2 I looked upon myself as licensed to answer you in your own language. In the first place I beg your pardon for so long deferring to return answer to your former, which yet I have done some weeks before I received this last: which as yet it seems, I know not through what miscarriage, is not come to your hands. Your friendship and affection as I doe deservedly value at a very high rate. So I should be loath that through any negligence or omission of mind it should cool or decay, and therefore shall be carefull always with my best endeavours by all offices and services on my part to cherish and increase it. I am extremely obliged to you for the catalogue of plants you sent inclosed, they coming very opportunely, now that I am (chiefly by your instigation and encouragement) revising and preparing for the press my general catalogue of English plants, which I hope to finish and get published by the next spring.3 I shall go over all yours, and give you an account which are to me unknown, and which I have not yet met withal in England. Muscus denticulatus major, Park. which you say grows plentifully in springs, it was never yet my fortune to find in England.4 Muscus corniculatus, Park., is frequent with us hereabouts, and with the like scarlet tops.5 Muscus clavatus, sive lycopodium grows, as you well observe, on all the moors in Yorkshire, Derbyshire, &c. plentifully, and on Hampstead-heath, near London.6 Muscus clavatus cupressiformis, Park.,7 or Sabina sylvestris Trag. I have observed plentifully on Ingleborough-hill, and also on Calder Idris and Snowdon Hills, in Wales. Your moss, like the pine-tree, I suppose is the same which I call Muscus erec- tus abietiformis8 and have found on many of the moors. 234 Ray to Lister 0128

Tilia foemina is a tree very common in Essex, and many other counties in England; I mean the Foemina minor of Park.,9 for the major,10 I have not as yet seen anywhere with us spontaneous. I know not what to make of the Tilia mas,11 but suspect it to be all one with the Carpinus, or hornbeam.12 Ornus, sive fraxinus sylv.,13 Park. is common also hereabouts, though inaptly so called. Erica baccifera nigra, Park.,14 I have also, with you, observed plentifully on all the moors. It grows also on a heath within a mile of this place. The other two sorts of Erica15 you mention are frequent on all the heaths of England. Scorodonia16 also is a plant most common in the woods in almost all parts of England, excepting Cambridgeshire. Sonchus laevis alter parvis floribus is no rare one; and two years since I found it within a mile of Cambridge.17 Hieracium rectem rigidum, quibusdam sabaudum, J.B., et Hieracium fruticosum angustifolium majus, Park.,18 I do not distinguish, but make the same, and therefore desire you to tell wherein you put the difference. The plant I have observed in many sandy and some rocky grounds. Your Thlaspi fruticosum leucoii an globulariae folio latissimo is, for aught I know, a nondescript.19 I desire, if you have any of it dried, to send me a branch. I look upon it as a great discovery, if it be no Camelina Ger.20 Pyrola vulgaris nostras21 I have found in many places in the north. I am much to seek what your Leucoium, or Hesperis,22 with a very broad leaf, should be, unless perchance Bursae pastoris loculo oblongo affinis pulchra planta, J.B. which I have found in Craven.23 Lychnis sylvestris flore purpureo24 is a plant everywhere very common, and doubtless may be found in Cambridgeshire, though omitted in the catalogue. The Knoutberry25 I have found on all those hills you mention, but with the fruit only on Hinckell-hoe.26 Raspberry is also frequent on the mountains both in Wales and in the north. Mentastrum, &c., Park.,27 I have seen growing wild in one or two places. Capilli veneris veri similes I desire to see a leaf of, if you have it dried. I guess it to be that which I have styled Filix saxatilis caule tenui fragili.28 Trachelium majus Belgarum29 in the mountainous parts of Derbyshire and Yorkshire, &c., is very common in the hedges and thickets. Digitalis purpurea30 is everywhere to be found in sandy and rocky grounds. Anagallis lutea nemorum31 is no less common in the woods. Alchimilla vulgaris32 grows not only in all mountainous meadows and pastures, but also plentifully in the meadows hereabouts. 0128 Ray to Lister 235

Turritis vulgatior is, notwithstanding its name, no ordinary plant with us.33 Rhamnus primus Diosc. I myself have not seen in England;34 but by Dr. Mapletoft35 was informed that it grew wild on the sea-coast of Lincolnshire, which you now confirm.36 The low sort of Salix you mention I take to be the Salix angustifolia repens of Park.,37 which I have seen wild in many places, but not in Cambridgeshire. You have been more fortunate than I in finding Valeriana graeca,38 which I have sought in vain among Fournesse Fells,39 where I was informed by T. Willisell40 that it grew wild. Solanum lignosum flo. albo41 may, for ought I see, be a new species. Lathyrus sylvestris lignosior, Park.42 is to be found in the woods in most counties of England, except those midland clay grounds in Cambridgeshire, Bedfordshire, &c. Your small Lathyrus, with a pale yellowish flower, is to me unknown, and I believe a nondescript. Vaccinia nigra vulgaria43 few counties of England want. The Palustria Thymi foliis44 are more rare, though hereabouts we have them in great plenty. The rose with the large prickly fruit I take to be the Rosa sylvestris pomifera major, Park.,45 which I have observed in many places in Yorkshire. Alsine aquatica folio oblongo46 is a stranger to few places. Phalangium nescio cuius, is it not Pseudoasphodelus Lancastrensis?47 which is common in boggy places in the north and west of England. Geranium muscum olens48 I have found, yet never but once, wild in England that I remember. Bistorta, &c,49 I have seen in the meadows about us here. Crocus autumnalis pratensis, unless you mean Colchicum (which in the west parts of England I have observed plentifully growing wild), I know not.50 Raphanus rusticanus51 I never met with in the fields or meadows, where I could be assured it came spontaneously. So, sir, I have despatched your catalogue, and you may well wish that my letter too were despatched; but I have from Mr. Willughby52 a business of private concernment to impart to you or rather request of you which is that you would inform him, whether Mr. Gregory53 be about purchasing part of Sir William Hickes54 his estate lying thereabout and if so, if he be resolved to proceed in it, whether he would be willing to admit him to joyn with him in the purchase, and let him have that part of the land which he’s next him. I could wish you could take pains to revise my Catalogue of Plants55 before it goes to the press: if you will do me that kindness, I will send the copy over to you the next opportunity. I pray tender my very humble service to your Lady.56 I most heartily 236 Ray to Lister 0128 wish you both all the joyes and blessings of a married state and whatever may conduce to your mutuall content and happinesse, and so I take leave and rest

Sir,

Your very affectionate friend, and humble servant,

John Wray Middleton, Novemb. 15, 1669.

1. Lister was visiting Francis Willughby at Wollaton Hall near Nottingham as part of his honeymoon with his new bride Hannah Parkinson. The couple lived for a short time in Nottingham whilst Lister was deciding where to establish his medical practice; eventually they moved to York in 1670. 2. This letter has been lost. 3. Ray would indeed publish his Catalogus plantarum Angliae (Catalogue of English Plants) in 1670. 4. Ray’s abbreviation of “Park” stands for John Parkinson’s Theatrum Botanicum: The Theater of Plants (London: Thomas Cotes, 1640). It is clear from the names Lister gave to his plants, and which are cited by Ray in this reply, that Lister was using this work to identify them. Muscus denticulatus major & minor, also called by Parkinson “The greater and the lesser dented Moss,” appears in Chapter lix of Muscus terrestris, or land moss, on p. 1307. He includes it from the works of the continental botanist Caspar Bauhin, and in Linnaean taxonomy it is Selaginella helvetica, the Swiss club moss, which is not native to England. Ray’s later letter of 10 December 1669 makes it clear that Lister’s plant was not Selaginella helvetica, but does not say what it was. 5. Parkinson (1640), chapter lix, p. 1308, called by him the “Horned Mosse.” Parkinson’s illustration is woefully inadequate, but Ray’s reference to the “scarlet tops” makes it clear that Lister’s plant was a lichen in the genus Cladonia. 6. This is Lycopodium clavatum in Linnaean taxonomy, or the stag’s-horn club moss, native to Britain. It is portrayed as Muscus clavatus sive Lycopodium or “Wolfes claw Mosse” in Parkinson (1640), p. 1307. 7. Parkinson describes this as the “Cypresse like Mosse” and its modern name is Diphasiastrum alpinum, Alpine clubmoss, also native to Britain and a widespread Arctic-alpine species. See Parkinson (1640), p. 1309. 8. Huperzia selago, formerly Lycopodium selago, the fir clubmoss, native to Britain. It resembles a miniature fir, and as Ray stated is usually in heaths and moors, as well as mountain grass- lands and rock ledges. 9. Tilia cordata or the small-leaved lime tree. The common name is lime tree or basswood tree in North America. Parkinson calls Tilia Foemina minor the “smaller female Line tree”; Tilia foemina major is “the greater female Line tree.” See Parkinson (1640), chapter xiii, pp. 1406–1407. 10. This is presumably Tilia europaea, the common lime. It is very rare as a naturally occurring hybrid between the small-leaved lime and the large-leaved lime, occurring in the wild where the two parent species are native. However, the common lime is usually propagated artificially 0128 Ray to Lister 237 by layering, by developing the roots on a stem while the stem is still attached to the parent plant, and it is a very common planted tree. See K. Rushforth, Trees of Britain and Europe (London: Collins 1999). 11. Tilia mas is referred to by Parkinson as the “male Line tree.” See Parkinson (1640), chapter xiii, pp. 1406–1407. It is actually a species of elm. Parkinson may have taken the name from an herbal Plantarum seu stirpium historia (1576). M. de L’Obel, the botanist to James I of England, portrayed an elm with galls on its leaves labeling it “Tilia mas.” See R.H. Richens, Elm (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 182. 12. Carpinus betulus is the modern taxonomic name for the European hornbeam. 13. Sorbus aucuparia, the rowan or mountain ash. Parkinson called it the “wild Ash or Quicken tree.” See Parkinson (1640), chapter xxii, p. 1418. 14. Empetrum nigrum, or the crowberry, native to most northern areas of the northern hemisphere. Parkinson calls this “black berryed heathe.” See Parkinson (1640), chapter lxii, p. 1485. 15. Erica refers to any sort of heaths or heathers. 16. Teucrium scorodonia, the herb called woodland germander or wood sage. Though it has sage-like crinkled leaves, the wood sage has little value as a culinary herb. Parkinson classifies it among the scordium or water germanders. See Parkinson (1640), chapter xi, p. 110. 17. This is described in Parkinson as the lesser smooth Sow-thistle. See Parkinson (1640), chapter xxxix, p. 805. In modern taxonomy it is Sonchus oleraceus. 18. Parkinson calls this the “greater Bushie Hawkeweede.” See Parkinson (1640), chapter xxxvii, p. 802. “J.B.” refers to Johann Bauhin, who published the Historia plantarum universalis (Yverdon, 1650–1651) containing descriptions of 5,226 plants. He illustrates this hawkweed in vol. 2 (1651), p. 1030. Modern taxonomists divide the British and Irish hawkweeds into over 400 microspecies and it is not therefore possible to identify Lister’s plants, although the names suggest tall, leafy species in section Sabauda. 19. Parkinson refers to Thlaspi fruticosum leuceii folio augustifolium as the “Narrow leafed woody Treakle-Mustard.” See Parkinson (1640), chapter xvi, p. 846. Ray later received a dried specimen from Lister and told him in his letter of 10 December 1669 that “the plant you judged to be a Thlaspi is nothing else but Glastum [Isatis tinctoria, woad]. 20. Camelina sativa known as gold-of-pleasure or false flax, which also has similar small yellow flowers. 21. Lister took the name from Parkinson. This is the modern Pyrola rotundifolia, or the round-leaved wintergreen. 22. Hesperis just refers to a genus of plants in the Brassicaceae or mustard family. See Ray’s letter of 19 December 1669 for further notes on this plant. 23. This is Draba muralis or the Wall Whitlowgrass which indeed is found only in areas of rocky places on carboniferous limestone such as the Craven area in Yorkshire. See Denis Ratcliffe, “Draba muralis L.,” Journal of Ecology, 48, 3 (October 1960), pp. 737–744. Lister’s wife was from Craven and the couple lived there briefly in 1670 before moving to York in 1671. Ray had seen this species in Yorkshire during his fieldwork in the county in 1668 (see his letter to Lister of 10 September 1668). 24. Parkinson identifies Lychnis sylvestris as wild campion, the Latin indicating purple flowers, though the flowers are, in fact, more red or pink. See Parkinson (1640), chapter lxxvi, pp. 630–631. The name for this species changed to Lychnis diurna before reaching its final 238 Ray to Lister 0128

Linnaean name of Silene dioica or red campion. It is in fact rare in Cambridgeshire, although frequent throughout much of Britain. 25. A local name of the cloudberry, Rubus chamaemorus. “Knout” refers to “knot.” 26. The high hill near Settle in the Yorkshire Dales that Ray also called Hincklehaugh. See Raven (1986), pp. 160–161. As Raven commented, “this hill is likely the gritstone eminence on one of the lines of the Craven fault now called Ryeload and 1794 feet high.” 27. Parkinson lists seven different mints with names starting with Menthastrum. See Parkinson (1640), chapter xiii, pp. 31–35. 28. Cystopteris fragilis or brittle bladderfern, also known as common fragile fern. 29. Campanula latiflora or the giant bellflower. 30. The common foxglove; Linnaeus retained this taxonomic name which means finger-like, referring to the ease with a flower of digitalis can be fitted over a human fingertip. 31. This is Lysimachia nemorum or the yellow pimpernel, a neat low-growing plant with solitary yellow flowers with a darker eye, sometimes red. It is indeed as Ray indicates a plant of damp woods and hedgebanks. 32. Lady’s mantle. Linnaeus preserved this taxonomic name with altered spelling (Alchemilla), but the Linnaean species is now regarded as an aggregate of numerous microspecies. 33. This is Turritis glabra (Arabis glabra) or tower mustard and Ray was correct to say that it was not ordinary; it is a very local plant of dry soils. 34. The sea buckthorn or Hippophae rhamnoides in Linnaean taxonomy. “Diosc.” referred to the ancient Greek physician Dioscorides’s works on materia medica. The plant’s bright orange berry is quite nutritious and the name Hippophae literally means “shiny horse” as it was supposedly used by the ancient Greeks to give to racehorses. Ray, who had seen the species abroad, gave Lister’s record in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 264), “On the Sea-banks on Lindsey-coast, plentifully. Mr. Lister,” and also recorded it from Kent. 35. Dr. John Mapletoft (1631–1721), professor of physic at Gresham College in 1675, and made Fellow of the Royal Society in 1676. Raven mentioned that Ray spoke of him with “warmth and admiration.” Mapletoft was also a friend of John Locke, whom he had known at Westminster School, and he would eventually take holy orders becoming vicar of St Lawrence Jewry in 1686. See Raven (1986), pp. 45–46. 36. Lincolnshire has 60% of the uk total of sea-buckthorn, which now is scarce nationally. See Andrew Windrum, “Lincolnshire Coast and Marshes Natural Area,” English Nature. http://www .naturalareas.naturalengland.org.uk/Science/natural/profiles%5CnaProfile36.pdf Accessed 21 November 2013. 37. Salix repens or the creeping willow. Parkinson discusses salix on pp. 1429–1437. 38. Polemonium caeruleum or Jacob’s ladder or Greek valerian, a perennial flowering plant. 39. Presumably Furness Fells or the hills and mountains in the Furness region of Cumbria in the Lake District. 40. Thomas Willisel (1621–1675?), one of the first professional field naturalists and plant collectors who accompanied Ray on several “simpling” expeditions. Willisel had served as a foot soldier in General John Lambert’s regiment during the English Civil War, later manifesting a considerable talent in natural history. Willisel was employed by Christopher Merret, Robert Morison, John Ray, and others, and by 1669, the Royal Society employed him at £30 per annum to collect “such Plants, Fowle, Fishes, and Minerals . . . in such parts of his Majesties Kingdoms, as they shall think best for the use of the R. Society.” In 1671, Willisel took Ray on a tour through 0128 Ray to Lister 239 the northern counties of England to show him plants that Willisel himself had found previously. See Raven (1986), pp. 153–155; Stearns (1970), pp. 232–233. See also G.S. Boulger, “Willisel, Thomas (bap. 1621, d. 1675?),” rev. F. Horsman, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 41. Solanum dulcamara or bittersweet. This usually has a purple flower but there is an uncommon variant with white flowers. 42. Parkinson places this in his chapter on “pease everlasting,” calling the species “our wood earth-nuts.” See Parkinson (1986), chapter iv, p. 1061. The modern name is Lathyrus sylvestris, the narrow-leaved everlasting pea, which is native to Britain. 43. Vaccinium myrtillus or the bilberry with its blackish fruit. 44. Vaccinium oxycoccus or the small red-fruited trailing cranberry of Arctic and cool regions in the northern hemisphere. 45. Sylvestris in Parkinson indicates a type of wild rose, Ray in his later work classifying it as the “greater English Apple-bearing rose.” See Parkinson (1640), chapter xxvi, p. 1016, and Philip Miller, The gardener’s dictionary: containing the methods of cultivating and improving the kitchen, fruit and flower garden, an also the physick garden, 2 vols (London: for the author, 1735). Presumably Rosa villosa. 46. Lythrum portula or water purslane, which is well illustrated by Parkinson (1640) p. 1260 who calls it Alsine aquatica minor folio oblongo sive Portulaca aquatica. 47. Narthecium ossifragum or bog asphodel. It was so prevalent in the northwest of England it was also known as Lancashire asphodel. 48. Erodium moschatum, a species of flowering plant in the geranium family known as musk storksbill. It is probably an introduction to Britain from southern Europe. Ray reports the species in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 132) from his own site near Bristol and from Craven- common, which is presumably Lister’s locality. The Yorkshire record, a rather surprising one for this species, is discussed by F.A. Lees in Flora of West Yorkshire (London: Lovell Reed and Co., 1888), p. 182. 49. Persicaria bistorta, formerly Polygonum bistorta the common bistort, an herbaceous flowering plant, used in medicine and in dock pudding. 50. The plant to which Ray is referring is Colchicum autumnale, meadow saffron, which Lister might have seen in northern England. 51. Armoracia rusticana or horseradish, which is not native to Britain but has a long history as an escape from cultivation. Lister obviously convinced Ray that his plants were native, as Ray reported in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 261) “At D. Martinus Lister sponte natam copiosè invenit. Upon the banks of Skipton-beck, and else-where in Bolland [in Craven.]” 52. Francis Willughby, whom Lister was visiting. 53. This could be George Gregory. Gregory was Lister’s brother-in-law, married to his eldest sister Susanna in 1662, and the couple resided in Nottinghamshire. 54. Presumably Sir William Hicks, first Baronet (1596–1680) of Beverston in Gloucestershire and Ruckholt in Essex. It is not clear which estate is being discussed in this letter. 55. Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae, which appeared the next year. 56. Lister’s wife Hannah Parkinson. At the time of this letter, they had just been married on 15 August 1669 at Saint Sampson in York. 240 Ray to Lister 0129

0129 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 10 December 1669

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 11, letter 28. Letter is water stained in right- hand corner causing ink bleed. Text in these areas will be taken from editions accomplished before the damage occurred. Address: These for Mr. Martin Lister at Notingham. Postmark: Twenth. 2d.1 Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 52–54; Lankester (1848), pp. 47–48; Gunther (1928), pp. 124; Harley (1992), p. 169, letter 7.

Middleton Decemb. 10. 1669

Sir,

I have perused the dried plants you sent me,2 and according to my best judgement added names to such as wanted, and doe now with thanks return you them back again. The plant you judged to be a Thlaspi3 is nothing else but Glastum,4 and that which you titled Lotus is Fumaria alba claviculata.5 Your Hesperis is to me altogether new, never before seen in England or elsewhere.6 whether it be by me rightly referred, you are better able judge who have seen the plant growing and it’s flower in perfection. The Mentastrum7 I have found growing wild plentifully about Florence, but never in England. That which you style Capillo veneris vero similis I make to be a sort of Adianthum aureum [.]8 I have often in moist places found stragling branches of such leaves at the roots of Adianthum aureum minus, but never growing so many and thick together from the same root all of the same kind, but once, and in such a place as yours was now found. That you may be convinced that the muscus you styled denticulatus major 9 is not that so named by herbarists, I have out of Mr Willugbyes store sent you \two/ a branch\es/ of the Muscus denticulatus major which I must entreat you to return again, at least one of them branches We have made bold to take part of such of your plants as we wanted, where you might well spare it. If you have any sorts of Mushromes specifically distinct from those I have inserted, and of whose names you are sure, I should be glad of them, and willingly afford them room. Such of your Grasses as I have not put names to I am as yet doubtfull of. The Roses you mention I am well acquainted with; the lesser, being the Pimpernell rose of Gerard,10 you will find something of in my Catalogue, which I heerwithall send you entreating you to read \it/ over so soon as your leisure will permitt, to correct as you shall see cause, and to send me your animadversions and remarkes upon it, and such additionall 0129 Ray to Lister 241 observations of your own as I have omitted. I should be glad to know, whether you have observed and considered the small Caryophyllus11 growing near Notingham (as I take it near \about/ the Gallowes) because Th. Willisell12 would perswade me that it is distinct from that found about Sandy13 and [[several other]] places of England: I once saw it but did not take exact notice of it; and whether you have heeded the Polemonium petraeum Gesneri14 which he brought us from Notingham castle walles. Many things there are in this Catalogue, which I have not sufficiently cleared, however I am resolved now to huddle it out, and get my hands rid of it.15 One thing I must not omitt to tell you that I have robbed you of the credit those observations you communicated to the Society have gained in foreign parts by letting my name stand before them, and suffering yours to be suppressed: for I hear they are attributed to me, whereas I never had either the wit to find out, or the good fortune to hit upon any so considerable and unobvious experiments.16 Proceed in your ingenious studies and enquiries, for methinks Providence doth seem remarkably to succeed your endeavours, and communicate somewhat of your discoveries from time to time to Sir

Your very affectionate friend and humble servant Jo: Wray.

Forget not my humble service to your Lady17 to whom I wish when the time shall come felix puerperium et masculam prolem.

1. The postage was presumably received in Nottingham by 20 [twenth] December. 2. See letter of 15 November 1669. Ray was sending Lister back a catalogue of plants and plant samples. It is possible there was a letter sent from Lister to Ray in the intervening time period, but it has been lost. 3. This was the Thlaspi fruticosum leucoii an globulariae folio latissimo that Ray mentioned in his letter of 15 November 1669. 4. Isatis tinctoria or woad. 5. Ceratocapnos claviculata (formerly Corydalis claviculata), or the climbing corydalis, an annual climber. 6. Ray referred to Hesperis in his letter to Lister of 15 November, but provided no further details. Hesperis just refers to a genus of plants in the mustard family. 7. A species of mint. It must be the plant included by Ray in the second edition of Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1677, p. 198) as Mentastrum spicatum folio longiore candicante J.B., Long- leaved Horse-Mint, “Found by Mr. M. Lister growing in Burwel-beck in Lincoln-shire, plentifully.” Ray had recorded it “In agris & pascuis prope Arnum flumen non longè à Florentia”, a record published in his Catalogus stirpium in exteris regionibus (1673, p. 73). Lister’s plant was probably a member of the critical M. spicata group of mints. 8. In his letter of 15 November 1669, Ray had tentatively suggested that this might be Cystopteris fragilis or brittle bladderfern, and requested a dried specimen. However, here he 242 Lister to Ray 0130 identifies it as golden maidenhair, hence Lister’s description of the plant as capillo or “hairy,” similar to Capillus veneris verus, the name of a species in Gerarde and Parkinson. Lister’s plant is almost certainly that described by Ray in Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 9) as Adianthum aureum humilius foliis latis subrotundis, “In the Spring head on Shoat bank on that side of the Mountain that looks down upon Skipton. Mr. Lister.” In his edition of Ray’s Synopsis methodica stirpium Britannicarum (1724, p. 103), Dillenius placed the name in the synonymy of the moss now known as Rhizomnium punctatum. 9. Ray referred to this in his letter of 15 November. This in Linnaean taxonomy is Selaginella denticulata, the Swiss club moss, prostrate with small, bright-green leaves, that was often cultivated in Victorian hothouses in pots set in pans of water or at the edges of aquariums. 10. Ray is referring to John Gerard, The Herbal or the General History of Plants (London, 1597). It was enlarged and republished in 1633 by Thomas Johnson, the edition to which will be referred to here. Gerard’s Pimpernell Rose is in modern taxonomy called Rosa spinosissima or the Burnet Rose. See Gerard (1633), p. 1270. 11. Dianthus deltoides, the maiden pink. In the second edition of Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1677, p. 57). Ray listed the Bedfordshire and other sites and then added “I find this to be the same Pink which groweth so plentifully by the roads side on the sandy hill you ascend going from Lenton to Nottingham.” 12. Thomas Willisel (1621–1675?), one of the first professional field naturalists and plant collector who accompanied Ray on several “simpling” expeditions. 13. “Sandy” has been capitalized as it refers to a place (Sandy, Bedfordshire, between Cambridge and Bedford) and not soil conditions. 14. Silene nutans, known as Nottingham or white wild catchfly. “Gesneri” indicates that the name is from the works of the sixteenth-century naturalist Conrad Gesner. 15. Ray would indeed publish Catalogus plantarum Angliae (Catalogue of English Plants) in 1670. 16. Ray is referring to Lister’s paper, which was submitted anonymously to the Royal Society via Ray. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 23 November 1667, note 13. 17. Ray referred to Lister’s wife Hannah Parkinson, who was apparently pregnant shortly after their marriage in August 1669. Ray wrote wishing a “happy birth and male offspring.”

0130 Martin Lister to [John Ray] 22 December 1669

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 11, letter 29. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray, fol. 78. The letter is water-damaged at the bottom of the first folio. Missing text will be taken from earlier editions. The work also has written corrections in it by William Derham who compiled the first edition of the Ray correspondence. Address: No address present. Reply to: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 11, letter 28 (10 December 1669). Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 54–58 (partial); Lankester (1848), pp. 48–51 (partial). 0130 Lister to Ray 243

Friday

My deare friend

To my great joy and satisfaction I have retri[e]ved your last lattin Letter:1 and I thanke you for all the expressions of kindesse in it; I am not lesse sensible of them, than that you should suspect me of flattery; which is inconsistant with a harty and tru \love/ such as I have for you. You oblige me to tell me, that upon my importunity, the world may soone see your Catalogue.2 let me yet be soe bold as to beg of you that you would be pleased to enlarge your selfe in an elegant Preface of your fashion concerning the reasons, uses and necessity of such an exactness in \all/ Natural Historie. I \am/ glad to heare you commend Salmasius:3 I never yet reade the bo praeface but you speake judiciously of the worke. I remember you once tooke away the prejudice I had against Pliny:4 and I have ever since lookt upon him as a great Treasour of Learning. I could wish that you would give us your thoughts too of both the Ancient and Modern Historians and add this to your Preface. I remember my lord Bacon5 rashly censures all, and rejects the whole designe as Supervacaneous:6 but yet, me-thinke, not without some contradiction to his owne principles; for if a particular nature7 or phaenomenon \may/ be in some particular bodie more bare and obvious; without doubt the greater number we have of particular histories, ye plentifuller \and clearer/ light we may expect from them. for my part I thinke it absolutly necessary that an exact and minute distinction of things praecede our learning by particular experiments what differing parts each \bodie or thing/ may consist of, likewise concerning the best \and most convenient/ wayes of separation of those parts and their vertues and force upon human bodies as to [[the]] uses of life; all these besides the \different/ Textures are [[things subse]]quent to natural Historie, unlesse you’le [[make the last assistant]] as indeed all the rest are, were they truly [[known; but I am too bold to]] venture this much [[before my master, and I hope you will]] now [[soon let the world know they have too long neglected what you can teach them to]] prize. an other Time we \will/ if you please, talke of the advantage England has, in [[being]] an Island, to set a coppie \of this nature/ to the rest of \the/ World; and to set forth exactly what she [[has of ]] her owne. I am but a learner and a very young one in Mineralls: but I am pretty conf[[ident]] that it is yellow Amber they find not unplentifully after great stormes on Lindsey coast.8 I have neer lib. i.9 by me that I bought of the poor Fishermens wifes at Thedle Thorpe:10 so[[me]] peices of it are transparent and of a darke yellow, others alike transparent but of [[a]] brighter yellow, others again are of a pale yellow and troubled as though they were fattish: likewise of ye Jett,11 i.e. the great 244 Lister to Ray 0130 peices and Grove i.e. the small dust, I have \of both/ by me, and I does thinke them not channel,12 because they burne with much difficulty and are not kindled but wch on Wind-hearths13 as I may call them, being the country people that \make/ use of it have Fire-\hearths/14 baths made on purpose for that Fuell, that have Holes under them \yet are pierced through/15 the foundation of their houses: whence an unmannerly proverb is used among them: neighbour is the wind in your hole this morning? That is, have you the convenience of keeping in Fire to day. Else it grimes16 not, is light, and many pieces if rubbed will draw strawes.17 if I have an opportunity I will send you of \the/ one and of the other and alsoe the leggs of the Buzzard18 for it’s all I have of it by me but upon comparing them with the Kite19 the Bald buzzard20 and wood buzzard,21 you’le find them exceedingly different: but Mr. Willoughby did almost persuade me it was the Milvus aeruginosus Aldr.22 for indeed it is of a Self colour,23 that all is, all over of one rusty colour just like the rust of Iron, and as you may guesse by what feathers \that/ stick to the knees. You’le be pleased at your best leasure to send me an account of the Authors that have writt of Minerall and Fossills, for I am as I said but a beginner in this part of natural Historie and I have great encouragement besides in my Profession, not to be ignorant in this part espeacially having great hopes of considerable Mines in my owne Lordship in Craven:24 therefore I would furnish my selfe with the best Authors. I had writ almost hitherto when Mr. Willoughby’s25 keeper26 brought me the happy Peice I so long desired to see; I read it over forthwith greedily and am extreamly pleased that you have added the particular uses to the Titles. I have no additions to make you an offer of: only I read it not without pen, inke and paper \by me/ on which I now and then scrawled something and have taken the boldness to send it you. Mr. Willoughby was as it were desirous to know something further of me concerning my historie of Spiders: the whole is yet imperfect [[but however]] I have transcribed the Tables, that he may for [[the future join]] with me and assist me in the prosecution of my design, [[as to this part of ]] the historie of Ins[[ects for]], for the other parts, [[I must neglect them in a manner]] but [[this will still be my particular ambition, to look after with care. He may freely command my papers at any time; and, when you have corrected the style for there]] must be faults in it if you thinke fitt make him a prese present of it in my name or otherwise make use of it as to your Tables now in hand.27 I thanke you for the paines you tooke to note my plants and to name \them/, it is a great satisfaction to me:28 I have in acknowledgment sent you the things mentioned in this letter viz. of our Amber and jet. One thing I must add, that you maay \not/ thinke that this is casually cast upon the shoare, for it is the 0130 Lister to Ray 245 constant effect \more or lesse/ of winter storms and \the/ poor drive a kind of a small trade with it; the Apothecaries and others buying it of them at about 3d an ounce. Alsoe I send a bagg of \the/ Buzzard. a preserved medler.29 To these I add by way of present a couple of Pastilli, or \small/ Cakes of the juices dried in the sun, of our English stores of Plants. they are unmixt, and purly natural, as they were taken from the plants by incisions. the one was improp drawing or issuing out of the plant a purple juice the other of a gold colour: the one burnes freely with a flame, and is of noe inoffensive or ungratefull smell, the \ other/ burnes not \at/ all with a flame at least continues it not [[several words]] and is intoxicating. They are both bitter. Guesse me the plants that afford them, et eris mihi, ut revera es, magnus Apollo.30 I have a score of different juices besides me in cakes, but these are (If I mistake not at least to the best of my knowledge) noe where made mention \of/ by any authour, although the plants be common in England: they are the juices of noe fruit but of the body of the plant. What a puzzle here you’le tell me, and soe in earnest tis too much but that I had a minde to make something of a present of nothing. but you I’me sure are wont to spurne my Trifles. My Wife thankes you for your good wishes she asked me the meaning of those 4 latin words and I was the interpreter.31 Farwell and love me still as you were wont. I am

Your tru friend and servant

Martin Lyster

December 22d 1669

[On back of sheet in Ray’s handwriting:]

Prout32 άπνοοι33 Proinde34 Expertes35 Gingiva36 fig: of the tongue according to various applications37 w: softly

1. Ray and Lister at this point had decided to write to each other in the vernacular. 2. Ray would indeed publish his catalogue of English plants in 1670. 246 Lister to Ray 0130

3. Presumably Claudius Salmasius or Claude de Saumaire (1588–1653). He was a French classical scholar who published on a variety of subjects including economy, law, theology, politics, and medicine. Although he wrote more than eighty works, many were never published. 4. Pliny the Elder, whose Naturalis Historia, his famous encyclopedia on natural history, was published ca. 77–79 ad. 5. Sir Francis Bacon. Lister was clearly a devotee of his inductive philosophy of scientific empiricism. 6. Vainly added over and above what is essential; redundant or superfluous. 7. Derham capitalized this in the original letter, doing the same thing with “phaenomenon.” 8. East Lincolnshire coastline stretching from Grimsby to Skegness. 9. One pound. 10. Theddlethorpe, near Mablethorpe in Lincolnshire, on the East Lindsey Coast. 11. Jet originates from prehistoric wood from the “monkey puzzle” tree that fossilized over 135 million years ago. It is often found in the Whitby area of North Yorkshire, though some specimens can be found on the Lincolnshire coast. 12. Presumably cannel, a bituminous coal (in Scotland called parrot-coal), which burns with a very bright flame, and, from its richness in volatile matter, is much used in the manufacture of coal oils and gas: its texture is sufficiently compact and hard to allow of its being cut and polished like jet. 13. A hole for ventilation made to the outer air for turf fires. 14. The word “hearths” was put in later by Derham. 15. The phrase “yet are pierced through” was put in later by Derham. 16. To grime is to cover with grime or blacken or befoul. 17. It was well known that rubbing amber produced static electricity. 18. Buteo buteo or the common buzzard. 19. Milvus milvis. 20. It is not entirely clear to which bird Ray referred. The oed indicates that the bald buzzard refers to the fishhawk or osprey (Pandion haliaeetus), and Conrad Gesner in his Avium natura (1555) identified it as such. However, as Southwell has indicated, at the time Ray wrote this letter, there was frequent confusion by naturalists of the bald buzzard with other species. Ray and Willughby in their Ornithology featured a bird called the “Bald Buzzard,” but in describing its nesting site and eggs seemed to confuse it with the Marsh Harrier (Circus aeruginosus). They stated: “it builds upon the ground among Reeds, and lays three or four large white eggs of a figure exactly elliptical, lesser than Hens’ eggs.” (p. 70). See also Thomas Southwell, ed. Notes and Letters on the Natural History of Norfolk by Thomas Browne (London: Jarrold and Sons, 1902), pp. 4–5. 21. Raven identifies this as the common buzzard, Buteo buteo. See Raven (1986), p. 317. However, in this letter Ray insisted this species is different, and neither he nor Willughby made any reference to a wood buzzard in their Ornithology, just to the common buzzard. 22. Ray and Willughby described the Milvus aeruginosus of Aldrovandi in their Ornithology as the More-Buzzard (p. 75). The More-Buzzard was a traditional name for the Marsh Harrier, Circus aeruginosus. The male’s color is a reddish-brown, the female’s plumage entirely chocolate- brown, the term aeruginosus referring to the copper rusty color of the male bird. See William Burley Lockwood, The Oxford Book of British Bird Names (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), 0131 Broome to unknown 247 p. 104; H. Kirke Swan, A Dictionary of English and Folk-names of British Birds (London: Witherby and Co., 1913); Charles Swainson, The Folk-lore and Provincial Names of British Birds (London: English Dialect Society, 1885). 23. Of a “self color” means the same without or uniform, so the bird was a uniform rusty color. 24. Eventually Lister would inherit the manor house of Carleton-in-Craven in Yorkshire via his wife Hannah Parkinson. She received it as a result of partible inheritance with her mother Ann and her sister Mary. In an arrangement with Thomas Parkinson, Hannah’s father, Lister eventually inherited Ann and Mary’s portions. See R. Davies, “A memoir of Martin Lister, M.D., F.R.S. 1638–1712,” Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 2 (1873), pp. 297–320. 25. Francis Willughby. 26. Keeper of the library at Wollaton Hall, Willughby’s stately home in Nottinghamshire. 27. Lister’s table would eventually be published in the Philosophical Transactions in 1671. 28. In Ray’s letter to Lister of 10 December 1669. 29. Presumably a sample of the apple-like fruit from the medlar tree. The fruit had to be “bletted” or softened by frost to be edible, after which they tasted of apple sauce. 30. Lister’s witty modification of a riddle at the end of Virgil’s seventh Eclogue “Die, quibus in terries—et eris mihi magnus Apollo” or Tell me in what lands—and in my sight you shall be a mighty Apollo” (Ecl. iii. 104 f). Ray’s ability to identify the plants in the pastilles would raise his esteem in Lister’s eyes. 31. Lister referred to Ray’s previous letter of 10 December 1669, where Ray wrote “felix puer- prium et masculam prolem” wishing a “happy birth and male offspring.” The couple had a girl, named Susanna. Susanna was born at Carleton Hall and baptized on 9 June 1670. 32. Just as, according to. 33. Apnooi, i. masculine nominative plural of apnoos (“without breath”). 34. Latin for therefore or subsequently. 35. From the Latin experior, to try or to experience 36. The gums. 37. In 1670, Ray published his collection of English proverbs in which he included etymology and pronunciation, so it is possible that these notes on the tongue and its effect on pronunciation are related to that work.

0131 [Philip Broome]1 to unknown Tuesday, ca. 1670s

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 31.

Sir

If it please you and Dr Lyster to meete me to morrow morning after servise either at Church or my owne propose wee may agree of a time to meete at 248 Ray to Lister 0132

Mr Wilkinsons shoppe,2 and there make experiment of this Processe, or, if this afternoon be most reasonable upon notice from you, you will be attended by

Sir

Your very humble servant

Phil: Broome

Tuesday 11 o’ clocke

1. The identity of Broome is not known for certain. It could just possibly be Dr Philip Broome, the Receiver of Howden and Howdenshire, East Riding of Yorkshire. See Church Commission Deposit of Durham Bishopric Estate Records: Miscellanea, ccb B/211/56 (220861); 29th April 1641; ccb B/146/1 (220937). Declaration of Account of Philip Broome, Particular Receiver of Howden and Howdenshire. 1661–1662. Broome was the son of Henry Broome of Howden, Yorkshire, and the nephew of Sir Philip Monckton (ca. 1620–1679). Broome received his B.A. from Trinity College, Cambridge (1635/6), M.A. (1639) and ll.D. (1661). 2. For Wilkinson, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672, note 2. Broome may have been a member of a salon to which Lister belonged called the York virtuosi who made experiments in natural philosophy in the 1670s. The glasspainter Henry Gyles (1640–1709), addressed as “Honest Harry” by his friends, established this salon at his house in Micklegate. Other York virtuosi included artists Francis Place, William Lodge, and John Lambert, the antiquaries Ralph Thoresby and Miles Gale, George Plaxton, rector of Barwick-in-Elmet, the mathematician Thomas Kirke, Dr John Place (cousin to Francis), and the publisher and print seller Pierce Tempest. See J.T. Brighton, “Henry Gyles: Virtuoso and Glasspainter of York, 1645–1709,” York Historian, 4 (1984), pp. 1–62; Roos (2011), pp. 140–142.

0132 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 13 February 1669/70

Source: Catalogued as nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 9, letter 25. The nhm folio only contains an abstract of part of the letter not published in Lankester, written by the plant collector and geologist John D. Enys (1837– 1912). Enys had sold his collection of eighty-eight letters by Ray, Lister, and his contemporaries to the Natural History Museum in 1884 for £40. The original letter was auctioned on 28 September 0132 Ray to Lister 249

2004, “The Enys Collection of Autograph Manuscripts,” Bonhams, New Bond Street, London, Sale 11288. This transcription will uses Enys’s abstract as well as extant editions of correspondence. Address: No address present. Reply to: nhm mss Ray, fol. 11, letter 29 (22 December 1669). Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 58–60; Lankester (1848), pp. 52–53; Gunther (1928), pp. 124–125; Harley (1992), p. 169, letter 9; The Enys Collection of Autograph Manuscripts, Bonhams New Bond Street, London, sale 11288, 28 September 2004, (partial).

Dear Sir,

I return you most hearty thanks for the pains you took in perusing my Catalogue, and for your animadversions and observations thereupon. Your opinion grounded upon experience, that Opium and all opiates are highly venereal, if taken moderately, I willingly embrace.1 The reason which induced me to subscribe to the common opinion, was not because I imagined them to be cold, as the former physicians fondly conceited, but because they do in a large dose fix the spirits and inhabit their motion, as appears in that they are anodynous2 and soporiferous; and the sperm being a spiritous body, I was thence induced to think that they might hinder its turgescency. But, upon further consideration and inquiry, I find the effects of Opium to be something analogous to those of wine and other generous liquors, which, moderately drunk, incite to venery, but to excess, become soporiferous and narcotic, extin- guishing that appetite. When it is supposed to proceed, that the Germans are of all nations most continent and least addicted to women. I thank you, likewise, for your note out of Olearius3 concerning Hemp, which I have now entered. I intend to follow your advice in adding something to my preface concerning the usefulness of being particular and exact in natural history; but much I have not to say concerning that point, and I am fearful of enlarging my book and swelling it to a greater bulk than may commodiously be carried out in one’s pocket, for that will make it unuseful, and consequently less saleable; besides that, it is not proper to set a great porch before a small house.4 I must not forget to thank you for the present you sent me. I agree with you, that what you sent in small pieces and consequently the rest of the same nature cast up on your coast of Lindsey5 is yellow amber. The like variety of colours is observed in it whereever it is found; and the other great piece is truly jet and not cannell.6 By the leg of the Buzzard, and the description you formerly sent me, I am confidently persuaded it is the Milvus aeruginosus, Aldrov.7 As for the authors who have written of minerals and fossils, I have not been so conversant in that part of learning 250 Ray to Lister 0132 as to be able to give any judgment concerning them. Georgius Agricola, De re Metallica et re Naturâ Fossilium, is of all men approved though I must confess myself never to have read him;8 and suppose Lazarus Erker, a German, is a good writer on that subject.9 I never went further than Ferrantes Imperatus his naturall history.10 Aldrovandus his Museum metallicum.11 The musaea of Wormius12 and Calceolarius,13 J. Bauhinus de fonte et balneo Bollensi,14 Boetius de Boot de Gemmis15 and Schroders Pharmacopoeia.16 I have run over Kircher’s ‘Mundus Subterraneus,’ though I must needs say I was not much improved by it; yet some use may be made of it.17 Some help it hath been to me to have seen various collections of minerals with their several titles in cabinets beyond the seas.18 I am not so cunning as to tell, or give any probable guess, what those plants should be whose juices you sent; indeed I do not pretend to a critical palate, but I must desire to be informed by you.19 Of your table of spiders I shall at present add nothing: I doubt not but it will be of great use to me when I shall have leisure to prosecute that inquiry.20 Since I received my Catalogue from your hands, I have procured some considerable experiments and observations, medical from Dr. Needham21 and some other ingenious physicians of my acquaintance, so that I have not yet sent it to be printed. I shall add no more at present but my humble service to yourself and Lady assuring you that I am

Sir yours entirely in all service,

John Wray

Middleton, Feb. 13, 1669.

1. Lister’s “opinion” on the matter has been lost, but it is interesting to speculate if such topics were of concern to him due to his recent marriage. Opiates had been considered an aphrodisiac since Ancient Greece times as they decrease inhibition as well as sensation, which can lead to prolonged erections without ejaculation. This second effect would increase the possibility for the woman’s orgasm, and could be perceived by both partners as a sexual enhancement. Endorphins produced by attachment to one’s partner are also chemically very similar to opiates. See Richard Alan Miller, The Magical and Ritual use of Aphrodisiacs (Rochester, Vermont: Inner Traditions Bear and Company, 1992), p. 128; Christopher A. Faraone, Ancient Greek Love Magic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 126; P.V. Taberner, Aphrodisiacs: the Science and the Myth (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985), pp. 196–198. 2. Anodynous is a substance that alleviates pain or soothes. 3. Adam Olearius (1603–1671) or Adam Oehlschlaeger, a German scholar, mathematician, librarian, and geographer. He became secretary to the ambassador sent by Frederick iii, the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, to the Shah of Iran. It was here that he encountered hemp used as 0132 Ray to Lister 251 a narcotic and aphrodisiac, writing about it in his The Voyages and Travels of the Ambassadors sent by Frederick Duke of Holstein to the great Duke of Muscovy, and the King of Persia (London: Thomas Dring and John Starkey, 1669). The work was translated from the German edition Offt begehrte Beschreibung der newen orientalischen Reise by John Davies for a 1662 and a 1669 edition. Olearius wrote, “They use all imaginable inventions to stir themselves up to lust, and to this end have they at all meetings, whether at common tippling houses or elsewhere, men and women dancers who provoke them to brutality by their obscene postures. They use also the seed and leaves of hemp to revive languishing nature, though our naturalists assign it a cold quality, which weakens and corrupts nature. I cannot imagine how this can add any fuel to their lustful inclinations, unless it be that the ventous humor of it be also expulsive, or that in these hot countries it hath other qualities than it hath in Europe. To prepare this drug, they gather the leaves before they come to seed, dry them in the shade, beat them to powder, which they mix with honey, and make pills thereof about the bigness of a pigeons egg. They take two or three of them at a time to fortify nature. As to the seed, they fry it, put a little salt thereto and eat it by way of desert. Imanculi, who was sent ambassador from the king of Persia to the duke of Holstein, took of it at every meal, after he had married a young woman at Astrakhan, he himself being seventy years of age,” p. 238. 4. This was Ray’s Catalogus Plantarum Angliae or his Catalogue of English Plants (1670) which does contain a sixteen-page preface about natural history. 5. East Lindsey Coast of Lincolnshire. 6. A bituminous coal (in Scotland called parrot-coal), which burns with a very bright flame, and, from its richness in volatile matter, is much used in the manufacture of coal oils and gas; its texture is sufficiently compact and hard to allow of its being cut and polished like jet. 7. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 22 December 1669, note 22. 8. Georg Bauer’s standard text “On the nature of metals,” first published in Germany in 1556, in which he reviewed everything then known about mining, including equipment and machin- ery, and the means of finding ores. 9. Erker’s work on metallurgy was translated from the German by Sir John Pettus and published via the Royal Society as J. Pettus, Fleta Minor, or the laws of art and nature in knowing, judging, assaying, fining, refining, and inlarging the bodies of confin’d metals (London: T. Dawkes, 1683). The title “Fleta minor” was a pun referring to the Fleet prison where Pettus did the final writing. See D. Thornburn Burns, “Highlights in the history of quantitation in chemistry,” Fresenius’ Journal of Analytical Chemistry, 337 (1990), pp. 205–212, on pp. 206–207. See also A.G. Sisco and C.S. Smith, Lazarus Erker’s Treatise on Ores and Assaying (translated from the German edition of 1580) (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951). 10. Ferrante Imperato’s Dell’historia naturale di Ferrante Imperato napolitano Libri xxviii. Nella quale ordinatamente si tratta della diversa condition di miniere, e pietre. Con alcune historie di piante et animali; sin hora non date in luce (Naples, 1599). 11. Ulysses Aldrovandus, Museum metallicum in libros iiii distributum (Bologna, 1648). Aldrovandi’s pupil Ambrosinus published this 979-folio page work. For each type of stone, the book gives a description of the varieties, an etymology of the name and synonyms, its uses in medicine, and the localities where it was found. 12. Ole Worm, Museum Wormianum seu Historia Rerum Rariorum (Leiden: Elzevir, 1655). Worm (1588–1655) was a Danish physician and antiquary who created his own museum collection, its contents published as a catalog after his death. 252 Ray to Lister 0132

13. This was the museum of the apothecary Francesco Calzolari (1521–1600). The museum focused mostly on medicines, particularly panaceas. Its remains are in the Natural History Museum in Verona. Two works were published about the museum, the first a short catalogue by the physician Giovanni Battista Olivi: De reconditis et praecipuis collectaneis ab honestissimo et solertissimo Francisco Calceolari Veronensi in Musaeo adservatis. According to Paula Findlen, the first catalogue “had been a product of debates about the proper ingredients in medicines.” The second work was a much-expanded version published in 1622 by Benedetto Ceruti and Andrea Chiocco. The discussion of fossils by Fracastoro included in the work is noteworthy. Fracastoro held that fossils were the remains of living animals in the sea, and that the rocks composing the mountains were once the sea floor. As Findlen indicated, “The second catalogue displayed all the hallmarks of the humanist erudition cultivated in the academies of late Renaissance and Baroque Italy. While Olivi explored the possible uses of nature, Ceruti and Chiocco explored the imaginative possibilities of natural phenomena.” See A.B. Ceruti and A. Chiocco, Musaeum Fr. Calceolarii Jun. Veronensis . . . Ceruto incaeptum et ab Andrea Chiocco descriptum et perfectum (Verona: Angelus Tamus 1622), and Cyril Bromehead, “A geological museum of the early seventeenth century,” Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, 103 (1947), pp. 65–87. See also Paula Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p. 40. 14. Johann Bauhin, Historia novi et admirabilis fontis balneique Bollensis in Ducatu Wirtembergico ad acidulas Goepingenses Adjiciuntur plurimae figurae novae variorum fossilium stirpium & insectorum, quae in & circa hunc fontem reperiuntur (Montbéliard [France], 1598). This work is by the Swiss physician and botanist Johann Bauhin (1541–1613) who wrote several other books about spa waters. He also published the Historia plantarum universalis (Yverdon, 1650), the first international flora containing descriptions of 5,226 plants. Bauhin was the brother of Gaspard Bauhin, and Linnaeus named the genus Bahinia (Caesalpiniaceae) after the two brothers. 15. Anselmus Boetius de Boodt, Gemmarum et Lapidum Historia (Leiden, 1609). Other editions were published in 1636, and the work was translated into French in 1644. Johannes de Laet published another edition in 1647. De Boodt (1550–1632) was a Belgian mineralogist and physician from Brugge responsible (with Agricola) for establishing the discipline of mineralogy. His Gemmarum listed some 600 known minerals with a description of their medical uses and properties. 16. Johann Schröder, Pharmacopoeia medicochymica: Sive Thesaurus Pharmacologicus (Ulm, 1641), which had several editions throughout the seventeenth century. Schröder (1660–1664) was a German physician and pharmacist who was the first person to produce the elemental form of arsenic (1649) by heating its oxide. 17. Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680), the Jesuit Polymath. Ray was referring to his Mundus Subterraneus, published in twelve volumes between 1664 and 1678. 18. Presumably during Ray’s tour with Willughby on the Continent from 1663 until 1666. 19. Ray was referring her to Lister’s present of pastilles made of plants sent with his letter of 22 December 1669. Lister challenged Ray to identify the species from which they were made. 20. Lister’s table would be published eventually in the Philosophical Transactions. 21. Dr. Walter Needham (1632–1691), an expert anatomist, F.R.S., fellow of Queen’s College, Oxford, and fellow of the Royal College of Physicians. Ray acknowledged Needham’s friendship and his help concerning the medical properties of plants in his Catalogus Plantarum Angliae or 0133 Cotton to Lister 253 his Catalogue of English Plants (1670). See Raven (1986), p. 46. See also D.A. Power, ‘Needham, Walter (bap. 1632, d. 1691)’, rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004.

0133 [Charles Cotton]1 to Martin Lister 28 February 1669/70

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 2, fols 30–31. Address: No address present.

Fevrier le 28esme 1669

Monsieur vous ayant promis de vous donner de mes nouvelles, & n’ayant a present dequoy vous divertir de plus agreable, je m’en va vous rendre compte de quelle maniere je passe icy mon temps en la solitude de cette maison champestre. Et afin de ne vous rien celer, & de vous informer au vray de tout ce que me touche, preparez vous d’estre importuné d’un recit de ma petite famille, de mon dormir, mon manger, mes estudes, mes divertissements, & mes desplaisirs. Surquoy il ne vous sera guere difficile de concevoir jusques a quel point la fortune m’est contraire, & de former un jugement precis de la miserable vie, que je suis contraint par mon malheur de trainer parmy ces rochers, & les maudits habitans de cet pais barbare. Scachez donc que pour toute famile, je n’ay qu’un coquin de valet, que me sert de valet de chambre, de sommellier, de palfrerier, & de laquay tout ensemble: une blanchisseuse, une cuisiniere, & un lourdant de cerf pour l’agriculture, & le marché. Mes gardes (que, quoy que je ne suis prince, ny Lieutenant du Roy sont toutefois fort necessaires en un voisinage tel que le nostre) consistent d’un gros mastin, un mousqueton, un vieux Jacque de Maille, & un grand coutelas de quelque un de mes ayeuls; de quelles armes quand je me suis paré, je fay fort bonne mine a ma fantasie; & pretend me pouvoir defendre contre tout le monde. Je ne va jamais coucher qu’a une heure apres minuict, d’ou il s’ensuit que je me leve, que fort peu avant midy, sinon que le beau temps me convie pour aller a la promenade, ce que n’arrive que fort rarement pourtant, Monsieur le soleil nous regardant si a travers en cet pais septentrional, que nous ne nous jouissons guere de ses rayons durant les six mois de l’hyver. Je ne mange jamais qu’une fois le jour, & alors je scay si bien remuer les mains, qu’il n’y a danger que de crever, car j’avallera bien une langue de Boeuf 254 Cotton to Lister 0133 en moins d’un Pate-Nostre. On me donne tousjours mes trois plats, & jamais plus, si ce n’est jour de feste, ou que quelque un vient disner chez moy, & en tel necessité, on va faire la guerre aux poules. Apres avoir ajousté mon pourpoint a la Puchianel a force de manger, mon valet m’ayant apporté une Chandelle, & des pipes, & tout le monde s’estans retirées, je m’amuse a composer des vers de ma façon, en fumant tousjours de Tabac jusques a deux heures apres midy. Je commence alors a songer que c’est trop perdre de temps que de donner tant a des sottises de la sort, & m’applique derechef a quelque chose de plus loüable, & de plus grande utilité; c’est a dire a la lecture de quelque bonne piece, soit elle antique, ou modern, dont aussy mon Cabinet n’est pas tout a fait depourveü. Apres avoir donné deux heures a cet occupation (car si personne ne me vien debaucher, je suis regulier en mes estudes) je sens mes esprits commencans peu, a peu à s’appesantir, quand la Cloche m’eveillant a force de sonner quatre heures, je me leve aussy tost en sursaut, pour m’aller remettre a la promenade, ce que je fais journellement a mesme heure, si ne suis detenu par le respect de quelque uns de mes amis, qui me vient visiter, & en tel avanture nous passons l’apredisné a vuider les tasses a la mode d’Angleterre. Quand le vent, la pluy, ou la neige la [[veuille]] \veulent/ permettre, je me promene dans le jardin, sur la montaigne, & aux environs de ma petite retraite, autrement, & pour la plus part, je me vois reduit a la salle commune de ma maison; ou ayant pris de cinque a six cent tours (ce que puis faire (bien qu’elle est moyennement large) a grand pas en une heure) la Cloche me donne encore á entendre qu’il est temps de me reposer, ce que je fay aussy, me met- tant sur une grande chaire a deux bras, entouré de Carreaux a la mode de Scarron, pour un petit quart d’heure, sans me mesler d’autre mestier durant cet intervalle, qu’a fumer de Tabac, & de songer un peu mes petites affaires. M’ayant ainsi reposé un peu, soufflé un moment, essuyé la sueur, & repris l’haleine, me trouvant alors assez refroidy pour boire un coup sans danger d’incommoder Messieurs les Medicins, je siffle mon bougre de valet pour me donner a boire du meilleur avec une Rostie, ce que m’estant apporté, je commence une grande verre a la santé de mon frere Monsieur Lyster, & me fay aussy raison de sa part. Cela fait, je m’attache de nouveau a la lecture, & ayant pris le livre en main, ne le quitte plus deslors, qu’apres les dix heures du soir. En suitte de cette lecture je recommence a barboüiller le papier, continuant cet exercise, sans humanité, ny reslasche jusques a demy heure apres minuict, a quelle heure ordinaire- ment, j’ay heureusement donné la derniere main a quelque chose que ne vaille rien. Apres cela me sentant a demy assoupi, je quitte la plume, & m’en va me deshabiller, & en un peu de temps me mette paisiblement au lit. M’estans ainsi couché, & estendu a mon aise, on me donne encore une chandelle sur une 0133 Cotton to Lister 255 petite Table joignante la ruelle de mon lit, & un livre en main de quelque petit Escrivain, comme Francion, Scarron, Buscon, Lazaril, quelque Comedie, ou Romant, ou quelque autre de mesme estoffe, & de fort peu d’importance, dont je n’entretien jusques a deux heures du matin, & alors j’estein la Chandelle & me compose a dormir tout de bon. Je ne suis pas pourtant si bon dormeur que de m’abandonner si promptement au sommeil, j’en ay assez des inquietudes pour troubler mon repos, voyla pourquoy sans y penser je me met a resver sur la negligence, & l’injustice de princes, l’infidelité, & l’ingratitude des hommes, l’inegalité des affaires humaines, et mille autre choses dont mon esprit se trouve incessamment bourrelé, jusques a ce que peu a peu, je me rend insensi- blement tout a fait a l’empire de Morphée. Voyla a plus pres, comme mes jours, & mes nuicts sont reiglées sans rei- glement, mes jours sans plaisir, mes nuicts sans repos, & toute ma vie sans utilité ny contentement. Je ne scay ce que c’est de la conversation humaine d’autant que tout le monde icy sont generalement de brutaux. Il n’y á d’icy a dix mile un seul homme; il est vray que nous avons de bestes a deux jambes, qu’on prendroit a la premiere veüe pour des hommes, mais celuy que les mettra a l’espreuue les trouvera bien autre choses. Il y a pourtant autant de finesse, & de fourberie entre ces gens la, qu’en peuple que soit au monde. Ils sont touts natu- rellement larrons, frippons, & fourbes quoy qu’ignorans au plus haut degré; en fin si nous autres gentilhommes ne les tenions quelque peu en bride, ils sont si puissamment addonnées a tout sorte de vilenie, & si ennemy de la Noblesse, que peu s’en faut, qu’ils ne jouassent tous les jours quelque tour de proven- ceaux Monsieur havera z’visto le lievre passay. Il y a donc peu d’apparence, qu’on seroit grandement ravy de la frequentation de ces Diables de Malotrus, dont la mine est si bigearre, les moeurs si corrompües, l’entretien si peu divertissant, & le tout si ennuyeux, que je suis devenu tout a fait Misanthrope a leur regard, & a tel point, que pour me guarentir de l’importunité, mesme de leur civilitez, je pretend tousjours quelque petite excuse, quelque indisposition leger, d’avoir pris la Medecine, ou d’estre fort empesché de quelque affaire d’importance, si je ne suis attrappé au depourveü, ce que n’arrive que trop souvent pourtant, malgré toutes mes precautions, & alors il n’y a plus moyen, il faut tout souffrir. Pour eviter donc ces importuns, & pour me divertir, je va quelquefois a la pesche, ou a la chasse, ou bien me leve de grand matin, pour aller rendre visite a quelque gens de bien de ma cognoissance a six, ou sept grandes lieux de ma demeure, ce que je puis faire pourtant assez a temps pour y disner, & retour- ner d’assez bonne heure, si je ne suis pressé d’y loger, & en tel cas je ne fay pas trop le difficile. Ainsy (mon cher amy) vous voyez que mes divertissements sont fort peu, & de peu de durée, au lieu que mes desplaisirs sont inifinies, 256 Cotton to Lister 0133

& perpetuels. Il n’y a jour que passe sans me donner quelque subjet de mescon- tentement, mes voisins, mes creanciers, ceux que me vient trouver pour la justice, ensemble mon chagrin naturel contribuent également a cette inquietude, de sorte qu’il faut que vous me voyez ou grand philosophe, & encore stoique, ou que vous me plaigner pour le plus malheureux de tous les hommes. Je ne m’abandonne pas neantmoins tellement a la melancholie, que je ne trouue en la lecture de bons Autheurs quelque soulagement a mes maux, auquelle vous avez liberalement contribué, par le beau present que vous m’avez fait du railleur Lucien, que je trouue divertissant a merveille, & bien que je ne suis pas assez bon Grec, que de l’entreprendre en son original, je ne manque pas pour cela d’estre lecteur d’assez bon goust pour le preferer a plusie[[xxx]]\ur/s autres, & de recognoistre Monsieur d’Ablancourt pour grand homme, & fort heureux en ses Traductions. Je vous presente en eschange les Commentaires de Monsieur le Mareschal Montluc, le plus vieux, & celebre Capitaine de son temps, une Histoire (quoy qu’escrit de sa propre main, & de luy mesme) fort veritable pourtant, & ou les Gasconnades se trouvent á bon Marché. vous les remarquerez bien a vostre loisir. Depuis la lecture de Lucien je me suis attaché a Monsieur le Docteur Rabelais, ce que jusques a cette heure je n’ay jamais fait a bon escient, ayant tousjours eu peur de m’engager avec un Autheur si scabreux, & si inexplicable que celuy la; mais au premier abord je n’ay pas trouvé l’affaire si difficile, comme je m’avois proposé, & prendra la liberté de vous dire mes sentiments la dessus. Rabelais donc est un Escrivain qui tasche de cacher ses malices sous les ruines de l’Antiquité, & de la comme d’un embuscade, lance ses injures contre tout le genre humain; & encore qu’il est spirituel, ne cesse pas pour cela d’estre grand desbauché, blasphemateur envers Dieu, mesdisant envers les hommes, & impudique vers les Femmes jusques a la scandale. Enfin son Ouvrage n’est rien autre chose qu’un fatras de salletéz, & des mots barbares affettées, que rompent la teste au lecteurs, que sont difficiles a comprendre, & qu’a mon advis ne vaillent pas la peine, quand on les aura deffilées. Mais c’est juger trop hardiment un Autheur comme Rabelais, & les Medecins ne sont pas gens pour estre traittez de la sorte. Je vous supplie donc de pardonner \a/ toutes mes impertinences, de croire que l’amitié que je vous á voüé est parfait, & desinterressé, & de m’aimer comme je vous aime, qui suis plus qu’homme \que soit/ au monde

Monsieur Vostre tres-affectioné, & tres-humble serviteur

Cotton 0133 Cotton to Lister 257

February 28th 1669 Sir having promised to give you my news, and having at present nothing more agreeable with which to entertain you, I am going to relate the manner in which I spend my time here in the solitude of this peasant home. And in order to conceal nothing from you, and to give you a true picture of all that my business, prepare to be importuned by a recital of my little household, my sleeping, my eating, my studies, my recreations, and my annoyances. On these matters it will hardly be difficult for you to imagine to what extent fortune is against me, and to come to an exact judgement of the miserable life that I am forced to lead by my misfortune among these rocks and the cursed inhabitants of this barbarous country. Know then that my entire household consists only of a rascally valet, who serves as footman, butler,2 groom and lackey all together, a laundry maid, a cook, and a clod of a serf for ‘agriculture’3 and the market. My guards (who, though I am neither prince nor king’s lieutenant, are always absolutely necessary in a neighbourhood like ours) consist of a mastiff, a carabine,4 old chain mail, and my grandfather’s great cutlass;5 when I am armed withal, I put a very good face on my fantasy, and claim to be able to defend myself against everyone. I do not go to bed until an hour after midnight, from which it follows that I arise little before midday, unless good weather invites me to go walking, which only happens very rarely, however, Master Sun giving us such oblique notice in this autumnal country that we hardly enjoy his rays for the six months of winter. I only ever eat once a day, and then I know so well how to stir myself that the only danger is of choking, as I can swallow a beef tongue in less [time] than [saying] a Paternoster. Each day they give me three courses, and never more, unless it is a holiday, or someone comes to dine with me, and if this is required, they go and make war on the chickens. After having adjusted my doublet by dint of eating, my valet having brought a candle, and pipes, and everyone having retired, I indulge myself in the craft- ing of verses, still smoking tobacco until two o’clock [in the afternoon]. I then begin to think that this is wasting too much time on such foolishness, and apply myself once again to something more worthy, and of greater utility; that is to say to reading some fine play, whether ancient, or modern, of which my study is not altogether devoid. After having devoted to hours to this occupation (for if no-one comes to distract me, I am very regular in my studies) I feel my spirits begin little by little 258 Cotton to Lister 0133 to dull, when the clock stirs me by striking four o’clock. I get up with a start to go walking again, which I do daily at the same hour, if not detained in respect of one of my friends coming to visit me, in which case we spend the afternoon draining glasses in the English fashion. Whenever the wind, rain, or snow deigns to let me, I walk in the garden, on the mountain, and around my little retreat. Otherwise, [and] for the most part, I find myself confined to the living room of my house; where having taken five or six hundred turns (which, although the room is quite large, can be done in an hour) the clock again tells me that it is time to rest. So I do this, settling myself on a throne with two arms, surrounded by spectacles in the mode of Scarron,6 for almost a quarter of an hour, without engaging in any other occupation during that time but smoking tobacco and pondering my affairs. Having rested a little, taken breath for a moment, wiped the sweat, and recovered, thus finding myself sufficiently cooled down to have a drink without running the risk of inconveniencing the physicians, I whistle for my so and so of a valet to bring me some of the best with a roast7 and when it is brought to me I raise a glass to the health of my brother Mister Lyster, and I return the health, to myself, on his behalf. That done, I apply myself once more to reading, and having taken up the book, do not leave it off until ten o’clock in the evening. After this reading I recommence scrawling, continuing this exercise without human contact and without relief until half an hour after midnight, at which hour ordinarily, I have happily put the finishing touch to something worthless. After that, feeling somewhat drowsy, I quit writing and I go to get undressed, and in a short time settle myself comfortably in bed. Thus abed, and stretched out at my ease, they give me another candle on a little table [[attached to the side of my bed]] and a book in hand by some minor author, like Francion,8 Scarron,9 Buscon,10 Lazaril,11 some play or romance, or something else of the same kind, and very little importance, with which I engage until two o’clock in the morning, and then I extinguish my candle and settle down to sound sleep. I am not, however, such a good sleeper as to abandon myself so immediately to slumber, I have sufficient concerns to trouble my repose, which is why without thinking about them I begin to dream of the negligence, and injustice of princes, the infidelity, and ingratitude of men, the unfairness of human business, and a thousand other things with which my mind is ceaselessly racked, until little by little, I yield unconsciously [and] fully to the empire of Morpheus. There you see how, more or less, my days and my nights are ruled without regulation, my days without pleasure, my nights without rest, and my whole life without usefulness or contentment. I do not know the meaning of human intercourse [or conversation] inasmuch as everyone here is generally brutish. There is not a single man within ten miles; it is true that we have beasts on two 0133 Cotton to Lister 259 legs, who you would take at first sight for men, but he who puts them to the test will find them quite otherwise. There is, however, as much finesse among these people, as people anywhere in the world. They are all naturally thieves, rascals and clods12 [[as well as]] ignorant in the greatest degree; indeed if we [[other]] gentlemen do not bridle them a little, they are so powerfully addicted to every sort of villainy, and such enemies of nobility, that little stops them from playing at evil acts every day. There is thus little likelihood that one will be greatly delighted with the company of these sullen devils, whose looks are so bizarre, morals so corrupt, encounter [with whom] so unamusing, and the whole so tedious, that I have become a complete misanthrope where they are concerned, and to such a point, that to save myself trouble, even from their civilities, I always claim some little excuse, some slight indisposition, to have taken medicine, or to be precluded from some matter of importance, if I am not caught off guard, which happens very often, however, despite all my precautions, and then there’s nothing to be done, all must be endured. To avoid such importunities, and to amuse myself, I sometimes go fishing, or hunting, or perhaps rise early in the morning to go visiting some respect- able person of my acquaintance [at least] six or seven leagues from my home/ lodging but with sufficient time to dine there and return quite early, unless I am pressed to stay there, and in that case I do not make much difficulty. Thus (my dear friend) you see that my amusements are very few, and of short dura- tion, while my aggravations are infinite and perpetual. There is not a day that passes without some cause of discontent, my neighbours, my creditors, those who come to seek justice, altogether my natural unhappiness also contributes to this anxiety, to the extent that you must see me as a great philosopher, and a Stoic at that, rather than [[depict]] me as the most unfortunate of all men. Nonetheless, I do not abandon myself so much to melancholy that I fail to find some relief from my troubles in the reading of good writers, something to which you have liberally contributed by the fine present you made me of the satiric Lucian,13 which I find wonderfully diverting, and although I am not a sufficiently good Grecian to undertake it in the original, I am for all that a reader of sufficiently good taste to prefer him to others and to recognise Monsieur d’Ablancourt14 for a great man, and very felicitous in his translations. I put forward in exchange the commentaries of Marshall Montluc,15 the oldest, and most celebrated captain of his time, a history (given that it is written in his own hand, and by himself) which is very authentic, and in which the boasts are cheap. You can discover them at your leisure. Since reading Lucian I am drawn to Dr Rabelais,16 whom I never essayed until this moment, having always feared to tangle with an author so [[tortuous]], and so incomprehensible as he is; but on the first onslaught I did not find the matter so difficult as I had supposed, 260 Cotton to Lister 0133 and [I] will give myself the liberty of telling you my thoughts on it. Rabelais is a writer who tries to hide his tricks under the ruins of antiquity, and from there, as in an ambush, aims his insults against all humankind; and for all that he is witty, he does not cease to be a great debaucher, a blasphemer towards God, a backbiter towards men, and scandalously wanton towards women. In sum his work is nothing other than a mess of filth, and of [[avowed]] barbarous words, which break the heads [[or jar the brains]] of readers, which are difficult to understand, and which in my opinion are not worth the deciphering. But that is to judge an author like Rabelais too harshly, and physicians are not men to be treated in this manner.17 I beg you then to pardon all my impertinence, to believe that the friendship I have vowed to you is perfect, and disinterested, and to love me as I love you, who am more than any man in the world

Sir your very affectionate and very humble servant

Cotton

1. It is uncertain who the author of this letter is. Although the signature of the letter closely resembles that of the English poet and writer Charles Cotton (1630–1687), the body of the letter is in French and seems to be in a different hand. Comparisons were made using Charles Cotton’s autograph manuscript of his 1649 “An elegy upon the death of that hopeful and learned gentleman Henry Lord Hastings, who died of the small pox,” in the Beineke Library, Yale University, gen mss vol 462; A signature of Cotton’s on: Waterfall Staffs: Conveyance by feoff- ment, 1660, Derbyshire Record Office D770/C/ez/407; An autograph signature of Charles Cotton on The Rogue, or the Life of Fuzman de Alfarache (Oxford: William Turner, 1630), Beineke Library, Yale University, Obsorn fpb40. Charles Cotton was best known for The Compleat Gamester (1674) and his contributions to Izaak Walton’s Compleat Angler (1653). He was also a captain in the Earl of Chesterfield’s regiment of foot from 1666 until June of 1667; this was part of a levy raised in anticipation of a land invasion by the Dutch. The regiment was disbanded after the conclusion of the peace with Holland on 21 July 1667. For the next 18 months there had been no record of Cotton except possibly this letter, although it is known in May 1670 he made a voyage to Ireland, as described in his Voyage to Ireland in Burlesque (1670). If the author of this letter was Cotton, and he was in Ireland at the time, he would be using the Julian calendar, dating this letter to 1670. Arguments could also be made against Charles Cotton being the author of this letter, as the style indicates a Frenchman—for example, the reference to emptying cups a la mode d’Angleterre, the literary references which are mostly French (including d’Ablancourt’s French translation of Lucian), the return gift of the work of de Monluc. There is also a brief entry for a French poet called Cotton. (In Georges Grente’s Dictionnaire des lettres françaises: le xviie siècle, ed. A. Pauphilet et al., revised by Patrick Dandrey et al., 2nd edn (Paris, 1996), p. 341). The 0133 Cotton to Lister 261

French Cotton authored a poem about Charlotte-Rose de Caumont de La Force (1654–1724). The poem: “Sur Iris, qui souhaitoit d’estre Garçon” was published in a collection (Troisième partie de Recueil de Pièces galantes . . . de Madame Countesse de la Suze (Paris: Gabriel Quinet, 1668), p. 465). It is possible this French poet with the surname Cotton could be the author of this letter, and Lister could have met him in Montpellier, although there is no reference to anyone named ‘Cotton’ in Lister’s memoirs or travel diaries of the period (Bodl. ms Lister 5, and Bod. ms Lister 19). See Charles Jacob Sembower, The Life and Poetry of Charles Cotton (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1911), pp. 40–-43; Noel Malcolm, Aspects of Hobbes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 234–-258. My thanks to Elizabeth Frengel and Kathryn James of the Beineke Library, Yale University, Noel Malcolm, All Souls, Oxford, and Becky Sheldon, Derbyshire Record Office. 2. Literally a “wine waiter.” 3. Gardening. 4. A kind of fire-arm, shorter than the musket, used by the cavalry and other troops. 5. A short sword with a flat, wide, slightly curved blade. 6. In 1664, Cotton published the Scarronides, a parody of Virgil’s Aeneid, which was indebted to the French verse of Scarron. See Charles Cotton, Scarronides: or Virgile Travestie. A Mock-Poem. Being the First Book of Virgils Æneis in English, Burlésque (London, 1664). 7. Literally “une Rostie” that could be a roast or even Swiss rösti. 8. Presumably the comic adventure novel, Histoire comique de Francion (1623), by Charles Sorel, sieur de Souvigny (ca. 1602–1674). Francion was a comic adventure novel. 9. Paul Scarron (ca. 1610–1660), French poet, dramatist, and comic novelist. 10. Presumably Historia de la vida del Buscón (1626), a picaresque novel by Francisco de Quevedo published anonymously due to its heretical content. 11. Presumably La vida de Lazarillo de Tormes y sus fortunas y adversidades (1554), a Spanish novella published anonymously due to its heretical content. 12. Literally “peat.” 13. Lucian of Samosata (ca. 125–180), a Greek satirist whose best-known works are A True History (a romance that is “not true”), and Dialogues of the Dead. 14. Nicolas Perrot d’Ablancourt (1606–1664), who translated Lucian’s True history. The term “belle infidèle” was coined to describe his translation. In his preface, Perrot d’Ablancourt set out the principles underlying his new method of translation. He advocated modifications or mod- ernization of the original text in the name of taste and linguistic and cultural differences. 15. The Commentaires de Monluc chronicled the military career of the Gascon soldier Blaise de Monluc. Written between 1570 and 1577, the Commentaires served as a military manual for subsequent commanders in the French royal army. See Blaise de Monluc, Commentaires 1521– 1576, ed. Paul Courteault and J. Giono (Paris, 1964); Blaise de Monluc, Commentaires et lettres de Blaise de Monluc, maréchal de France, ed. A. de Ruble, 5 vols (Paris, 1864–1872). 16. François Rabelais (1494–1553), French Renaissance writer, doctor, humanist, and satirist, whose most celebrated work was “La Vie de Gargantua et de Pantagruel.” 17. Rabelais trained, of course, as a physician in Montpellier. 262 Ray to Lister 0134

0134 John Ray to Martin Lister ca. late March 1669/70

Source: The original is lost, so the letter was taken from Derham (1718), pp. 61–62; Lankester (1848), pp. 54–55; Harley (1992), p. 171, letter 11. (All partial transcriptions.) Address: No address present. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 11 March 1669/70. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 61–62; Lankester (1848), pp. 54–55; Harley (1992), p. 171, letter 11. (All partial transcriptions.)

Dear Sir,

I have sent you inclosed two papers,1 the one containing descriptions of birds which you communicated to Mr. Will[ughby] at his last being at Wollarton, to which we have added the Latin names of Aldrov[andi]. Only the third I take to be a fowl distinct from the common Widgeon,2 which is not unknown to you. Indeed I do not remember that ever I saw any bird of the duck kind which hath a circle of white feathers round about the setting on of the bill.3 Your descriptions of the rest that I have seen are very exact. The other paper being a table of our English spiders I have sent not that I can discover any error or defect in it, but because you desire it.4 In prosecuting the experiments about the ascent and motion of the sap in trees, I was interrupted by a few fits of a tertian ague,5 which, I thank God, I have been now a good while rid of. Something I have since done, of the success I will give you an account when the season of bleeding is quite over. Some experiments I have made this spring, which seem not well to agree with those I made the last. My Catalogue6 I believe is not yet begun, the undertaker, Mr. Martin, staying for a new letter; he promiseth my to take special care both of the letter and paper, and correcting, that it may in all respects be well done. My Collection of Proverbs I have given to Mr. Morden of Cambridge, who desired it of me, and promises to get it well printed.7 We do now shortly expect the Bishop of Chester here, for whom principally I stay at present, my private affairs calling me into Essex.8 When I have had conference with him, and settled and stated things concerning his universal character, I intend to set afresh upon and despatch the translation, that so I may be free to prosecute my own inclinations and studies. Having but little time, I can add no more than my best wishes and prayers for you, and for your lady’s good success,9 remaining as always.

1. The papers are no longer extant. The date is estimated from context. 2. Dabbing ducks, in the genus Anas. 3. Most likely a female Greater Scaup, Aythya marila. 0135 Lister to Ray 263

4. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 11 March 1669/70, note 5. 5. Lister reported he was also ill of a tertian ague in his letter of 11 March 1669/70. 6. Ray’s Catalogus Plantarum Angliae (London, 1670), published by John Marytn, the “Mr Martin” in this letter. 7. William Morden, a Cambridge bookseller. Morden produced the appendix to Ray’s Cambridge Catalogue in 1663, and urged Ray to have his Collection of English Proverbs printed by John Hayes, the printer to the University of Cambridge. Morden was in active trade from 1652 until 1679. Upon his death, his business was left to his son Charles Morden. See Raven (1986), p. 168. See the British Book Trade Index at the University of Birmingham: http://www.bbti .bham.ac.uk/ 8. At the time of this letter, Wilkins was getting Ray’s continued assistance with material for his Essay toward a Real Character and a Philosphical Language published under the auspices of the Royal Society. Ray reported in his letter to Lister of 28 April 1670 that he expected Wilkins the following week. 9. Lister’s wife Hannah Parkinson was due to have her first child. Susanna Lister was born at Carleton Hall and baptized on 9 June 1670.

0135 Martin Lister to John Ray 11 March 1669/70

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 9, letter 25b. Harley, who did not notice Lister’s addendum, gives this letter an incorrect date. Derham inserted notes within the letter for his edition. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray, fol. 78, abstract 14. Address: These | For Mr John Wray | Midleton hall | Warwickshire. Printed: Derham (1718), p. 60 (partial); Lankester (1848), pp. 53–54 (partial); Harley (1992), p. 170, letter 10 (partial). my deare Sir

I received your last which was very welcome to me but I had not the \usual/ satisfaction with it, of kissing Mr. Willoughbys hands and bidding him adieu, upon my leaving the neighbourhood of Notingham.1 I perceive that the same reason that keeps him on that side, will soone carry me home, besides, that I have, since I last writt to you, been s[h]rewdly2 handled with a Tertian3 which makes me haste to change the aire. Yet since my fitts left me, I have been adding this last yeares Notes to the former, and I have found enough to make me make considerable alterations and amendments every where, and espeacially in the Table \of Spiders/4 I sent you: soe that I could wish it \in/ my hands again, and if you thinke it worth the while, an other in yours in exchange.5 I am sorry that your Catalogue is not yet i’th presse, and yet, methinks, those 264 Lister to Ray 0135 experiments, that you tell me, you have received from Mr. Needham and your other freinds, will be mighty enrichments: I long to see what they are.6 As for the Juices I sent you,7 the one is drawn from the Centaureum luteum,8 the other from Lactuca silvestris:9 my notes of this nature, being for the most part, but of one yeares standing, I am loath to venture raw conjecture even before soe kind a judge, as you are, of my papers, otherwise, I assure you, there is nothing I have observed or tryed, but I would willingly impart. I know you have not been unimployed about prosecuting your experiments upon Trees \and/ I should be glad to know the successe, both as to the motion \of Sap/ in them and likewise the Texture, about which \last/ I am confident Mr Willoughby is very thought- ful and diligent, and I hope fortunate.10 love me still, and, when you are at leisure, writ to me. I am

Your most affectionate and tru servant Martin Lister

For me at Carleton-hall in Craven Yorkshire.11 to be left at Ferrybriggs12 for Bradford post.13

This was writ for the Post and before I could send it, in came Mr Willoughby, of whome, indeed, I despaired. I learnt of him, that you likewise have been ill, which I am sorry for, knowing well how sicknesse soone impaires us thus in boddies.14 I now long to see you, for, mi-thinks, it is an age since we mett: yet I cannot promise my selfe this happinesse, for I must carry my wife to ly in at her mothers in Craven, where I shall be most part of this Summer. I am glad to heare you have at length sent your bookes to the presse. farwell again and be carefull of your health.

Martch 11th 1669.

[In Ray’s handwriting on the wrapper:]

Winterborn15 Whitchurch16 Selston17 Placea terrae18 Musterton19 Sellio.20 Kingston.21 Bovata.22 Belet Butta. Maureward23 Forera24 Huntington 0135 Lister to Ray 265

Parcus25 Turbervileston.26 Cultura27 Plaister of Paris mentioned 10 Edw. 2.28 Fada

1. Lister was visiting Francis Willughby at Wollaton Hall near Nottingham as part of his honeymoon with his new bride Hannah Parkinson. The couple lived a short time in Nottingham whilst Lister was deciding where to establish his medical practice; after spending some time at the home of Hannah’s mother in Carleton-in-Craven in Yorkshire, they moved eventually to York in 1670. 2. Shrewdly meant “sharply, severly, or immensely,” so it was a severe illness. 3. Tertian refers to a fever or ague characterized by the occurrence of a paroxysm every third (i.e. every alternate) day. 4. Derham inserted the phrase “of Spiders” which has been inserted in every subsequent edition of Ray’s correspondence. 5. A reference to Lister’s letter to Ray of 22 December 1669. Lister’s table would be published eventually in the Philosophical Transactions in 1671. 6. Lister refers to Dr. Walter Needham (1632–1691). Ray acknowledged Needham’s friendship and his help concerning the medical properties of plants in his Catalogus Plantarum Angliae or his Catalogue of English Plants which was published eventually in 1670. See Raven (1986), p. 46. See also D’A. Power, “Needham, Walter (bap. 1632, d. 1691)”, rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004. 7. Lister sent Ray pastilles of dried plant juices with his letter of 22 December 1669. 8. Blackstonia perfoliata or the yellow-wort. The plant is quite bitter and was used as a medical tonic, as well as a yellow dye. Most likely Lister thought Ray would identify it readily as its taste and color is so distinctive. 9. Lactuca serriola or L. virosa. both species of “wild-lettuce.” Wild lettuce was ingested for its mild hypnotic or sedative effects which have been described as being similar to that of opium. See Francis Rose, The Wild Flower Key: How to identify wild plants, trees and shrubs in Britain and Ireland (London: Frederick Warne & Co., 1981), pp. 391–392. 10. One of Lister’s preoccupations that appeared in his manuscript casebooks, coming to fruition in published articles, was delineating the flow of sap and other fluids in trees and vegetables. This was a topic he worked on with Ray and Willughby from 1669 until a few months after Willughby’s death in 1672. The three natural philosophers ligatured different species of trees in different seasons to attempt to find meteorological patterns when the plants “bled” and how their fluids traveled through their bodies. Some of the results were published in the Philosophical Transactions. Martin Lister and Francis Willughby, “Extract of Several Letters, Containing Sundry Inquiries and Experiments about the Bleeding of Trees, Especially by the Warmth of the Fire: the Circulation of Sap in Trees: The Consistence and Quantity of Sap in the Respective Parts of a Vegetable; And the Communication of One Part of a Plant with Another, in Relation to the Ascent and Descent of Sap, &c,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2119–2128. For Lister’s manuscript notes about sap, see ms Lister 5, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. See also Roos (2011), chapter 7, passim. 11. The location of Carleton Old Hall, the manor house belonging to his wife and mother-in-law. 266 Ray to Lister 0136

12. Ferrybriggs or Ferrybridge near Knottingley in Yorkshire was along the main route from London to York via the Great North Road. Ferrybridge became a major coaching center, and, because up to 1700 the river Aire was navigable from its connection with the river Ouse only as far as Ferrybridge, the village served as the inland port of the West Riding. Thus it was a major transport hub and postal station. 13. Bradford is twenty-six miles from Ferrybridge. 14. Willughby’s health was delicate and in 1672 he died of pleurisy at the age of thirty-seven. 15. A “winterbourne” is a stream or river that is dry during the summer months, and sometimes it has given a settlement its name. In the United Kingdom, there are several villages in Dorset with this moniker. Presumably Ray was interested in these village names for his Collection of English proverbs (1670), in which he included etymology and pronunciation of archaic words. Lister inherited an estate in Yorkshire called Friarshead which was in the village of Winterburn-in-Craven. 16. Winterborne Whitchurch, Dorset. 17. Winterborne Zelston in Dorset, called Wynterborn Selson in 1489 and Winterborne Seleston in 1350, thought to be name after the de Seles family. See Sulston One-Name Study, Guild of One Name Studies. http://www.one-name.org/profiles/sulston.html 18. A plot of land. Ray is listing various medieval terms for land in his notes, perhaps for his studies about English proverbs or in connection with Lister’s ownership of Friarshead in Winterburn-in-Craven. 19. Presumably Winterborn Musterton in Dorset. 20. Presumably Selio, a butt of land of uncertain quantity, or a strip in an open field. 21. Presumably Winterborn Kingston in north Dorset. 22. As much land as could be tilled in a year with an ox, or a pair of oxen. Approximately thirteen to eighteen acres. See Kenelm Edward Digby and William Montagu Harrison, An Introduc tion to the History of the Law of Real Property (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1897), pp. 106–107. 23. Kingston Maurward in Dorset. 24. A headland or a furrow. 25. A park. 26. “Turbervileston,” is an ancient name for the village of Winterborn Kingston. The Turberville family, of whom the most famous member was the Elizabethan explorer George Turberville, was from the area. 27. Husbandry or agriculture. 28. Perhaps the tenth year of King Edward II, or 1294.

0136 John Ray to Martin Lister Wollaton Hall, Nottinghamshire, 28 April 1670

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 14, number 34. Address: These | for Mr Martin Lister | att Carlton neare skipton | in Craven | Yorkshire. 0136 Ray to Lister 267

Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 62–63; Lankester (1848), pp. 55–56; Gunther (1928), p. 125; Harley (1992), pp. 171–172, letter 12; Valle (2004), pp. 230–231. (These are all partial transcriptions.)

Wollarton Aprill 28 1670.

Dear Sir,

This next week we expect the Bishop of Chester at Middleton,1 who desires our assistance in altering and amending his Tables of naturall history. To make exact Philosophicall Tables you know is a matter very difficult not to say impossible: to make such as are tolerable, requires much diligence and experience, and is work enough for one mans whole life; and therefore we had need call in all the assistance we can from our friends; especially being not free to follow nature, but forced to blow and strain things to serve a design, according to the exigency of the character. To what purpose you’ll say is all this? To make excuse for this importunity in begging your Table of Spiders: which I earnestly desire you would send us to Middleton as soon as possibly \you can/ though not so perfect as you intend it, yet as it is:2 For this work hath stuck long upon our hands, and we doe now resolve to dispatch, and get quit of it. My generall Catalogue I have lately heard nothing of, I am afraid they have not yet begun it.3 Some weeks since the Bookseller wrote to me to know whether I would be willing to respit[e] the printing of it for a Fortnight till he might \get/ a new Letter cast for it I returned him answer, that I was willing, if he thought it for his own interest, because I thought it would be for the advantage of the book. My Collection of English Proverbs I have also dispatched away to Mr. Morden, who desires the printing of it.4 Being ere long to take a journey into Essex, I accompanied Mr. Willughby hither, partly to take a view of these parts at this season of the year, partly out of some hopes (though I confesse very little) of finding you heer.5 I have heer observed growing about Notingham castle walls the Lychnis*6 \which/ I remember to have sometimes mention’d to you, brought us first from thence by Willisell.7 And, \on the sandy grounds/ a sort of small Vetch now in flower which I have not espied, though it is likely it may elsewhere be found. \Also/ Auricula muris pulchro flore J.B.8 and Nasturtium petraeum9 by some called Bursa pastoris minor are frequent in the sandy grounds heer about, now in flower. \Also/ Else I have discovered nothing to me absolutely new, though it is a little too early in the year for simpling, especially the spring being very backward. I hope your Lady (to whom I send my humble service) is safely delivered, and should be glad to receive the good news from you.10 Mr. Willughby is I fear fallen into a Tertian ague,11 his lady waits her[e] 268 Ray to Lister 0136 every day, and I verily believe at our return to Middleton (which will be the latter end of this week) we shall find her in the straw.12 I hope you will bestow some time in searching the English Alps13 about you for what early plants may grow there; though I fear \few/ little will be found at this season. I have no more to adde but that I am

Yours entirely Jo: Wray.

*called by Gesner, Polemonium petreaum14

1. John Wilkins (1614–1672). At the time of this letter, Wilkins was getting Ray’s assistance with material for this Essay toward a Real Character and a Philosophical Language published under the auspices of the Royal Society. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 7 May 1669, note 9. 2. This table served as the basis for Lister’s 1671 paper in the Philosophical Transactions, as well as for Lister’s Tractatus de Araneis, his groundbreaking tract on spiders contained in his Historiae Animalium (1678). See Parker (1992). 3. Ray would indeed publish his Catalogue of English Plants in 1670. 4. John Ray, A collection of English proverbs digested into a convenient method for the speedy finding any one upon occasion (Cambridge: John Hayes for W. Morden, 1670). For “Mr. Morden” or William Morden, see Ray’s letter to Lister of March 1670, note seven. 5. Ray was with Willughby at his ancestral seat Wollaton Hall. 6. Silene nutans or the Nottingham catchfly, a plant that flowers at night to attract polli- nating moths. Its name commemorates its former occurrence on the walls of Nottingham castle, and it is the county flower. See Henry Hurd Sinnerton, Cambridge County Geographies: Nottinghamshire (Cambridge: The University Press, 1910). 7. Thomas Willisel (1621–1675?). In 1671, he took Ray on a tour through the northern counties of England to show him plants that Willisel had found previously. For Willisel’s biography, see Ray’s letter to Lister of 15 November 1669, note 40. 8. Cerastium arvense or the flowering plant in the pink family called field chickweed. 9. Teesdalia nudicaulis, or shepherd’s cress, an uncommon, spring-flowering annual of sandy ground resembling the much commoner Capsella bursa-pastoris or shepherd’s purse. 10. Susanna Lister was born at Carleton Hall and baptized on 9 June 1670. 11. Tertian refers to a fever or ague characterized by the occurrence of a paroxysm every third (i.e. every alternate) day. 12. “In the straw” is in childbirth. Willughby married Emma Bernard in 1668, the second daughter and co-heiress of Sir Henry Barnard. Their second child, Cassandra, was born on 23 April 1670. 13. The English Alps usually refers to the Malvern Hills, but in this case, Ray may have made reference to the mountainous country around Craven, Yorkshire. 14. Ray is referring to Conrad Gesner’s Conradi Gesneri Historia Plantarum, written in 1541. In 1973–1980 a facsimile edition by Urs Graf Verlag Press of some 1,500 water-color drawings of plants in eight volumes appeared in Zurich as Conradi Gesneri Historia Plantarum Facsimile- Ausgabe; another two volumes were published from 1987–1991. 0137 Wharton to Lister 269

0137 [Su[sanna] Wharton]1 to [Martin Lister] Thursday, ca. 29 May 1670

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 238. The letter was written by a secretary, with Wharton writing only the final line. The dating is based upon Wharton’s discussion of being a godmother to one of Lister’s children. In early modern England, children were usually named after godparents, and Susanna Lister was born at Carleton Hall and baptized on 9 June 1670. Address: No address present.

may the 29

Docktor i am extremly glad to here your wife is well brough\t/ to bed and that i may bee san\sable/ in being godmother to the child which i am vary willing toe; if you ples to gett some to Anne2 for mee I haveing vary littell ackquantans att York. as to my own condishone my coughe is much abated since I dranke asses milk which is ever sin\s/e the begining of aprill, this ten dayes i have ben much troubled with a [[one word]] goern3 in my stomach which tornes all I drinke to sowerness an\d/ burning att my stomack: i eat very littel and I find a soornes in my stomack: in such extream this hott weather, and am vary hott which does much disorder my rest: my Lord Burlington4 has \used/ advise to take ground Flax5 in my drinke he sayes that Mr Boyle6 does aprove of itt vary much for a course but she desires your opinyon of itt

that is your most humble servant Su[sanna] Warton praye present my sarvis to your wife i wish her a good recovery my daughters are your sarvants. These 4 ginnes7 I desire Mrs Lister will please to dispose of them to the midwife and nurse. pray excuse I do not write my self for I am not well8

1. It is possible that this is Susanna Wharton, née Poulett, the wife of Michael Wharton (1623–1688), M.P. of Beverley, Yorkshire. The Whartons were Hull merchants who became the wealthiest family in Beverley in the seventeenth century. See George Edward Cokayne, ed., The Complete Baronetage, 5 vols (n.d. [ca. 1900]; reprint, Gloucester, U.K.: Alan Sutton Publishing, 1983), vol. 3, p. 87. 270 Lister to Ray 0138

2. Hannah or “Anne” Parkinson, Lister’s wife. 3. “Going.” 4. Presumably Richard Boyle (1612–1698), second Earl of Cork, and Earl of Burlington. He was the older brother of Robert Boyle, the natural philosopher. 5. Ground flaxseed is an effective treatment for acid reflux and heartburn. 6. Presumably Robert Boyle, whose works contained many medical receipts. 7. “Guineas.” 8. The hand changes for the last line, as Susanna took over for her secretary.

0138 Martin Lister to John Ray 4 June 1670

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 14, letter 35. Address: No address present Reply to: nhm mss Ray, fol. 14 (28 April 1670). Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 63–64 (partial); Lankester (1848), p. 57 (partial); Harley (1992), p. 172, letter 13 (partial).

Carleton June 4th 1670

My deare Friend

The beginning of May I returned an answer to both your last letters to me and likewise enclosed the Table of Spiders you desired of me: they were sent by the post to London and I hope did not miscarry. however I cannot be satisfied concerning \them/ until I he\a/re from you and therfore I have sent you this billet by Wollarton Gardner from Nottingham.1 I cannot tell what to add, but that I intend you an account of my simpling here, before or about autumn. yet because some plants in your Catalogue now in printing stands upon my parole2 concerning the one of them, I was abundantly satisfied having found it in that plenty above Skipton in the beck from thence:3 and as for Valeriana Graeca4 I have found that alsoe in an unquestionable place this last weeke, both with a white flower and alsoe a bluer one \viz./ under Maulam Cove, a place soe remarkable that it is one of the wonders of Craven.5 it grows there in both side the Spring in great Tuffts. And if you are at this place, the Catalogue being not yet printed off, I could wish that this place might be added to the former. I have found many plants new to me; which I will reserve to an other opportunity; not willing to make this more than a billet. My wife is not yet brought to bed.6 I hope Mr. Willoughby’s is safely 0139 Ray to Lister 271 and he only scared and not seased by an ague. my harty humble servis to him. love me still. I am

Your humble servant Martin Lister

1. Ray had been visiting Francis Willughby at Wollarton Hall in Nottingham. He requested Lister’s Table as a classification aid to his work with John Wilkins on his universal language project. 2. On word of honour, by oath (oed). 3. Skipton, a town in the West Riding of Yorkshire. 4. Polemonium caeruleum, known as Jacob’s Ladder or Greek valerian. This perennial produces lavender-colored or white flowers, as Lister described. 5. This plant indeed still grows alongside the spring at Malham Cove, Carleton-in-Craven, Yorkshire. Subsequently Ray entered this locality note in his Catalogue of English Plants (1670) on p. 310: “Found by Mr Lister in Carleton-beck in the falling of it into the river Air.” 6. Susanna Lister was born at Carleton Hall and baptized on 9 June 1670.

0139 John Ray to Martin Lister Wollaton Hall, Nottinghamshire, 29 June 1670

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 14, number 37. The bottom of the letter has been torn and the letter has been ink-smudged. Missing words will be taken from editions completed before the damage occurred. Address: These | for Mr Martin Lister | at Carlton hall near | Skipton in Craven | Yorkshire. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/5 (July 5). post paid to London 3. Reply to: nhm ms Ray, fol. 14, letter 35 (4 June 1670). Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 67–68; Lankester (1848), pp. 60–61; Gunther (1928), pp. 125–126; Harley (1992), p. 173, letter 15; Valle (2004), p. 230. (These are all partial transcriptions.)

Wollerton June 29 1670.

Sir,

I have now received 2 Letters from you for which I am your debter; This latter by the gardener of Wollerton not till yesterday when I came hither with 272 Ray to Lister 0139

Mr. Willughby.1 The former with the table of spiders enclosed as soon as could be expected after its date, and before the Bishop of Chesters arrivall at Middleton.2 I must acknowledge my self much to blame that I gave you no account of the receipt thereof: for that is I think more ingenuous then to plead excuses, and tell you that I have ever since been very busie or in constant motion, having taken a journey into Essex. My Catalogue is in the presse, but not yet finished.3 About a fortnight agone I received7 sheets containing 112 pages, which I guesse will make about 1/3d part of the body of the Cata[logue]: so that the whole will be 336 pages besides the Preface, Appendix, and Index. yet I hope \it will/ not \be/ so grosse as to be altogether unportable for the pocket. The Letter and paper I like well, and the Correcting is tolerable, much better then I expect at London. The place for Valeriana Graeca4 I shall according to your desire send up to be added to the former in case it come timely enough, as I believe and hope it will, it being the last Letter. Some things that came to my hands and memory after I had parted with the Copy I have been forced to adde by way of Appendix. For my own part I have made few discoveries in plants this summer only \I have observed/ Gramen agrorum venti spicâ Lob.5 to grow very plentifully amongst corn in the sandy grounds in this Country [[and have now]] seen the Polemonium petraeum Gesn.6 in flower and seed all about Notingham castle on the walls and rocks. The Pink which growes by the highway sides \of/ the sandy hill you descend going from Notingham to Lenton, I find to be the same with that which growes on the hills about Sandy in Bedfordshire, near Juniper hill in Cambridgeshire, Bridgenorth in Shropshire and in many places of Barkshire.7 Thomas Willisell sent me Alsine foliis hederaceis rutae modo divisis8 (if I mistake not I \use/ Bauhine’s name)9 which he found somewhere in Norfolk, and a sort of Willow growing about Dorking, which as he saith cast [[its]] bark, and stands bare some part of the yeare. Mi[[stletoe growing on the Hazell]] I took notice of this spring [[near Brain]]tree [[in Essex but]] that is a thing scarce w[[orth mentioning].] Your experiments concerning the motion of the sap of trees doe marvel- lously agree with those we have this year made, as you may perceive by a letter of Mr Willughby’s inserted in the Philosophical Transact[ions]: wherein there is a bad mistake which perverts the sence of the work morning stead of noon.10 Mr. Willughby presents his service to you, and wonders you still stick so to the number of 31 species of Spiders, whereas either he deceives himself or hath found out many more, and believes there may be at the least double that number in England.11 I hope your Lady is at \ere/ this time safely delivered and that I ought rather to congratulate then wish her a happy hour. In your table of spiders I doe not well understand the term scutulata,12 whether it be to be understood of the texture and meshes, or the figure of the Webs. Pardon this 0139 Ray to Lister 273 confused jumbling of things together, for I have not leisure enough to consider what I write nor to adde more. remaining.

Dear Sir, Yours most entirely John Wray.

1. This was Lister’s letter of 4 June 1670. 2. This letter has been lost. Ray admitted in his letter of 7 July 1670 that he may have sent the letter using a carrier in the wrong direction. The Bishop of Chester was John Wilkins who was working with Ray on his universal language project of linguistic classification. Lister’s classification of arachnids was thought useful to their efforts. 3. Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae (Catalogue of English Plants) which was published later that year. 4. Polemonium caeruleum, known as Jacob’s Ladder or Greek valerian. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 4 June 1670 for his locality record for this plant. 5. Agrostis spica-venti, the loose spiky bentgrass. Ray’s locality is given in the second edition of Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1677, p. 136). 6. Silene nutans, or Nottingham catch-fly, which Ray also mentioned in his letter to Lister of 28 April 1670. 7. Dianthus deltoides, or maiden pink (see Ray’s letter to lister of 10 December 1669). Juniper Hill is one of the Furze Hills near the town of Linton, noteworthy because juniper tree sites are rare in Cambridgeshire. Barkshire is Berkshire. 8. Veronica triphyllos or finger speedwell. Willisell’s discovery was included by Ray in the Appendix of Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 340) where he is credited with two sites in Norfolk and one in Suffolk. 9. Presumably Caspar Bauhin (1560–1624) the Swiss botanist who wrote Pinax theatri botanici (1623), a comprehensive botanical catalogue, or his brother Johann Bauhin, who published the Historia plantarum universalis (Yverdon, 1650–1651). However, Ray was mistaken in attributing this name to Bauhin (see his letter of 7 July 1670). 10. The article in question was Francis Willughby, “An Extract of a Letter Written by Francis Willughby Esquire to the Publisher, Containing some Observations of His Made on Some Sycamore Trees, the Black-Poplar, and the Walnut: As Also His Thoughts about the Dwarf-oaks, and the Stellar Fish Described in Numb. 57,” Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), pp. 1200–1201. The mistake Ray mentioned is on p. 1201. Lister was doing a series of experiments at this time to see if plants bled and had a circulatory system like animals. See Roos (2011), chapter 3, passim. 11. Ultimately Lister enlarged his table to include thirty-seven spiders. 12. Lister defined the term “scutulata” or “shield-like” in Latin as “in plana circuli figura” (in the flat form of a circle) when describing spider body morphology and web-making. See Harley (1992), p. 69. 274 Ray to Lister 0140

0140 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 17 July 1670

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 16, number 38. The letter is partially damaged on the upper right-hand corner. Missing words will be taken from editions completed before the damage occurred. Address: No address present. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 68–69; Lankester (1848), pp. 61–63; Gunther (1928), pp. 126–127; Harley (1992), p. 174, letter 18; Valle (2004), p. 230. (These are all partial transcriptions.)

Midleton July 17. 1670. Dear friend,

In my last I committed a mistake and therefore it is requis[[ite I make]] hast to mend it. It was in the name of the Alsine which I to[[ld you Thomas]] Willisell found in Norfolk and sent to me, I should have titled [[it Alsi]]ne folio profundè secto, flore purpureo aut violaceo J.B. triphyll[[os cae]]rulea C.B.1 The name I sent you in my last is Lobels.2 Th. Willis[[el]] hath been lately heer in his return out of the North, is brought with hi[[m]] severall rare and some nondescript plants, viz. Pyrola Alsines flore [[Eu]]ropaea in flower,3 which he found in Northumberland near the Picts wall 5 miles from Hexham.4 Salix pumila folio rotundo J.B. on the top of Ingleborough hill.5 Echium marinum P.B. near a water-mill between the salt pans and Berwick.6 Orobus sylvaticus n.d.7 At Bigglesby 5 m. from Pereth in Cumberland.8 Chamae-periclymenum dictum sed malè9 on the northwest of the highest of Cheviot hills. Pentaphylloides fruticosum sive arborescens,10 an elegant plant (and as I think not described) on the banks of the river Tees. Vitis Idaea magna quibusdam, sive Myrtillus grandis J.B.11 in Cumberland at a place called Orton in the midway between Hexham and Pereth.12 Those I have inserted in the Appendix of my Catalogue, which now goes on apace, I have received 6 sheets more since I wrote to you which reach as farre as the beginning of M.13 The appendix is now grown, I think, as great as one fourth part of the booke I having gained severall new medicall observations, which I hope may be of good use. Your table of Spiders I shall send back shortly.14 Looking at the addresse you sent me, I doe now perceive that I mistook in the direction of my last, and therefore have some reason to feat that it might miscarry, which makes me the more hasty in sending this after it. This summer we found heer the same horned Eruca,15 which you and I observed around Montpellier, feeding on Foeniculum tortuosum.16 Heer it was found on common fennel: it hath already undergone the first change into 0140 Ray to Lister 275 a Chrysallis, and we hope it will come out a Butterflie before winter. I must deprecate your displeasure for publishing to the world (in case Mr. Oldenburgh print my note as I believe he will) that Dr Hulse was the first man from whom I had the first notice of Spiders projecting their threads.17 The observations is yours as well as his, and neither beholden to other (that I know of) for any hint of it, only he had the hap to make it first: and being questioned about it, I could doe not lesse than own the first discovery of it to me, to be from him: who indeed communicated \it/ to me so soon as I saw him, immediately after my return from beyond sea. I long for an account of the fruit of your Summers simpling. I believe few things thereabout will scape your notice and yet you are in one of the best quarters of England for \variety of/ choice Simples. I would not have you think of buying my Catalogue, for I designe you one so soon as it is printed, if I may know how to convey it to you. Let me not lose your love and friendship, which I doe very highly prize and \therefore/ should be loath to doe or say any thing which might give you and displeasure, or alienate your mind from me, or in any measure abate and cool that affection and good will which you have proposed to me. I shall added no more but my humble service to your Lady (who I hope ere this time is safely at least delivered if not up again and pulchra fecit te probe parentem)18 and that I am

Sir, Yours most entirely in what capacity you please as friend and servant John Wray.

1. Veronica triphyllos or finger speedwell. This was the same plant that Ray described in his letter to Lister of 29 June 1670. “J.B.” refers to Johann Bauhin. Bauhin was the brother of Caspard Bauhin or “C.B.” 2. The French botanist, Mathieu de l’Obel (Lobelius) (1538–1616). 3. Ray credited Willisel with his discovery in his Catalogue of English Plants (1670), p. 325. Trientalis europaea or chickweed wintergreen or Arctic starflower. The plant is found in woodlands and moorlands that supported woodland in the past, primarily in Scotland and northern England. Woodland clearance has made the plant fairly rare in England, however, its presence characterized as “very local” with single sitings in discrete areas. See L.K. Taylor, D.C. Havill, J. Pearson, J. Woodall, “Trientalis europaea,” Journal of Ecology, 90 (April 2002), pp. 404– 418. Willisel’s localities, “near the Picts Wall” and “three miles west of Harbetle,” were published by Ray as the first entry in the Appendix to Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 325). 4. “Pict’s Wall” was Hadrian’s Wall, taken after John Speed who described it as such in his series of maps of England and Wales. See Huw Griffiths, “Britain in Ruins,” Rethinking History, 7, 1 (Spring 2003), pp. 89–105. 5. Salix herbacea, dwarf willow, an Arctic-alpine species of mountain summits. 6. Mertensia maritima, or the northern shore-wort or oyster plant. In the past it was known as sea lungwort or sea gromwell. Willisel took Ray to see the plant here in 1671 (see Raven 1671, p. 276 Ray to Lister 0140

154). The record was included in the Appendix to Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 339) and in the second edition (1677, p. 93) Ray explained that “This mill is called Scrammerston mill, and is about a mile and a half from Barwick.” 7. Vicia orobus or wood bitter-vetch. This was described by Ray in the Appendix to Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, pp. 339–340), the first published British record. 8. Presumably Penrith in Cumberland 9. Cornus suecica, the Eurasian Dwarf Cornel or Bunchberry. Willisel’s record was again included by Ray in the Appendix to Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 339). 10. Potentilla fruticosa, or shrubby cinquefoil. It is indeed “elegant” as Ray described, being used as a popular ornamental plant in cooler regions of the United States, Canada, and Europe as it flowers continuously through the summer. Another of Willisel’s records which reached Ray in time to be included in the Appendix to Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 340). 11. Vaccinium uliginosum or bog bilberry. As its name comes late in the alphabet, Ray was able to include this record in the main part of his Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670, p. 309) as Vaccaria nigra fructu majore Park. 12. Orton is proximal to Penrith, but it is not in between Hexham and Penrith. 13. Ray was referring to his letter to Lister of 29 June 1670. 14. Lister sent his Table of Spiders to help Ray and John Wilkins with Wilkins’s Universal Language project. Lister’s table would be published eventually in the Philosophical Transactions in 1671 as it was the first attempt at taxonomic classification of English spiders, and it would result in Lister’s admission to the Royal Society. 15. A horned caterpillar. 16. Seseli tortuosum. Ray referred to their simpling expeditions in Montpellier in 1666. In his Catalogus stirpium in exteris regionibus (1673, p. 46) he describes this species as occurring most abundantly (“copiosissimum”) around Montpellier. 17. Dr. Edward Hulse (1636–1711), a Leiden graduate who would become court physician to the Prince of Orange. Hulse was one of Ray’s friends at Cambridge and, in 1667 or 1668, he wrote to Ray remarking upon the way spiders could shoot out their threads at a considerable distance. In a lost letter of 31 October 1668, Ray reported these discoveries to Lister, and Lister replied in his letter of 22 November 1668 that he had made similar observations that year. Lister’s observations were published anonymously in the Philosophical Transactions of 16 August 1669, which caused Hulse to write to Ray to report more fully about his own observations (nhm mss Ray 1, fol 13, letter 30 of 6 January 1670). Ray decided to send Hulse’s communication to Oldenburg for publication in the Transactions, with a covering letter explaining the coincidental nature of both men’s discoveries. In order to spare Lister’s feelings, Ray let Lister know what he did in this letter and hope it would not destroy their friendship. Lister would go on to write Henry Oldenburg separately on 9 August 1670 to claim priority of discovery. To treat all parties fairly, Oldenburg published Hulse’s letter with Ray’s covering letter and his own explanatory note in number 65 of the Philosophical Transactions of 14 November 1670, pp. 2103–2104. Although the friendship between Ray and Lister survived this disagreement, in later years when they did drift apart, Ray thought the spider dispute was the cause. See Harley (1986), pp. 22–23. 18. Ray’s good wishes for the birth of Susanna Lister: “A beautiful baby girl has rightly made you a father.” Susanna Lister was born at Carleton Hall and baptized on 9 June 1670. 0141 Lister to Oldenburg 277

0141 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg Carleton-in-Craven, Yorkshire, 9 August 1670

Source: rs el/L5/20. In secretary hand on the wrapper, there is the phrase “concerning the Darting of Spiders.” Oldenburg has endorsed the wrapper that the letter was received on 15 August 1670 and answered on 25 August 1670. For a detailed contextual discussion of this letter, see Roos (2011), pp. 101–124 as well as Ray’s letter to Lister of 7 July 1670, note 16. Address: These | For Mr Oldenburgh | To be left with Mr Martin | Bookseller at the Bell neer | Temple=barr | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark av/12 [August 12]. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 104–105, letter 1503.

Sir

This last Post I received a letter from Mr John Wray: wherein he told me, that, being questioned about it, he had given in to you a Note, concerning the first Observer of the darting \of/ Spiders, which in and that he beleeves you would print it.1 if you are not fully satisfied about it, I have this further to tell you; that Mr Wray knew nothing of my knowing it, noe more than I knew, that either he or or [sic] anybody else knew it, untill such time as I occasionly sent him (in order to the making good a philosophical correspondance, which he and I had been some yeares engaged in) a Catalogue of our English Spiders: upon which subject, the next letter he put this amongst other questions to me, wither I had observed the darting of spiders: to which I answered in the affirmative, relating to him many other circumstances unknown to him afore and than he desired of me, to draw upon my notes and suffer him to present them to the R.S. which I did and you was pleased after to print them. This Sir, is the truth of the busnesse; which Mr Wray will not deny and his Letters will sufficiently evidence: that the observation is as well mine, as his, from whom Mr Wray had first notice of it and that I was not in the least beholden to him for it: but that I writ it to Mr Wray, not as a thing alltogether unknown to him, but to confirme and enlarge it by \the addition of/ my owne observations. Sir I presume from your Civilitie (which I did well understand the moment I had the happiness to kisse your hands with Mr Skippon2 at your house in London) and prudence, that if such Note be permited (and it may already be for ought I know, it being soe remote a corner where I live, that I have not yet seen June Booke)3 noe unhandsome reflection will be made upon me or anything detracting from my credit in suffering my notes to be published. This Letter I ventur to send to you 278 Ray to Lister 0142 by Mr Martin the printer at the Bell:4 but if you please to send me how I may direct a Letter to you and to entertain a correspondance with me, I happen upon something now and than which may not be unwelcome to you and I am at present not altogather unfurnished of such matters I am

Your humble servant Martin Lister

Carleton in Craven August 9th 1670

For me at Carleton in Craven To be left a[t] Ferry briggs for Bradford post.

1. See letter of 17 June 1670 from Ray to Lister. Oldenburg did publish the next sentence of Lister’s present letter as well as the account sent by Ray as John Wray, “A Confirmation of what Was Formerly Printed in Number 50. of these Tracts, about the Manner of Spiders Projecting their Threds; Communicated by Mr. John Wray, to the Publisher,” Phil. Trans., 65 (14 November 1670), pp. 2103–2104. Part of the reason Oldenburg published this report may have been because scientific luminaries like Christian Huygens were questioning the truth of the flight of spiders, which seemed to him “very strange and scarcely credible.” See Huygens to Oldenburg, 30 October 1669, Oldenburg, vol. 6, pp. 289–296, letter 1307. 2. Phillip Skippon, one of Ray’s and Lister’s travelling companions in Montpellier and the intermediary for Lister’s first published work in the Philosophical Transactions. 3. The Philosophical Transactions for June of that year. 4. This is John Martyn or Martin, who in 1651 opened an independent print shop at the sign of the Bell in St. Paul’s Churchyard. He frequently printed for the Royal Society. See Charles A. Rivington, “Early Printers to the Royal Society 1663–1708,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society 39, 1 (September 1984), pp. 1–27.

0142 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 22 August 1670

Source: Catalogued as nhm Ray 1, fol. 16, letter 40. The nhm folio only contains an abstract of part of the letter not published in Lankester, written by the plant collector and geologist John D. Enys (1837– 1912). Enys had sold his collection of eighty-eight letters by Ray, Lister, and his contemporaries to the Natural History Museum in 1884 for £40. The original letter was auctioned on 28 September 2004, “The Enys Collection of Autograph Manuscripts,” Bonhams, 0142 Ray to Lister 279

New Bond Street, London, sale 11288. This transcription and translation will thus use Enys’s abstract as well as extant editions of correspondence. There are no paragraph breaks in the original, and they have been inserted here for clarity. Address: The Bonhams catalogue reports “These for Mr Martin Lister at Notingham or elsewhere | for Dr: Lister without Michaels:gate:Barr in Yorke, seal, minor tears and dust-staining to second leaf, guard, ‘Mediae villa’ (Middleton Hall), 22 August 1670.” Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 71–72; Lankester (1848), pp. 65–65; Gunther (1928), p. 127; Harley (1992), p. 179; The Enys Collection of Autograph Manuscripts, Bonhams New Bond Street, London, sale 11288, 28 September 2004, (partial).

D. Martino Lister Jo. Raius, S.D.

Amice Charissime,

Catalogum meum plantarum Angliae: ad te tandem mitto; mole quidem non ità magnum, at pretio minorem. Nescio an aliis placiturus sit, mihi certè minimè placet; nec enim in iis quae scribo mihimet ipsi unquam satisfacio: in hôc ego affectum erga me tuum agnosco, at judicium desiderare cogor, quòd autor mihi fueris ut eum emitterem. Praeter illa quae ad calcem libelli emendata invenies, alia inter legendum errata observavi, operariorum incuriâ admissa quorum graviora, in exemplari quod misi, calamo emendavi; leviora illis ignoscas, tibique ipsi emendes rogò. Valerianae graecae locus quem inserendum Bibliopolae mandavi Typographi negligentiâ nescio quomodo omissus est, magno meo dolore. De scriptoribus botanicis antiquis et recen- tioribus quae sentiam in medium proferre, deque eorum scriptis censuram exercere, non sum ausus, nè crabrones irritem. Cùm enim aliquid neces- sariò dicendum foret de nonnullis qui adhuc in vivis sunt, cùmque librum si malus est nequeam laudare et poscere, eorúmque diatribas et rhapsodias vituperio potiùs quàm laude dignas judicarem; ne eorum offensionem iucur- rerem, et ut quieti meae consulerem, consultius duxi locum hunc de botanicis omnino intactum relinquere, deque eorum operibus altùm silere, si ità loqui liceat. Quod tibi communicem à me noviter inventum, aut observatum, nihil aliud habeo quàm quod in Philosophicis Transactionibus dictis invenies, de ape quâdam sylvestri quae mirâ arte nidificat (ut ità dicam) aut cellas fabri- cat foetui suo é particulis foliorum rosae decisis; quarum locum, magnitudi- nem, figuram, usum ibidem descriptos invenies. Videbis me in titulo catalogi et dedicatione literam nominis mei initialem W abjecisse, quod nè mireris, fateor tibi, me eum olim, antiquâ et patriâ scriptione immutatâ, citra idoneam 280 Ray to Lister 0142 rationem adscivisse. Restat jam ut consilium à te petam, nuperrimè enim amplissima mihi conditio oblata est, si velim tres adolescentes celebri loco natos, in exteras regiones peregrinaturos aut ducere aut comitari, consilióque meo et operâ juvare. Ego certè meipsum tali negotio imparem et minùs ido- neum judico nec si idoneus essem puto me tantam mercedem aut stipendium mereri posse. Centum librae annuatim offeruntur, necessariis omnibus expen- sis etiam persolutis. Tu quid de hâs re sentias ocyùs rescribas. Ut valeat conjux tua dilectissima et infans nuper natus semper cupio. Haec jam tertia epistola est quam ad te scripsi ex quo aliquid à te literarum accepi: ne ergo differas responsum sed me de tui ipsius tuorumque et omnium valetudine quam primum certiorem facias. Vale.

John Ray to Mr. Martin Lister, warmest greetings.

My dearest friend,

At last I am sending you my catalogue of English plants, which is not so large, and worth even less.1 I do not know whether others will like it, but I certainly like it not at all, for I am never personally happy with what I write. In this matter I recognize your affection for me, but I am compelled to ask for your judgment, because it was you who prompted me to publish it. In addition to those ‘errata’ which you will find emended at the end of the little volume, I have noticed other mistakes in the course of my reading, resulting from the printers’ carelessness, and I have emended the more serious ones by pen in the copy which I have sent you. The passage on Valeriana Graeca2 which I instructed the publisher to insert has somehow or other been missed out thanks to the carelessness of the printer, to my own great distress. I have not dared to make my feelings about ancient and modern writers on botany generally known, nor to pass criticisms on their writings, for fear of angering a swarm of hornets. For although something ought to have been said about some of them who are still alive, and although I cannot praise a book and ask for a copy if it is bad, and although I judged that their diatribes and patch-work arguments were more deserving of angry rejection than praise, I concluded that it was more prudent to leave this passage about botanists entirely untouched, so as not to incur their displeasure and to ensure my own peace and quiet, and maintain a profound silence about their works, if I may express myself in this way. I have no new discovery or observation to share with you apart from what you will find in the afore-mentioned Philosophical Transactions, concerning a certain woodland bee which builds its nest (so to speak) or constructs cells for 0143 Lister to Ray 281 its offspring in a wondrous manner from particles of rose-leaves which it has cut off. You will find the place, size, shape and practice described in the same place.3 You will see that in the title of the catalogue and dedication I have discarded the initial letter W of my name. I must confess, to forestall your surprise, that I formerly adopted this spelling, following the ancient and ancestral practice, without any cogent reason. It remains for me to seek some advice from you, for very recently I received a most handsome offer to guide or accompany three young men of a high position in society to travel in foreign parts and assist them with my advice and efforts. Certainly I consider myself unequal to such a task and far from suitable, and even if I were suitable I do not think that I could deserve such a large reward or salary. One hundred pounds a year are offered, with all essential expenses also paid. Please write back speedily what you think about this.4 I am ever desirous that your dearly beloved wife and recently born child should be well. This is now the third letter I have written to you since receiving a letter from you. So do not delay your reply but tell me as soon as possible about the health of yourself, your family, and everyone else. Farewell.

Middleton. 22nd August, 1670

1. Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae, [Catalogue of English Plants], published in 1670. 2. Greek Valerian. “Passage” could also be translated as “the locality,” because of the ambiguity of “locus.” 3. “Extract of two Letters, written by Francis Willughby, Esq. to the Editor, from Astrop, August 19, and from Midleton, Sept. 2. 1670, containing his Observations on the Insects and Cartridges described in the preceding Account,” Phil. Trans., 65 (1670), p. 2100–2105. 4. Ultimately Ray would refuse this invitation.

0143 Martin Lister to John Ray York, 8 October 1670

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 16, letter 41. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78. Address: No address present. Reply to: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 14, letter 37 (29 June 1670), and nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 16, letter 40 (22 August 1670). Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 72–74 (partial); Lankester (1848), pp. 65–67 (partial); Harley (1992), p. 179, letter 22 (partial). 282 Lister to Ray 0143

From my house without Mickelgate barr in Yorke. Oct. 8th. 70.

Deare Sir

I am loth to lose that correspondence which has been to me the most pleasant thing, that ever happened to me in my life. And therfore being at length setled with my family in \a/ house of my owne, I write this 2d letter to you (for one I sent to you afore I left Craven) to tell you where I dwell and where at your leisure you may write to me.1 I thanke you for the publicke testimonie you have given that I am your friend and a person you esteeme. I am extremely delighted to read the elegant and learned Preface of your Booke and to peruse the rest.2 Sometime after I had write to you out of Craven, I writ alsoe to Mr Oldenburgh and did acknowledge to him, what you had, as you told me informed him off; which although it was not absolutely necessary, yet I was willing to present any worke of Scandal though in truth I did not much fear it from soe civil a person \as I knew things to be, when I saw him in London at his Lodgings/.3 I have nothing of particular to send you concerning our common Studdies, the errand of this Letter being only to informe you of my setled aboad and where you may writ to me. Yet, if you please, I will not omitt, that having boared deep into a faire and aged Sycamore the latter end of May, it does not runn at all, neither what remained of that month nor the month following that I observed; but the barke put out a lipp, or wreath and formed to heale.4 The beginning of July I cut out an intch or more square of the barke, at about my height in the body of the same Tree. this wound ran the next morning, soe as to dropp; and yt \yet/ all ways towards noon it dryed, and the same wound for 21 dayes after (which was as long as I staied to observe it[)] I never failed to dropp in the morning, and to dry before eleven. This experiment I repeated upon a much less Taee \Tree/ and for 5 dayes it succeeded in like manner, but than gave over. The deep bored wound in the first large Tree, was not altogather dry (although it seemingly was healed) at runing howres. My servis and respects to Mr Willoughby. I am your affectionate and tru servant and friend.

Martin Lister

I have added this summer 3 sorts of Spiders to my 31. You may explain reticula scutulata by adding in planâ circuli figurâ. and soe scutulata will be limited to the fasten meshes.5 this letter was writt, as you may see, before I received yours, and had been sent, but that I deliberated a Post, whether it was not safer to send it by Nottingham. 0143 Lister to Ray 283

I thanke you for my very welcome present.6 I am still of the same mind and rejoice that \it/ is publick, and I am confident considerable men will thinke themselves highly obliged to you both for your new discovered plants and for the paines you tooke in correcting the faults and mistakes of others, that is, you tooke paines to save it us, most writers of this subject having been more vain than diligent and cautious. I was pleased with the derivation of your name, whilst U was at it, I agreed soe well with a vertu soe eminent in you and which I am confident you will never lay aside, however you please to alter the writing of your name: you well know what Vray in French meanes.7 I have not seen the last \Ph./ Transactions yet, but I observed a Bee much like the hive-bee in colour, yet somewhat broader and flatter: the manner of housing of her yong \with leaves/ I shewed to many of our Fellows, when I was at the Colledge.8 they make use of all sort of leaves indifferently for this purpose, as the Sallow and thorn, and they were mightly pleased with the soft leaves of certain Blew=pipe Trees, or Lilax,9 which grew in our Walkes: the long pieces are sealed one upon an other and the round ones \doe/ stopp up both ends. there was a single bee- worme in each [[xxxx]] \Cell/ and provision of meat. they were once rammed upon an other in \holes/ deep boared bole into the body of a Willow etc. But I shall give all the historie in Ph. Tr.10 I joy you of the condition offered you. if you accept it, I wish you all the satisfaction and comfort in the world of it and I pray God of his infinite mercy to preserve you in your travalls and to send me home again my deare friend well.11 fixe not long with them in any place, for the Gentry of France are very proud and will soon (when acquainted) learn them to despise their Tutours however well deserving. I pray take special care how I may entertain a correspondence with you abroad. Send me word how I may direct a Letter to Mr Skippon.12 I may Adieu again, and God advise you for the best. my little household are very well praised be God. I shall never be at quiet untill I heare from you

From my house without Mickelgate Barr at Yorke

1. Lister moved from Carleton Hall, which his wife Hannah Parkinson had inherited, to York to start his medical practice. Micklegate was west of the River Ouse, a smaller and less populous area in York than the region east of the River. The Micklegate Bar itself is a rectangular stone gatehouse that guarded one of the most important of York’s gateways. The main road out to the southwest to Leeds from York led through the bar or gate, and it stands close to the site of where the Roman gateway led into Eboracum, the Roman city. Micklegate was a focal point for civic events, such as a royal visit; the tradition was that, when the monarch visited York, he had to stop at Micklegate Bar to ask permission from the Lord Mayor to enter a city, a recognition of its independent civic governance. More gruesome were the heads of traitors displayed on the Bar as a reminder of civic authority. See Phil Withington, “Views from the Bridge: Revolution and Restoration in Seventeenth-Century York,” Past and Present, 170 (2001), pp. 121–151. 284 Lister to Ray 0144

2. John Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae [Catalogue of English Plants], published in 1670. 3. This was Lister’s letter of 9 August 1670 sent to Henry Oldenburg that expressed his views about the controversy about the priority of discovery of ballooning spiders. See Royal Society Library, ms el/L5/20 and Oldenburg, vol. vii, pp. 104–105, letter 1503. 4. Ray, Willughby, and Lister were examining the sap flow in plants in an attempt to make an analogy between animal and plant circulation or “bleeding.” Lister would publish his results as a “Letter Written by Mr. Martin Lister to the Publisher. Jannuar. 25, 1670–71, Relating Partly to the Same Argument with That of the Former Letter, and Directing to Another Insect, that is like to yield an Acid liquor; Partly to the Bleeding of the Sycamore,” Phil. Trans., 68 (25 January 1670–71), pp. 2067–2069. 5. Here Lister is answering Ray’s query in his letter of 29 June 1670. Lister defined the term “scutulata” or “shield-like” in Latin as “in plana circuli figura” (in the flat form of a circle) when describing spider body morphology and web-making. See Harley (1992), p. 69. 6. Derham adds here to the original letter, “viz. Catalogus Plantarum,” which was transcribed by Lankester as Lister’s meaning. It is clear from context that Ray’s Catalogue of English Plants is the present to which Lister refers. Ray sent it to Lister on 22 August 1670. Lister’s letter to Ray of 22 December 1669 shows that Ray had asked Lister for medicinal uses for the various plants, and he acknowledges Lister’s assistance in his publication. 7. Ray dropped the “W” in the spelling of his name henceforth. “Vray” or “vrai” means “true” or “truth.” 8. Willughby had published an article about this species of bee: “Another extract of a letter written from Midleton in Warwickshire to the Publisher July 10th by Francis Willughby Esquire; About the Hatching of a Kind of Bee, Lodged in Old Willows,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), p. 2221. 9. Lister refers to the lilac otherwise known as the laylock, lilach, and pipe tree. Pierre Belon (b. 1517) of Le Mans, France, was the first European to describe the lilac that he encountered in Turkey. By 1597, the purple or “blew” variety of the plant had spread to England, John Gerard in his Herball reporting it “in very great plenty.” The Latin name for the lilac, syringa, was used by the French botanist, Mathieu de l’Obel (Lobelius) in 1576. The name probably came from the Greek word syrinx, or “pipe,” referring to the hollow stems of Philadelphus or mock orange that the Turks utilized to make pipes. See Helen Roca-Garcia, “The Lelacke, or Pipe Tree,” Arnoldia: The Magazine of the Arnold Arboretum, 31 (1971), pp. 114–120. 10. Lister did not write the article concerning this bee in the Philosophical Transactions, as Willughby had beaten him to it. 11. In 1670, Ray was offered an invitation to act as a tutor and companion to three young noblemen on a continental tour at a salary of £100 a year with all expenses paid. Ultimately he refused the offer to stay with Willughby and work on natural history. See Raven (1986), p. 165 and nhm ms Ray 1, fol. 16, letter 40 (22 August 1670). 12. Sir Phillip Skippon.

0144 Martin Lister to [John Ray] York, 22 December 1670

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 18, letter 44. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 14. The verso of the letter 0144 Lister to Ray 285

has damage to its upper right corner, and the missing text has been supplied here from earlier editions. Address: No address present. Reply to: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 9, letter 23. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 80–82 (partial); Lankester (1848), pp. 73–74 (partial).

Yorke. December 22d—70

Dear Friend

I [[xxx]] am very glad Mr. Willughby is neer well again, and I thank God for his recovery, and doe heartily pray a continuance of good health to him. methinks he is very valetudinary, and you have often alarmed me with his illnesses.1 my humble servis to him: I thanke=you for the booke of Proverbs you designe me:2 my Brother Gregory will send me it at any time from Nottingham there coming Weekely Carriers through that towne to Yorke.3 As to the opinion of our Italian, I have noe more to say at present, since you give me hopes I may expect to find the booke it selfe ere long in our Stationers shopps.4 I have formally read the passage you transcribed for me about the Generation of Kermes.5 it was not than noe more than now intelligible to me, indeed in the days of my Vanitie,6 I did once see the very Bookes, as they call them, upon the Tree or s[h]rub it selfe;7 and had more than once an opportunity to have well examined them, but at that time I chose rather to court Ladies than Nature. I cannot methinks exclude those \hairetailed/ insects from the Family or Genus of wasps, although all that I know of them, are \in a strict sense/ neither favicous nor Gregarious, nor have artificial meat stored up for them: yet have they shape and parts of wasps exactly, also the \as/ well in the Worm and Chrysalis, as when they are in perfection: besides I have observed a peculiar note belonging to the Bee kind, which is not wanting in these, and that is 3 balls in a triangle, in the forehead of them all, which noe body hitherto, that I know of, has taken notice of. but I much like the making of genuses and tribes ex mori- bus et vita, though I would not, as near as may be, have the Forme excluded. I have now seen the November book; and I find in my Adversaria, that I have formally dug out of the ground at Burwell, in Lincoln-shire, many just such like Cases, made of thin Wafers, or membranes, one sticking in a direct line to another, etc. in the same place I very frequently met with little hollow balls of the shape and size of pistol bullets, of yellow wax, wherein was one small [[white maggot, without]] any meat at all. indeed, these Balls were 286 Lister to Ray 0144 much [[tenderer than wax,]] and of a very fragrant smell, and perhapps might serve [[them as well]] for food as housing. If I had the Table of Spiders I now could make some small alterations and additions to it. I have this last month writ over a new Coppie of my Historie of Spiders (which is the 4th since I put my Notes into any order) and inserted therein all the last Summer’s observations, and experiments. I find only 2 or 3 new Spiders, and one to be removed into an other Tribe, to which it more properly belongs to. When you please to send me an account of the acid liquor of pismires, I will return something concerning the Gilding of a Chrysalis, which is a pretty phenomenon. I know not what to think of the uncertainty of the experiments we make concerning the bleeding of the Sycamore.8 I have observed almost daily 2 trees, which I pierced in several places the 1st of November but to this day no signes of the stirring of any juice. which indeed, surprises me; we having had 2 or 3 pretty hard frost already; yet neither at their coming, nor going away, made they any sensible alteration as to this particular. In my last yeares Journal I find, that particularly the 17th of December, there was a very copious bleeding, \and/ onwards I find this memorandum, that in some great bleedings there was still to be observed a mighty reeke or steam arising from the ground; and, indeed this kind of thaw has not yet hapned at Yorke this year. I desire to know what successe you have mett with this year in such-like experiments. I am glad to hear you have spared your person, in not exposing your selfe to I [know] not what inconveniences.9 as for the searching of the Alps once again, it would have noe doubt been very benificial to \the/ commonwealth of Learning, but that is enough obliged to you already: letts see what we can make of our owne very plentifull home store, which you have shewed us. I am

Your very affectionate friend and tru servant

Martin Lister

1. Francis Willughby was valetudinary, having been ill of a tertian ague in the summer of 1669. His health improved until 1672 when he died on 3 July of complications from pleurisy. See Raven (1986), p. 165. 2. Presumably Ray intended to give Lister a gift of his Collection of English proverbs (1670) where he included etymology and pronunciation of archaic words. 3. Presumably George Gregory. Gregory was Lister’s brother-in-law, married to his eldest sister, Susanna, in 1662; they resided in Nottinghamshire. Gregory (d. 1688) became High Sheriff of Nottingham in 1668. 4. Presumably a reference to Francesco Redi’s tract against spontaneous generation entitled Esperienze intorno alla generazione degl’ insetti, first published in Florence in 1668 and then in Latin translation early in 1671. 0145 Lister to Oldenburg 287

5. Kermes refers to a genus of scale insects in the order Hemiptera that feed on the leaves of evergreen oaks; Kermes were thought to be spontaneously generated, as their life cycle is complex with several instar stages. The scale insects were of interest also because the females produce a dye that is a source of natural crimson. The Royal Society had a persistent interest in dyes and colors, and one of their first committees in the Royal Society was on dyeing. In 1664, William Petty wrote, An Apparatus to the History of the Common Practices of Dy[e]ing, and later that year Robert Boyle presented his book Experiments and Considerations touching Colours to the Society which was reviewed in Philosophical Transactions. In the late 1670s, even the philosopher John Locke was ordered by the Royal Society to “procure the history of the making of verdigris with wax, and that of the kermes berry,” and he examined kermes scales under a microscope to understand the secrets of the dye. For a discussion of Petty’s work, see T. Sprat, History of the Royal Society of London, (London, 1667), p. 284; for the review of Boyle’s work, see Phil. Trans., 1 (1665–66), p. 191. For Locke’s work with dyes, see Peter Walmsley, Locke’s Essay and the Rhetoric of Science (London: Associated University Presses, 2003), p. 143. 6. Presumably Lister’s student days. 7. The meaning of the term “books” is unclear. It could refer to the brood chambers of the female kermes, which they cover with a layer of wax, or simply to the insects’ scaly appearance itself. Adult female scale insects are almost always immobile, permanently attaching themselves to the plant they have parasitized. The insects secrete a waxy coating for defense and, thus, resemble fish or reptilian scales. The scales are akin to leaf-like layers; the oed defines “books” as anything with discrete leaves. See Y. Ben-Dov and C.J. Hodgson, eds, Soft scale insects: Their biology, natural enemies and control (Amsterdam: Elzevier, 1997). 8. Ray, Willughby, and Lister were examining the sap flow in plants in an attempt to make an analogy between animal and plant circulation or “bleeding.” Lister’s letter of 8 October 1670 indicates that the sap was “bleeding” throughout the summer as it had last year, but evidently the autumn results were not consistent. 9. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 22 August 1670.

0145 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg 23 December 1670

Source: rs el/L5/21 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 143–146. Address: These | For Mr Henry Oldenburgh | To be left with Mr Martin | Stationer at the Bell | in Pauls church Yard and a little | without Temple barr | London.1 Postmark: Illegible Bishop mark Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 340–343, letter 1583; Davy (1953), p. 87.

Entered L.B. 4. 1432

An Extract of a Letter to Mr Oldenburg concerning \both/ the projection of the Threds of Spiders, and also the breeding in cases made of Leaves; the as also \of/ a Viviparous fly.3 288 Lister to Oldenburg 0145

Sir,

I am glad to understand my Letter4 came safe to your hands; You are, I am very sensible too well and usefully busied to be complimented and I should be too great a looser to interrupt you even in this private and agreable Diversion, the composing of your monthly Tracts, much more should I be unwilling to disturbe you in that publick and illustrious employment you are deservedly honoured with. However that I may not make this Letter a meer compliment, give me leave \now/ to entertain \you now/ about the subject of Insects, which I see by your last Number, many persons are now curious in. and not to goe out of \that/ Tract; I take the Forking of some thredds, (for the Doctour excepts the most) to be meerly accidental,5 even as it is to our haire, neither doe I thinke, that any such thing is designedly done by the animal; and, for as much as I have observed, spiders thredds of them selves are exceeding slick and smooth, and this was not unobserved by the Ancients; Plinie in praise of a sort of Italian linn saies, Retovinis summa tenuitas, nulla lanugo, nervositas lilo aequalior pene quam araneis.6 There is, indeed, a dividing in \the/ projection of the thredds of many sorts of spiders, and especially among those which we distinguish by the name of Lupi, which Tribe is most frequent and particularly delighted in sailing, yet this dividing is much of an other nature than Forking. Those Lupi will dart a whole Stamen or Sheafe at once, consisting of many filaments yet all of one length, all divided each from the other and distinct, untill some chance either snap them off or entangle them; but for the most part, you may observe, that the longer they grow, the more they spread and appeare to a diligent observer like the numerous rays in the tail of a blazing starr, As for that, which carrys them away into the aire soe swift offhand, [it] is, as I formerly hinted, partly their suddain le[a]p, and partly the length, and number of the thredds projected, the stream of the aire or wind beating more forcably upon them and thus we see a rope that unexpectedly slipps comes home with a seeming violence and partly (and that much too) the posture and management of their feet, which, at least by some sorts of them, I have observed to have been used very like wings or Oares, the several leggs (like our fingers) being sometimes clos joined and other times opened, again bent or extended etc. according to the several necessities and will of the Sailer. To fly they cannot strictly be said, they being carried into the aire by external force; but they can in case the wind suffer them to steer their course and perhaps mount and descend at pleasure; and to the \purpos of/ rowing them selves along in the aire, tis observable, that they ever take their flyght backwards, that is their head looking a contrary way, like a skuller on the Thames. It is scarce credible to what height they will mount, which yet is precisely tru, and \a/ thing easily to be observed by one that shall fixe his eye some time on any one part of the heavens [[several 0145 Lister to Oldenburg 289 words]] the white webbs at a vast distance very distinctly appearing from the Azure sky: but this is in Autumn only and that in very fair and calme weather, for in wind they delight as little (if possible) for them to mount, as for the Indians in Pliny to Fight a battle with their reed Arrows. Divers sorts have divers wayes and particularly in performing this surprising phaeomenon. I am not willing to hasten a Historie which further leisure may improve, yet partly to excite the curious and partly to satisfie the promise made in my former printed Letter,7 you may command from me, when you please, a set of general Enquiries of on this subject \of spiders/ most of them already answered by me and founded upon new discoveries. The account given of the Bees breeding in cases made of leaves exactly agrees with what I have observed.; I add, that they are not very scrupulous in the choice of rose leaves, but will make use even of exotick plants, such as the blew pipe or Syringe Tree.8 There is a very strainge Oeconomie of nature yet unsolved: the further-most Bee, saies Mr Willoughby, makes her way \out/ along the chanell through all the intermediate Cartrages: and according as these channells run upwards or downwards in the body of the Tree, the Maggots are either under their meat or above it, whence it is manifest, that the bee at the farr or upper end of each channel is first laid and [[xxxxxxxxxxxx]] \it should seem/ both hatched and perfected first and must either wait untill the rest be soe too; or of necessity by working through their cases destroy them. if it be soe, it is very strange. but I take it otherwise, and perhapps it will be found by diligent observers hereafter, that that Bee which is neerest day, although it be first \last/ laid, is yet the first hatched; and I ground my conjecture (if we may give reason) upon this, that tis probable, that the eggs in the mother are all fit for laying or equally ripe and formed as we say at the time that the first of them was laid, but are not therfore \all/ laid by the Damm, untill she has provided them of meat and \a/ housed each separately as is the nature of Bees: and yet in recompense the the warmth of her body or rather the daily encreasing heat of the \summer/ season to which the mother Bee is continually exposed, whilst the first laid eggs are sheltered in their deep channells hastens their Vitalitie soe much, that they are hatched wormes and begin to feed before the first laidd, and consequently are first perfected in to Bees. but this is conjecture only and not observation. And to this purpose, let me observe to you, that we are not alwayes without our Viviparous flyes, although in a much colder region than Italie: the first time I tooke notice of them, was the second yeare of the sicknesse raging in Cambridge 1666.9 I have of this sort some by me at present, which you may command, for I doe not find them cutt or described either in Aldrovandus or Mouffet,10 though this sort of flye be very frequent with us. And this was not the only strange phenomenon, that I observed amongst Insects, besides other things of nature, particularly that yeare: for being in harvest time at Bassenburne11 in Cambridge-shire, at 290 Lister to Oldenburg 0145 the house of Mr William Aylyffe,12 he invited me along with him into the Feilds, where, Cosen, saies he, I will shewe you a wonder; which, indeed, was soe to me, for lifting up the barley-Cockes with his Cane, there appeared millions of Maggotts on the corne lands and in their barnes, too, the Flooer would be covered with them that fell from the Carts. The maggotts were about halfe an intch long, noe thicker than a pidgeons feather, of a white colour somewhat shaded with an Isabella13 or faint yellowish stripes the length of the Worme,14 they had 14 feet after the manner of many Catterpillars and I was almost confident would have produced some sort of Moath: I tooke up about a score of them and put them into a box, but they immediately offended me wth an ungratefull and strong stinck which yet is not usuall to the Catterpillar kinds, however I kept them 2 dayes, but by reason of some apprehensions and feares the Ladies had of them where I sorjournd and upon their intreaties I rid myselfe of them; I only observed, that the excrements which they voided, were little hard pel- lets of pure white flower, like that of barly. Those and other things might be arguments of the power hot weather hath in the hasty quickning the births of Insects as well as producing them; but I conceive it lesse usefull to Philosophy to dispute, then to deliver faithfully matters of Fact.15 I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

From my house without Mickel gate barr at Yorke December 23d 1670

1. Oldenburg has noted on the wrapper that the letter was received on 29 December 1670 and answered on 3 January 1670/71. 2. A note indicating the letter’s entry in the Royal Society letter book. 3. Oldenburg’s annotation. 4. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 9 August 1670. 5. A reference to Dr. Hulse’s concomitant report of ballooning spiders published in the Philosophical Transactions of 14 November 1670, pp. 2103–2104. See John Ray’s letter to Lister of 7 July 1670. 6. Linn or Latin linum signifies linen, the thread made from flax. The Latin phrase translates as: “[The linen thread] of Retrovium is extremely fine, without any downiness, and in strength almost like spider’s thread.” Lister cited Pliny’s Natural History, xix, ii, 9, but had not transcribed his text entirely accurately. Pliny wrote that the thread had “a quality almost more uniform than that of a spider’s web.” Retovium was a town is Cisalpine Gaul in Lombardy. 7. Lister’s “Some Observations Concerning the Odd Turn of Some Shell-Snailes, and the Darting of Spiders . . . ,” Phil. Trans., 4 (1669), pp. 1011–1016. 8. Lister refers to the lilac otherwise known as the laylock, lilach, and pipe tree. See his letter to Ray of 8 October 1670 where he describes this behavior. 0147 Oldenburg to Lister 291

9. Lister was referring to the Great Plague of 1665 that closed the colleges at Cambridge the following year. See Briggs’ letter to Lister of 22 August 1665. 10. The Italian naturalist Aldrovandi’s De animalibus insectis libri septem, cum singulorum iconibus ad vivum expressis (Bologna, 1602). Lister refers also to Thomas Mouffet’s Insectorum sive minimorum animalium (London, 1634). 11. Bassingbourn, near Royston, Cambridgeshire. 12. This is William Ayloffe of Bassingbourn. Cambridgeshire who was living at Melbourn Bury at his death in 1691. William was the elder brother of Thomas Ayloffe and related to Lister through his mother. See Susanna Lister’s letter of 4 November 1667 and “Parishes: Melbourn,” A History of the County of Cambridge and the Isle of Ely: Volume 8 (1982), pp. 67–82. url: http:// www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=66743&strquery=ayloffe Date accessed: 29 September 2012.) A pedigree of the Ayloffe family can be seen in Walford D. Selby, ed. Lancashire and Cheshire Records Preserved in the Public Record Office, London, in two Parts, Part I (London: The Records Society, 1882), pp. xiv–xv. My thanks to Miranda Lewis for this information. 13. A light buff color. 14. Hall and Hall have suggested that these were larvae of the grass moth, Crambux hortuellas. See Oldenburg, vol. 7, p. 343, note 11. 15. Lister would in fact disavow the theory of spontaneous generation. See Roos (2011), pp. 88–94.

0146 Martin Lister to John Ray [York], ca. 1670/1

Source: In his letter of 8 February 1670/1, Lister mentioned a letter of his to Ray was “unhappily lost.”

0147 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister 3 January 1670/1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 1. Address: To his honored friend Martyn | Lister Esquire, at his House | wthout Mickel-gate barr at | Yorke. Postmark: Illegible Bishop mark; post paid 3d. Reply to: Letter of 23 December 1670. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 346–347, letter 1586.

Sir

I think myself very much engaged for your late obliging letter of Decemb. 23th. If our Society had not adjournʼd their meetings till after the end of these H[oly] dayes, you would here receive their thoughts and esteem of your uncommon enquiries and observations of Nature. I intend at their first meeting to communicate to them the contents of your curious letter;1 I could not delay so long the 292 Oldenburg to Lister 0147 acknowledgement of having received it, nor my privat thanks for your candid contributions to those collections, we make for a philosophical storehouse. If you countermand it not, I shall use the freedome of inserting this last letter of yours, as I have done another, in one of the Transactions;2 being \well/ assured, that it will be very acceptable to the Curious. I am this very day making some Excerpta of it (by your leave,) to send them to Mr Willughby about the forking of the Threds of Spiders; and your conjecture about the worms \that are/ hatched and beginn to feed before the first laid, and consequently are first perfected into Bees; different from what he conceives of the furthermost Bee’s making her way out along the Channel through all the intermediate cartrages: Which I doe purposely, to hear what he may have to say to your conjecture, (which appears very rational to me,) before I make it publick by the Presse. Which when I shall have received, I intend to impart to you likewise, before any thing be printed of it; yet so nothing may come abroad, yet may displease either of you, or appear contentious to the Reader. I am much pleased with your relation of the wonder you saw at Mr Aylef’s3 house, concerning the millions of maggots on the corn-lands and in the barns; but am sorry, the Lady’s were not so nice, as to cause you to throw those \away/, you had put in a boxe, before you saw what became of them. In the place, with you cite out of Pliny, there is a word, which is unknown to me, and not having that Author about me, to guesse it by the context, I must desire your explication of the same. You have written, Retovinus summa tenuitas etc.4 The word, Retovinus is that, which I stick at; not knowing, whether I read it right, or whether I understand it not. Sir, you will pardon this freedom to him, yet is

Sir Your very humble and faithful servant

H. Oldenburg.

London Januar. 3d. 1670/71:

I shall be very glad of the favour of receiving that set of general Enquiries, made by you on the subject of Spiders, as also some of those viviparous flyes, which you say, you have by you.

1. Although the Royal Society met on 12 January 1671, this letter was not read. 2. Lister’s “Some Observations Concerning the Odd Turn of Some Shell-Snailes, and the Darting of Spiders . . .,” Phil. Trans., 4 (1669), pp. 1011–1016. 3. For William Ayloffe, see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 December 1670, note 12. 0148 Lister to Oldenburg 293

4. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 December 1670. His explanation of Retovinis appeared in his letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1670/1.

0148 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg 10 January 1670/1

Source: rs el/L5/22 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 156–163. The last three paragraphs of the body of the letter were found on a separate sheet pasted to Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 December 1670. As this information was supplied in answer to Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 3 January 1670/1 (to which this piece of correspondence is a reply), it is included here. This letter contains also an enclosure of a list of spider species in England, in Latin. Identifications of the spiders were made by comparing the short list in this letter to Lister’s more elaborate descriptions of spiders in Harley’s 1992 edition of his Historiae Animalium (1678). Address: These | For my honoured Friend Henry | Oldenburg. | To be left with Mr Martin Stationer | at the Bell in Pauls Church-yard | or without Temple-barr | London. Reply to: Letter of Oldenburg to Lister of 3 January 1670/1. Printed: Phil. Trans., vol. 6 (1671), pp. 2170–2174; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 25–31; Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 350–359, letter 1589; Harley (1992), pp. 185–189 (partial).

A Letter written to [[several words]] Oldenburg from York jan.10th 1670 concerning a kind of Fly. Yorke Jan 9th 70 that is Viviparous, together with a Sett of curious Enquiries about Spiders, and a Table of the several sorts of them, to be found in England, amounting to at least 33.1

Sir

I returne you thanks for your obliging Letter of the 3d of January and have sent you the Viviparous Flye and \the Sett of/ Enquiries you desire of me.2 The flye is one, if not the very biggest, of the harmlesse Tribe that I have met with in England; I call them harmlesse, because they are without that hard Tongue or Stinge in the mouth, \with/ which all the aestrum-kind, or Gad-flyes trouble and offend both man and beasts. This Fly is striped upon the shoulders grey and black and as it were checkered on the tail with the same [[xxxx]] \two/ colours: the Female may be known by a rednesse on the very point of the tail.3 \The/ very latter end of May 1666, I opened several of them, and found two Baggs of live \white/ wormes of a long and round shape, white with black heads; they 294 Lister to Oldenburg 0148 moved both in my hand and in the un [[naturall]] \opened/ Vesicles, too and fro backwards and forwards, as being all disposed in the Cells, length-wayes the body of the femal, like a Sheafe.4 Some such thing is hinted by Aldrovandus lib. 1. de insect. pag. 57. edit. Bonon: Tiro cum essem (saies he) e grandioribus museis unam albis pictam lineis, specie illectus, cepi; ea, in vola manus aliquandiu retenta, plusculos edidit Vermiculos candidos, mobilitate propria insignes.5 This is the only Fly I have observed with live and moving Wormes in the abdomen of it, yet I guesse, we may venture to suspect all of this Tribe to be in some measure Viviparous. With these Flyes I have sent you a paper of those odd-turned Snails,6 mentioned in my former Letter,7 which perhaps you may thinke will deserve a Cutt, or at least a place in the Repository amongst the rarities of the R.S.

Some general Enquiries concerning Spiders.

1. What sorts of Spiders to be found with us in England, and what is the best method to distinguish them and to reduce them to Classes. 2. Whether Spiders come not of Spiders, that is, of creatures of their own kind: and whether of Spi\ders/ are bread grasshoppers, Cicadae, etc. as interpreters falsely make Aristotle to say, first Aldrovandus, and lately Kircher (V. Arist. Hist. Nat. lib. 1 cap. 19.8 Confer Interpret Th, Gazae, Scaliger, Aldrov.)9 3. Whether Spiders are not Male and female; and whether Female Spiders growing bigger than the Male, be sufficient to distinguish sexes. 4. Whether all kinds of Spiders be alike, as to the place and number of Penes’s; and whether all the thread-yielding kinds, are not furnished with a double penis or genital member, that is, if the Cornicula or certain knobbed Feelers Horns,10 by which all males are best distinguished, be not each a \penis/ genital member and used in the Coit alternatively? 5. Whether the Eggs in Spiders be not formed, and very large before the time of the Coit? 6. What Spiders breed in Spring and what in Autumn? What Spiders are content with one brood i’th yeare and to lay all their Eggs at a time? What seem to breed every Summer month, at least to have many subordinate broods? and whether the Eggs be accordingly distinguishable in several matrices or Cells in the body of the Female? 7. Whether Spiders do not take their forme and perfection in \the/ egg, and are not thence hatched necessarily at a stated and set time, that is, after a certain number of dayes, as 21. \compleat Animals of its owne kind?/ and whether the presence of the Femal be necessary after in order to the hatching 0148 Lister to Oldenburg 295 the eggs, at least for 3 dayes, as the Ancients seeme to affirme. V. Arist. Hist. Nat. lib. 1. cap. 27?11 8. Whether the perfectly round eggs of Spiders ought to be called and esteemed Wormes, as Aristotle and Pliny will have them,12 that is, in Swammer dam’s phrase and doctrine, whether they be Puppetts13 \in the egg/ and undergo all alterations accordingly, before they be thence hatched perfect Spiders? 9. What different colours observable in the Eggs of Spiders, as well of pulpes as shell, as \white, yellow, orange, purple, greenish/? & what respective tinctures they will give, or be made to strike with the several families of Salts?14 10. Whether there be not Eggs of some sorts of Spiders, which the wormes of certain slender Wasps (the kind in general being called by Mouffet Muscae tripiles)15 delight to feed on: and whether the Fable of Vespae Ichneumones,16 told us by the Ancients be not to be made out by the same Observation, of these Wasp-wormes feeding on the Eggs, and perfected into wasps in the very webs of Spiders? 11. After what manner do Spiders feed, whether in sucking they devour not alsoe part of their prey? How long can they live without food, since they store up nothing against Winter? 12. Whether Spiders feed only of their owne kind of Creatures, as of Insects, that is, of Flys, Beetles, Bees, Scolopendrae17 and even of one an other: or whether they kill Snakes too, as the Ancients affirm, for food or delight?18 13. Whether some of them choose not to feed on one sort of Flye or other Insect only, and what properties such have? 14. When, and how oft in the yeare they cast their skins, and the manner of their casting it? What varietie of colours immediately after the shifting the Hackle19 in one and the same species of Spider, that may, if not well heeded, make the history of them more confused? 15. What meane the Ancients by Spiders casting their threads, which Aristotle compares to a Porcupins darting her quills, or barke starting from a Tree, and Democritus to animals voiding of Excrements?20 16. Whether the thread be formed in the body of the animal such as it comes from it; I meane, whether it be, as it were, unwound off of a stock or clew,21 as I may say, and which indeed to me seemes to have been Aristotles meaning; or whether it be drawn off of a liquid Masse, as in spinning of Glasse or melted Wax, which seemes to have been Democritus’s sense, in saying, it was excrement corrupted or fluid at a certain time. 17. Whether the Spiders thred being glutinous, every thing sticking to it upon the lightest touch, be not so much the reason of the Spiders taking his prey, as the Figure of the Nett? 296 Lister to Oldenburg 0148

18. Whether a Webb be not uninflammable, and whether it can be dissolved and in what Menstruum? 19. What difference betwixt the thread of Spiders and that of the silkworme or Catterpillars? what strength a Spiders thread is of, and what proportion it beares with the like twist of Silk? Whether there be not stronger thred from some sort of Spiders than from others, as there are threds from them of very different colours, as white, greenish, blewish, dark hair-colourd, etc? whether the strength of the Barmudo netts to hold a Thrush, mentioned in one of the Transactions,22 consist in the thicknesse only, or much too in the nature of the thread? 20. Whether its being to be easily drawne out at any time and what length length one pleases and many threads together \in spight of the animal,/ be not as advantageous to the working of it up and twisting, etc. as the unravelling the Cods of Silkwormes? 21. Whether either the Viscous substance of their bodies or Webbs be healing to green wounds etc. as the ancients have taught us and we use vulgarly? and whether some kind of them be not preferable for this purpos, before others?23 22. What use may be made of those Animals, which devour Spiders for their daily food, as Wrens, Red-breast, etc.? whether Spiders be a cure for sicke poul- trey, as the good Wives seem to experiment? 23. Whether the reason why Spiders sail not in the aire untill Autumn, be not because they are busily employed the Summer months in breeding, or what other reasons may be assigned? The first article of Enquiry I have in part answered, by sending you enclosed a Scheme,24 which, after some years observation, I have corrected and enlarged to what it is: that I must acquaint you, that such Draughts will be ever lyable to change and improvement, according to the measure of knowledge a continued Observation make\y/ bring us to. However it is the first, that I know of, that will be extant, on this subject, and it may be acceptable to the curious. I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Retovinis, is to be understood of a certain fine linnen thread made in that part of Italie, for here Pliny praises the several sorts of linnen manufacture of his owne countrey. H. Nat. lib. 19. c.l.25 You may expect to receive a small box directed to Mr Martin your stationer, by the next returne of Loft, a Yorke and Tadcaster Carrier inning at the white horse in Criple-gate.26 I am engaged in one of the Transactions for the veracitie of an experiment I made the last November but this, and communicated it to Mr Wray, concerning 0148 Lister to Oldenburg 297 the bleeding of a Sycamore that month:27 when it shall come further to be discussed, he pleased to acquaint your humble servant. I shall be glad to receive Mr Willoughbys thoughts about any subject of Natural Historie.

Enclosure:

Tabulae compendiariae Araneorum Angliae; [[several words]] \quibus/ accedunt eorum Tituli, e notis maxime discriminantibus atque insignibus desumpti.28

Aranei vel fila, mittunt, ut sunt qui29 aut praedandi causa texunt vel Reticula orbiculata, numero ix.

1. Araneus subflavus, alvo paululum acuminate inflexaque. 2. Araneus rufus, cruciger, cui utrinque ad Superiorem alvi partem velut singula tubercula eminent. 3. Araneus cinereus, pictura clunium in 5 fere partes divulsa, ijsque plenis admodum. 4. Araneus flavus, quatuor albis, praeter picturam foliaceam, in clune maculis insignitus. 5. Araneus nigricans, clunibus ad similitudinem querniij folij pictis. 6. Araneus ex viridi inauratus, alvo praetenui procerique. 7. Araneus cinereus, sylvarum incola, alvo in mucronem turbinata \fastigiata/ seu triquetra. 8. Araneus viridis, corpore compactus atque aliquod praeter nigris insignitas \caudâ nigris punctis superne notatâ, ipso ano croceo./ 9. Araneus pullus, crucigcr in alvo plena. Plagas [[xxxx]] globatas, n. iv. 10. Araneus variegatus, alvo orbiculatâ. 11. Araneus rufus, clunium orbiculatorum fastigio in modum stella radiato. 12. Araneus pullus, domesticus. 13. Araneus cinereus macula nigra in summis clunibus insignitus, minimus. [[xxxxxxxxxxxxx]] Telas sive linteamina, n. viii. 14. Araneus subflavus, pilosus, praelongis pedibus, domesticus. 15. Araneus nigricans, praegrandi macula in summis clunibus, caeterum ijs- dem oblique virgatis, domesticus. 16. Araneus fuligineus è Craven, insigui candore distinctus cauda bifurca. 17. Araneus subflavus, nigricantium macularum quadratarum catena in clunibus insignitus, item cui utrinque ad clunium latere singulae obli- quae virgulae flavescentes. 18. Araneus cinereus, maximus, cauda bifurca. 19. Araneus niger aut castaneus, glaber, clunibus summo candore interstinctis. 298 Lister to Oldenburg 0148

20. Araneus cinereus, mollis, cui supra [[xxxxx]] \in alvo, oblique/ virgatâ, macula latiuscula è nigro rubens. 21. Araneus plerunque lividus, sine ulla pictura, alvo acuminata. aut ideo nihil texunt (nisi filorum ejaculatio ac volatus illorsum spectet) cum tamen alias possint: nimirùm Telas ad tutandum faetum aut ad hyberna sed aperto Marto muscas venantur; atque ij sunt vel Lupi dicti n.V. hi vero cum superioribus singulis octo habent ocùlos. 22. Araneus subrufus, parvus, citissimo pede. 23. Araneus cancriformis, oculis e viola purpurascentibus, tardipes. 24. Araneus cinereus, alvo undulatim picta, insignitèr protera, acuminata. 25. Araneus fuscùs, alvo obliquè virgata. 26. Araneus niger, sylvicola. Phalangia, sive assultim ingredientes, n. iii. Hi vero sex tantum oculos habent. 27. Araneus Cinereus, sive ex argento nigroque varius. 28. Araneus subflavus, oculis smaragdinis, item cui secundum clunes tres virgulae croceae. 29. Araneus subrusus è Craven, sive Ericetorum sive rupium. vel omnino nulla fila mittunt, ut sunt qui plerique Longissimis tenuissimisque pedibus donantur: atque hi duos tantùm ocúlos habent, telaque sive brachia digitata, n.iv. 30. Araneus rusus, non cristatus, gregatum vivens. 31. Araneus cinereus, cristatus. 32. Araneus è candido nigroque varius, minima bestiola, sylvicola. 33. Araneus, ut puto, coccineus, vulgó dictus a Tant Anglice.

TRANSLATION

Compendious Tables of the Spiders of England, to which are added their names, taken from their most noteworthy and unique characteristics.

Spiders either spin a thread, as these do or they make a net to catch prey either a round net (nine types):30

1. A buff spider, the abdomen rather pointed and bent. 2. A reddish, marked with a cross, and with bumps31 (as it were) on either side of the upper part of the abdomen.32 3. An ash-colored spider, the coloring of the hind parts being divided into almost five sections, and those very full.33 4. A yellow spider, marked with four white spots at the rear, besides a leaf- like coloration on the rear. 0148 Lister to Oldenburg 299

5. A blackish spider, with the hind parts colored like an oak leaf.34 6. A greenish-gold spider, the abdomen slender and long.35 7. An ash-colored spider, living in woods, the abdomen peaked or three- cornered.36 8. A green spider, the tip of the abdomen marked with black dots on top, the anus the color of saffron- yellow.37 9. A dusky spider, a full cross on the abdomen. or a spherical trap (four types):38 10. A variegated spider, with a round abdomen. 11. A reddish spider, the round hind parts pointed like the rays of a star.39 12. The dusky house-spider. 13. An ash-colored spider, very small, marked with a black spot at the top of its hind parts.40 or webs or fabrics (eight types):41 14. A yellowish hairy house-spider with very long legs.42 15. A blackish house-spider with a very large spot on top of its hind parts, and oblique stripes. 16. A sooty spider from Craven;43 noteworthy for its unusual brilliance, with a forked tail.44 17. A yellowish spider, distinguished by a row of square spots on the hind parts, and with yellowish oblique stripes on either side of the abdomen.45 18. A large ash-colored spider with a forked tail.46 19. A black or chestnut spider, hairless, with brilliantly variegated hind parts.47 20. An ash-colored spider, soft, having on its obliquely striped abdomen, a blackish-red spot at the side.48 21. A spider for the most part blue, without any coloration the abdomen pointed.49 Or they weave nothing for that reason (unless the spinning of the threads also relates to their flying about) although otherwise capable of it; for they make webs to protect their young or against the winter, but at the beginning of March they hunt flies; and these are either called “wolves” (five types)50 and these have eight eyes like each of those above: 22. A little reddish spider, with very swift feet.51 23. A crab-like spider, slow-footed, with violet eyes.52 24. An ash-colored spider, the abdomen colored in a wavy manner, pointed, notably high. 25. A dusky spider, the abdomen striped obliquely.53 26. A woodland spider that is black.54 [or] “phalangia,” moving by jumps (three types), These have only six eyes: 27. An ash-colored spider, varying from black to silver.55 300 Lister to Oldenburg 0148

28. A yellowish spider, with emerald eyes, with three golden stripes near the hind parts.56 29. A reddish spider from Craven, out of the crags or heather.57 Or else they spin no thread at all, as these very numerous ones; they are provided with very long, thin legs, and only two eyes, the arms being divided into “fingers” (four types).58 30. A reddish, gregarious spider, not crested.59 31. An ash-colored, crested spider.60 32. A woodland spider, variegated black and white, the smallest of mites.61 33. I think a spider that is of the color of scarlet, commonly known as a “tant.”62

1. Oldenburg’s annotations. 2. These enquiries consist of the Table of Spiders enclosed in this letter. 3. Presumably the red tailed flesh-fly or Sarcophagi haemorrhoidalis which has highly con- trasting black and grey stripes on the thorax, as well as a checkerboard-like pattern on the abdomen, with a red tip at the end (red-colored external genitalia). 4. Flesh flies are viviparous, depositing living first instar larvae. They “skip” the egg stage required by other species, such as blow flies. 5. Aldrovandi, De animalibus insectis libri septem, cum singulorum iconibus ad vivum expressis (Bologna, 1602), book 1, p. 57. Aldrovandi wrote, “When I was a tyro (beginner), I captured a larger fly marked with white lines of an unknown species; holding it in the palm of my hand for some time, it gave out remarkably active white worms.” Aldrovandi is noting the viviparous birth of the larvae. 6. At this point, there is marginalia not in Lister’s handwriting, “see Numb 1011,” probably a reference to Lister’s article about sinistral snails in the Philosophical Transactions. 7. Lister’s letter to Ray about sinistral snails, published in Phil. Trans., 50 (16 August 1669), pp. 1011–1016. 8. This reference is actually Aristotle’s Historia animalium, book 5, chapter 19. Aristotle wrote, “And of insects some are derived from insect congeners, as the venom-spider and the common-spider, and so with the attelabus or locust, the acris or grasshopper, and the tettix, or cicada.” See Oldenburg, vol. 7, p. 354, note 7. 9. Lister is referring to translations of Aristotle’s works by Theodore Gaza (Venice: Johannes de Colonia and Johannes Manthem de Gherrezem, 1476) and by Julius Caesar Scaliger (Lyons [recte Geneva], Jacques Stoer, 1584). Confer Interpret is “compare the interpretation.” 10. As Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 January 1670/1 indicates, Lister originally wrote “feelers,” which Oldenburg corrected to “horns.” 11. Lister cited the wrong book; it is actually book 5, chapter 27. 12. There is a marginal note here of “Hist. nat. lib. 4. cap. 27. lib. 3. cap. 9.” The references are to Aristotle’s Historiae animalium, book 5, chapter 27 and to the Stagyrite’s De generatione animalium, book 3, chapter nine. Here Aristotle referred to the product of “spiders as a kind of larvae.” In book 11, chapter 29 of his Natural History, Pliny stated that “spiders couple backwards, and produce maggots like eggs.” 0148 Lister to Oldenburg 301

13. Lister was referring to pupae and to Swammerdam’s Historia insectorum generalis (Utrecht: Meinardus van Drevnen, 1669). 14. Lister was doing a series of experiments regarding, salts, acids and alkalis, and color, for instance, taking formic acid from ants and seeing to what extent it would change the color of flower petals. His results were published in “Some Observations, Touching Colours, in Order to the Increase of Dyes, and the Fixation of Colours,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2132–2136. 15. A reference to Thomas Mouffet’s Insectorum sive minimorum animalium theatrum (London: William Hope, 1634). 16. There is a marginal note here: “Arist. Hist. nat. lib. 1. cap. 20.” Aristotle’s Historia animalium, book 5, chapter 20 contains a reference to ichneumon wasps which are parasitic, living on the larvae of other insects. In his research into the possibility of spontaneous generation, Lister realized that ichneumon wasps parasitized spiders and their eggs, not just the eggs. Using Pliny the Elder as a resource, Lister discovered that the name “ichneumon” was of Egyptian origin, meaning “the mouse (or rat) of the Pharaoh,” which tracked the eggs of snakes or crocodiles as a food source, much as the wasps hunted and tracked down spider’s eggs. Later he remarked in his Tractatus de Araneis in his Historiae Animalium (London, 1678) that “the eggs of spiders, while in the grub state, are not the only sort of food for the wasps, for the spiders themselves are also attacked by the same wasps . . . as I have myself observed not without wonderment and pleasure . . .” (p. 63). 17. A genus of centipedes. 18. Aristotle claimed that spiders could attack lizards. See Aristotle, Historia Animalium, book nine, chapter 39. 19. Normally a cloak or mantle, but in this case, the spider’s old skin. 20. Here there is a marginal note reading: “Arist: Hist: Nat: lib. 9. cap 39,” a reference to book 9 and chapter 39 of his Historia Animalium. Aristotle wrote, “Spiders can spin webs from the time of their birth, not from their interior as a superfluity or excretion, as Democritus avers, but off their body as a kind of tree-bark, like the creatures that shoot out with their hair, as for instance the porcupine.” 21. A clew is a globular body or ball. 22. A marginal note here reads “No. 50, p. 795,” which is erroneous. Lister was referring to Richard Stafford, “An Extract of a Letter, written to the Publisher from the Bermudas by Mr. Richard Stafford; concerning the Tides there, as also Whales, Sperma Ceti, strange Spiders-Webbs, some rare Vegetables, and the Longevity of the Inhabitants,” Phil. Trans., 3 (1668), pp. 791–796. 23. Lister would dedicate book I, chapter viii of his Tractatus de Araneis in his Historiae Animalium to “medicaments from spiders.” See Harley (1986), p. 68. Pliny in book 30, chapter 38 stated that cobwebs would heal open sores and prevent their infection. 24. See below for the enclosure with this letter. 25. These three paragraphs were found pasted to Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 December 1670. The information, however, was supplied to Oldenburg’s letter of 3 January 1671, to which this piece of correspondence is a reply. Hence, we include them here. For Retovinus, see Lister’s letter of 23 December 1670. 26. This is John Loft who was staying at an inn in Cripplegate, York. He is referred to in several subsequent letters between Lister and Oldenburg. 27. In a letter of 12 March 1669/70, Willughby mentioned to Oldenburg that a sycamore bled copiously [emitted sap] upon the first frost, and that his experiments with ligaturing trees 302 Lister to Oldenburg 0148

verified Lister’s observations. Later Lister would go on to postulate that plants had circulation of sap as animals had circulation of blood. See Oldenburg, vol. vi, p. 555. 28. At this point there is an annotation in secretary hand: “Entered L.B. 4. 162,” indicating the letter had been entered in vol. 4, p. 162 of the Royal Society Letter Book. 29. Lister included branching lines and brackets to make his scheme look like a Ramist table. 30. Orb-weavers. Lister’s classification was based on the type of web; in his published tract on English spiders in his Historiae Animalium, he would also use number of eyes for his taxonomy. Modern spider taxonomy is taken from Harley (1992). 31. Tubercules. 32. Araneus diadematus (Clerck, 1757), otherwise known as the European garden spider or cross orbweaver, a very common and well-known arachnid in Europe. 33. Larinioides cornutus (Clerck, 1757), or the furrow orb-weaver. It is usually found near water, with webs built between grass or in low shubbery. Lister is correct that there are five markings on the dorsal side of the abdomen. 34. Nuctenea umbratica (Clerck, 1757), or the walnut orb-weaver spider. The oak leaf- marking is on its opisthosoma, or the posterior portion of an arachnid’s body, behind the pro- soma or cepahlothorax. The opisthosoma is similar to an abdomen and often referred to as such, but it is distinct in that it includes the respiratory organs and heart. 35. Tetragnatha extensa (Linnaeus, 1758). The coloring of this very common British spider is actually quite variable, from creamy-yellow to green. It is commonly known as the “common stretch-spider,” as its legs are very long, and the male spider extends them all forward in its defensive posture. Their jaws are also very long, and the male and female lock them during courtship to prevent them eating each other. 36. Cyclosa conica (Pallas, 1772). An orb weaver spider with no common name. It is easily recognized by the way it strings together dead insects and other debris, hanging the material near the center of the web. It hides on this string, and when attacked, feigns death. 37. Araniella cucurbitina (Clerck, 1757), or the cucumber green spider, an orb-weaver which hangs upside down in its net among plants. 38. Scaffold webs. 39. Achaearanea lunata (Clerck, 1757), or the crescent comb-foot. Largely confined to the southeast of England, it spins large scaffold webs on bushes and the lower branches of trees. 40. Dictyna arundinacea (Linnaeus, 1758) or the common mesh-weaver. It is indeed quite small, about 3mm. 41. Sheet webs. 42. Tegenaria domestica (Clerck, 1757), the domestic house spider (Europe), or the barn funnel weaver (North America). 43. Carleton-in-Craven, Yorkshire, the childhood home of Lister’s wife Hannah Parkinson. He spent a year here before decided to establish his medical practice in York. 44. Textrix denticulata (Olivier, 1789), or the toothed weaver. 45. Segestria senoculata (Linnaeus, 1758) or snake-backed spider. Its row of black spots on its grey abdomen are thought to resemble the pattern found on some snakes. 46. Agelena labyrinthica, or the labyrinth spider. These produce a thick sheet web with a funnel-shaped retreat that has a labyrinth of tunnels containing an egg sac. They are up to 18mm. long. 0149 and Oldenburg to Lister 303

47. Linyphia (Neriene) montana (Clerck, 1757), a sheetweb weaver known as the Spring hammock-spider. 48. Clubiona corticalis (Walckenaer, 1802) or a similar species. Commonly known as the bark sac spider. As Harley (1992) has indicated, it is difficult to be sure about the identity of this species, since the description is typical for several clubinoid species (p. 125). 49. Scotophaeus blackwalli (Thorell, 1873). Otherwise known as the mouse spider. 50. Wolf spiders are also known as crab spiders. 51. Philodromus cespitum (Walckneaer, 1802), a crab spider that is an agile hunter, or a similar species in Philodromus. 52. Xysticus cristatus (Clerck, 1757), a common ground crab spider. The two inner eyes indeed are violet. 53. Alopecosa pulverulenta (Clerck, 1757), or the common fox spider. 54. Pardosa amentata (Clerck, 1757) or the spotted wolf-spider. 55. Salticus scenicus (Clerck, 1757), the zebra spider, which jumps on its prey. 56. Euophrys frontalis (Walckenaer, 1802), or a similar species of jumping spider. Lister’s more elaborate description in his Historiae Animalium indicates this species of jumping spider, the eyes of which are fringed with golden orange hairs. Lister describes the spider as having emerald eyes which “glint with golden rays.” See Harley (1992), pp. 146–47. 57. Evarcha falcata (Clerck, 1757), a colorful jumping spider. 58. These are harvestmen spiders. 59. Leiobunum rotundum (Latreille, 1795). 60. Phalangium opilio (Linnaeus, 1761), the most widespread species of harvestman in the world. 61. Opilio parietinus (DeGeer, 1879), a tiny species of harvestman spider that is near extinction in the U.K. 62. A mite of the genus Trombidium, most likely the harvest mite. Sir Thomas Browne in his Pseudoxia Epidemica (1646), notes that “There is found in the Summer a kind of spider called a Tainct of a red colour.”

0149 and Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister 18 and 20 January 1670/1 0150

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 3. The letter has some tears and holes on the last folio sheet which destroyed some text. Missing words were surmised by printed editions and context. Address: To his honored friend | Martin Lister Esquire, | At his house | wthout Mickel-gate | barr | At Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/21 (January 21); Receiving House Stamp 3/Off in a circular border. Reply to: Letter of 10 January 1670/1 and letter of 23 December 1670. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 402–405, letter 1601. 304 Oldenburg to Lister 0149 and 0150

London Januar. 18. 70/71

Sir,

I gave you notice by my letter of januar. 3d, that I had received the favour of your letter, and withall communicated to Mr Willughby those particulars of it, wherein he was concern’d.1 I have since received this returne from him, that the Account is very ingenious, you give, How the first laid eggs in the remotest cartrages may be last hatched, and the nymphae come to perfection after all the incumbent are gone, and make way for them: But adds, that this account does not agree with the Experience, he hath had; in regard that not only those, which I (he means myself) sent him, had actually bored their way through severall placed above them; but yet, having open’d a great many at Astrop purposely, and upon a wager about this very Inquiry, before the Bishop of Chester2 and Mr Wray, he always found the remotest, from the entrance the most forward, and those that lay above them were still lesse and lesse, and the least were always those your were next the common entrance.3 As to what concerns the darting of Spiders, Mr Wray Communicateth these Particulars:4

“Concerning the Motion or passage of Spiders through the Air, hanging on the end of the threads, they have darted out; though their progresse be wholly to be attributed to the wind wafting of them, yet they seem to have a power to steer or direct their course upwards, downwards, and, it may be, laterally, as they please. For I have seen some mount up almost perpendicularly in the Air to that hight, that I quite lost the sight of them; others suddenly sink in their motion, and others proceed almost parallel to the Horizon. One or two Observables in their flight I took notice of, not yet published; viz. 1. That a Spider hanging in the Air by a thread, \he/ draws after him (as there are few but have experienced some of them will doe, if shaken from ones hand or a stick) will, besides that, he hangs on, shoot out another before him to a great length; so that it seems, he hath sundry holes out of which he can shoot threads, and can make use of some & not of others, or of all together as he lists. Blancanus (as I find him quoted by F. Redi)5 having observ’d this Phaenomenon, but not understanding the projection of threads, imagin’d, that the web which the Spider drew out, and upon which he hung, did split insunder, and part of it by the wind was driven before her, she hanging upon the other third part. Secondly. Spiders thus hanging, when they have shot out such a thread as we mention’d, seem to have power at their pleasure to snap insunder the thread they hang by, and sail away with the other. 0149 and 0150 Oldenburg to Lister 305

So far Mr Wray. To which, for a conclusion, give me leave to add this Quere, Whether you have ever observ’d, that the Flowers of Cichory, cast among a heap of Ants, will soon become red; and if so, what your thoughts are of the manner, how those flowers (and some others \too/) come to be so stain’d?6 I promise myself \the favor of/ a speedy Answer to these particulars, as also your pardon for these importunities, comming from

Sir Your faithful servant

Oldenburg

jan. 20. 1670/71

P.S.

After I had written this letter, I received yrs of januar. 10th, which I communicated yesterday to the R. Soc. at their publick meeting, who received it with an uncommon applause,7 and commanded me to give you their most affectionate thanks, for such [[xx]] ingenious as well as industrious labors. They promise to themselves, that in time they shall see, upon so good a foundation, as you have already laid by your Table and Inquiries about that Insect, raised a proportion- ate superstructure vid. an excellent History of that subject; which exspectation if you sh[[all]]8 please to comply with, you will certainly oblige that Illustrious Body, and all other Curious philosophical Men. I would gladly insert both the Table and the Inquiries in the Transactions, to give a Pattern to others of the manner how to consider and write on such the like Arguments; but I must not doe so, before I have your permission for it; which I intreat you to signify to me by the first conveniency. One thing more I must add on this occasion; which is, that [[missing word]] I consider your vertue and merit to be such, as deserveth to \make you/ a member of the R. Society. If therefore you shall expresse to me your desire to be received into Body (which every \one,/ the highest as well as the lowest hath done hitherto), I shall propose you for a Candidat, and take care for your Election.9 I suppose, you know the requisits to be; 1. to contribute what one may \can/, to the end of that Institution; 2. to give, for the defraying of Experiments etc. one shill. per week, or 13 sh. a quarter; 3. and \once/ 40. sh. admission-money, upon the Election. 306 Oldenburg to Lister 0149 and 0150

Upon your answer, I shall proceed, as becoms Sir your very humble and faithf. servant H. Oldenburg

Q 1. What are your thoughts about the poysonousnes of Spiders? 2. Have you met with or heard of men, that durst eat Spiders on purpose, and that \did it/ innoxiously?

To leave no vacuum of this paper, give me leave, Sir, to acquaint you, that I have begun to desire my Correspondents in all parts of England, to inquire diligently, and accordingly to informe me, what persons of extraordinary old age are to be found now living in the places, where they reside, and in their neighborhood, together with the way of living they have used respectively. The like I would request of you, Sir, it it may stand with your conveniency. To which I would intreat you to add the names of all such persons, as are known in your Contry to excell in any ingenuity (which I have like wise begun to sollicit of others,) that so we may come to know the Men as well as the things, that may contribute to the designe of the R. Society. Sir, I think, that Experiment about the bleeding of a Sycamore in Novemb. will now come to be further examin’d: I pray therefore, arme me with what you can, to make good the observation, and that with all possible speed.

1. In his endorsement of Lister’s letter to him of 23 December 1670, Oldenburg noted he communicated this insect behavior to Willughby on 3 January 1670/1. See rs ms/L5/21. 2. John Wilkins. 3. Oldenburg would publish Willughby’s results in the Philosophical Transactions: “Extracts of two letters, Written by Francis Willughby, to the Publisher, from Astrop, August 19th and from Midleton, Sept 2d. 1670 Containing His Observations on the Insects and Cartrages,” Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), pp. 2100–2102. The insects were bees and the “cartrages” their honeycombs. 4. The information was taken from a letter of Ray to Oldenburg, dated 13 January 1670/1. The original is in rs/R1/10, and it was printed in Phil. Trans., 68 (1671), pp. 2063–2066. 5. Francesco Redi, Esperienze Intorno Alla Generazione Degl’ Insetti/Experiments on the Generation of Insects (Florence: Insegna della Stella, 1688; Chicago: Open Court, 1909), p. 72. Blancanus was Jesuit Josephus Blancanus (Guiseppe Biancani), a writer on cosmography (Sphaeri mundi) and commentator on Aristotle. 6. Ray had reported this phenomenon in his letter to Oldenburg of 13 January 1670/1. 7. Lister’s account was read to the Royal Society on 19 January 1670/1. See Birch, (1756–57), vol. 2, p. 465, along with Ray’s account of formic acid from ants turning substances different colors. 8. The letter is damaged at this point. 9. Lister was elected to the Royal Society on 2 November 1671, after being proposed to membership by Oldenburg on 18 May 1671. 0151 Lister to Ray 307

0151 Martin Lister to John Ray York, 20 January 1670/1

Source: nhm mss Ray, fol. 13, letter 31. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray, fol. 78, abstract 15. Address: No address present. Reply to: Letter of 2 January 1671. This letter appears to be lost. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 86–87 (partial); Lankester (1848), pp. 76–77; Harley (1992), p. 192, letter 20. (All partial transcriptions.)

Dear Sir

In answer to yours, which I received, of the 2d of January. I congratulate with you concerning Mr. Willoughbys perfect recovery to whome I pray God continue [[xxxx]] health.1 I should have been glad to have received \forward/ on the Catalogue you sent me back some markes or other notes of correction: but you was pleased to spare me, which is the only fault of Friends[hi]\ppe/.2 I was too rash to promise, that within a twelve month, I would give a full account of my observations and experiments on this subject but I repent me and had rather keep them yet by me, if, perhapps, my leisure may improve them. however in return to an obliging letter from Mr Oldenburg, I have parted with a Sett of general Enquiries, founded upon my own experiments and observations mostly, and likewise with the Catalogue, being now well assurred, that all the Spiders I have named therein, are distinct Species. I thank you for the account of the acid liquor of pismires, with the which I am much pleased. It is strange they should light upon no other animal that will afford an acid spirit, especially amongst Insects. I had verily thought, there were many such, and I yet thinke soe, but I have not had the leisure to examine many \to this end./ There is a separation of an acid juice \or spirit/ to be made in the Analysis of vegetables \mentioned/ by Mr. Boile,3 and in Glazer:4 this I guess to be very much a kin to the acid liquor of pismires. Quaere, whether a saccharum saturni, made with the acid spirit of Box, or Oake (ex. gr. after Mr. Boiles waye) will not give us back the same spirit again?5 It seemeth probable it will, since the pearls seem to have separated its oiliness or soapy part. The like effect copper may have upon the Rape and Wine in making of verdet.6 To this purpose Mr. Boyle, in his last piece lat[e]ly extant, tells us that Spirit of vinegar, which has been fully satiated with pearles, will cause \a/ Violet to strike a green, which is the same effect that an Urinous spirit, or an Alcaly, workes. I will subjoin the experiment I promised you of the guilding of a Chrysalis.7 To a strong \and clear/ decoction of nettles put a small piece of a black Gall, in 308 lister to ray 0151 time there will emerge a thin scumm; if you then pass the liquor through a Cap paper, the scum left behind will exquisitely gilde it. the like I have effected by other methods, and with other plants: if the experiment be well done, it will in all points look like the gilding of the stille-haired, or prickly-nettle-feeding Catterpillar’s Chrysalis. I have not yet seen Redis booke,8 neither can I get it, though I much desire it. It is tru, that Spiders, espeucially the yong ones, are not very shy to shoot their threads, even in one’s hand; and different kinds have many different particularities in this surprising action. As to the height they are able to mount, it is much beyond that of Trees, or even the highest steeples in England. This last October the Skie here upon a day was very calme and sereen, and I tooke notice that the air was very full of webbs; I forth with mounted to the top of the highest steeple in the Minster,9 and could thence discern them yet exceeding high above me: some that fell, and were entangled upon the pinnacles, I took and found them to be Lupi,10 which kind seldom or never enter houses, and cannot be supposed to have taken their flight from the steeples. To tell you the truth, I begun to be at a great loss when I found that my experiments concerning the bleeding of the Sycamore did not succeed this year as they did the last.11 For I assure you, that not to this day the Two Trees I wounded the first of November have not shown the least signs of the stirring of any juice; whereas the Nottingham-shire trees had several times bled ere thus late. You will be pleased to remember me with a booke of Proverbs, for I long to peruse it.12

I am

Your most affectionate friend and servant

Martin Lister

Yorke January 20th 1670

1. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 28 April 1670 regarding Willughby’s poor health. 2. Lister’s catalogue of English Spiders, which he submitted to Oldenburg as an enclosure in his letter of 10 January 1670/1. 3. Lister is mistaken. Vegetable alkali is potassium carbonate, whereas ants secrete formic acid. 0152 Lister to Oldenburg 309

4. Christoph Glaser, Traité de la chymie (Paris: the author, 1663). Book 2, section 2 contains his analysis of vegetables. 5. The acid spirit distilled from box wood (pyroligneous acid) contains acetic (ethanoic) acid, methanol, acetone (propanone), and water. Lead oxide dissolves in acetic acid to afford lead acetate, saccharum saturni, or sugar of lead, Pb(CH3CO)2.3H2O. Boyle describes the reaction in his Skeptical Chymist (1661) (New York: J.M. Dent, 1911), p. 88. 6. Verdet is verdigris or acetate of copper. John Ray noted in his Journey to the Low Countries (1673), p. 454: “At Montpellier the best Verdet or Verdegreece is made . . . which is nothing but the rust or scurf of copper calcined by the vapour of wine.” Vapor of wine or spirit of wine is ethyl alcohol. 7. Lister promised this to Ray in his letter of 22 December 1670. 8. Presumably a reference to Francesco Redi’s tract against spontaneous generation entitled Esperienze intorno alla generazione degl’ insetti, first published in Florence in 1668 and then in Latin translation early in 1671. 9. York Minster. 10. Wolf spiders, also known as crab spiders, members of the family Lycosidae. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1671. 11. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 22 December 1670. 12. Presumably Ray intended to give Lister a gift of his Collection of English proverbs (1670) where he included etymology and pronunciation of archaic words.

0152 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 25 January 1670/1

Source: rs el/L5/23 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 189–193. Address: No address present. Printed: Phil. Trans., 5 (20 February 1670/1), pp. 2067–2069; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 7–10; Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 415– 418, letter 1609.

Mr Listers letter to Mr. Oldenburg about the hatching of certain bees, the darting of Spiders; the acid liquor of Pismires and other Insects; the bleeding of Sycamores,1

(Read Feb. 9. 70/71. Entered L.B. 4. 189.)2

Yorke January 25th 70/71

Sir

Yours of the 18th and 20th Instant I had and because you desire a speedy answer to the many particulars therin contained, I shall returne you what thoughts 310 Lister to Oldenburg 0152 come into my mind at present. I am glad to understand a refutation of my conjecture about the hatching of those Bees by observation; Mr Willoughby has eased me of that thought: and though it yet be unsolved, he hath made the diffi\c/ulty soe much the more worthy our fu\r/ther enquiry, because he averrs it true and not imaginary. it is enough to have guessed once and we must wait an opportunity to End a Solution in observing more nicely the thing it selfe. As to Spiders, there are many particularities in this surprising action of darting of threads and sailing of which what I further have observed, I willingly keep for an other oppertunity and other Papers, as I doe likewise the account of their poison: yet I am very glad to heare what others have observed. Concerning the acid liquor of Pissmires, I have very lately received from Mr Wray the Account (I suppose you have it alsoe by this time) that was sent him from Mr Jessop and Mr Fisher:3 wherin these two last \gentlemen/ make this further enquiry, whether there be any other Insect or Animal Flesh or Fish, which will afford an acid juice, they having with great industrie tryed many Species amongst Insects and other Animals without lighting on the like acid liquor. I am o’th mind there are: and a ready way to find such out may be, that having observed, that the liquor of a pissmire bruised and smelt to emitts a strange Fiery and peircing savour, like the leafe of the hearbe which Botanists call Flammula4 broken at ones nostrills, by this meanes I have, since Mr Wray put the question to me found an Insect, which I conceive will yield as acid liquor as well as a Pissmire, and that is the long and round bodied—lead-coloured Julus,5 the body of this Insect being bruised strikes the Nostrills exceeding feircely; but I have not yet had an opportunity to furnish my selfe with any quantity of them for further Tryalls. The change of colours in Flowers etc. is a subject I have a little considered, and you shall have my thoughts and experiments about it more at leisure. To come to the bleeding of the Sycamore; the last year I wintered at Nottingham, where I peirced a Sycamore about the begining of November, the turgescence of the budds inviting me therto and some hopes of improving the notion of winter-bleedings soe happily discovered by Mr Willoughby and Mr Wray: this succeeded soe well with me, that I did afterwards ingage my selfe in the trouble of keeping a journal throughout the whole Winter, from which journal I thinke I may inferr 1. that the wounded Sycamores never bled, neither in November, not December, nor January \nor February/ nor March (which yet they did above 40 several times, that is totally ceasing and than begining anew) unlesse there proceeded a Sensible and visible Frost, for I had noe other way of recording the temper of the Aire. 2. That the Frosts did not ever set ableed- ing the wounds it found made before they came, though sometimes they did; but upon ther breaking up, or very much relenting, the wounds either made 0152 Lister to Oldenburg 311 in that instant of time, or made many months before, did never faile to bleed more or lesse. 3. that particularly upon the breaking up of the two great and long frosts (\the first of which/ which happned that yeare, the first to be in that Countrey \to be on/ the 3d of January, the 2d about the 12 13 and 14 of February) all the wounds ran most plentifully, soe that such times may be looked upon, as the most proper seasons of gathering great quantities of juice from this Tree. Removing into Craven6 the latter end of March and thence to London my Journal was discontinued, I had yet upon my return into Craven some leisure to prosecute it. Those I there wounded the latter end of May did not bleed, neither the remaining part of that month, nor the following months of June and July, wherefore but had the orifice of the wounds made with a small auger, in a manner quite growne up and would scarce admit of a pidgeons feather: wherfore the 30th of july I cutt out a Square peice about 2 intches of the barke of a large and well grown Sycamore, about my height in the body of it; this wound began to run the next morning about 9 aclock soe as to drop and that was all and dryed up by 11 a clocke; this it did \constantly/ without intermission for 21 dayes, that is, it let fall a teare or two wherein betwixt 9 and 11 ith morning. The like cutt I made in a yong Sycamore, the 8th of August, which in like manner bled the next morning but stopped before 9 aclock; it did soe for 2 or 3, dayes, but than totally drying. Afterwards removing to Yorke, the Autumn 1st of November I here peirced and otherwise wounded 2 Sycamores and having observed in my selfe at times, when, according to my former observations made in Nottinghamshire, I might well expect to have found them bleeding \ yet/ they never stired, that we could observe, to this day. Since Mr Wray has assured me, yr those of Warwickshire bled the 16th of November last past copiously and since the Walnut Tree alsoe: and soe much for matter of Fact. To what cause wee may truly referr this \anomolous/ bleeding, is not easy to say: for my part, I am not apt to thinke, that there is a suddain and extempory ascent of Sap, at such times as these Trees are most disposed to bleed; but rather that the sap in all parts of the Tree, is somewayes notably altered in its temper and consistence, and this bleeding by stresse of weather may in these Trees probably be looked upon as an injurie done to their natures from an unkind Climate, considering the Walnut and Sycamore as strangers and not natives of England. ’Tis, indeed, tru, there are many sorts of English plants which will bleed in Winter, but note alsoe, that such plants never refuse to doe soe at any time of the yeare, noe more than a man, who may break a veine when he pleases; \but/ let the Hypothesis be what it will, I am persuaded we shall have but very \darke and/ imperfect notions of the motion of the juices of Vegetables, untill there tru Texture be better discovered. to conclude this subject, I put this Quaery. 312 Lister to Oldenburg 0152 whether the juice of trees, whilst vegete and alive, can properly be said at any time \of the yeare/ descend, or to be wanting in any part, or not to be therin in a much like quantitie. I shall take care to inform my selfe about the enquiry of very old Men. as for the other particular, I am every way stranger in these parts of England Sr I humbly thanke you for the honour you would have conferred on me, and doe really thinke it more than I can deserve and shall gladly accept of it/, but having thoughts and businesse, that may happily call me up to London in Summer, I desire of you to wholly differ it till I have the honour to kisse your hands in person. In the meane time, I assure you, I desire nothing more than to [[two words]] \contribute what/ I may \to/ the ends of that \illustrious assembly with my weake endeavours./ The papers I shall send you from time to time may, if you thinke them worthy, be disposed of as you please. I write but an ill hand and gave occasion in my former printed Letter to some mistakes, as for example a Spring is printed and I writ a Syring Pipe, that is, a squirt or jet d’eau, by which I meant what Mr Wray has explained by small holes or pipes.7 be pleased to blot out in one of the first Articles of Enquiry the word Feelers and to writ Hornes, alsoe to expunge aliquot in the Title of the Tables, which I inserted upon this,8 that Mr Willoughby did judge that there were as many more sorts of spiders as I had distinguished, but for my part I could never \find/ one more in the places where I have been, though I verily beleeve there are many more in England, yet it suffices, that I can assure these to be \all/ distinct species, as having much of their particular Histories and none other known to mee, and that all may \bee/ adjusted (as they shall be discovered) \to some one of/ those 6 Classes. Sir you will pardon my being sollicitous in this kind, from a particular humor I have, that however I may be soe happy as to please others, I am still dissatisfied wth my owne doings and thinke them never well enough. I am Sir

Your most humble servant Martin Lister

A small Box I [[xxxxxxx]] \gave/ to the carrier John Loft inning at the White- horse without Criple gate9 the last Saturday the 21 of this instant directed as my Letters.

1. This heading is in Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This note indicates when this piece of correspondence was read and entered into the Royal Society’s letterbook. 3. Though Lisa Rosner has claimed that it was not until the eighteenth century that Andreas Sigismund Marggraf (1709–1782) distilled formic acid from ants, Francis Jessop was engaged in 0153 Lister to Oldenburg 313 distilling it in 1670. Jessop reported his work to the Royal Society with Samuel Fisher, a Sheffield physician. See Lisa Rosner, “Ants in the Academy: Formic Acid and the University Dissemination of Enlightenment Science,” Eighteenth-Century Thought, 2 (2004), pp. 207–223; Armytage, (1952), p. 344. Lister quickly realized the acidic nature of the ants’ sting, publishing his speculations in Martin Lister, “Some observations, Touching Colours, in Order to the Increase of Dyes, and the Fixation of Colours,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2132–2136, on pp. 2132–2133. Ray would discuss Fisher’s observations in: John Wray, “Extract of a Letter, Written by Mr. John Wray to the Publisher January 13. 1670. Concerning Some Un-Common Observations and Experiments Made with an Acid Juyce to be Found in Ants,” Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), pp. 2063–2066. 4. Clematis flammula or fragrant virgin’s bower whose flowers have a strongly sweet almond fragrance. 5. A millipede. 6. Carleton-in-Craven, Yorkshire, the home of Lister’s wife Hannah Parkinson. 7. Lister refers to his anonymous publication in the Philosophical Transactions: “Some Observations Concerning the Odd Turn of Some Shell-Snailes, and the Darting of Spiders . . . ,” Phil. Trans., 4 (1669), pp. 1011–1016. The mistakes were on p. 1014. 8. Lister is referring to his letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1671, in which Oldenburg made these corrections for publication in Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2170–2174. 9. Cripplegate, York.

0153 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 28 January 1670/1

Source: rs el/L5/24 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, p. 195. Address: These | For his honoured Friend Mr Oldenburg | to be left with Mr. J. Martin | Stationer at the Bell in | Pauls Church-yard | London. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark. The wrapper also is annotated in Oldenburg’s handwriting: Rec. Febr. 2. 1670/71. Answ. Feb. 4. Reply to: Letter of 18 and 20 January 1670/1. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2119–2120; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), p. 11; Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 423–424, letter 1613.

Mr Listers letter to Mr. Oldenb about two very old men in \Craven/ Yorkshire and together with a Quere answering the bleeding of the Sycamore.1

Yorke January 28th—70

Sir

I writ the last post in great hast to you because you seemed to \be/ very earnest with me to doe soe. Give me leave therfore to trouble you with a kind of 314 Lister to Oldenburg 0153

Postscript to my last. I have sent out enquiries concerning two very old men, who to my knowledge the last summer were \both/ alive, of 120 yeares old a peice at least as it was told \me/ they live within a mile one of an other in Craven. but I hope more of that an other time. You may be pleased to put this Quaerie \alsoe/ concerning the bleeding of the Sycamore: what condition the soile is of, where such Trees are planted that shall either \bleed/ or refuse to doe soe: whether sandy, as that of Nottingham or a wett clay as that of the 2 Trees I have observed here at Yorke. In the Title of the 7th Spider be pleased to strike out the word turbinata and put in fastigiata.2 I have thoughts of coming up to Town the next Terme: but if I doe not, you will highly oblige me to signifie my desire to the illustrious \R./ Society of standing Candidate provided the thing can be downe without my appearance in person: otherwise we must remitt it till I can come up. I shall be glad to heare you received the small Box I sent you. excuse I pray these troubles; it is from the [[xxxxxxxxx]] affection I have to serve you. I am

Sir your most humble servant

Read Feb: 9: 70 Entd L.B. 4. 195 156:3

Martin Lister

To the Queries you put to me concerning the poison of Spiders, I for bore to give you any particular Answer—for the reasons I hinted: and yet to rake off prejudice from such as may have a mind to search into this matter; I assure you, that although I have handled with my bare hands many 100 of most sorts that I name, yet I never received the least harme. but from other sorts of Insects I have and particularly I have had my flesh blistered with a very slight touch of certain Cimices4 and that I take the [[xx]] to much more feircely, than we experience in our shopp Cantharides.5

1. This heading is in Oldenburg’s handwriting. 2. A reference to Lister’s table of spiders enclosed in his letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1670/1. 3. A note indicating when the letter was entered into the Letter Book and read to the Royal Society. 4. Bedbugs. 0154 Oldenburg to Lister 315

5. Spanish fly or Lytta vesicatoria. This was given to prolong male erections as well as a blistering agent to expel evil bodily humors. When ingested, cantharides excreted in the urine irritate the urethral passages, causing inflammation in the genitals and subsequent priapism.

0154 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister 4 February 1670/1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 5. Address: To his honored friend | Martin Lister Esquire | At his house without Mickel-gate | barr | at | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/4 (February 4); Receiving house stamp 3/Off in a circular border. Reply to: Letter of 25 January 1670/1 and letter of 28 January 1670/1. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 437–438, letter 1622.

Sir,

I did intend by my last to desire you, that you would please to direct your letters to me immediately to my house in the Palmal, and not to Mr Martyn, because they may lye many days at my his house before they come to my hands, and the post coms as often into my quarters, as any where else about London. If your two last had been thus directed to me in the Palmal, I might have imparted the contents thereof, which concern Philosophy, to the R. Society at their last Assembly, and now given you their sense and acknowledgement thereupon.1 I can at present only send you my particular thanks, and make it my request to you, to continue \to us/ these so usefull and uncommon observations, and contributions, which will very considerably \enrich/ our philosophical Store- house. I have made the more haste to acknowledge the receipt of these last of yours, (I mean of jan. 25. and 28.) because the Carrier, whom you named for having received from you a boxe for me, positively denyeth it, though I have sent both your letters, that mention it expresly, to him, that he might see it himself. I doubt not, but you will call him to an account for it, upon his return. I am very much pleased (and so will doubtlesse the Society, when they shall hear of it) that you have so successfully pro begun to prosecute the inquiry, Whether there be any other Animal, besides the Pismire, that yields an acid Spirit. And your Observations and Reflexions on the Bleeding of Sycamores are so remarkable, that I am confident, it will excite many Observers of that and other particulars touching the Bleeding of Trees. I am very glad also, you have begun to inquire after the very old men in your parts. The number of one of them I cannot well discerne, whether it be 110 or 316 Lister to Oldenburg 0155

120, the midle of the numbers seeming to have a hook on the top towards the left hand. I shall very carefully observe your directions in altering those words, you have marked, in your paper about Spiders. Pray, is not the Julus, you mention for its likeness to the Ant in yielding an acid liquor, a kind of Scolopender, [[xxxxxxxxxx]] having many feet?2 And have not the Common people an English name for it? Since you will have \me/ stay, till the next Terme, in the matter of proposing you for a Candidate to the R. Society, I shall obey you; and in all things endeavor to demonstrate my readinesse to be in what I can

Sir Yr very humble and faithful servant

Oldenburg.

London Febr. 4. 1670/71.

1. The last meeting of the Society was on 2 February 1670/1. 2. Lister mentioned a Julus or millipede in his letter of 25 January 1671. A scolopender described either a centipede or millipede.

0155 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 8 February 1670/1

Source: rs el/L5/25 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 199–201. “Rec. Febr. 10 1670/71. and Answ. Febr. 11. 1670/71.” is on the wrapper in Oldenburg’s handwriting. Address: These | For his honoured Friend Mr. | H. Oldenburgh att his | house in the Pallmall | at | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/10 [February 10]. Printed: Phil. Trans., 5 (20 February 1670/1), pp. 2069–2070 and vol. 6 (17 April 1671), pp. 2120–2121; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), p. 12; Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 443–445, letter 1627.

Mr Listers Letter, concerning two very old men, insect affording an acid juice, an Expt of the bleeding of Sycamores, and some Trees1

(Enter’d L B. 4 199.)2 0155 Lister to Oldenburg 317

Feb. 8. 70

Sir

I had yours of the 4th Instant. I am sorry to hear my Box is in danger of being lost: it was delivered, but it seemes not to the master, as I ordered, but to his man. if it shall be lost (which I beleeve not, but mislaied) we will take \care/ that you have, as soone as may be, the same things sent you again. I have not yet received any answer to my Enquiries sent into Craven concerning the old men, nor can I affirme for a certain truth the just number of their yeares, but it was said to me they were 6 score yeares old; their names are— Montgomery living in Skipton & Thomas Wiggen of the Parish of Carleton.3 but more, I hope, an other time. The Julus I named to you for a likely Insect to afford an Acid juice is indeed a Multipeda or Millepeda as Pliny calls them, but no Scolopendra: ours being a harmlesse Insect and those are armed with dangerous Foriceps.4 If I had had either Aldrovandus or Mouffet5 by me I should have spared my owne Title & sent you those Authors Synominus. they have noe English name that I know off: but besides the Caracteristical notes of the Title I gave them, they may be well known from all other Multipedas, in that their innumerable leggs are as small as haire & white and in going they are moved like Waves. they are not rare amongst dryer rubbish. their bodies are as round as whip-cords. Concerning the bleeding of the Sycamore, be pleased that [I] acquaint you with the following Experiment of very late date. The 1. instant it froze, the wind at North; the frost and wind continued (some little snow now & then falling) the 2.5.4.5.6. untill the 7th ith morning, when the wind came about to the South East and the weather broake up a pace. the sycamores bled not all this while, but the 7th about noon all \Trees of the kind/ bledd very freely both at the Twiggs & body and I strucke above a dozen. at this \very same/ critical season I was willing to repeat the experiment upon other Trees and to this end I forthwith strucke the Hawthorn, Hazel, Wild Rose, Goose berry bush, Aple Tree, Cherry tree, Blather-nutt,6 Apricock, Cherry-Laurel, Vine, Wall-nutt, yet none bled, but the last named and that but faintly in comparison of the Sycamore. this is consonant to our former experiments and if it did happen, as I said in my former Letter, that these Sycamores bled not all this year \Winter/ afore at the wounds made at the [[xxx]] \first/ of November, I doe now think that if new wounds had been still made at every breath of frost, some signes, at least of our Yorke trees bleeding, might have been discovered before now but I affirme noe more then I have seen and tryed. 318 Lister to Oldenburg 0155

In all the Monuments of the Ancients, soe happily collected by the great industrie of Plinie, I find but \few/ instances of this nature: amongst those few there is one that is registered with two or three remarkable circumstances to our purpos. He tell us, that the Phisitians of old, when they had a mind to draw the juice of the Mulberrie Tree, were wont to strike it skin-deep only and that about two howers after sun rise: this experiment is twice mentioned by him and in both places as a strange phaenomenon. we might make our Comment upon the places, but for this time are content only to transcribe the Texts. lib. 16. cap. 58. “Mirum hic (cortex) in Moro, medicis succum quaerentibus, fere hora diej secunda, lapide incussus manat, altius fractus siccus videtur.” lib. 25.C.7. “Mora in [Egypto et Cypro suj generis, ut diximus, largo succo abundant, summo cortice desquammato: altiore plaga siccantur, mirabilj natura.”7 I shall be glad to heare at your best leisure the progresse of this Inquiry. Sir

I am Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. Not in Oldenburg’s or Lister’s hand. Indicates the letter’s entrance into the Royal Society Letter Book. 3. Carleton-in-Craven in Yorkshire was where the family of Lister’s wife lived, and Skipton is proximal. 4. Forceps or pincers. 5. Ulisse Aldrovandi and Thomas Mouffet, who both wrote about insects. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 25 March 1668. 6. The bladdernut tree or Staphylea pinnata. 7. Two excerpts from Pliny’s Natural History. The first is in book 16, chapter 72: “It is a singular fact connected with the mulberry-tree, that when the medical men wish to extract its juice, if the incision is lightly made, by a blow with a stone, and at the second hour of the day in spring, the juice will flow: but if, on the other hand, a wound is inflicted to any depth, it has all the, appearance of being dried up.” The second is in book 23, chapter 70: “In Egypt and in the Isle of Cyprus there are, as already stated, mulberry-trees of a peculiar kind, being of a nature that is truly marvellous; for, if the outer bark is peeled off, they emit a great abundance of juice; but if a deeper incision is made, they are found to be quite dry.” 0156 Lister to Ray 319

0156 Martin Lister to John Ray [York], 8 February 1670/1

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 13, number 32. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 15. Address: No address present. Printed: Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 10–11; Derham (1718), pp. 88–91; Lankester (1848), pp. 78–80; Harley (1992), pp. 193–194, letter 32. (These are all partial transcriptions.)

Deare Sir

I had yours of the 30 of Jan.1 I have nothing to say against matter of Fact, but doe much wonder at this odd instance of a seeming absurdity in nature, and therefore wch \as/ you advise, doe thinke it well worth further observation. Looking over my Boxes of Insects, I find a row of about a dozen of these Bees, and some cases out of which they were hatched; these I find all pierced at the sides; and for the bees themselves, they differ much in bignesse, as though that was not tru, that insects of this kind are at their full growth when borne: but it may well be, according to your observation, that these boisterous and hasty elder brothers dwarf the younger by spoiling their Food. I do not say that I ever found cases of other leaves than roses, but I have found leaves of many other trees bitt out by them, as Willow, Thorne, and espeacially a Lilac Tree, at the upper end of St. John’s Walkes,2 had scarce a whole leafe in it; and some of those leaves, too, were well husbanded, as having two or three side pieces, and as many round bits, taken off of them.3 this I showed to many of our Fellows, who may well remember it, as Mr. Gower, etc.4 and I know I have yet some of those pipe tree5 leaves in some of my Bookes, which are yet most of them at Cambridge. I sometimes use my notes and sometimes I trust to my memory, when I writt to you \according to leisure/, which may well cause some difference in circumstances, but I assure you I am as circumspect and careful not \to/ impose upon myself and others as I can, and you have well lessoned me to this purpose; and, amongst other things, I am extremely obliged to you for it. As for the forking of Spiders threads, far be it from me that I should sleight any phaenomenon of nature, for I am the gladdest man that can be to heare of any; but I am very cautious not \too forwardly to entertaine/ such upon trust;6 neither would I have any man take them from me otherwise than as they them selves shall find them. And this is a thing that neither formerly, nor since, have been able to observe; but if it shall be found to be done on purpose by the animal to facilitate his flyght, and not accidental (which I am the more apt to 320 Lister to Ray 0156 believe, because very rare), I shall be forward to return Dr. Hulse my particular thanks: but, as I writ to Mr. Oldenburgh,7 he might very well mistake many threads shott at a time (as is usuall with many Spiders, more or less), for one thread divided and forked, or, and \as/ Blancanus in Redi saies, ramose, woolly, or from which many small Filaments proceed; which conceit of Blancanus, I am apt to suspect, gave occasion to the Doctor to be of the same beleefe: but yet for the main, or mostly, as he saies, he could not him selfe find it to be tru. I have purposely omitted to insert any inquiries concerning this matter, and the poison of Spiders, wch willingly reserving those two particulars for other papers; yet I am most glad to heare what others may more happily and more ingeniously than I observe and experience. In my letter which was unhappily lost (by reason, perhapps, that I had inclosed in it a plant pasted down), I quoted the express Text of Aristotle, “That the thing was not unknown to the ancients;” and where he says, “That Spiders dart their threads, as porcupins doe their quills;” which Text, though very plain in it selfe, yet it will not easily enter into our imagination before we have made the observation by \sense/: witnesse the misinterpretation of Redi and Blancanus:8 and yet in the set of inquiries I sent to Mr. Old[enburgh] I have purposly given, to incite the curious, an other interpretation of the text,9 which too perhaps it will bere, and not much \wr/ested. but too much of this. I have communicated to Mr. Old[enburgh] my Notes of the bleeding of the Sycamore, in answer to a late Letter of his.10 He likewise put the Querie to me of the Pismires changing blew flowers red, which it seemes some body had sent him in. as for Mr. Jessops and Mr. Fishers exp[eriments] which you communicated to me, I did not send them to him as not belonging to me; but I told him there were such persons that had better examined the matter than I.11 Somewhat after the receipt of yours, I found an other Insect, which I guesse will yield an Acid juice, for it most fiercely strikes the nose with a fiery and acid smell, just after the manner of the bruised bodies of Pissmires. This insect hath noe sting, and is the long and round-bodied-lead-coloured Multipeda or Iulus me thinks the juice of \that creeping/ Flammula about Montpelier was, as farr as I remember, much like this of Pissmires.12 My hearty humble servis to Mr. Willughby. if you try the experiment of [[xx]] gilding, remember that the scumme be suffered to become a little stiffe and firme, otherwise it will be apt to breake into very small pieces in the Filter, and not show soe well. I might inclose part of a gilt Filter, but that it is so apt to breake and wear off with the lightest touch.13 I pity your pain, which I begin to know a little my selfe; but in truth I know no certainer remedy than one grain or Lesse of Laudanum dissolved in spirit of wine.14 This never failed to ease me. 0156 Lister to Ray 321

I thank you for my booke of Proverbs;15 I am much pleased with it, but my Wife will have it her booke. you observations are high good and that businesse of after-purging I am exceedingly confirmed \in/ by a most notable experiment on a patient this Winter. but I am tiresome. adieu, my deare friend.

Your most affectionate servant

Martin Lister

Feb. 8th. 70

Our Sycamore bled yesterday at the breaking up of a seven dayes \continued/ frost, and I am now apt to beleeve, if I had \had/ the care to have made new wounds upon \every/ change of the like weather \that our/ Yorke-Trees would have bledd before now. But I affirme no more than I have seen and tryed.

1. This letter has been lost. 2. St John’s College, Cambridge, where Lister had been a fellow. 3. Lister had been exchanging letters with Oldenburg and Ray about bees who formed cases or “cartridges” out of leaves; see Lister’s letter of 23 December 1670 to Oldenburg, and Ray’s letter to Lister of 22 August 1670. 4. Humphrey Gower (1638–1711), fellow, and later master, of St John’s College, Cambridge. 5. Lilac. 6. A reference to Dr. Hulse’s concomitant report of ballooning spiders published in the Philosophical Transactions (14 November 1670, pp. 2103–2104). See John Ray’s letter to Lister of 7 July 1670. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 December 1670. 7. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 December 1670. 8. Francesco Redi, Experiments on the Generation of Insects, p. 72. Blancanus was the Jesuit Josephus Blancanus (Guiseppe Biancani), a writer on cosmography (Sphaeri mundi) and commentator on Aristotle. 9. Query 15 in Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1670/1. The reference is to Aristotle, Historia Animalium, viii, xxxix, 623a. 10. Lister is referring to Oldenburg’s letters of 18 and 20 January 1670/1, which he answered on 25 January 1670/1. 11. Ray informed Lister of the experiments in his letter of 6 December 1668. 12. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 January 1670/1. 13. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 20 January 1670/1. 14. Laudanum or tincture of opium was 10% powdered opium by weight mixed with alcohol (spirit of wine). It is a powerful narcotic, used as an analgesic and cough suppressant. 15. Ray’s Collection of English proverbs (1670). 322 Oldenburg to Lister 0157

0157 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister 11 February 1670/1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 7–8. Address: To his honored friend | Martin Lister Esquire | At his house without Mickel- | gate barr in | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/11 (February 11); Receiving house stamp 3/Off in a circular border. Reply to: Letter of 8 February 1670/1. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 452–453, letter 1632.

Sir,

I am sorry I troubled you with the news of the not-delivery of your boxe, because it is come to hand since: but the viviparous flye was found altogether shaken into smal pieces, whilst the litle curious snailes were all very safe and entire. As I cannot but renew my humble thanks to you for your \continued/ favors and cares for our concerns, and particularly for your late communications relating to Spiders, Pismires, Iulus’s, as well as to the Bleeding of Sycamores, and other Trees; so I must use this further freedom, to intreat you, that, if you can spare any of yes[ai]d viviparous flyes, you would please to recruite that loss, at your conveniency. I have not stuck to send away to the presse, among other things for the Transactions of February, your contributions concerning the Sycamores, and your directions for finding more insects that afford \an/ acid liquor: which, I am persuaded, will be as welcome to others, as it was to the R. Society at their last meeting;1 who commanded me to let assure you of their affectionate sense of your ingenious observations. They were very copious at that time in discoursing upon the motion of Sap in Trees, and amongst other particulars, upon the Question, Whether there be a Circulation of their juyce, as there is of the Bloud in Animals: concerning which it was propos’d, that some Experiments should be made to decide it. A way was suggested, of making \streight/ ligatures with metallin rings about the twiggs and branches, to see, whether there would be a turgescence on both sides of the ligature, etc. I am confident, Sir, you have curiosity sufficient to make you devise some effectual way to try this experiment effectually; nor doe I doubt, but you will impart to us the success of your tryals, you shall have made of this nature. ’Tis your ingenuity, that makes me persist in these important sollicitations, knowing, that a person of your frame of spirit will easily pardon them to

Sir Your humble and faithful servant Oldenburg 0158 Lister to Oldenburg 323

London Febr. 11. 1671.

When you have more certainty of those aged persons, I shall be glad to share in it, not doubting, but you will spread this inquiry as farr as you can in those parts. I was much pleased with your taking \notice/ of what Pliny writes of Mulberries;2 but shall yet more, when you shall impart your comment on it: And I hope, you will also make us participant of what you mention you have considered \and experimented/ of the change of Colors in Flowers. etc.

1. The meeting was held 9 February 1670/1, and Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 January 1670/1 was read. 2. See Lister’s letter of 8 February 1670/1.

0158 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 15 February 1670/1

Source: rs el/L5/26 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 211–219. The letter is worn and torn on its edges in several places; missing words have been restored from published editions and the Letter Book copy. Oldenburg has noted on the wrapper that the letter was received on 17 February 1670/71 and answered on 25 February 1670/71. In addition he noted “Sent the Expts upon Sycamore to Mr. Willoughby Feb. 18.” Oldenburg also wrote on the wrapper: “A Letter of Mr Lister to M. Old. concerning a Viviparous Fly, an Insect affording an acid Juyce, some Experiments of the motion and circulation of Sap in Trees; as also several Observations touching Colors; and particularly of a fixt black made of a Vegetable growing in England.” Address: These | For his honoured Friend Mr Oldenburgh | at his house in the Palmal at | London. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 11 February 1670/1. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2121–2123, and pp. 2132–2136; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 12–15 and pp. 19–24; Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 457–463, letter 1634. 324 Lister to Oldenburg 0158

Yorke, 15. Febr. 1670.

Sir

Yours of the 11 instant I had. I am glad to heare the little Box at length came safe to your hands; as for the Viviparous Fly I sent you the choice and most intire of my store, a Male and a Female; indeed they may well be dry and apt to be shaken to pieces I having had them by me 4 yeares. I feare it will be April at soonest, before I can send you any of them; yet being fresh caught they will be tougher and endure carriage better. The Julus I named for a probable Insect, to afford an acid juice, will not like a Pismire change a blew flower red, at least soe farr as I have yet had meanes to make the experiment: yet I dare say it will yield a smart and powerfull liquor, if my sleight way of examination deceive me not, for I have not mett with any Insect more keen in the Nose. February 11th (to continue our experiments concerning the motion of the sap of Trees) all was here covered with a white Frost, betwixt 9 and 11 \ith morning/ the weather changing I made the experiments which follow upon the Sycamore, Walnut, Maple. A twigg cutt asunder would bleed very freely from that part remaining to the Tree, and for the part separated it would be altogather dry and show noe signes of moisture, although we held it some pretty time with the cut end downwards; but if this part of the twigg separated twigg was never soe little tipped at the other end with a knife, it would forthwith shew moisture at both ends. The same day late ith after noone the weather very open and warme; a twigg cutt off in like manner as in the morning, would shew noe moisture at all from any part. These experiments we repeated very many times with constant and like successe on all the Trees above mentioned. I entered this Experiment with those Quaeries for the next opportunity. 1. Whether a twigg or the small part of a root cutt asunder, will not bleed faster, upon the breaking up of a Frost, from the part remaining to the Tree, than from the part separated and whether the part separated will bleed at all and shew no more signes of moisture than a twigg cutt from the topp of the Tree, unlesse that small root be likewise cut off at the smal \other/ end alsoe. 2. Whether when it shall happen that a Sycamore shall be found to bleed upon the setting in a great Frost the topp twiggs and small roots will not both of them bleed freelier from the parts separated in proportion to their bignesse. 3. And if it shall not Soe prove in the Tryal, that in cold weather the sap moves inwards from root and branch to the Trunk, and that upon the breaking of a Frost the sap moves outward, from the Trunk to the extremities of both root and branch, I say if this prove not soe, whether there be any different motions 0158 Lister to Oldenburg 325 of sap at a time in the divers parts of one and the same Tree; and where such motions of sap begin and whither they tend. 4. whether the sap when it will run moves longer in the branches than in the roots, or whether it begin not to move in all parts of a Tree at a time and rest every where at a time. 5. when it rests whether it retires to the body of the Tree from the roots and branches or sinkes down to the root, or is any \waye/ spent by insensible steams, or is quiet and lodged in every part of the Tree in proportion. I shall long to hear the successe of your Experiments in the Question of the Circulation of Sap. I have many yeares been inclined to thinke that there is some such motion in the juices of Vegetables: the reasons which induced me are, 1. because I find that all the juice of a plant is not extravasate and loose and like water in a Spung, but that there are apparent Vessells in plants, analogous to Veines in Animals, which thing is most conspicuous and cleer in such plants whose juice, is either white or red or saffron-colored, for instance in each kind of juice we propose Lactuca,1 Atractilis,\wild safron/2 Chelidonium majus.3 2. because that there are very many plants (and these last named are of the number) whose juice seemes never to be at rest, but will spring at all times freely, as the blood of Animals upon an incision. The way of Ligature by metalline Rings, is an expedient I have not used, but other Ligatures I have, upon a great number of our English vegetable \Plants/ not without the discovery of many curious phaenomena. The successe of an experiment of this nature upon Cataputia minor Lob.4 was as follows. I tyed a silke thread upon one of the branches of this plant, as hard as might be and not breake the skin: there followed noe greater swelling, that I could discern, on the one side of the silke than on the other, although in often repeating the experiment, some silkes were left howers and dayes unloosed, and yet the dimple, the thread had made in the yielding branches, had a litle raised the immediate sides, but both alike; the plant in like manner would bleed very freely both above and under the Ty: this was alsoe \very/ remarkable, amongst other things, in this experiment, that in drawing the Rasour round about the branch just above or below the tye, the milkie juice would suddainly spring out of infinite small holes besides the made Orifice, for more than halfe an intch above and below the tye. Which seemes to argue, that though there was noe juice intercepted in appearance from any turgescence, as in the like processe upon the members of a \sanguineous/ Animal, yet the Veines were soe over thronged and full, that a large Orifice, was not sufficient to discharge the suddain impetus and pressure of a some-wayes streightned juice. I have endeavoured many wayes to discover the configuration of the Veines of Vegetables and ther other constituent parts and Texture, but enough of this in one Letter, I will tell you \in the next place/ my thoughts of Colours which you desire. 326 Lister to Oldenburg 0158

Two things I conceive are cheifly aimed at in this Inquiry of Colours, the one to encrease the Materia tinctoria5 and the other, to fix, if possible those colours we either have already or shall herafter discover for Use. As to the first, Animals and Vegetables, besides other parts of natural Historic, may abundantly furnish us. And in both these parts of N.H. some colours are apparent, as the various colours of Flowers, and the juices of Fruits etc. and the Sanies6 of Animals. others are latent and discovered to us by the effects the several Families of Salts and other things may have upon them. Concerning the Apparent colours of Vegetables and Animals, and the various effects of different Salts in changing of them from one colour to an other, we have many instances in Mr. Boile,7 and if we might, with the good leave of that honourable and learned person range them after our fashion, we should give you at least a new prospect of them and observe to you the conformity and agreement of the effects of salts on the divers parts of vegetables, viz. 1. that acid salts advance the colours of Flowers and Berries, that is, according to the experiments of Mr. Boile, they make the infusions of Balaustiums8 or pomegranate flowers and roses, clov- jillyflowers, mesereon,9 pease-bloome, Violets, Cyanus-flowers,10 of a fairer red; alsoe the juices of the berrie of Ligustrum,11 of blackcherries, buckthorne berries, of a much fairer red; and to the same purpose acid salts make noe great alterations upon the white flowers of Jasmin and snowdroppes. 2. that Urinous salts and Alcalys on the contrary quite alter and change the colours of the same flowers now named, and the juices of the said berries alsoe from red to green, even jasmin and snowdropps. 3. Again, that in like manner Urinous spirits and Alcalys advance, at least do not quite spoyl the colours of the juices of leaves of Vegetables, of their wood and root. Thus Mr Boile tells us, that Urinous spirit and Alcalys makes the yellow infusions of madder-roots red; of brazil wood, purplish, of Lignum nephriticum,12 blew; the red infusion of Log- wood, purple; of leaves of Sena, red.13 4. That on the contrary, Acid salts quite alter and change the said infusions from red or blew to a yellow. In the next place we would note to you the effects of salts upon Animals in the production and change of colours; but the instances are very few or none that I meet with in any authour. The Purple Fish14 being quite out of use, and Cochineil and Kermes they are by most questioned, whether they are Animals or noe; but I thinke we may confidently beleeve them \both/ to be Insects that is, wormes or Chrysalis of respective Flyes in proxima faetura.15 We find then and have tryed concerning Cochineil, which of it selfe is red; that upon the affusion of oil of Vitriol,16 that is an acid salt, it strikes the most vivid crimson that can be imagind: and with Urinous Salts and Alcalys it will be again changed into an obscure colour ’twixt a Violet and a purple. Pliny some where tells us, that ye 0158 Lister to Oldenburg 327

Gaules in his time could dye with Vegetables, what the Romans with soe much danger and pains sought for in the bottome of the sea.17 indeed, we find many Plants mentioned by the same authour which either are not known to us at this present or neglected. To what we have breifly [[xxxxxxxx]] \observed/ out of authours, we will subjoyne some of our owne Considerations and Tryalls and first concerning the apparent colours in Flowers, we thinke we may inferr. 1. that generally all red, blew and white flowers are imediately upon the affusion of an Alcaly changed into a green colour and thence in processe of noe long time turned yellow. 2. that all the parts of Vegetables which are green, will in like manner strike a yellow with an Alcaly. 3. that what flowers are already yellow are not much changed, if at all by an Alcaly or Urinous spirit. 4. the blew seed— huskes of Glastum sylvestre18 old gathered and dry, diluted with water staine a blew, which upon an affusion of Lye strikes a green, which green or blew being touched with the oil of Vitriol dyes a purple, all these 3 colours stand. 5. on the topps of Fungus tubulosus soe called by Mr. Wray in his late Catalogue of the plants of England19 are certain red knotts, these upon the affusion of Lye will strike a purple and stand. As for the latent colours in Vegetables and Animals to be discovered to us by the affusion of salts, they likewise noe doubt are very many, we will sett downe only a few instances in both kinds, which have not been that we know off, discovered or taken notice of by others. Latent vegetable colours 1. the milkie juice of Lactuta sylvestris costa spinosa20 and sonchus asper et lavis21 upon the affusion of Lye, will strike a vivid flame colour or crimson, and after some time quite degenerate into a dirty yellow. 2. the milke of Cataputia minor upon the affusion of Lye, espeacially if it be drawn with a knife and have any time stood upon the blade of it will strike a purple or bloodred colour and by and by change into an ignoble yellow. Latent animal Dyes 1. the common haw-thorne Catterpillar will strike a purple or carnation with Lye and stands 2. the heads of Beetles and Pismires etc. will with Lye strike the same carnation colour and stand. 3. the amber coloured Scolopendra will give with Lye a most beautiful and pleasant Azure and \or/ Amesthestine and stand. Lastly we might consider the Fixing of colours for Use; but we are willing to leave this to more experienced persons as alsoe the philosophyzing on the particulars we have produced to better heads; some obvious inferences we may venture to take notice of. 1. that in all the instances above mentioned, whether Vegetable or Animal, there is not one colour truly fixed, however there may I conceive be some use made of them, as they are I say truly fixed, that is proofe of salt and fire, for what seem to stand and be Lye proofe, are either wholly 328 Lister to Oldenburg 0158 destroyed by a different salt, or changed into a much different colour, which must needs prove a staine and blemish when it shall happen in the use of any of them. 2. that both the apparent and latent colours of Vegetables are fixable, an instance wherof we may observe in the seed huskes of Glastum and the use dyers make of the leaves after due praeparation. 3. it is probable from the same instance that we may learn from the colour of some part of the Fruit or seed, what colour the leaves of any Vegetable and the whole plant might be made to yield for our use. 4. that the latent colours of Vegetables are prae existant and not produced, from the same instance of Woad and likewise from this that the milkie pure juice of Lactuca afford of it selfe a red serum. 5. that the change of colours in fiowers is gradual and constant. 6. that the colours of flowers which will not stand with Lye, seem to be wholly destroyed by it and irrecoverable: thus it happens in the experiment, that one part of a Violet leafe upon the affusion of Lye is changed very soon into a yellow and will never be revived into a red by an acid salt, but if an other part of the same leafe be still given, it will be revived. 7. that drynesse seemes to be a meanes, if not of fixing, yet bringing the Vegetable colour into a condition of not wholly and suddainly perishing by the otherwise destroying Alcaly. 8. that those plants or animals which will strike different and yet vivid colours upon the affusion of different salts and stand, as the Cochineil and Glastum, are probably of all others to be reckned the best Materials. It would have been much safer to have put these inferences in the fashion of Quaeries, but, besides that I affirme noe more than matter of Fact, it is lawfull for our encouragement (as my Lord Bacon advises) to set up Rests by the way and refresh our selves with looking backe, though perhapps we have not much advanced. You will be please to excuse the little coherence of I have used in these Notes and attribute it to the readinesse and affection I have to answer such Inquiries as you put to me. [[several words]]. I never did yet make this subject any thing of my businesse, but the desire I have to search after and examine the Medicinal qualities of things in Nature has by the by presented me with such phaenomena, as I was not willing to leave unnoted, nor to refuse them you, though in a confused way, because you desire them. To conclude however immethodical and barren these papers may seem, yet the consideration of them has led \me/ to a way of fixing Colours, which I willingly forbeare to relate, untill I may have an opportunity of shewing the Experiment before the R.S. I have found out a colour most exquisitely blacke and comparable to the best Inke even for the Use of the pen and which will not change either by fire or salts. This an English Vegetable yeilded me and for ought I know (for I have not repeated the Tryal on any thing else) the like method will succeed to good purpos. I am 0158 Lister to Oldenburg 329

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister.

1. The lettuce genus. 2. In his insertion into the text, Oldenburg has identified atractilis as wild saffron, but atrac- tylis in Parkinson’s Herbal is identified as a thistle. See Oldenburg, vol. 7, p, 463, note 2. 3. Chelidonium majus or greater celendine. Lister’s analogy between plant and animal circulation would be further developed and published as Martin Lister: “An ingenious account of veins by him observ’d in plants analogous to human veins,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 3052–3055. Six years previously in his Micrographia, Hooke contemplated that sap circulates and stated: “But though I could not with my Microscope, nor with my breath, nor any other way I have try’d, discover a passage [in the pith of an Elder and Cork cells] out of one of those cavities into another, yet I cannot thence conclude, that therefore there are none such, by which the Succus nutritus, or appropriate juice of Vegetables, may pass through them.” (Hooke, Micrographia, p. 116). 4. Oldenburg inserted the note “spurge” to identify this plant correctly. 5. Dyes. 6. Any watery fluid of animal origin, such as a humor or blood. 7. A reference to Robert Boyle’s Experiments and Considerations touching colours (London: H. Herringman, 1664). 8. Punica granatum or pomegranates. Boyle reported on his work with them in: “The thirty ninth Experiment, Of Varying the Decoction of Balaustiums with Acid and Urinous Salts,” in his Experiments and Considerations touching colours, pp. 294–295. 9. Cneorum tricoccon or spurge olive. Boyle reported on his work with them in: “The twenty fifth Experiment, of the more general use of Alcalizate and Sulphureous Salts in the Tinctures of Vegetables, further Instanced in the Tincture of Privet Berries, and of the Flowers of Mesereon and Pease,” in his Experiments and Considerations touching colours, pp. 257–259. 10. Blue flowers, normally cornflowers, bachelor’s buttons, or bluebottles. Boyle’s twenty- first experiments was dedicated to the “same Changes effected by the same means on the Blew Tinctures of Corn-flowers,” in his Experiments and Considerations touching colours (London, 1664), pp. 249–250. 11. Shrubs known as privet (genus Ligustrum). Boyle’s twenty-fifth experiment concerned chemical work done with privet berries (see note 10). 12. Pterocarpus indicus, known as amboine or “narra.” The aqueous extract of this tropical hardwood exhibits a strong blue fluorescence, the first recorded observation of fluorescence. The color is highly pH dependent. See J.R. Partington, “Lignum nephriticum,” Annals of Science, 11 (1 March 1955), pp. 1–26. 13. Senna, a genus of flowering plants in the family Fabaceae. Sennas were used in the early modern era as purgatives. 14. Lister refers here to murex, a genus of predatory tropical sea snails. Their mucus emitted from their hypobranchial gland was used to make Tyrian or royal purple. 15. “About to come to birth.” 330 Oldenburg to Lister 0159

16. Sulfuric acid. 17. The passage is from Pliny, Natural History, 22.3. Pliny wrote, “the people of Gaul beyond the Alps produce the Tyrian colours, the conchyliated, and all the other hues, by the agency of plants alone. They have not there to seek the murex at the bottom of the sea, or to expose themselves to be the prey of the monsters of the deep, while tearing it from their jaws, nor have they to go searching in depths to which no anchor has penetrated—and all this for the purpose of finding the means whereby some mother of a family may appear more charming in the eyes of her paramour, or the seducer may make himself more captivating to the wife of another man. Standing on dry land, the people there gather in their dyes just as we do our crops of corn.” 18. Woad. 19. Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae, published in 1670. Ray described muscus tubulosus as coralline-moss on p. 208. 20. Wild or forest lettuce with spiky ribs. 21. Smooth and prickly sow thistle.

0159 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 25 February 1670/1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 9. rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 223–224. Address: To his honored friend | Martin Lister Esquire,| at his house wthout Mickel-gate barr at | Yorke. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark and Receiving Office Mark. Reply to: Letter of 13 February 1670/1. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 474–475, letter 1640.

London Febr. 25. 1670

Sir,

On Thursday last I produced and read your well-fraighted1 and excellent Letter before the R. Society, who were highly pleased with all those curious observations, which you have so generously communicated therein, especially with those which relate to Colours.2 They have commanded me to let you know not only, that they have a great sense of this respect of yours to them and their philosophical engagements, but also, that they will take care to preserve these, and such other communications, as you shall further send to them, in their Books among the best Collections, they are making for an History of Nature. And when your occasions shall permit you to come to London, and to visit 0160 Ray to Lister 331 their Assembly’s, you may be sure of an hearty welcome; as may be also the Experiment of Fixing Colors you intend to show before them yourself. Some of the Company, having taken particular notice of the several colors, both vegetable and animal, mention’d by you for such as will stand, desired, that I would inquire of you, whether you had seen any Tryals made thereof upon cloath or stuffe? And if you have, whether you would not gratify us with communicating the particular successes thereof? What that English Vegetable is, which hath yielded you an exquisit black colour, comparable to the best Ink, and not changeable by fire or salt, we should also be very glad to be informed of, if you think fit. The Society is now about the employing of an Air-vessel, to try therein, what change the Rarefaction of the Air will worke upon a Man, that may sit in it, altogether shut up, and fortified against the Ingresse of more Air, than is just requisite to \his/ respiration.3 Which Contrivance is like to furnish us with divers considerable phaenomena, to clear up the doctrine of Respiration, and to give light to other things: Of the successe of which trials you are like to be, as occasion shall serve, informed by

Sir Your very humble servant

Henr. Oldenburg.

1. Well-freighted or well-furnished. 2. Lister’s letter was read to the Royal Society on 23 February 1670/1. 3. A description of the engine is in Birch, vol. 2, pp. 467–468. The engine was suggested by Robert Hooke, and he tried the contrivance to no ill effect on 9 February 1670/1 when the air was partially evacuated.

0160 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 3 March 1670/1

Source: nhm mss Ray, fol. 13, letter 33. Address: No address present. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 8 February 1670/1. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 91–92; Lankester (1848), pp. 80–82; Gunther (1928), pp. 127–128; Harley (1992), pp. 194–195, letter 33. (All partial transcriptions.) 332 Ray to Lister 0160

Middleton March 3. 1670.

Dear Sir,

Since the receipt of your last I have for some time been absent from this place about an important affair. Sir. Wm. Willughby of Notinghamshire dying about the 12 or 13th of the last moneth, did by will devise to Mr. Willughby (whom he called cousin though I think they were nothing akin) a very considerable estate viz. South-Muskham and Carleton in Notinghamshire and some lands in Yorkshire, amounting in the whole little less than 1000li per annum in good rents, besides the reversion of about 250li per annum given to servants in annuities for their lives.1 But Mr. Dixy son to Sr. Wolstan Dixy of Market- Bosworth2 in Leicestershire who married the sister and heir at law of Sir W.W. will endeavour to render the will invalid, by proving W.W. to be non compos mentis at the time of the making thereof, which though I believe he will never be able to doe, that it may be proved by sufficient testimony and witness that it was Sir Williams design and intention for a great while before to dispose his estate as he has done and that he was of sound mind and memory at the making of the will; yet he may give Mr. Willughby some trouble, he having gained all the servants to his party, excepting the steward, solicitor and one more \(who were witnesses to the will)/ and also two of those who were witnesses to the will, who I believe will swear stoutly that he was not compos mentis. The said Dixy hindred the executors from making any inventory of the goods and chattels, and hath I believe by this time seized into his hands all the writings and treasure of money that was in the house, which was judged to be by them that said least, 6000 or 7000li. The keys were delivered to the Executors, but so soon as William was dead Mr. Dixy hangs padlocks on the doors and seals up the locks, and has by force turned out the guard which the Executors set to keep watch at the doors, and lately also excluded the 3 servants whom I mentioned before to be witnesses to the will. That which gave him this advantage was, that this house wherein Sir William lived was entailed upon his wife, and so her freehold so soon as the breath was out of her brother’s body: and they were gotten in there before he was dead. About this businesse Mr. Willughby being sent for, desired me to accompany him into Notinghamshire, which I did, and there \we have/ spent a considerable time in conference with the Executors, making enquiries into the state of things, getting what intelligence we could, and consulting Counsell how he ought to proceed. We went over to Sefton the place where Sir William lived, intending to have had conference with Mr. Dixy, but he was then out of the way: but I hear he is of a contentious 0160 Ray to Lister 333 spirit, and will not easily be brought to reason. My attendance upon this affair I hope will plead my excuse for having thus long deferred my answer. This journey has interrupted my observations about the bleeding of trees. I have not yet had the fortune to strike any other trees that would bleed, besides Maple, Vine, Sycamore, Wallnut, Birch, and Willow. I have heard that the Quicken3 and Aspen trees will sometimes bleed, but I could never happen to wound them in that fortunate hour. Your experiment communicated to Mr. Oldenburgh, and by him imparted to us, that a bough of Sycamore, Maple, and Walnut, when full of sap, cut off and held perpendicularly will not drop till you cut off the tops of the twigs, and then it will, to us hath not succeeded. For a branch cut off hath begun to drop before it was topt, nor could we perceive that striking the top did at all promote the running out of the sap. Though, I confesse, the day when we made this triall was not very propitious to such an experiment. All that we found was, that exposing the branch to the cold wind, the end downward [[xxx]] \grew/ presently dry, and no sign of bleeding; but holding it in the sun, \and in/ the beams reflected from a wall under the wind, it presently began to grow moist, and dropped through very slowly. Looking over my notes in 1668, I find thus: March 6, We sawed off a small bough of a willow and held it perpendicularly erected: it presently dropped, and that indifferently fast considering its smallnesse, viz. once in fourteen pulses. This we tried in three boughs, one after another, all which dropped at the same rate, and that without cutting the tops of the branches. 10th, we experimented the same in a Sycamore with like successe. Notwithstanding, when I get a favorable day, I intend, with all diligence and exactnesse, to repeat the same experiment. I am sorry any letter of yours should miscarry, being fraught alwaies with good notions and experiments.4 I long to know what plant it was you enclosed, and where, in Aristotle, I might find what you mention, and quote out of him. I have not yet tried those Iuli,5 which you write so fiercely strike the nose with a fiery and acid scent: I hope you will proceed to make farther experiments with them. As for the book of Proverbs, I esteem it a toy and trifle not worth the owning: besides, there are many proverbs of my own knowledge, partly through incogitancy and partly in transcribing omitted; many out of their due place and order, and some that want explaining. If your Lady think it worthy her perusall, and can be content to bestow upon it some shreds of spare time, the author takes [[xxxx]] that esteem of it to proceed from her partiality to her husband’s friend, rather than the merit of the work. However, I pray present my very humble service to her, and tell \her/ I wish that I had something to present her might be worthy her acceptance. Those experiments of Dr. Hulse and Mr. Fisher about the acid juice of Pismires, I my self sent to Mr. Oldenburgh to be communicated to the R.S.6 334 Lister to Oldenburg 0161

I am glad you are now got into a way of correspondence with him. But its time I make an end. Mr. Willughby is very well and much your servant. Farewell.

Yours most affectionately and in what capacity you please,

John Ray

1. In February 1670/1, a distant relative of Francis Willughby, one Sir William Willughby of Selston, died. William left Francis all his manors of South Muskham and South Carlton in Nottinghamshire. The will was disputed by Sir William’s sister and her husband Sir Beaumont Dixie. Willughby and Ray were plunged into litigation with the executors, involving several courts, including Archdeaconry, the Exchequer, and the Court of Common Pleas. The case was not resolved until the eighteenth century, the beneficiary being Thomas Willughby, Francis’s younger son. See David Cram, Jeffrey L. Forgeng, and Dorothy Johnston, Francis Willughby’s Book of Games (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), p. 24. Francis Willughby’s daughter Cassandra also described the conclusion of the business in A.C. Wood, ed., The Continuation of the History of the Willughby Family by Cassandra Duchess of Chandos (Windsor: Shakespeare Head Press for the University of Nottingham, 1958), pp. 112–115. Manuscripts concerning the case are in the Willughby family archive at the University of Nottingham. 2. Sir Beaumont Dixie, second Baronet (1629–1692), who married Mary, daughter and sole heiress of Sir William Willughby, from Sefton, Nottinghamshire. His father was, as this piece of correspondence indicates, Sir Wolstan Dixie, first Baronet (ca. 1602–1682). Their manorial seat was Bosworth Hall near Market Bosworth, Leicestershire. 3. The rowan or mountain ash. 4. Lister mentioned an August 1671 letter that was lost in his correspondence to Ray of 8 February 1671, as well as his quotations from Aristotle. 5. Millipedes. 6. Ray’s letter to Oldenburg was of 13 January 1670/1, and is in the Royal Society Library ms/R1/10, as well as in Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 385–387. It was reprinted in Phil. Trans., 68 (20 February 1670/1), pp. 2063–66.

0161 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 4 March 1670/1

Source: rs el/L5/27 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 224–225. The wrapper also indicates when the letter was received and answered in Oldenburg’s handwriting “Rec. March. 7. 1670/71. Answ. March 11.” Address: These | For his honoured Friend | Mr Oldenburg | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark mr/6 [March 6]. Reply to: Letter of 24 February 1670/1 from Oldenburg. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 492–494, letter 1645. 0161 Lister to Oldenburg 335

An Extract of Mr Lister’s Letter to M. Old. concerning an English black, and the Kermes of Languedoc etc.1

Yorke, March 4th—70

(Read Mar: 9: 70 Entd L.B. 4. 224)2

Sir

It is a great satisfaction to me to understand, that my Papers are soe fortunate as in some measure to please the R. Society which noble institution I truly honour & admire. I sent you indeed, a hudle3 of abbreviated Notes about Colours.4 I engage my credit for the truth of matter of Fact as farr as I understand, but for the philosophical part, they are such notions as please me for the present. As to the particular of English-black, I say although I am exceeding cautious not to impose upon my selfe and others, yet you will oblige mee wth a singular favour to further the Expt by exposing it to the most rigid Tryalls of practised men in that Art. to this purpos I shall as soon as the season of the yeare will afford fit leaves send you a quantitie of the Colour & likewise some parcells of all that I said would stand with Lye. I am glad to heare the businesse of Respiration will be accurately examined.5 Mr. Wray latly enquired of me, whether I had imparted to you my Expts about the bleeding of the Sycamore and desired me to doe it, if I had not yet done it. I presume this was to second them with their owne, which I shall be glad to know are come to your hands, they having I dare say prosecuted this matter, with great diligence this Winter.6 I have not received any satisfactory answer of the Enquiries I sent into Craven about the \very/ old men; but I hope to make a journey shortly thither and than I will be mindfull of your commands, Sir pardon this trouble ’tis from the passion I have to serve you. I am

Your most humble & devoted servant Martin Lister

I will tell you (that this Letter may have something worth your notice in it) concerning Kermes, what came into my memory since my last to you, that I was credibly informed when I was in Languedoc,7 that some of the Gatherers of the reputed-Berries, doe not wait untill the worme hath made it selfe up \within/ 336 Oldenburg to Lister 0162 a Chrysalis or round husk or round husk \Chrysalis/, affixed to the branches of the scrub-Oake,8 [[xxxxx]] but doe take the wormes them selves and exposing them to the scorching sun in a sheet, suspended by the 4 corners, beating still upon it as the wormes cropp up, to make them perish by heat though, and thus dryed they praepare them for furhter use either medical or Ornamental. Again that they use in that Country to set fire of \the/ Ilex9 or scrub-oake (as we in England burn up our Ling (i.e. Erica)10 in the moores) when it is grown old and dry barked, to the end it may put up again with more tender and succulent shootes, fitter for the nourishment of the Kermes Insect.

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. These notes indicated when the paper was read and entered in the Letter Book. Lister’s observations concerning his English black resin and his observation of worms in Languedoc was indeed read 9 March 1670/1. See Birch, vol. 2, p. 472. 3. Huddle, or a mass of things crowded together in hurried confusion; a conglomeration. 4. Lister is referring to his letter to Oldenburg of 15 February 1670/1. 5. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 25 February 1670/1. 6. Lister is referring here to the series of experiments with plant sap being done by Ray and Francis Willughby. 7. Lister studied medicine in Montpellier and was in France from 1663 to 1666, and presumably John Ray informed him of this method for gathering kermes. For a discussion of the gathering of kermes in this manner, see John Ray, Observations . . . made in a Journey through part of the Low-Countries, Germany, Italy, and France (London: John Martyn, 1673), p. 457. 8. One of several species in the genus Quercus. 9. Holly. 10. The botanical name of the genus of plants called in English “heath,” which includes common heath, heather, or ling (Calluna vulgaris). The name “heath” is native to the south and middle of England, and “ling” and “heather” are used in northern England.

0162 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 11 March 1670/1

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 11. Address: Wrapper not present. Reply to: Letter of 4 March 1670/1. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 504–505, letter 1650. 0162 Oldenburg to Lister 337

London March 11. 1670/71.

Sir,

The R. Society was very well pleased, when I acquainted them from your last letter with the confirmation, you therein gave of thee English black, as also of with the promise you made of sending in due time some of the colour and some parcels of all you said would stand with Lixivium’s.1 Since you have not thought fit to name to us the plant, which yields the unchangeable Black, we must not urge you to doe so; though it would be very obliging to the Company. Mr Willughby and Mr Wray have not yet sent us any thing relating to the bleeding of the Sycamore. When they doe, you shall quickly know, though I doubt not, but you will have them as soon as we. What you adde in your last letter concerning kermes, is very curious and remarquable; of such something was formerly brought in by Dr Croon (printed also in Number 20. of the transactions) but more darkly, than \in/ your account.2 I know not, whether I intimated to you in my former letter, what I intended to doe concerning an Observation related in the German Transactions (lately begun in that nation under the Title of Ephemerides Medico physicae) viz. That \the grains/ of Polygonum Cocciferum3 being exposed to the Sun, are turned into live Worms, which when dried, and so moisten’d, tinge with a Crimson-colour.4 Sir, I thank you particularly for your remembring the very Old men,5 and remaine

Sir

Your verv humble and faithful servt

Oldenburg

1. Lister’s observations concerning his English black resin and his observation of worms in Languedoc was indeed read 9 March 1670/1. See Birch, vol. 2, p. 472. 2. William Croone, “Accompt of the Use of the Grain of Kermes for Coloration,” Phil. Trans., 20 (17 December 1666), pp. 363–364. Croone received the account from Monsieur Vernay, an apothecary at Montpellier. It is possible Lister was also familiar with this method; Lister’s memoirs demonstrated that he was in Montpellier with Croone during the time this article was published. See ms Lister 5, fol. 226r. Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. 3. Water smartweed, a perennial herb. The Coccus polonicus or “scarlet grain of Poland” akin to kermes, is found in great abundance on the roots of the Polygonum cocciferum. (Coccus 338 Lister to Oldenburg 0163 polonicus is known as Polish cochineal, or cochineal of the north.) Clearly Croone’s account used spontaneous generation to account for the appearance of the scarlet grains. 4. Oldenburg is referring to the journal Miscellanea Curiosa, Medico Physica Academiae naturae curiosorum sive Ephemeridum Medico Physicarum Germanicarum . . . (Leipzig: Jacob Tresher, 1670). Observation 8 on page 27 contains the article on the Polygonum, authored by Georg Seger (1629–1678), a physician to the King of Poland and professor of physics and medicine at the Danzig Gymnasium. The Ephemerides were devoted to medicine and its allied sciences. The contributors were primarily German, but the first volume had contributions from other countries such as Denmark, Italy, and Switzerland. See Saul Jarcho, “Seventeenth-Century Medical Journalism,” Journal of the American Medical Association, 220, 1 (1972), pp. 64–68. See also Leo Stern, Zur Geschichte und wissenschaftlichen Leistung der Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher (Halle: Saale, 1952). 5. See Lister’s letter of 4 March 1670/1.

0163 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 17 March 1670/1

Source: rs el/L5/28 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 251–255. Address: No address present. Reply to: Letter of 11 March 1670/1 from Oldenburg. Printed: Partially printed in Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2123–2125. Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 521–524, letter 1656.

Mr Listers letter to M. Old concerning some very aged persons in the North of England, together with an Answer to some Queries about the seasons of finding sap in Trees and the communication of one part of a plant with another in relation to the Ascent and Descent of Sap.1

(Read Mar: 30: 71. Entd: LB. 4. 251)2

Sir

Since my last \to/ you I have been in Craven,3 when I was not unmindfull of your commands, but, indeed, I find it a very hard and troublesome businesse to verify precisely the ages of such persons as either affirme themselves or are beleeved very old: the best information and reports I could get, I send you. Robert Montgomery now living in Skipton,4 but borne in Scotland, tells me that he is 126 yeares of age: the oldest persons in Skipton say that they never knew him other [[xxx]] \than an/ old man: he is exceedingly decayed of late, 0163 Lister to Oldenburg 339 but yet goes about a begging; to which his debauchery (as is said) has brought him. Mary Allison of Thorlby5 in the parish of Skipton died 1668, aged about 108: she spun a webb of linnen cloath a yeare or two afore she died, which as they say the Countesse of Pembroke6 keepes by her as a raritie. J. Sagar of Burnley in Lancashire about 10 miles of Skipton died about the yeare 1668 and was of the age (as is reported) of 112. Th: Wiggen of Carleton in Craven died 1670 of the age of 108 and odd months: he went about till within few weekes of his last and was a very faire corps. the register of Maladale7 was forgd \looked/ over upon wager and this account (as is said) found true. Francis Woodworth of Carleton, died 1662 of the age of 102 odd months: the mother of 7 children alwayes a very lean woman, yet to her very last went about as streight and upright as the \a/ yong Girle and of perfect memory: her sight and hearing decayed, though not wholly deprived of either. This by information from \her/ Sonn Robert Woodworth now living in Carleton of the age of 69, as able a man to ditch and plough as any in the Towne. Will. Garthorp and Will. Baxter of Carleton informes me that they two being upon the jury at Yorke 1664, they saw and spoake wth in the Assisse Hall, two men, Father and Son, sommoned as witnesses in some cause or other out of Dent, a small vally in Craven 8 miles beyond Settle. The Father told them, that he and his sonn made twelve score betwixt them, that his sonn was above 100 and that hee wanted not half a yeare of 140; he told them further that he could and did make Fish-hookes as small as would take a Trout with a single haire. They observed that the sonn looked much the older and had the white haire this sonn he had by a 2d wife. They could not remember the names of these persons. I add, that is to be observed, that the food of all this Mountanous Countrey is exceeding course as salted and dryed beefe and sower-leavened Oate bread. I am confident many scores of persons might be found of the age of 100 yeares among these northern Mountains but its troublesome to veryfy and you must not take these reports as authentick and exact, but yet credible enough, to make the matter worth the examination. To the end that I might satisfy my selfe in some measure about some of the doubts I sent you,8 I have been most concerned according to former thoughts and inclinations in examining the truth of these Queries viz. whether Saps are not be found at all seasons of the yeare in a much like Consistence and quantitie in the respective parts of a Vegetable and what communication one part of a plant may have with an other in relation to the Ascent and Descent of Sap. 340 Lister to Oldenburg 0163

now because Sap is than said to ascend from the root, when it is found to move in Tapping, I lopped off certain branches of a Sycamore the morning betimes of a hard Frost (Feb. 21) before they would bleed or show any signe of moisture. this I did to vary the efficient, not wishing to wait the change of the weather and the Suns heat, but brought them within the aire of the Fire and by and by as I expected they bled apace, without being sensibly the warmer. This experiment repeated afforded me divers phaenomena, which follow; and proved almost an Universal way of bleeding all sorts of Trees, even those which of them selves would not shew any signes of moisture.

1. poles of Maple, Sycamore and walnut cut downe in open weather and brought within the warmth of the Fire did bleed in an instant. Alsoe Willow, Hazel, Cherry, Wood-bine,9 Blathernutt,10 Vine, Elder, Barberry,11 Aple Tree, Ivy etc. Whicking12 and Egg-berry Tree13 (1. Padus Theophrasti) tryed in the same manner in Craven. 2. Briar and Rasberrie rodds were more obstinate, Ash utterly refused, even heated hot. 3. Branches, that is, poles with their topps intire and uncut bleed alsoe, when brought to the Fire side, but seem not soe freely to drinke up their sap again when inverted, as when made poles. 4. the same Willow poles left all night in the grasse Spott and returned the next day to the Fireside bleed afresh. 5. Maple and Willow poles bleed and cease at pleasure again and again, if quickly withdrawn and balanced in the hand and often inverted to hinder the Falling and Expence of Sap: yet being often heated they will at length quite cease, though no Sap was at any time sensibly lost, And when they have given over bleeding, that is, showing any moisture by being brought within the warmth of the Fire, the bark will be yet found very full of juice. 6. A hard ligature made within a quartet of an intch of the end of a wood- bine rod, did not hinder its bleeding at all, when brought within the warmth of the Fire. 7. Maple and Willow poles etc. quite bared of bark and brought to the Fire, will shew noe moisture at all in any part. 8. One barberry or pipridge14 pole bared of its barke and brought to the Fire, did shew noe moisture from within the more inwards Circles, though not any from the outwards. 9. Maple and Willow poles \etc./ halfe bared of barke, would bleed by the Fire from the halfe only of those Circles, which lay under the barke. 0163 Lister to Oldenburg 341

10. Maple and Willow poles split in two and planed, would not shew any moisture on the planed sides, but at the ends only. 11. a pole of Ivy did of it selfe exudate and shew a \liquid and yellowish/ resin from the barke and neer the pith: but when brought to the Fire side, it bleed a dilute thin and colourlesse sap from the intermediate wood- Circles. 12. A pole of willow for example bent like a bow will ouse its sap freely, as in bleeding either Spontaneous or by the Fire.

I thanke you for \the/ expt about polygonum cocciferum,15 yet I doe not remember I have seen such a plant and desire of you to know whether the Title be imposed by the Experimenters pro re nata,16 or the name which some Botanick author hath formerly given it. I find in my Notes that some yeares agoe I gathered off our English-Oake round-Worme huskes exceedily very like Kermes-berries but I than made no tryal of them. Again that I have often observed on plumb Trees and Cherrie Trees Alsoe on the Vine and Cherry-Laurel certain Patellae17 or flat Huskes containing wormes which (or at least the huskes, for them only I had the opportunity of making the Expt on) will strike a carnation #18 with ly, and stand.19 I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke March 17 1670

# Fabius Columna20 reports some where, as I remember (for I have not now the booke by me,) that he observed certain blewish patellae on the Mirtle; these alsoe, I guesse, were Worme-huskes Kermes like.

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. These are indications of when the paper was read and entered into the Royal Society letter book. Birch confirms that Lister’s letter was read to the Royal Society on 30 March 1670/1. See Birch, vol. 2, p. 476. 3. Carleton-in-Craven, North Yorkshire. Craven was the childhood home of Lister’s wife Hannah Parkinson. 4. Skipton-in-Craven, North Yorkshire. 5. Approximately 2.5 miles northwest from Skipton-in-Craven. 342 Lister to Ray 0164

6. Presumably Anne Clifford (1590–1676), widow of the fourth Earl of Pembroke. She was born in Skipton and baptized at Skipton Church in 1590. 7. There is no parish of this name. Hall and Hall suggest that Lister was thinking of Malham or Malhamdale, a balliwick of the honor of Skipton. 8. Lister is referring to his letter to Oldenburg of 25 January 1670/1. 9. A name for various plants of a climbing habit, such as convolvulus and ivy. 10. The bladdernut, the fruit of a kind of shrub, Staphylea pinnata, contained in bladder-like pods; also the shrub itself. 11. The shrub Berberis vulgaris, or European barberry, which has oblong, red, sharply acid berries. 12. The whicken or quicken tree, an expression in Northern English dialect for the rowan or mountain ash, Sorbus aucuparia. 13. The northern name of the bird cherry, Prunus padus. Hall and Hall note that Parkinson identified Padus Theophrasti as a wild cherry. 14. Eastern English dialect for barberry, or Berberis vulgaris. 15. Water smartweed, a perennial herb. The coccus polonicus or scarlet grain of Poland akin to kermes, is found in great abundance on the roots of the polygonum cocciferum. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 11 March 1670/1. 16. In the circumstances or on this present occasion. 17. A patella was a pan or dish in ancient Rome that was flat and shallow, so the term came to describe anything with that shape. 18. Lister uses the hash mark to indicate his note on Columna below. 19. Lister is referring to using the flat insects to make a distillate that will “strike” or change the color of a carnation when mixed with an alkali such as lye. 20. Fabio Columna or Colonna (1567–1650), an Italian natural historian interested in botanical materia medica. His most famous work was the Phytobasanos, and he advocated the use of valerian for curing epilepsy. Ray utilized his works for his catalogues of plants.

0164 Martin Lister to John Ray [York], 21 March 1670/1

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 18, number 47. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 15. The letter has been damaged on its left margin. Address: No address present. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 92–94; Lankester (1848), pp. 82–83; Harley (1992), p. 195, letter 34; Valle (2004), p. 229. (These are all partial transcriptions.) Reply to: Letter of 3 March 1670/1. 0164 Lister to Ray 343

Yorke March 21 1670

Deare Friend

I had your last at my return out of Craven, it was welcome to me. I joy Mr Willoughby of his good fortune and doe hartily wish the Law favourable to him. I must needs tell you on this occasion, that I have had very ill measure and yet I cannot yet find any remedy in our Law by a company of pittfull men that drive it on by strange corruption and cheating. it hath coast me already much money and time,1 and it was well for me that of 500 li per annum \which/ was agreed and figured to be setled upon me at Marriage, one hundred was found my ancient right, or else I had been left ith mine by most unnatural— but indeed Sir I praise God we live very contendedly and well and can bid you hartily welcome to our house when we shall have the happinesse to see you. but enough of it. I presse to Philosophie: You have most ingeniously given the reason of that Expt I sent Mr. Oldenburgh,2 concerning the \not/ bleeding of entire Twiggs: which I did after find to be the air only, the posture I held them in, that hindered their bleeding; ffor if \I/ cut a Twigg with my penknife, and held \it/ up awhile, and then perpendicularly, it would not bleed; yet, if it were then topped, it would in some time show moisture, yet not alwayes; but the bough from whence it was taken did constantly bleed, and that immediately, in case it was at \a/ bleeding time. And here I must observe to you you that \one/ circumstance, that the Trees I wounded at Notingham did bleed from the same wounds five months togathar; but then these wounds were next a brike wall, and not exposed to the Aire: on the contrary, the Trees I wounded here the beginning of November have never bledd from those wounds then made, but from fresh ones many times. And this \neglect in not making new wounds/ certainly was the reason of the difference, or not bleeding of these Yorke Trees when yours did in Autumn. Feb. 21. I made many expts upon Trees by bringing them to the Fire-side, and did discover many phenomena, of which you will have an account from Mr. Oldenb.3 I made them in order to some Queries I sent him formerly, and especially while saps \may not/ have not be found at all seasons of the yeare in a much like quantity and consistence [[several words]] part of a plant, &c. The place in Aristotle is ‘Hist. Anim’ lib. ix, c. 39. Aranei statim cum editi sunt, fila mittunt, non intrinsecus tanquam excrementum, ut Democritus ait, sed ex trinsecus de suc, corpore veluti corticem, aut more eorum quae suos villos ejaculantur, ut Hystrices.4 Concerning which passage I pray see Redi, p. 170,5 and give \me/ your opinion how you understand the Greeke Text: this interpretation is Gaza’s.6 I will also transcribe for you Pliny upon the place, lib. ii. c. 24. Orditur 344 Lister to Ray 0164 telas, tantique operis materiae uterus ipsius sufficit; sive its corrupts alvi natura state tempore (ut Democrito placet) sive est quaedam intus lanigera fertilitas.7 My sense I have set down among the Queries I sent Mr. Oldenburgh.8 Here is a fair hint for the darting of thredds, if it be \not/ absolutely so to be understood; but, for their sailing and mounting up into the air, as yet I find the \Ancients/ were silent, and \I/ thinke I was the first that acquainted you with it; but that is best known to your selfe, and I challenge it only by way of emulation, not envy, there being nothing more likly than that several persons following the same studies, may \many of them/ light upon one and the same observation. I am no Arcana man, and methinks I would have every body free and communicative that we may, if possible, considering the shortness of our lives, participate with posterity. Love your old friend and write to me. I am

Your most affectionate Servant

Martin Lister the plant I sent you formerly enclosed was a sort of Adiantum9 with round and swelled seed Vessells I found it about Mallam Cove and about the spring-heads of Gordale plentifully.10 Since your Catalogue11 came to my hands I guesse this to have been one of Varieties you there mention.

1. Before Martin and Hannah Lister had met and married, her father Thomas Parkinson was engaging in land speculation. Thomas Parkinson bought £450 worth of land in Wadsworth, Yorkshire from John Murgatroyd, whose estate was riddled with debt after having property seized in the English Civil War. John died prematurely in 1666, and it appears that he was selling lands which may have belonged to his older brother James. After James died in 1671, his daughter, Susan Murgatroyd, opened a case in Chancery attempting to show that John had unlawfully pretended he would inherit the Murgatroyd lands and acted in collusion with his uncle Henry to disinherit her father, sell off properties, and keep the proceeds. Susan Murgatroyd named as defendants Henry Murgatroyd, Martin and Hannah Lister, and Richard and Mary Hartley; as Hannah and Mary were heirs of Thomas Parkinson, via interlocutory decision, they were a party to the action. Unless the Listers challenged the case with a demurrer, they would have had to give back the Wadsworth lands. Thus, they sought to have the case dismissed with costs, providing evidence of an alternate will in which James, Susan Murgatroyd’s father, had been disinherited. As legal proceedings tend to do, the case in Chancery took a good deal of Martin’s time, necessitating several trips to London. See Equity Pleadings, Court of Chancery, reference C 6/208/57, 1671, National Archives, London. 2. Lister referred to his letter to Oldenburg of 8 February 1670/1. 3. Lister referred to his letter to Oldenburg of 17 February 1670/1. 0165 Oldenburg to Lister 345

4. “Immediately the spiders are born they send out thread, not from inside as an excretion, as Democritus says, but off the body like tree-bark or like those that throw out their hairs, such as porcupines.” Aristotle, Historia Animalium, VIII. xxxix, 623a. 5. Francesco Redi, Experiments on the Generation of Insects (Chicago, 1909), p. 72. 6. Presumably the Greek humanist and naturalist Theodore Gazis (ca. 1400–1475) who translated De partibus animalium and De generatione animalium of Aristotle into Latin. 7. “It sets up its warp-threads, and its own womb suffices to supply the material needed for this considerable work, whether because the substance of its intestines is thus resolved at a fixed time, as Democritus holds, or because it has inside it some power of producing wool.” Pliny, Natural History, xi.xxviii.80–81. 8. Lister referred to his letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1670/1. 9. A species of Adiantum, or maidenhair fern. 10. Gordale Scar, Malham Cove, Yorkshire. 11. Ray’s Catalogus Plantarum Angliae (Catalogue of English Plants), which appeared in 1670.

0165 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 4 April 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 21–22. Address: To his honour’d friend | Martin Lister Esq | at his house wthout | Mickel-gate barre at | York. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark. 3/Off Receiving Office Mark with circular border. Reply to: Letter of 17 March 1670/1. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 549–550, letter 1669.

London April 4. 1671.

Sir,

The R. Society was so well pleased with the contents of your last of March 17. (which was read before them on Thursday last) that they gave me fresh orders, to return to you most affectionate thanks, and to assure you anew of the great sense they have of your \so/ important communications; which they promise themselves the continuance of. I doe persuade myself that you will not be displeased at my publishing in the Transactions what you have imparted in relation to the Ascent and Descent of Sap:1 a discourse that is likely \very much/ to excite inquisitive men to further observations and tryals. The last, I received from Mr Willughby \of March. 16.,/2 contains some particulars, which I cannot hide from you. He saith, that upon reviewing their old notes and making some new Expts, they find, that branches of Willow, Birch 346 Oldenburg to Lister 0165 and Sycamore, cutt off and held perpendicularly, will bleed without tipping, and that the cutting off of their tops doth not sensibly promote the bleeding. That as yet they have made no tryal in Maple and Walnut, the weather having been such, that those trees have not run freely since the receit of my last letter to him. He adds these words; We doubt not of Mr Listers diligence and veracity, and wonder, our Expermts should differ. The tryals we have made this year (so he goes on) confirme those communicated to you formerly, vi viz. the Sycamore bleeds upon the first considerable frost after the leaf is fallen; as it did plentifully Nov. 16. last, and both that, and Walnut and Maple all winter long after frosts when the weather relents or the Sun shines out: But Walnut and Maple begin not so soon as the Sycamore. The Birch will not bleed till towards Spring: This year it began somewhat sooner than ordinary, about the beginning of February. We cutt off pretty big branches of birch, and having tipp’d the ends, inverted them, and fasten’d a limbus or ring of soft waxe to the great ends which we held upwards, making with the plane of the end a vessel of about an inch deep; where into we powred water, which in a few minuts sank into the pores of the wood, and running quite through thee length of the branch dropp’d out of the ends considerably fast, continuing so to doe as long as we powred on water. The like Expt we made by fastning such wax-rings to the lesser ends, and powring in water, which ran thorough the wood, and dropp’d out of the greater ends as fast or faster. This we tried once upon a Sycamore without successe. So far He. This I thought fit to transcribe for your perusal, and for comparing it with some of your observations, formerly sent, supposing it to be acceptable to ingenious and candid men, to heare what is taken notice of in several parts, to enable themselves the better to make wary deductions from what is thus severally observed. Hoping, Sir, that you poursue your researches after colours and their fixation, I conclude with assuring you, that I am

Sir, Your faithfull servt

H. Old.

P.S. I supposed, the title of polygonum coniferum was imposed by the Expts pro re nata.3

1. Oldenburg was referring to: Martin Lister and Francis Willughby, “Extracts of Several Letters, Containing Sundry Inquiries and Experiments about the Bleeding of Trees . . .,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2119–2128. 0166 Lister to Oldenburg 347

2. This was a letter from Willughby to Oldenburg of 16 March 1670/1. The original is el/ W3/42, Royal Society Library, London, and it was also printed with Lister’s work in the publication reference in note 1 above. 3. “In the circumstances” or “on this present occasion.” For the species identification, see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 17 March 1670/1.

0166 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 8 April 1671

Source: rs el/L5/29 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 268–271. Oldenburg noted on the wrapper: “rec[eived]. April 10. 1671.” Address: These | For his honoured friend | Mr Oldenburgh | at his house in the | Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark ap/10 (April 10). Reply to: Letter of 4 April 1671. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2126–2128; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 17–19; Oldenburg, vol. 7, pp. 565–568, letter 1674.

(Read April 20: 71 Entd L.B. 4. 208.)1

Mr Listers letter to M. Old about the motion of Juices in Vegetables and an English black.2

Yorke April. 8th 1671

Sir.

Yours of the 4th instant came safe to my hands. This last month has been a busie time with mee \in my private conserns/ soe that I have but a few things to returne you to what you have been pleased to communicate to me in relation to the further discovery of the motion of juices in Vegetables. And I must acquaint you, that these notes are above 14 dayes old, for I have scarce busied my head or put my hand to any Expt of latter date. One or both ends of the pith of a Willow pole sealed up with hard wax, will yet freely bleed by the warmth of the Fire: this was tryed when the last experiments I sent you were and I thinke, omitted. March 23d was the greatest frost and snow we have had this winter in these place parts about Yorke, Some twiggs and branches of the \very same/ 348 Lister to Oldenburg 0166

Willow Tree as formerly and likewise of many other Willow Trees taken off this morning March 23d when brought within the aire of the Fire would shew noe moisture at all; noe not \when/ heated warme and \often and long/ turned. March 24th the same willow branches which yesterday would not bleed and were thrown upon the Grasse spott \all night/ did, both they and all others now cutt downe \by the Fire side/ freely shew moisture and bleed this morning upon the breaking up of the frost. Ash poles and branches this day, nor yesterday would by the fire be noe more moist, than when I formerly tryed them. The same morning March 23d, a Twigg of Maple, which had had the top- cut of the 7 of February last past, and which than bledd, this day being quite taken off from the Tree, and brought within the aire of Fire, and held with the formerly-cut-end downewards, did not run at all at that end, but held-on in that posture it did run apace at the other non-cutt end uppermost soe as to spring and trickle downe. Note, that this doth well agree with my Experiments made the last yeare at Nottingham, where I observed wounds of some months standing to bleed apace at the breaking up of any hard Frost. For first in these parts there hath been noe hard frost this yeare, not comparable to the last yeare: Again those Nottingham Trees I wounded in the Trunke and they stood against a brick wall and the wounds were on that side next it, and besides had horse-dung stopped in all of them for some reasons, which things did undoubtedly defend them much from the aire and winds and keep the wounds still green and open. Wheras the topps of these Maple-twiggs spoake of in the last expt, were exposed in an open hedge to [[xxxx]] \the/ aire and winds: as alsoe the 2. Sycamores here at Yorke, mentioned in my former Letters, to have been wounded in November last and not to have shewed any signes of moisture at these old wounds for that very cause, that they were not fresh struck at bleeding times. Concerning the bleeding of poles and \entire/ branches held perpendicular, Mr. Willoughby is ith right and some expts in my last to you of 17th of March confirme it. Yet is it very true what I observed though the cause I did not than well take notice of, when I first made the expt and sent you an account of it. For I held the twiggs, which I had cutt off a-slop, joining \and holding up/ the Cutts togathar \in my left hand/ that I might the better observe which part or cut would bleed or not bleed or bleed the faster; and because I found that the cut of the separated Twigg did not in that posture (holding it upwards, as I said, for the advantage of my eye) did not bleed at all, when as the cut of the branch remaining to the Tree did freely bleed; I \therefore/ inverted the \separated/ Twigg and held it perpendicular with the cut end downward and found that that little they were exposed to the aire in \an/ upright posture had soe very 0166 Lister to Oldenburg 349 much checked the motion of the Sap, that I concluded they would not bleed at all, and yet striking of their topps and making poles of them, I found some of them, if not all that I chanced to try, as I remember, would shew moisture; but I am convinced since, that it was rather some unheeded accident, as violently bending them or perhapps the warmth of my hand and person or place, which caused this new motion of Sap, than meerly the striking off their topps. I have sent you enclosed a Pastillus;3 of some few grains of English black, as I call it, which was all what the season would yet well afford me. The Expt I made long \since/ upon an other occasion and purpos, \but/ upon the question of the usefulnesse of it as to its dye, in this late repeating of it, I found, that the plant does not afford a mealy Substance such as Indigo is and the feculas4 of Bryonie5 [[xxxxxxx]] and some other plants, but \a substance/ altogathar and purly resinous; for it will burne with a very quiet and lasting flame. The Expt is accompanied with circumstances of good light in order to the further discovery of the natures of Vegetable juices, which is the only reason, that I am backward to name the plant to you at present, but soe farr as the businesse of colours may be improved by it I shall willingly impart and shew upon the First opportunity to the R.S. I doubt not but by the few grains I send you, there may be persons of your acquaintance, that may tell me more of it, then I understand at least undeceive me if I be in an errour.6 Whilst liquid it is a most exquisite black and staines accordingly any thing it touches; and neither Fire nor a strong Lye of pot-ashes does in the least, that I can discerne, alter it. There is a mistake of the presse in the Transactions of February, which I desire you would be pleased to Put into the Errata of some of your next Transact, if you have an opportunity. my 2d. Letter in that Transact. beares Mr. Wrays name, which is some confusion, if the reader shall not well heed it.7 I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. This annotation indicated when the letter was read and entered into the letter book of the Society. The letter was indeed read on 20 April 1671. See Birch, vol. 2, p. 477. 2. In the hand of Oldenburg. 3. Pastille or hard cake. 4. Dregs. 5. Bryonia, or a genus of flowering plant in the cucumber family. 6. Birch reports that the pastille was “sent to be examined by the society, who referred the said cake to Mr. Boyle.” See Birch, vol. 2, p. 477. 7. This was Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 8 February 1680/1. The correction was not made, but it was reprinted with Lister’s name in number 70 of the Philosophical Transactions. 350 Ray to Lister 0167

0167 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 13 April 1671

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 18, letter 48. Address: These | for Mr Martin Lister | at his house without | Michael- gate barre | in | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark ap/19 [April 19]. Reply to: Letter of 21 March 1671. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 94–95; Lankester (1848), pp. 83–85; Gunther (1928), pp. 129–130; Harley (1992), p. 196, letter 35. (All partial transcriptions.)

Middleton Aprill 13. 1671.

Most Dear Friend,

Since the receipt of your last, I have fallen into a feverish distemper, which is now turned to the yellow Jaundice, a disease wherewith I was never before acquainted. It has not proceeded to any great height, and hath rendered me rather indisposed and listless than sick. I hope it is now leaving of me. This hath taken me quite off making any farther experiments upon trees; but yet I must acquaint you, that upon carefull and exact triall made in branches of Wallnut, Birch, Sycamore and Willow cutt off and held perpendicularly the cutt end downwards, we found that they would all bleed entire as they were, without topping the twigs at all, neither could we find that topping of them did sensibly promote their bleeding. As for Willow, we observed that the young shoots being cut clear off and held perpendicularly as before, would drop, though from an incision made in the branch where it was cut off would not bleed. The place of Arist: I have not yet look’t out in the Greek, nor considered. I think something might have been gathered from it to that purpose you speak or, if any one had diligently heeded and weighed it; but I doubt whether your self, or Dr. Hulse, had any hint from it. The flying or sailing of spiders through the air is, for aught I know your discovery; from you I had the first intimation and knowledge of it. Dr. Hulse acquainted me with no more than the shooting out their threads.1 I would not be so injurious to any man, especially to so esteemed a friend, as to rob him of any part of the reward of his ingenious endeavours, and transfer to another what is due to him. though it be as much commendation to find out a thing by ones own industry, which hath been already discovered by another, as to invent it first; this last being rather a happiness than anything else, though I know the world will hardly be induced to believe that two men should hit 0168 Lister to Oldenburg 351 upon the same discovery at the same time. You do well, in my judgment, to be free and communicative of your notions and inventions; treasuring up secrets being an argument to me of a disingenuous spirit, or of a weak stock in them that seek to get or uphold their fame thereby. Those secrets \too/ for the most part when discovered proving to be things of no great value. If it please God I get well, I intend this week a journey into Essex. Your experiments made upon trees brought to the fire,2 I have as yet heard nothing of from Mr. Oldenburgh. Mr Willughby is much your servant, but at present so oppressed with businesse that he can find little time to prosecute Philosophicall studies.3 The estate bequeathed him will create him a great deal of trouble, and cost much money, and yet what the issue may be is uncertain, by reason of an errour in the will. I have done. I pray tender my service to your Lady, and esteem me to be as really I am, Sir

Your very affectionate friend and servant Jo. Ray.

1. Lister and Ray had apparently reached an amicable agreement about the dispute over the priority of discovery of ballooning spiders. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 7 July 1670 for context. 2. This refers to experiments made by Lister on 21 February, which he described in his letter of 21 March. 3. The dispute about Willughby’s inheritance of the Dixie estate was described by Ray in his letter to Lister of 3 March 1670/1.

0168 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 18 April 1671 and 13 May 1671

Source: rs el/L5/30 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, p. 279. Address: These | For his honoured Friend | Mr Henry Oldenburg | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark ma/15 [May 15]. Marked with “3 London.” The wrapper also is annotated in Oldenburg’s handwriting: “Rec. May 15. 71. Answ. May 27.71. intimated that he was proposd Candid. and were to be chosen when a minute.” Reply to: Letter of 11 February 1670/1. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 43–44, letter 1696. 352 Lister to Oldenburg 0168

Mr Listers letter concerning some Curiosities sent for the R. Society and his desire of being received as a fellow of the same1

(Read may 18: 712 Entd L.B. 4. 279.)

Yorke Apr. 18. 1671

Sir,

Having a suit depending in Chancery,3 I did verily beleive, it would have brought me up to Towne this Terme which is at hand: but upon further motions in that Court, it will not, for this cause I have sent you up by Loft,4 a small box of some things which I had got ready for you according to promise and which I thought to have brought you my selfe. amongst the rest you will receive the viviparous Fly:5 if any part of them come not whole to your hands, they are soe frequent, that there is noe pale-side or hedge but does afford them, soe that it will \be/ easy to discover them. I likewise desire, since I may not yet be soe happy as to kisse your hands in person, that you will be pleased to make good your [[xxxxxxx]] favour to me and be assisting to put me up Candidate, as soon as you have an opportunity, that I may have the honour to be of your body, if I shall be thought worthy.6 I answered your last to me some weeks agoe7 wherein, though I was still silent of the plant, which I said would afford a \fixt/ black, yet I beseech you not to looke upon me, as one that delights to treasure up secretts. me-thinkes I would have all the world free and communicative in their notions and inventions, that soe we might hasten and participate, if possible, even with posteri- tie. ’Tis an argument of an disengenious Spirit to be [[xxxx]] secret, or at least of a weake stock in them, that shall seeke to uphold his fame therby. Those secretts too for the most part, when discovered, proving to be things of noe great value. Indeed first discoveries of phaenomena are agreable surprises and I am wont to suspect them untill I have made them over and over again.8 I hope if I can get leisure to enlarge the notes I sent you about colours9 by Autumne and therefore I must desire to peruse them again. but I tyer you

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister. 0169 Lister to Oldenburg 353

This was writ according to the date but \a/ suddain messenger tooke me away into Craven, whence I returned but yesterday soe that it was not sent nor the box mentioned but \you/ will not fail to receive them the next opportunity. I shall returne the Fees if I be accepted.10 May 13th 1671.

1. This annotation is not in Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This annotation indicated when the letter was read and entered into the Society’s Letter Book. 3. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 21 March 1670/1. 4. Presumably the carrier from York. 5. See Oldenburg’s letter of 11 February 1670/1. 6. See Oldenburg’s letter of 18 January 1670/1 which raised the possibility of Lister’s candi- dacy as a member of the Royal Society. 7. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 8 April 1671, which was a reply to Oldenburg’s letter of 4 April 1671. 8. This entire paragraph is a paraphrase of John Ray’s advice about keeping scientific secrets that he sent to Lister in his letter of 13 April 1671. 9. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 15 February 1670/1. 10. His dues to the Royal Society.

0169 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 22 May 1671

Source: rs el/L5/31 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 305–307. Oldenburg had written on the wrapper: “Rec. May 24. 1671. Answ. May 27. in time yet he was proposed, and that I had not rec. his curiosities. His insect husk and an acc[ount] of good recourse of excresc. of plants. Expts at Text[ure] of Trees with ☿1 and A. Insect—huskes.” Address: These | For his honoured Friend | Mr Henry Oldenburg | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark ma/24 [May 24]. “3 London” in handwriting. Printed: Phil. Trans., 71 (1671), pp. 2165–2166; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 24–25; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 57–59, letter 1703.

An Extract of Mr Lister’s letter to M. Old. containing a Confirmation of what he communicated formerly about insect huskes of the kermes kind; together with his thoughts concerning the kermes-worms of Monpelier, as also cocheneal. these promised n. 71.2 354 Lister to Oldenburg 0169

(Read. May 25:713 L.B. 4. 305)

Yorke, May 22 1671

Sir

I thanke you for the care you have of my papers and the ample satisfaction you have made me for something that made me looke like a Plagiary, especially considering that other notes of mine were not long since in question, but I owe the retrieving of both to your care and obliging pen.4 I gave you a short account formerly of certain Matrices or Insect=huskes of the Kermes kind,5 which I have some yeares since observed on Plume Trees. This instant May hath afforded me the same observation and some little improvement of it. 1. I have observed the same Patellae6 or huskes indifferently on Vine branches, Cherry-Laurel, Plume Trees and the Cherry Tree. the figure of the huskes is rounde save where it cleaves to the branch; for bignesse, somewhat more than the haife of a grey pea. These, I say cleave to their branches as the Patellae doe to rockes; for colour they are of a very darke ches- nut, extreamly smooth and shining membrane-like. They adhere most commonly to the underside of a branch or twigg and soe are best secured against the injuries of weather as too much sun and rain. They are well fastned to the branches Angle and sometimes many in company. Observe further, that you will seldome find them without Vermine as Pismires etc. which I guesse peirce them and prey upon them. Thus much for the intire Coccum.7 If you open one of them, that is, cutt off dextrously the top of the huske with a rasour, you will find sometimes 5 or more small white maggotts of the waspe or bee kind, that is sharpe at both ends: when these are carfully taken out, you will further observe the remainder of their provision of meal and a partition twixt them and the branch, where, what they excerne, is reserved. Lastly, if, when you have cleared the huske of bees maggots, bee meat, and excrements you than rubb the empty membranes upon white paper, it will freely and copiously tinge the paper with a beautifull purple or murrey.8 At the date of this none of the maggotts were yet in nympha,9 soe that you cannot expect from me, a description of the Bee or Waspe, they will turne to, when they come to perfection. I thought good to send you the Observation, before the season was over, that you might the earlier and in due time communicate it, if you thinke fitting, to the Curious, who may satisfy them selves forthwith and verify and improve it. 0169 Lister to Oldenburg 355

Few Cherry Trees, I suppose, in any place, but will yield them some of these Berries. However if they shall not be soe fortunat as to light on them, I shall furnish you by the Carrier with them and other things formerly promised.

I am Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Since I made this Observation, I begin to doubt of the truth of what I was informed during my abroad at Montpellier concerning the insolation of Kermes wormes: indeed, I did my selfe once see the Kermes Huskes in May upon an Ilex branch and as I remember they were very much like these (perhapps somewhat lesse and rounder) though these matrices must needs be the worke of a diiferent species of Waspe; but had not than the curiosity nicely to examine them. I say I now begin to suspect from the ressemblance of these two sorts of Matrices, that the scarlet powder proceeds from the husk and not from the dried Sanies10 of the worme, and therefore the relation I gave you by heare- say ought to be suppressed as false or keept in silence untill it be veryfyed by good authoritie. This jealousie, I say, is suggested to me by the conformity of the true Kermes berry and our matrices, that there is this to make us not wholly to reject it, that Cochineil is the whole substance of the Insect it selfe.

1. Alchemical symbol for mercury. 2. This summary is in the handwriting of Oldenburg. 3. This annotation records when the letter was read and put in the letter book. 4. Lister is referring here to the reprinting of his letter to Oldenburg of 8 February 1670/1 in the Philosophical Transactions. See also note 7 of Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 8 April 1671. 5. Lister’s letter of 17 March 1670/1. 6. A patella was a pan or dish in ancient Rome that was flat and shallow, so the term came to describe anything with that shape. In his Letters and Mixt Discourses (p. 24), Lister added the annotation that he saw “certain patellae or flat Husks containing worms” on cherry laurel trees. The term patellae could also apply to the limpet as seen a few lines later in the letter. 7. The genus of homopterous insects which includes the cochineal (Dactylopius coccus), the kermes or scarlet grain (Kermes vermilio), the lac insect (most common cultivated version is Kerria lacca), and numerous species hurtful to many plants. Applied in pharmacy to the dried female of the cochineal insect. 8. Color of the mulberry, or a red-purple. 9. In the nymph stage, or having not yet morphed into the immature insect. 10. Any watery fluid of animal origin, such as a humor or blood. 356 Oldenburg to Lister 0170

0170 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 27 May 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 23. Address: To his honor’d friend | Martyn Lister Esquire | At his house wthout Mickel-gate-barre at | Yorke. Reply to: Letter of 22 May 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 63–64, letter 1707.

Sir,

Since you are so generous and obliging as to be constant in your philosophical communications, the R. Society is resolv’d to continue their acknowledgements for the same, before whom I could not but read what you imparted in your last of May 22nd as before that,1 I gave them a touch of your candour and franknesse, which you so handsomely declar’d in a former of yours of April 28.2 upon the occasion of your yet concealing the name of the Plant, which affords the English fixt black.3 Your Insect-husks of the Kermes kind gave occasion to the Company to discourse of the various excrescencies of Plants, conceived by some to arise from Flyes or other Insects casting their seed upon Plants, which sending up and affording vegetable Juyce to the place thus infected, doe breed an intumescence there, which becomes a matrix for the seed to grow into a living creature of the kind, that had spit there, which insect being come to maturity eats its way out of the excrescence or matrix, and flyeth away; whence the holes in them. We have of late made divers Experiments concerning the Texture of Trees, not only by transmitting water, but also Quicksilver through pieces of branches;4 and have found, that both those substances passe through them, yet so, that from the Lesser end they passe more easily to the bigger end; than vice versa. The same we have tried with blowing Air through pieces of wood, having on one end been wetted with spitle, with the like successe. Sir, when I proposed you Candidate, which was last Thursday was sennight,5 (viz. May 18th), it was received with a general liking: And I am confident, that as soon as there is a competent number for Election (our meetings being actually somewhat thin about this time of the year,) you will be chosen in with as general a consent. You mention in yours of April 28 that I should not faile to receive some curiosities from you by the next opportunity. Nothing as yet is come to hand of that nature; which I say not, to importune you, but only to advertise you in reference to the Carrier; which kind of people is sometimes carelesse of such smal things. For the rest, I pray to remaine assured of my being sincerely 0171 Lister to Oldenburg 357

Sir Your faithfull servt

Oldenburg

London May 27. 1671.

1. The letter was read to the Royal Society on 25 May 1671. See Birch, vol. 2, p. 482. 2. Ironically, his declaration of candor was largely cribbed from a letter Lister received from John Ray. See Lister’s letter of 28 April 1671, and Ray’s letter to Lister of 13 April 1671. 3. This letter of 8 April 1671 was read to the Society on 20 April 1671. See Birch, vol. 2, p. 477. 4. In a memorandum of 16 May 1671 from Oldenburg to Francis Willughby, Oldenburg mentioned that he “told him of the improvement of his Experiments with mercury and Air.” See el/W3/43, Royal Society Library, London, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 56–57, letter 1701. Furthermore, in the 18 May 1671 meeting of the Royal Society, “An experiment was made with a piece of green willow cut asunder, and the small ends dipt in a coloured liquor, which filtred up through it. The pith of an elder was also dipt in a coloured liquor, and it run up the sides of the pith, and not at all in the inner parts of it.” (Birch, vol. 2, p. 481). In the 25 May 1671 meeting, it was noted, “There was made a microscopical observation of the pith of an elder and that of a quill, to shew, that such pith is nothing but a congeries of little bubbles or bladders, that seem to be severed from, and to have no communication with the rest of the plant.” (Birch, vol. 2, p. 482). This experiment recalled one in Hooke’s Micrographia where Hooke attempted to blow through a feather or the “sound pith of an Elder,” without success. (Hooke, Micrographia, p. 116) 5. A week, or the space of seven nights and days, from Old English seofon nihta or seven nights.

0171 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 30 May 1671

Source: rs el/L5/32 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 309–310. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper “Writ to Mr Wray June 3rd accounting the ex. import of this letter,” the word “Cimex,” and that the letter was “Rec[eived] jun. 2. 71.” Address: These | For His honoured friend | Mr Henry Oldenburg | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark iv/2 [June 2]. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6, 72 (1671), pp. 2176–2177; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 32–33; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 69–71, letter 1711.

(Read June 8:71 Entd. L.B. 4. 309.) 358 Lister to Oldenburg 0171

This printed n. 72.1

A letter to M. Old. containing some Observations relating to the improvemt of Colours, and that from the Insect-kind.2

Yorke. May 30. 1671

Sir,

You may be pleased to annex a late Observation to the last I sent you: both being \cheifly/ concerning the improvement of colours and from the Insect-kind.3 There is a Cimex4 of the largest size, of a red colour, spotted black and which is to be found very frequently and plentifully at least in its season upon Henbain:5 I therefore in my private Notes have formerly intitled it “Cimex ruber maculis nigris distinctus super folia Hyoscyami frequens.”6 This Insect in all probabilitie does feed upon this plant (in which only we have yet observed it) if not \partly/ upon the leaves by striking its Trunck (the note of distinction of this kind of Insect from the rest of the Beetle kinds) into them, and sucking thence much of its subsistence, like as other sorts of Cimices will upon the body of Man, etc. yet upon the unctuous and greasy matter, with which the leaves seem to the touch to abound. It is further observable, that that horrid and strong smell with which the leaves of this plant does affect our nostrills, is very much qualifyed in this Insect and in some measure aromatick and agreeable and therefore we may expect, that that dreadful Narcosis soe eminently in this plant, may likewise be usefully tempered in this Insect which we refer to Tryal.7 About the latter end of May, and sooner, you may find adhering to the upper side of the leaves of this plant, certain oblong orange-coloured Eggs, which are the Eggs of this Insect. Note 1. that these Eggs, that in the belly of the Females, are white, and are soe sometime after they are layed; but as the yong ones groe neer the time of their being hatched, they acquire a deeper colour and are hatched Cimices and not in the disguise of Wormes. 2. as to the colour these riper eggs yeild, if they be crushed upon white paper, they staine it of them selves (without any addition of salts) with as lively a Vermilion or couleur de feu8 as any thing I know in Nature Cochneil scarce excepted when assisted with oil of Vitriol.9 whether this be not precisely soe I refer to the Tryal and judgment of the Curious. I have sent you a couple of the Cimices themselves, though you scarce find a Henbain-plant without them. I add concerning the Purple Huskes, whereof I gave you an account in my last, that I have found them since on rose \Tree/ twiggs \alsoe/ and that very 0171 Lister to Oldenburg 359 darke coloured ones yeilding an exquisite Murrey: soe that I conclude that the Tree they may be found on, scarce contributs any thing to \the/ colour or vertue of the Huskes, but were \they are/ the sole worke and product of the Mother Insect indifferently choosing a Twigg of any Tree in order to the convenient placing and hyving her eggs. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister on Munday last10 I delivered to Loft himselfe a little box for you: I shall be glad to learne it comes safe to your hands. he hath changed his Inn and now lodges at the Beare in Basinghall street.11 I am afraid the patellae Kermiformes will be sriveled dryed and decayed before you receive them. they seemed to srinke very much that little time I kept them by me: but I make noe doubt you may be stored in any neighbouring orchard. pardon my impatience.

1. These annotations indicated when the letter was read to the Royal Society, entered into the Letter Book, and was printed in the Philosophical Transactions. 2. Oldenburg’s annotation, written at the bottom of the first page of the letter. 3. Lister is referring to his letter of 22 May 1671. 4. Generally Cimex refers to bedbugs or Cimicidae, though here Lister is referring to a more general parasite. There are no known natural predators of henbane as it is extremely poisonous to most creatures, so the species is unclear. 5. Hyoscyamus niger or stinking nightshade. It is known also as black henbane. 6. A red cimex distinguished by black spots, frequently upon the leaves of henbane. 7. Henbane indeed causes prolonged unconsciousness. Sir Hans Sloane recorded the case of four children who accidentally ate henbane seeds who slept for two days and two nights. Gerard’s Herbal (1597) described its sedative powers as follows: “The leaves seed and juice taken inwardly causeth an unquiet sleepe, like unto the sleepe of drunkennesse, which continueth long and is deadly to the party.” See Anthony John Carter, “Narcosis and nightshade,” British Medical Journal, 313 (1996), pp. 1630–1632; Sir Hans Sloane, “An Account of Symptoms Arising from Eating the Seeds of Henbane, with Their Cure, &c. and Some Occasional Remarks, by Sir Hans Sloane, Bart. P.S.R.,” 38 (1733), Phil.Trans., pp. 99–101. 8. Color of the fire. 9. Sulfuric acid. 10. Presumably 22 May, the date of Lister’s last letter to Oldenburg. 11. The Bear Inn where the carrier Loft stayed was on the east side of Basinghall Street, near the middle, at.No. 31, in Bassishaw Ward. The site is covered now by Guildhall Chambers. See Henry Harben, A Dictionary of London (London: Herbert Jenkins, Ltd., 1918). 360 Lister to Oldenburg 0172

0172 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 31 May 1671

Source: rs el/L5/33 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 311–312. Reply to: Letter of 27 May 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 71–73, letter 1712.

Further from the same to M. Old concerning the Patella kermi-formes whether they be the excrescences of the plant they adhere to or the sole work of the insect, and the question in general of vegetable excrescences1

May 31.71.

Sir

I received yours of 27 of May this Morning. I am very much pleased with the successe of your Expts in order to the discovery of the Texture of Vegetables. I may send you one of these dayes a rude notion of mine, which perhapps may give some little light to the matter. You will find that the Patellae Kermi-formes I sent you2 are noe more the excrescencies of the plant they adhaer to, than I believe the true Kermes will be found to be upon nice and needfull examination: but are the real and sole worke of Insect Animals, wholly independent either for nourishment or production from the Vegetable. As concerning the Question of truly Vegetable Excrescencies whether the Wormes to be found in them are according to F Redi3 the genuine off spring of the Vegetable Soule, or as some of the honourable Assemble doe well thinke, that they are produced by accident as blistring and envenoming the respective plants, I have long since, upon the publishing of that Number of the Transactions, wherin you give us an account of F. Redi’s booke,4 writ my mind at large to Mr Wray, who I make noe doubt will, upon your request, send you the discourse:5 which, I say was writ before I saw the booke it selfe: but since that I have seen and perused it and have had some part of in other summers leisure I have something more to add in confirmation of my former thought, which you may command, when I shall understand, that the first discourse is come to your hands. be pleased to alter the Title of the 8 spider and make it Araneus viridis, cauda nigris punctis superne notata., ipso ano croceo.6 I am obliged to you for the good opinion, the R.S. has of me, who am of my selfe but a hasty well wisher & a true Labourer to my power and leisure. Again Yours. 0173 Oldenburg to Lister 361

(Read June 22: 71. Entd L.B. 4. 311.)7

1. Oldenburg’s annotations. 2. See Lister’s letter of 22 May 1671. 3. Presumably a reference to Francesco Redi’s tract against spontaneous generation entitled Esperienze intorno alla generazione degl’ insetti, first published in Florence in 1668 and then in Latin translation early in 1671. 4. Redi’s book was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 5, 57 (1670), pp. 1175–1176. 5. Ray wrote to Oldenburg about Lister’s discourse on 3 July 1671. The original letter is in ms/ R1/13, Royal Society Library, London, and in Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 132–134, letter 1738. Lister’s original letter to Ray that he mentioned appears to be lost. 6. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1671 in which he originally described spider number eight as Araneus viridis corpore compactus atque aliquod praeter nigris insignitas. (A green spider, the tip of the abdomen marked with black dots on top, the anus the color of saffron-yellow.) Lister was describing Araniella cucurbitina (Clerck, 1757), or the cucumber green spider, an orb-weaver which hangs upside down in its net among plants. 7. This annotation indicated when the letter was read to the Royal Society and entered into its Letter Book.

0173 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 10 June 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 25. Tearing to right border of second page. Address: To his much honor’d friend | Martyn Lister Esquire | at his house wthout Mickel- | gate-barr at | York. Postmark: Faint Bishop Mark iv/10 [June 10] and Receiving Office Mark 3/ Off with Circular Border. Reply to: Letter of 30 May 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 89–91, letter 1720.

London June 10. 1671

Sir,

Your Letter, and your present (I mean, the litle philosophical box, sent by Loft) are both come well to hand, and \were/ produced on Thursday last before the R. Society,1 who upon hearing the one, and viewing the other, commanded the Curator to put all into their repository with care, and order’d me to see your letter entred in their Letter-book as also to return you new acknowledgements in their name.2 Some of the Company were excited \hereafter/ to observe that kind 362 Oldenburg to Lister 0173 of viviparous dyes, and those Cimices feeding upon Henbain and the patellae kermi-formes, with the rest. You did not mention, of what tree those branches were, on which those particular patellae, sent by you, adhered. The Society will be very glad to see your notion concerning the texture of Vegetables. There is now a young Student that is publishing the Anatomy of Vegetables from the Seed to the Seed, which is commended to be a curious and ingenious piece.3 Time will show more what it is. At our last meeting (which was but thin, and not numerous enough for an election) there were exhibited to the Society some curious Observations touching Glow-worms, which I cannot but impart to you, for your thoughts and remarkes thereon. They were these; May 27. 71. Between 11. and 12. at night the Observer,4 since \having/ put a Glow-worm into a smal thin box, such as pills are usually put in, saw her shine through the box very clearly on one side, the box shutt, putting white paper into the box, and the worm into the paper, it shin’d through the paper and box both. May 28. In the morning about 8. a clock, she seem’d dead, and holding her in a very dark place, he could perceive very litle light, and that only when she was turn’d upon her back, and by consequence put into some litle voluntary motion, which happily the darkness of the place would not let me observe. After Sun-set that night, she walked briskly up and down in her box, shining as clearly as the night before, and that, when there was so much day-light that I could read in Sylvius5 without a candle. May 29. In the morning she seem’d dead again, at night recover’d herself, and shined as well as ever through the box, and opening the box, and holding a large candle in my \his/ hand, the light of it did not sensibly diminish that of the Glow-worm. May 30. About 10. a clock at night, he set the box with the Worm in it in his bed-chamber about 4 yards from his bed-side in a window, where he perceived it shine through the box for almost an hour; he then falling asleep, at his awakening he found it shining, and observ’d it in plain daylight for about 1/2 hour, and then wholly ceasing. Looking immediatly upon his watch, it was near 4. a clock in the morn. of May 31. May 31. The worm shin’d pretty clearly in his kitchen, a very lightsome room, at 5. a clock in the evening, at which time the sun shined gloriously into the same room. And looking about 11. a clock at night into his box, the worm shin’d litle, having contracted her body into a bending posture; the light scarce so big as a great pins head; upon touching of her, shee extended herself, walked in her box, and at first extent, shineth as glorious as ever. He adds, 1. that he never saw her shine without some sensible motion either in her body or legs. 2. In her clearest shining, she extends her body a third part 0174 Lister to Oldenburg 363 beyond its usual length. 3. To the observers thinking, she emitted a sensibly heat in her clearer shining. So far he. I have made it my request to Mr Wray to give me view of your discourse about the question of truly Vegetable Excrescencies.6 When I shall have received his answer you will hear again from Sir

Your very humble and faithf. servt. Oldenburg

1. 8 June 1671. 2. For a catalog of the repository, see Nehemiah Grew, Musaeum Regalis Societatis (London: W. Rawlins, for the author, 1681). Grew mentions Lister’s patellae kermi-formes on pages 240 and 241. Lister’s letter of 30 May 1671 was entered into the Letter Book, volume 4, p. 309. 3. Presumably Nehemiah Grew’s The Anatomy of Vegetables begun (London, 1671) which the Royal Society licensed on 11 May 1671. Bishop John Wilkins told the Royal Society about the essay, and subsequently Grew was elected as a fellow in 1671. 4. These were the observations of John Templer (d. 1678), a graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge (B.A. 1654/5; M.A. 1658; B.D. 1665), and Rector of Braybrooke in Northamptonshire. His observations were published with Lister’s work on the viviparous fly as: Martyn Lister and John Templer, “Extracts of Three Letters, One, Concerning Some Philosophical Inquiries about Spiders, together with a Table of 33 Sorts of Spiders to be Found in England; as Also of a Kind of Viviparous Fly: The Second, about an Insect Feeding upon Henbain, and Thereby Qualifying in Its Body the Horrid Smell of That Plant, and Altering It to an Aromatical and Agreeable One: The Third, Containing Some Observations of Glow-Worms,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2170–2178. 5. Franciscus Sylvius or Franz de le Boë (1614–1672), a Dutch physiologist, anatomist, and chemical physician who founded the first chemical laboratory in 1669 and the iatrochemical school of medicine. He published a variety of medical disputations on disease. 6. In a memorandum dated 3 June 1671 written on Lister’s letter of 30 May 1671, Oldenburg noted: “Writ to Mr Wray jun 3. 71 according to the import of this letter.” In this letter (now lost), Oldenburg apparently asked Ray to send him Lister’s discourse about the vegetables.

0174 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 14 June 1671

Source: rs el/L5/34 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 313–314. “jun. 14. 71” is written on the wrapper in Oldenburg’s handwriting. The letter is ink blotched in its upper right corner. Address: These | For his honoured friend | Mr. Oldenburg | at his house in the | Palmal | at | London. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark. Reply to: Letter of 10 June 1671. 364 Lister to Oldenburg 0174

Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2196–2197; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 33–34; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 105–107, letter 1726.

Mr Listers letter to M. Old. about the patella kermes hatched, together with a description of the insert they produce, etc.1

Yorke June 14th 1671

(Read June 22: 71. Entd. L.B. 4. 313.)2

Sir

June 10th I found several of the Patellae Kermiformes hatched in a Box, where I had purposely put them. They prove a sort, as I guessed by the figure of the Worme, of Bees, but certainly the least, that I ever yet saw of that Tribe; as not exceeding in their whole bulke ye halfe of a Pismire. They are very compact and thick for their bignesse: of a coale black colour. They seeme to want neither stings, nor ye Three balls in a triangle in their head, which yet are things to be referred to ye testimonie of a Microscope. That which is very remarkable to the naked Eye, is a white or straw colour and round Sport on ye back: of their 4 Wings the upper paire are shaded or darke spotted, ye undermost paire are cleer. We may Entitle them \according to our coustome/ Apiculae nigrae macula \super humeros/ sub flavescente insignitae, e patellis \sive favis mem- branaceis/, veri Kermes similibus, suaque itidem purpura tingentibus, cerasi aut rosae abisse \aliarumve/ arborum virgis adtextis, exclusae.3 This of the purple Huskes and the other Historie of Scarlet-staining Eggs I present you as parralells of our English store to Kermes and Cocheneil, I meane additaments to encrease the number of agreable tinging Materials and not Medicaments, unlesse wary and safe Observation Tryal shall discover to us if they have any medicinal qualities, as use and coustume has made us beleive the Exotick have in a high degree. Yours of June 10th came safe to my hands. One of the huskes I sent you adhered to a Rose Tree twigg and the other to a Cherry tree. But a rose bush since has afforded me some scores of these Patelles, many of which are hatched in ye Box I put them. It is to be further observed that those that looke the blackest, yeilde ye deepest and best purple 2. that as the Bees come to maturitie, the dye seemes to [[xxxxx]] be spent and the Huskes grow dry. 3. That the yong ones make theyr way out \at/ of several small holes, wheras the tru Kermes husk seemes to be peirced but in one place. 0175 Oldenburg to Lister 365

I thanke you for the Observation about the shining of a Gloworme. It was never my good fortune, since I had the Curiositie to examine things, to light upon any one Gloworme, save, that I tooke one flying ith aire in St johns walke in Cambridge, some 4 or 5 yeares agoe; & doe still keep it by me as a great raritie. its Wings were sheathed like a beetle etc. of its shining I made noe observation, save that its light, which it gave under a Glasse, where I kept it, was very green & faint. it was a sullen and sluggish animal. Mr. Skippon4 one of your society hath since assured me, that he hath taken up \these Cicindelae volantes/5 (if I well remember) in Kent. Aldrovandus6 will have wings only a distinction of sex, not species. I am glad of the \newes of the/ publishing of that Curious peice about the Anatomy of Vegetables:7 my notes are yet in some disorder and my selfe at this present very much out of health. I desire you to excuse this scrible. I am

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This note indicates when the letter was read to the Royal Society, and entered into the Letter Book. 3. Small black bees marked with a pale yellowish sport on the shoulders coming from husks or paper-like cells, like the true Kermes and likewise tinging [staining] purple, adhering to the twigs of cherry or rose or other trees. 4. Phillip Skippon, one of Ray and Lister’s travelling companions in Montpellier and the intermediary for Lister’s first published work in the Philosophical Transactions. 5. Flying glowworms. 6. Ulisse Aldrovandi’s work on insects entitled De animalibus insectis libri septem, cum singulorum iconibus ad vivum expressis (1602). 7. Nehemiah Grew’s The Anatomy of Vegetables begun (1671). See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 10 June 1671.

0175 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 24 June 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 27. Address: To his honor’d friend | Martyn Lyster Esquire | at his house wthout Mickel- | gate-barr | at York. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark. Illegible Receiving house mark. Reply to: Letter of 14 June 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 116–117, letter 1731. 366 Oldenburg to Lister 0175

London June 24. 71.

Sir,

As I cannot justly forbear to produce your communications before the Society from time to time, so that Illustrious Company never failes to in joyn me to return you their hearty thanks, which you are \now/ to receive particularly for your letter of june 14th, and ye remarkable contents thereof;1 which I intend, God permitting, to insert in the Transactions of july, as I have done the first part in those of this month, now ready to come abroad; where I have also publish’t your well-considered Inquiries and Table of Spiders;2 this being a proper season for the Curious to make observations upon that subject. My late intelligence from Paris informs me, that now in a few weeks there will come abroad their Royal Academies \first/ Book of Plants, together with Cuts and short Descriptions, as also with a Discourse concerning the \quantity of/ Salts, Spirits, Oyles etc. which the severall plants doe afford.3 I have not yet received from Mr Wray your discourse about Vegetable Excrescensies, which you gave me leave in yours of May 31th.4 to desire the loan of. Doubting of the delivery of my letter, I may shortly send him a duplicate, to goe sure:5 Now I can say no more in great haste, than that I am constantly Sir

Yr faithf. servt

Oldenburg

1. The letter was read to the Royal Society on 22 June 1671. 2. See Lister’s letter of 10 January 1670/1. 3. Between 1666 and 1699, the chemist Claude Bourdelin under the supervision of Samuel Duclos, performed and systematically recorded vast numbers of distillations, mostly of plant matter. Claude Perrault had initially proposed the project by in January 1667. Perrault distinguished between two practices: (1) collecting plant material and studying its external features and medical applications (l’histoire); and (2) research into the causes of the medical properties of plants and the examination of vegetable reproduction and nutrition (la physique). The latter would require a broad application of chemical analysis, alongside microscopic observation of seeds and shoots, as well as studies of sap circulation, mostly inspired by the question whether sap circulated like blood. However, the Mémoires pour servir à l’historie des plantes appeared only in 1676, so Oldenburg was wildly optimistic. My thanks to Victor Boantza for providing me with this information. 4. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 31 May 1671. 5. Oldenburg sent Ray a memorandum to this effect on 3 June 1671. See el/L5/32, Royal Society Library, London, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, p. 75, letter 1715. 0176 ray to lister 367

0176 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 28 June 1671

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 19, letter 50. The bottom of the letter and Ray’s signature has been cut off. Address: No address present. Reply to: Lost letter of 18 June 1671. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 97–98; Lankester (1848), pp. 86–87; Gunther (1928), p. 130; Valle (2004), pp. 233–234. (All partial transcriptions.)

Middleton June 28 1671.

Dear and Honored friend,

At my return hither, which was the 24 instant, I found a letter from you dated the 18th, which brought me the unwellcome news of your illness and indisposition. I pray have an especial care of yourself, for those diseases which affect the brain and nervosum genus are very dangerous, and of most difficult cure, as you know well enough.1 For my part, I am, God be thanked, in good health. The Jaundice, which seized me here this spring, by sticking to one medicine for four or five days (that was an infusion of stone-horse2 dung with saffron \in ale/) I got pretty well rid of before I began my journey, as I think I formerly acquainted you. I believe any other medicine (of which for that disease there are good store), if I had been constant to the use of it for some time, would have wrought the same effect. One thing I cannot but wonder at in that disease, that many astringent things, as Plantain-water,3 etc. should be good for it. I am glad that you have been prevailed with to communicate your observations and discoveries to the public. I remember you formerly acquainted me by letter, that you had found out an insect which yielded a purple tincture;4 but I did not then suspect it to be anything akin to the kermes kind. I have not yet found those membranous husks you mention sticking to rose-tree twigs; indeed I have not searched for them. I had thought that the kermes berry had been a blister of the bark of the oak, and not a thing merely contiguous or adhering, as a patella to a rock. I am sure the matrices of many insects bred on the leaves and branches of trees are excrescences of the plant itself; how- beit I will not say, but that they might be first caused or raised by the mother insect wounding the bark or leaf, either by puncture or distilling thereon some virulent. Mr. Oldenburgh hath written to me for a sight of your Lr, wherein you give an account of your opinion concerning vegetable excrescences;5 but 368 lister to oldenburg 0177 truly all my Lrs which I had here I bound up in bundles and sent away into Essex this spring, and cannot, without some trouble, recover that particular. I desire, therefore, that you yourself would give him satisfaction and write your thoughts upon that subject again. Your Cimex feeding upon Henbane6 I have observed, but not his eggs as yet. I cannot but wonder at your cunning and luckiness in observing and finding these things. The last week I was at Cambridge, where I visited Mr. Howlett7 and supped with him in company with Dr. Brackenberry8 and another of the fellows: we remembered you and drank your health. I intend, God willing, on Monday next to begin a simpling voyage into the north, taking Thomas Willisel9 along with me, and to go over and view particularly myself those plants which he hath discovered there, by me not observed, wild with us. In my return, if York lie not too much out of our road, I may chance wait upon you; till when, I shall defer what farther I have to inquire of you or communicate to you, remaining

1. Lister also mentioned his illness to Oldenburg in his letter of 5 June 1671. 2. An uncastrated or entire horse; a stallion. 3. A decoction of plantain known for its astringent and styptic properties, thought useful for yellow jaundice. See Nicholas Culpeper, The English Physician (London: William Bentley, 1652), p. 174. 4. Lister described the dye to Ray in his letter of 22 May 1671. 5. This letter has been lost. 6. Lister reported this observation of Cimex in his letter to Oldenburg of 30 May 1671. 7. Samuel Howlett, a fellow of St John’s with whom Lister was acquainted previously. 8. Dr. Pierce Brackenbury (1632–1692), admitted to St John’s College, Cambridge, in 1650. He served as a fellow there from 1656 to 1692. Brackenbury received his M.D. in 1665 and was a significant benefactor to the college. 9. For Willisel, see Ray’s letter to Lister of 15 November 1669.

0177 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 5 July 1671

Source: rs el/L5/35 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, p. 435. “Rec. july. 7. 71. Answ. July 17” is written on the wrapper in Oldenburg’s handwriting. Address: These | For his much honoured friend | Mr. Henry Oldenburg | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/7 [July 7]. Reply to: Letter of 24 June 1671. Printed: Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 33–34; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 137–138, letter 1741. 0177 lister to oldenburg 369

An Extract of Mr Listers letter concerning the discovery of English kermes, and compared with the Scarlet kermes1

Yorke July 5. 1671

Sir

I cannot absolutely promise my selfe, that Mr Wray thought the Letter, wherein I gave him an account of my opinion concerning Vegetable excrescensies, worth the preserving: yet if it be lost,2 I shall endeavour to give you satisfaction by writing my thoughts again on that subject.3 but at present I am much indisposed. The discovery of our English Kermes, has very much pleased some of curious in these parts: who resolve upon Tryalls of it the next season. I know not whether I advertised you, that the deep purple or violet with which inside of the huskes are lined, is much spent if the Huskes be not taken, whilst the Bees are in Vermiculo4 and the blackest huskes are richest in colour. Yesterday in very good company we compared our English purple Kermes, with the Scarlet Kermes or Graines of the Shopps, and found them in every point to agree save in the colour or their juices and particularly (finding in some parcells of the Shopps many yet sticking to little Twiggs of the Ilex)5 we confidently affirme that those as well as ours are only contiguous to the Ilae \Ilex/ branches and are not excrescencies of \the/ Tree, much lesse fruit or berries, by which abusive names they have been too long known; but that they are the artifice and sole worke of the mother Bee in order to the more convent \convenient/ hiving and [[xxxxxxxx]] nourishment of her young. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

(Entd lb. 4. 335.)6

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. In a letter of 3 July 1671 to Oldenburg, John Ray wrote, “But the L[ette]r conteining that discourse I have not a[t] present by me: it being sent away in a bundle of other letters and papers into Essex.” Ray then remarked he would write Lister advising him to send his thoughts about vegetable excrescences to Oldenburg in a separate piece of correspondence. See el/R1/13, Royal Society Library, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, p. 134, letter 1738. 370 oldenburg to lister 0178

3. Lister would provide these thoughts to Oldenburg in a letter of 17 July 1671. 4. Literally “in worm” or in the pupae stage. 5. Ilex is a tree in the holly family. 6. This annotation indicated where the letter was recorded in the Letter Book.

0178 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 13 July 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 29. Address: To his honored friend | Martyn Lister Esquire | at his house wthout | Mickel-gate-barr | at | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/14 [July 14]; Receiving House Mark with 3/Off and circular border. Reply to: Letter of 5 July 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 156–157, letter 1748.

Sir,

This is only to thank you for your last of july 5th and to intreat you to believe, that I would by no means incommode you when you are in disposed, as I was very sorry to understand you were, by your last. Only let me desire this favor of you, that when you find it convenient, you would gratify the R. Society with your thoughts concerning Vegetable Excrescencics, \the account of/ which it seems, Mr Wray sent \away/ with some other letters and papers into Essex, as he signified to me himself by letter, mentioning withall, that he had made it his request to you as well as I, to take ye pains by of writing your thoughts again on that subject.1 And when you doe this, I beg you would add what you have observed of the Muscae Ichneumones.2 All which I shall take very particular care to have registred in our Books with the deserving Author’s name, and to enrich the Transactions with, by your permission. Having inquired of Mr Wray concerning an Insect feeding upon Ranunculus,3 and \said to/ yield a musky sent when dried,4 I had for answer, he had knowledge of that particular; but he \then/ call’d to mind two sorts of Insects, he had seen, which smell of musk;5 ye one, the Common Capricornus or Goat-chafer,6 smelling so strong of that perfume, that one may sent it at a good distance as it flyes by or sits near you: the other is a smal sort of Bee, which in the South and East-parts of England is frequently to be met with in gardens among Bowers in the Spring-time. Mr Willughby, who hath a great respect for you, as well as Mr Wray and many more, send writeth7 that the Scolopendra, spoken of by the German 0178 oldenburg to lister 371

Philosophers in Transact. No. 68. p. 2082. § 31. as shining in the dark, and sparkling when comprest,8 is that which is our Bruchus described by Muffet; referring me for it to the latter part of ye chapt. in Muffet de Julis p. 202.9 Ad and adding, that he saw it in the cloisters of Trin, Coll. in Cambridg, 12. or 13. years agoe.10 Apprehending I may be tedious to you, I conclude with assuring yourself that I am constantly

Sir Your faithf. friend and servt

Oldenburg London July 13. 1671.

1. Lister would write his thoughts about these matters in a letter to Oldenburg of 17 July 1671. For Ray’s remarks, see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 5 July 1671. 2. The Ichneumonoidea are insects classified in the hymenopteran suborder Apocrita. The superfamily is made up of the ichneumon wasps, often inaccurately called “ichneumon flies” or muscae ichneumones as Oldenburg does here. 3. Buttercups. 4. Presumably the musk beetle (Aromia moschata), a longhorn beetle that emits a musky smell. 5. In a letter of 3 July 1671 to Oldenburg, Ray enquired about this insect. See el/R1/13, Royal Society Library, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 132–134. Ray’s query was also printed in Phil. Trans., 74 (1671), pp. 2219–2220. 6. The capricorn beetle, or Cerambyx scopolii. Their curved antennae, which can be several inches long, look like the curved horns of capricorn rams. 7. Oldenburg is referring to a letter written to him by Willughby on 10 July 1671. See el/ W3/44, Royal Society Library, London, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 153–154, letter 1746. 8. The article in Philosophical Transactions mentioned here is “An Accompt of Two Books: Miscellanea Curiosa Medico. Physica. Academiae Naturae Curiosorum (Leipzig, 1670),” in Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), pp. 2077–2082. In Oldenburg’s description of the Miscellanea’s contents was the notice of “Light inbred in the Insect, call’d Scolopender, shining in the dark, and sparkling when compressed.” Scolopender is a luminous centipede from the order Geophilomorpha. 9. A misapprehension on Oldenburg’s part. In his letter to Oldenburg, Willughby described a passage from Thomas Mouffet, Insectorum sive minimorum animalium theatrum (London, 1634), p. 202, which stated: “Our countryman Brewer [Bruerus] . . . related that he has himself seen scolopendrae shining in the dark.” [Bruerus noster . . . Scolopendras se hic in Anglia vidisse, et habere refert noctilucas, in ericetis muscosis toto corpore fulgentes.] Guilielmus Bruerus or William Brewer (1548–1618) was described in Mouffet as his close friend of the entomologist Thomas Penny (amicus meus summus, p. 110) and as a physician (p. 69, and p. 113). Brewer took his B.A. in Heidelberg in 1568, practised in Chard, Somerset, and his splendid memorial is in the Fawcus Chapel in the Blessed Virgin Mary Church. For more information about Brewer, see 372 lister to oldenburg 0179

Charles Raven, English naturalists from Neckam to Ray: a study of the making of the modern world (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1947), pp. 163, 172, 183, and 185. 10. Willughby reported this observation to Oldenburg in his letter of 10 July 1671.

0179 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 17 July 1671

Source: rs el/L5/36 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 337–342. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper: “Rec. july 19. 71. Answ July 27. 71. a copiam.” Address: These | For his honoured friend | Mr. Henry Oldenburg | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/19 [July 19]. Reply to: Letter of 13 July 1671. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2254–2257; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 35–39; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 163–167, letter 1751.

Mr Lister to Mr Old. concerne Vegetable Excrescencies1

(Enter’d L B. 4. 337.)2

Yorke July 17th 1671

Sir

I understand by yours of the 13th instant, that Mr Wray cannot without much trouble retreive the Letter, wherin I gave him formerly my opinion concerning Vegetable Excrescencies: and yet not wholly to deny you the satisfaction of what you seem much to desire, I am willing to thinke again upon the same subject, at least to recollect part of my former thoughts as my memory will serve me. The occasion than of that Letter was upon the account given us by you N.——of the opinion of the Italian F. Redj:3 viz, that some live plants or their excrescencies doe truly generate some Insects, To which opinion of F. Redj I told my friend, as I remember, that I, indeed, had observed that the By fruits of some Vegetables as of the Oake and Wildrose for example, did grow up togather with their respective wormes in them from small beginings to fair and large fruit, some of them emulating even the genuine off-spring of the plant 0179 lister to oldenburg 373

et miratur non sua poma4 And further that I did beleive the wormes were furnished with food in and from them: but not by any Navil-connexion as that Author fancies and which I said to me was unintelligible and that I should be glad of a notion which might make out to me such monstrous relation, as halfe animal halfe vegetable, or which is all one, vegetable vessells inserted into an animal or the contrary: strange Oeconomie!5 That it had never been my good fortune (whatever diligence I had used) to discerne Eggs in the center of Galls, but a Worme constantly, even at the very first appearance, as near at least as my fortune led me. Yet I would not deny, but that diligence might one day discover the egg it selfe, which I was of the opinion was affixed to or near the place by the parent-Insect, where the Gall rose. That I ever found the Wormes in all \the/ Excrescencies \as/ I had yet met with, perfectly at libertie: and for the filaments our author mentions, it was very possible he might be mistaken, it being very hard and a matter not yet treated of in any publick paper, which and what are the vessells that enter into the Texture of a Vegetable, as of a large Tree for example, much more hard would it be to say this is a Vessel in a small Gall. That there were many by-fruits of different Figures and shape (though perhapps of a like Texture) with present upon one and the same plant, every one of which did nourish and produce a different race of insects: whence, I told him, I thought might rather be argued, the diverse workman-shipp of different Insects, than one and the same principle of Vegetation to be author of several sorts of Animals. That the Animals themselves produced of such excrescencies were, for the kind, of such a Race as were well known to us to be otherwise generated of animal-parents: and therefore it was probable, that these were so too as well as their Tribe-fellows. That the Insect-animals produced of such Excrescencies were male and female; and that if soe we might argue with Aristotle (lib. 1. c.1. de Generat. Animal.)6 that Nature made not such in vain, and that if from the Coit of these animals, which have their birth from noe animals, animals should be borne, they would either be like their parents and of the same species with them; and if soe, it would necessarily follow (since in the generation of all other creatures it soe comes to passe) that their very parents had such origine too: or unlike them, and if soe (if these alsoe were male and female) of these 2d unlike Off- spring a 3d race of different animals or species would be begott, of them a 4th and soe in infinitum. And that these Insects which he and I had observed to be produced of the Excrescencies of some Vegetables, we had good cause to 374 lister to oldenburg 0179 suspect they were male and female, since some of them had stings and were tripilious7 and others not. (Vide Catalog. plant. Cantabridg. ad rosam caninam et alibj.)8 These were some at least of the Arguments, as far as I remember, I used when I formerly writ on this subject to my friend: but since your Letter, I have perused the Booke of F. Redj it selfe and doe find that the said opinion is barely proposed as a thing not unplausible; but the proofs therof are reserved, till the publishing of a curious piece, concerning the Excrescencies of the Oake. And therfore I shall understand upon be the lesse earnest in the refutation of that Opinion, which perhapps a more accurate search into nature will in time make the authour of it himselfe find erroneous. I presume not to venture to decide this Controversie: my experience in these matters being too insufficient and my leisure and health but little to hasten a convenient stock of particulars \and a due examination of them/ Yet before I leave this subject, I am willing to run over and present you with a few abbreviated Instances of some of the several kinds of Vegetable Excrescencies and likewise some unobvious wayes of Insects feeding on plants, and these I shall deliver in confirmation of the following Propositions 1. That all are not truly Vegetable Excrescencies that are reputed such. And here we may justly name the Purple Kermes for example, whose history you were pleased to publish. N.N.9 This, I say, both gives a clear light to the discovery of the Nature of the Scarlet Kermes (a thing wholly unknown to the Ancients, as far as we can see by there writings, and noe lesse ignored by the Moderns, and yet, which is admirable, in very great esteeme and continued in use for some 1000’s of years,) and alsoe is an evident Instance, that some things confidently beleeved Vegetable Excrescencies, are no such matter, but artificial things meerly contiguous to the plant, and which have noe other relation to it, than the Patella-shell fish10 to the Rock it cleaves. 2. Generally, Insect eggs layed upon the leaves of plants or their respective \[[two words]]/wormes feeding on them doe not occasion or raise Excrescencies. This truth every body, that has been the least curious, is an eye-witness off. Thus for example, the Eggs of the common red-butterfly, layed upon the nettle are thereon hatched without blistering the plant into an Excres Excrescence, and the stiffe-haired or prickly Caterpillars hatched from them Eggs, feed upon the leaves without any ill impression, puncture, or prejudice, save that they make clean worke, and eat all before them. I could produce some 100’s of Instances, if this were to be doubted of. 3. Some Insect-eggs, laid upon the leaves or other parts of plants, doe, as soon as hatched, pierce and enter within the plant to feed. To give you a convincing Instance of the truth of this proposition, take this from my notes. 0179 lister to oldenburg 375

May 22d I observed on the back or underside of the leaves of Atriplex olida11 certain small milk-white-oblong Eggs, sometimes \on some/ leaves 4, on others fewer, or more; These Eggs, were on some plants yet unhatched, but on many of the same plants, I found the Egg-shells or skins yet adhering to the leaves, and the little maggotts already entred (through I know [not] what invisible holes) within the two membranes of the Leafe and feeding on the inward pulp or substance of the leafe: in other leaves of that plant, (he that shall make the observation after me, will find plants enough of this species seased on to vary as I did \the/ observation in one day) I found those maggotts growne very great and yet the two membranes, that is, the uppermost and under most skin of the leafe entire, but raised and hollow like a blather. Note 1. that those maggotts were of a Conick shape. 1. that in July they shrunke into Fly-Chrysalises and accordingly came to perfection, \etc./ To this unobvious way of feeding we thinke we may refer all worme eaten fruits, woods, etc. 4. Wormes feeding or nourished within some of the parts of some plants doe cause Excrescencies. Thus the heads or seed vessels of Papaver. Spont. Sylv.12 Ger. emac.13 \are/ disfigured for having wormes in them and grow thrice as bigg as the not seased ones. This is alsoe plain \in/ the Excresc. of Pseudoteucrium14 and Barbarea15 etc. 5. The substance of most Vegetable Excrescencies is not the food of the Wormes to be found in them. The instances given in confirmation of the last proposition doe alsoe confirme this: neither is an Oake aple properly worme eaten, or the Shagged-Galls16 or Sponges17 of the Wild rose, or the smooth ones on the leaves of the same plant, or the baggs upon the leaves of the yellow- dwarfe Willow or the Elme etc. This is the summe of what I have to say at present concerning this subject: being very unwilling to advance further, than my owne private observations will suffer me, Of other matters in your Letter an other time. I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This annotation, which notes when the letter was entered into the Letter Book, is not in either Oldenburg’s or Lister’s hand. 3. This account was in a book review of Francisco Redi’s Esperienze intorno alla Generatione Degl’ Insecti (Florence, 1668) published in Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), pp. 1175–1176. The review related that Redi claimed that the generation of animals was due to sexual reproduction, or “at the least from some Living and un-corrupted Plant, as out of Oak Apples, and several Protuberances and Excrescencies of Vegetables.” 376 oldenburg to lister 0180

4. Miraturque novas frondes et non sua poma, from Virgil’s Georgics, 2.82. Virgil was describing scions, stating that after they were grafted, it would be soon that a tree “would admire new leaves and fruits not its own.” 5. Lister was completely against the idea of spontaneous generation in animals and plants. See Roos, (2011), chapter 9. 6. Aristotle wrote in his Generation of Animals, “This is not the case with all of them; though in the sanguinea with few exceptions the creature, when its growth is complete, is either male or female, and though some bloodless animals have sexes so that they generate offspring of the same kind, yet other bloodless animals generate indeed, but not offspring of the same kind; such are all that come into being not from a union of the sexes, but from decaying earth and excrements.” 7. Having three (anal) hairs. According to the oed (tripilous), this is the first recorded use of the word. 8. Lister is referring Oldenburg to Ray’s Catalogus plantarum circa Cantabrigiam (Cambridge, 1660), “under dog rose and elsewhere.” 9. Here Lister is anticipating the future publication of his work in the Philosophical Transactions described in his letters of 14 June 1671 and 5 July 1671. The article was printed as Martin Lister, “Extracts of Two Letters from Mr, Martin Lister to the Publisher, of June 14. 1671. and July 5. 1671. Concerning the Kind of Insect, Batched of the English Kermes, Formerly Taken Notice of and Described by the Same in Numb. 71. p. 2164; as Also the Use of these Purple Insect: Husks for Tinging, Together with a Comparison Made of This English Purple Kermes with the Scarlet-Kermes of the Shops,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2196–2197. 10. Limpet. Patellae were flat Roman cooking dishes, which the limpet shell resembled. The limpet “cleaves” or adheres to the rock. 11. Wild stinking orach. 12. The wild poppy, named by Ray as Papaver spontaneum sylvestre. The modern name is Papaver rhoeas. The first locality record of the wild poppy is in Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae (1670), p. 231. In their edition of Oldenburg’s correspondence, Hall and Hall have this phrase transcribed incorrectly as “Papaver. Spart. Sylv.” 13. “Ger. emac.” refers to Gerard’s Herbal that was enlarged by Thomas Johnson in 1633. Ray notes this abbreviation in his Historiae Plantarum. 14. A form of Teucrium, or Germander. Also known as cat thyme (Teucrium marum). 15. Yellow rocket or winter cress, part of the family of brassicas. 16. Galls having a rough or shaggy appearance. According to the oed, this letter is the first appearance of this adjective used in this manner. 17. A spongy gall or excrescence on rosebushes.

0180 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 27 July 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 31, and Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 346–348. Address: To his honored friend | Martin Lister Esquire | at his house wthout Mic | kelgate-barr at | York. 0180 oldenburg to lister 377

Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/27 [July 27]. Reply to: Letter of 17 July 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 176–177, letter 1757.

London july 27. 1671

Sir,

Your considerable Accompt concerning Vegetable excrescencies, so generously communicated in your last of july 17, I have well received, and doe intend, God permitting, to impart the same to the R. Society, as soon as they shall open their meetings again, which are now intermitted, as they are wont to he about this season.1 I hope, you will permit the publication of this matter, especially since Mr Willughby, who hath formerly seen it, when you wrote it to Mr Wray, giveth it \also/ this Character, that it is so very ingenious and true, that he would fain it were known;2 who also adds, that when I shall have sent him word, I have received it from you, (which I doe by this very post,)3 he will send me a great many Observations, both of his own and Mr Wrays, to confirm it. Now, Sir, that I may not seem altogether ungratefull in my returns, I shall communicate to you an accompt, I lately received from Francford,4 concerning Tinctures extracted out of the dung of Insects. It came to me in a Latin letter, as followeth;

“Dn. Doctor Kornman librum edet de Tincturis seu Essentiis Stercorum quorundam Vermium quos ex quibuslibet floribus vel herbis, mediante putre- factione obtinet; qui postmodum eadem herbâ vel flore nutriti, stercora ejici- unt, in quibus tinctura herbae tum color, et vis illius herbae reperitur; ita in momento è stercoribus, collectis ex vermibus rosas comedentibus, tincturam extrahit rubicundissimam. Sic parili modo ex aliis.”5

I doubt not, Sir, but you have also been curious this way; and should therefore be glad to be informed of some particular Observations, by you made about it; that so I may acquaint my friends and correspondents abroad, that here in England that matter hath not been left un-considered. There is another note in the same Francofordian Letter, wch (of a different subject,) which perhaps will not displease you neither. The words are these;

“Experimentum Burrhi, de restituendis Oculis instituimus, alio tamen modo; succum enim Chelidonii majoris sumpsimus, oculos duos dissecuimus, 378 oldenburg to lister 0180 oculis applicavimus; spatio 24. horarum tum oculos, tum (quod miratu dignum) Visionem restituimus.”6

I am sorry, the Author mentions not the account, upon which the Experiment was made. Mean time, I have written to him, and desired to learn that circumstance, as also the particulars of the method used in that Tryal.7 Since you are pleased to remit your answer to the other matters in my former letter to another time, I willingly stay for your conveniency, and remain

Sir your faithful servant

Oldenburg

1. Lister’s letter was never read to the Royal Society, as they did not meet until 2 November, after the letter was published in the Philosophical Transactions. (See Lister’s letter of 17 July 1671.) 2. Willughby wrote to Oldenburg about this matter on 10 July 1671, mentioning he had seen Lister’s letter to Ray. See el/W3/44, Royal Society Library, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, p. 154, letter 1746. 3. Oldenburg indeed sent Willughby a letter on 27 July 1671 stating he had received Lister’s observations on vegetable excrescences, and asking for his and Ray’s confirmatory observations. See le/O2/53, Royal Society Library, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, p. 178, letter 1758. 4. Frankfurt. The letter was from a local physician called Johannes Kisner. 5. “Dr. Kornmann is publishing a book concerning the dyes or essences of the dung of worms, which he obtains from any flowers or plants through putrefaction. After these worms have fed on the plants or flowers they excrete matter in which the tincture of that plant may be found, both as to color and other virtues. Thus in a moment he extracts from these feces collected from worms feeding on roses a bright red dye, and similarly with others.” It is not known who Kornmann was though he is described as a friend of Johannes Kisner, another physician from Frankfurt. It is possible that Kornmann was related to Heinrich Kornmann of Frankfurt (1579–1627), a lawyer, public official, and writer about curiosities of nature and magic. See Lynn Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), vol. 12, p. 279. 6. “We have begun on Borri’s experiment for the restoration of vision, but by another method, for we took the juice of the greater celandine, slashed the eyes, applied it to the eyes, and in the space of twenty-four hours, restored the eyes and what is marvelous, their vision.” This excerpt refers to a series of rather drastic and cruel experiment described in Giuseppe Francesco Borri, Epistolae duae, I. de cerebri ortu et usu medico, ii. de artificio oculorum humores restituendi, ad Th. Bartholinum (Copenhagen 1669), pp. 36–68. Subjects were both animal and human, and the healing concoction consisted of the celandine, as well as iron sulphate. Borri was a Milanese physician and alchemist, and frequenter of the court of Queen Christine of Sweden, who had abdicated her throne, converted to Catholicism, and moved to Rome. 7. Oldenburg’s letter to Kisner exists only in his memorandum. See el/K/13, Royal Society Library, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, p. 172, letter 1754. 0181 lister to oldenburg 379

0181 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 25 August 1671

Source: rs el/L5/37 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 358–363. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper: “Answ. Sept. 4. 71. Rec. August 30. 71.” He included also an addition of a list of unidentified numbers. Address: These | For his honoured friend | Mr. Henry Oldenburgh | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark AU/30 [August 30]. Reply to: Letters of 13 July and 27 July 1671. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2281–2284; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 40–43; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 212–216, letter 1778.

Mr Listers letter to M. Old. about Musk-insects. the Vespa ichneumones; tinctures to be extracted out of dungs; petrified shells, etc.1

(Read Nov 2: 71 Enter’d L.B. 4. 358.)2

Yorke August 25 1671

Sir

I am indebted to you a great many particulars you have enquired of me. And to answer what remains of your former Letter. I have observed the 2 Insects, which Mr Wray tells you smell of Musk, which, indeed they doe in a high degree. The small Bees are very frequent in the Wooles3 in Lincolnshire and about the latter end of April are to be found in pastures and meadows upon the early-blowne flowers of a sort of Ranunculas, as you have been rightly informed, but it is something improper to say Bees feed on flowers and likewise the same Bees are noe lesse frequent on the flowers of Den leonis etc.4 The sweet Beetle is a very large Insect and well known about Cambridge. All the Tryalls I have made to preserve them with their smell have proved ineffectual: for both sorts of these Insects will of them selves in a very few weekes become almost quite sent-lesse. To these I shall add an other sweet-smelling insect, which is a Hexapode-Worme5 feeding on Gallium luteum.6 The Observation of Vespae Ichneumones,7 as it hath relation to spiders, I willingly reserve for other papers: yet I may tell you in general, that this kind of 380 lister to oldenburg 0181

Insect is one of the greatest puzzels in nature; there being few Excrescencies of plants and very many births of Insects wherein these slender Wasps after divers strange wayes are concerned. Though I be at present from my bookes, yet, I well remember the passage which Mr Willoughby referrs you to in Mouffet:8 and he is well able to judge whether the observation be made upon the same sort of Insect. I conceive it a fault not consistant with an ingenious spirit to passe by in silence the industrie of modernes, as well as of ancient writers, according to that of C. Celsus: “Oportet neque receutiores viros in his fraudare, quae vel repererunt, vel recte secuti sunt; et tamen ea quae ab antiquiores aliquos posita sunt, authoribus suis reddere.”9 You can best informe me, whether Swammerdam be a trespasser of this nature or noe. where I read in the account given us by \you/ of his booke N. 64.10 That snails are both male and Female: That Catterpillars may teach us, by their feeding, the correspondancie of the Venues of plants etc. I am desirous to know whether he quote Mr Wray for the former, as having published the Observation 10 yeares agoe at least:11 and for the latter, the learned and noble Virtuoso F. Columna,12 who did propose the way of essaying the vertues of plants by the palates of Insects the beginning of this age. By the by let me aske of you, whether Swammerdams H[istory] of Ins[ects] be translated yet or noe, for he seemes to have imployed his time to good purpos on that subject.13 I passe to some particulars in your last letter. I am very glad to under stand, that there is a Peice to be printed of the German Ph[ilosophers] concerning the Tinctures or Essences to be extracted out of the dung of Insects. as for the passage of the Letter which you was pleased to transcribe, I doubt whether I well understand it or noe: for there it is said (as it seemes to me) as tho the putrifica- tion of plants was the author and patent of the wormes whose dung was to be extracted: which thing I thought F. Redi had put out of all question, that meere putrefaction begetts nothing. I doe not doubt but that some Insects may be happily found, which may make some alterations upon the plants they feed on for the better, at least for a different use. The experiments I have made of this nature in order to the obtaining colours more fixed have not succeeded. ex. gr. I fedd Catterpillars on the leaves of Glastum,14 purposely soed in my Garden; these eat lustly and excerned much: but the infusion of their dungs differed not at all, (that I could discerne) from that of the bruised leaves: the like I have experienced of roses: and I sent you formerly a note of certain Catterpillars found in Corne, excerning pure white flower. I did much admire the Experiment of the Speedy and sure healing of cut- eyes by the juice of Celandine; and yet, pardon my diffidence, if I thinke we can scarce be too much cautioned against ourselves, we very often, especially in Medicinall matters, take non causa pro causa15 and it is most certain, though 0181 lister to oldenburg 381 the Eye be beleeved a very tender part, it will suddainly heale of itselfe, as is frequently observed by Cock-masters16 but since the Experiment is reduced to Celadine alone by the G[erman] P[hilosophers] without the addition of any Vitriolick misterie, I am in great hopes it is no delusion. Celadine is a plant of its owne kind and not to be sampled17 in Nature that I know of: and although it has been delivered to us by the Ancients, as a good Eye-herb: yet its yellow juice is soe exceeding keen and bitter, that most Practioners have been dis- trustfull and forborne the application of it, nay I could name some authours to you who have writ discourses purposly against that very vertue of it, and particularly F. Columna If I well remember. Thus far I have been indebted to you. I am willing to subjoyne a remarke of my owne: and it shall be, if you please concerning petrified shells, I meane such shells, as I have observed in our English stone Quarries. But, Sir, let me praemise thus much, that I am confident, that you at least will acquit me and not beleeve me one of a litigious nature. This, I say, in reference to what I have lately read in Steno’s Prodr[omus]:18 that, if my sentiments on this particular are somewhat different from his, it proceeds not from a spirit of contradiction, but from a different view of Nature. First than we will easily beleeve, that in some countreys and particularly along the shores of the mediterranean sea, there may all manner of sea-shells be found promiscuously included in Rocks or Earth and at good distances too from the sea. But for our English- inland Quarries, which alsoe abound with infinite number and great varieties of shells; I am apt to thinke, there is noe such matter, as petryfying of shells, in the businesse, (or as Steno explains himselfe p. 84 et alibi) That the substance of these shells, formerly belonging to Animals, hath been dissolved or wasted by the penetrating force of juices, and that a stony substance is come in the place thereof but that those Cockle-like stones ever were as they are at present Lapides sui generis19 and never any part of an Animal. That they are soe at present is in effect confessed by Steno in thee above cited page; and it is most certain, that our English-quarrie shells, to continue that abusive name, have noe parts of a different Texture from the rock or quarrie they are taken, that is, that there is noe such thing as shell in these ressemblances of shells, but that Iron stone Cockles are all Iron stone, Lime or Marble all limestone and marble, Sparr or Chrystalline shells all sparr etc. And that they never were any part of an Animal, my reason is. That Quarries of different stone yeild us quite different sorts or species of shells, not only one from an other (as those Cockle-stones of the Iron stone Quarries of Adderton20 in Yorkshire differ from those found in the lead mines of the neighbouring mountains, and both these from that Cockle Quarrie of Wansford bridge in Northamptonshire21 and all three from those to be found in the Quarries about Gunthrope22 and Beavour 382 lister to oldenburg 0181

Castle etc) but I dare boldly say from any thing in nature besides that either the land, salt or fresh water does yeild us, ’Tis tru I have picked out of that one Quarrie of Wansford very resemblances of Murices, Telinae, Turbines,23 Cockles, etc. and yet I am not convinced when I particularly examined some of our English shoares for shells, alsoe the fresh waters and the fields, that I did ever meet wth (nb.) any one of those Species of Shells any where else but in their respective Quarries, whence I conclude them lapides sui generis and that they were not cast in any Animal Mold, whose species or race is yet to be found in being at this day. This argument perhapps, will not soe readily take place with those persons, that thinke it not worth the while exactly and minutly to distinguish the several species of the things of Nature, but are content to acquiesce in figure, resemblances kind and such general notice but when they shall please to condescend to heedfull and accurate descriptions, they will, I doubt not, be of that opinion, which an attentive view of these things lead me into some yeares agoe. Though I make noe doubt but the repository of the R.S. is amply furnished with things of this nature, yet if you shall command them, I will send you up 2 or 3 sorts of our English Cockle stones of different Quarries, nearly ressem- bling one the other and all of them very like a Common sort of sea shell: and yet if there shall not be enough specifically to distinguish them and hinder them from being sampled by any thing of the spoiles of the sea or fresh water or the land snailes, my argument will fall and I shall be hapily convinced of an error. I am Sir

your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Sir

I shall be glad to heare that Mr Willoughby has sent you up his observations about Vegetable Excrescences. I should desire, if it might not be too great trouble to you, to know what they are: for possibly I may have something to adde, at least I would have noe contradiction betwixt us.

1. This annotation is in the hand of Oldenburg. 2. This annotation indicated when the letter was read and entered into the Letter Book, and is not in Oldenburg’s or Lister’s hand. The delay between submission of the letter and its reading was due to the Society’s summer holiday. 3. The Lincolnshire Wolds. 0181 lister to oldenburg 383

4. Presumably this is the dandelion, whose name is a corruption of the French phrase dent de lion, or “lion’s tooth,” a reference to its coarsely toothed leaves. 5. Usually referred to a grub or larva having six feet. 6. Lady’s bedstraw or Galium verum. 7. Literally, ichneumon flies, but more likely parasitic wasps. The females typically lay eggs on or inside the larvae or pupae of other insects. Upon hatching, the larval ichneumon feeds either internally or externally, which kills the host when they themselves are ready to pupate. 8. See note 9 of Oldenburg’s letter of 13 July 1671. 9. From Celsus, De Medicina, Cap. xiv on “De Frictione” or “Of Friction.” Lister transcribed the passage fairly accurately, though he did substitute “ab” for “apud.” The passage translates: “Now as it is but a duty incumbent upon us, not to rob the moderns of those things which they have discovered, or judiciously followed, so it is but an act of justice to render up those inventions which have been described by some of the ancients to their proper authors.” 10. Swammerdam’s Historia insectorum generalis (Utrecht: Meinardus van Drevnen, 1669), which was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), pp. 2078–2081. 11. Lister was correct. On pp. 157–158 of his Catalogus Plantarum Circa Cantabrigiam (1660), when discussing the deadly nightshade, Ray wrote: “Not even this lethal plant escapes the teeth of snails and slugs . . . . In passing one may mention that they are hermaphrodite. That they alter- nately function as male and female by impregnating and receiving at the same time will be clear to anyone who separates them as they are having intercourse in Spring, although neither Aristotle nor any other writer on Natural History has recorded this fact.” [Ne haec quidem lethalis planta cochlearum terrestrium et limacum dentes fugit; sed vere novo huius etiam folia ab eisdem roduntur. De animalculis hisce obiter monere liceat, quod eorum singula de utroque sexu aeque participant et sunt androgyna; Vicissim enim agunt et patiuntur, immittunt simul et recipiunt. ut cuilibet satis constabit qui vere coeuntes separavit; etsi nec Aristoteles nece alii, quod scimus, rei naturalis Scriptoris ejus rei meminerint. Hiuis baccae esue mortiferae sunt vide.] Swammerdam indeed acknowledged Ray’s discovery in his work, but failed to mention Ray’s name: “But we must also add here that this English gentleman, who has described the new plants growing around Cambridge, has also found by experiment that the snails are male and female together.” Swammerdam, Historia insectorum generalis (1669), p. 142. See also Aydin Örstan, “John Ray’s hermaphrodite snails on their 350th anniversary,” Mollusc World, 23, 3–4 (July 2010), pp. 1–2. 12. Lister is likely to be referring to Fabio Colonna or Fabius Columna, Phytobasanos sive plantarum aliquot historia . . . accessit etiam piscium aliquot, plantarumque novarum historia (Naples: Orazio Salviani for Giovanni Giacomo Carlino & Antonio Pace, 1592). Columna (ca. 1567–1650) was a naturalist and a member of the Lincei (Lynx) Society of science in Italy. His work was the first strictly botanical book with intalgio prints from metal plates. See Wilfred Blunt and William Stearn, The Art of Botanical Illustration, 2nd rev. ed. (Woodbridge: Antique Collector’s Club, 1994), pp. 99–100. 13. A Latin translation of Swammerdam’s did not appear until 1685, published by Jordanum Luchtmans in Leiden. 14. Woad or Isatis tinctoria, a plant of the mustard family used for a blue dye obtained from its leaves. 15. Non-cause for the cause. 16. Those who rear fighting cocks. 17. To be put in comparison with or paralleled, a now obsolete usage. 384 oldenburg to lister 0182

18. Nicholas Steensen or Steno (1638–1686), wrote a chorographic work of Tuscany, the Prodromus (1668), which was a bold assertion of the organic origin of fossils and how they came to be enclosed in layers of rock. He described a process in which juices seeped through cracks in the earth that were caused by the movement of geological strata. This juice dissolved mineral salts, penetrating interstices of animal shells, eventually replacing the shells with a stony substance. 19. Stones of their own kind or “formed stones.” Lister argued that fossils were not always remains of living creatures, but could be created spontaneously by nature as part of her inherent “generative powers” (see Roos [2011], p. 170). They represented the views of early modern naturalists who postulated that metals and minerals were spontaneously nurtured and generated in deep mines considered to be Mother Nature’s womb, and stones that resembled living creatures could be generated without any organic origins. 20. Presumably Atherton in Greater Manchester, long associated with iron and coal works. 21. Wansford is a parish, with a village, in the district of Stamford and county of Northampton, on the river Nen. 22. Presumably Gunthorpe in Nottinghamshire, proximal to Belvoir Castle. 23. Murices, the plural of a species of tropical sea snail called Murex harvested in the ancient world for its purple dye, known as Tyrian purple. Telinae refers to Tellinidae, a mollusc genus of bivalves. Turbines are turbinate molluscs, the name referring to their turbinate or inverted cone shell shape.

0182 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 4 September 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 33. Address: To his honor’d friend Martyn | Lister Esquire | at his house | wthout Michel-gate barr | at | York. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark and Receiving Office Mark. Reply to: Letter of 25 August 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 257–258, letter 1785.

London Sept. 4. 71.

Sir,

Your very material Letter of Aug. 25. is well come to my hands; for which as I return you most hearty thanks, so I shall take care, that the weighty contents thereof may be, as they deserve, laid up in the Books of the R. Society, as well as preserved by the presse in the Phil. Transactions. I shall at the present, for some return, transcribe for you the particulars, I lately received from Mr Willughby, concerning the Vespae Ichneumones, after 0182 oldenburg to lister 385

I have desired your favor of informing me, why they are called Ichenumones.1 He writeth thus;2

Mr Listers opinion, as I remember, is that the muscae ichneumones3 lay their eggs in the Bodies of Caterpillars which I looke upon as very ingenious and true, and must subscribe to it, though I cannot yet absolutely demonstrate it; as I hoped I should have done before this: which was the reason I did not answer yours of july 13th sooner. These ichneumones have all 4 wings; antennae like bees; their bodies hanging to their breasts by a slender ligament as in Wasps, most, if not all, have stings, and are made of a Maggot that spins herself a theca4 before shee turnes into a nympha. There is great variety of them; some breed as bees doe, laying an egg which produces a maggot, which they Feed till it comes to its full growth. Others, as we guess, thrust in their Eggs into plants, the bodies of living caterpillars, maggots, etc. For it is very surprising to observe that a great Caterpillar, instead of beeing changed into a Butterfly, according to the usuall course of nature should produce sometimes one; sometimes two or three, and sometimes a whole swarm of ichneumones. I have observed this anomalous Production in a great many sorts of Caterpillars both hairy and smooth; in several sorts of maggots; and, which is most strange, in one water-insect. When there come many of these ichneumon maggots out of the body of the same Caterpillar they weave all their thecas together into one bunch. which is sometimes wound, with web about it, just like a bag of Spiders Eggs; but it is the similitude of those Theca’s, conglobated together, to the Eggs of Spiders, that hath occasioned the conjecture. One of the greene Caterpillars, common in the Heaths in the North went so farre on to her naturall change that shee made herself up into a great-brown theca, almost of the shape of a bottle, which was fill’d with a swarm of ichneumones. Had I have observ’d in one or two other sorts, that from the very aurelia5 itselfe has come an ichneumon. which is very odde that the Caterpillar, stung and impregnated by the ichneumones, should bee yet so far unhurt and unconcern’d as to make herself a theca and to bee turned into an aurelia. I have often seen a great Ichneumon dragging a Caterpillar in the highway. This year Mr Ray, in Companie with another ingenious neighbour, observed one, haling a large green Caterpillar much bigger then herself; which after she had drawn the length of a perch, she laid down, and then takes out a little pellet of earth, with which shee had stopped the mouth of a small hole like a worm- hole. then shee goes down into it, and staying a very little, comes up again, and draws the eruca6 down with her into the hole, and there leaves her; and afterwards not only stops but fills up the hole, sometimes carrying in little clods, and sometimes scraping dust with her feet and throwing it backwards into the 386 oldenburg to lister 0182 hole, going down often, herself, to ram it close: once or twice shee flew up into a Pine tree which grew just over her hole, perhaps to fetch cement. When the hole was full and even with the superficies of the ground about it, she draws two Pine tree-leaves and lays them near the mouth of the hole, and flys away. Not taking notice that she came again anie more in 3 or 4 days, we digg’d for the Catterpillars and found it pretty deep. I put it into a box, expecting it would have produced an Ichneumon, but it dried away and nothing came of it. We lately observed a sort of Ichneumones or rather vespae,7 which prey upon severall sorts of flyes. When they fly with them, they hold them by the heads, and carrie them under their bellies. These make holes a great depth in the ground, in which they lay their young, and feed them with the flys they catch, creeping backwards into the ground and drawing the flys after them. I suspect, they may at first lay their Eggs in the very bodie of a fly; but one fly being not enough to bring the young one to its full growth, they feed it with more: their theca’s are at last all covered over with the wings legs and other fragments of flys. So far this worthy and inquisitive gentleman. To which I have not now leasure to add any thing, safe that I am

Sir

Your very humble and faithf. servt

Oldenburg.

Mr. Willughby hath sent me up the specimina of the particulars, contain’d in his letter.

I intreat you, Sir, to doe me the favor, to send me one more [[xxxx]] your viviparous flys, as soon as conveniently you can. It is for a curious friend,8 and I cannot now get any of those, you formerly sent to the R. Society; they being in their Repository, out of which nothing can be had without the consent of the Body, which now meets not, nor will meet till Michel-mas. What you observe upon Steno, is very considerable to me, and doubtles will appear so to others, when publisht in the Transactions.

1. Originally, the term ichneumon referred to a small brownish-colored, slender-bodied carnivorous quadruped, Herpestes (formerly Viverra) ichneumon, closely allied to the mongoose, and resembling the weasel tribe in form and habits. It is found in Egypt, where it feeds on small mammals and reptiles, but is especially noted for destroying the eggs of the crocodile, on which 0183 lister to oldenburg 387 account it was held in veneration by the ancient Egyptians. By 1658, the term was applied to the parasitic insects discussed in this letter, although Aristotle had used the same term to describe “a small kind of wasp that hunts spiders.” 2. Oldenburg quotes a letter he received from Willughby, dated 24 August 1671. See el/ W3/45, Royal Society Library, London; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 209–211, letter 1777. 3. See Lister’s letter of 25 August 1671. 4. Pupa. 5. Chrysalis. 6. Caterpillar. 7. Wasp. 8. Willughby, who, in his letter of 24 August 1671 to Oldenburg, requested: “You will oblige mee very much by sending mee one of Mr Listers Viviparous Flys.” (rs el/W3/45 and Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 209–211).

0183 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 13 September 1671

Source: rs el/L5/38 and rs Letter Book, vol. 4, pp. 371–372. There are several crossed out and illegible words in Oldenburg’s handwriting in the left-hand margin near the second paragraph of this letter. Oldenburg also wrote on the wrapper: “Rec. 18 Sept. Answ. Oct. 12 and relating the story of Meer-man, and of a strong breath spoiled graft. No copy.” Address: These | For his honoured freind | Mr. Henry Oldenburgh | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark se/18 [September 18]. Reply to: Letter of 4 September 1671. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2284–2285; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 43–45; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 263–264, letter 1787.

Mr Listers th letter to M. Old about the Birth of the Vespae Ichneumones1

(Enter’d L B. 4. 371)2

Yorke Sept. 13. 1671.

Sir

In my last paper about Vegetable Excrescencies,3 I was wholly silent of the opinion which Mr Willoughby is pleased to favour,4 and because that Worthy 388 lister to oldenburg 0183

Gentleman hath soe farr made it probable, that now it seemes only to depend upon the good fortune of some lucky Observer, I am Willing to reassume my former thoughts, that all those odd Observations, we have made of the Births of Ichneumones, doe but begett in me a strong beleife, that they have a way yet unheeded wherby they doe as boldly as subtly convey their Eggs within the bodies of Insects and parts of Vegetables. A 5 and last proposition of that Paper was, that the substance of many Vegetable Excresc[encies] seemed not to be the food of the Worms \to be/ found in them: my meaning was that the substance of the Veg[etable] Excr[esences] in which those Ichneumones wormes were to be found, was rather augmented than diminished or worme eaten. And the like conformity \of their feeding within Insects/ is well observed by Mr Willoughby, that the impraegnated Catterpillars seem not to be concerned, though their bodies are full of Insects of a quite different Kind, but goe on as farr as they may towards the atchieve- ment of the perfection of their owne species. Thus I have seen a Poppie head swolne to a monstrous bulke and yet all the Cells were not receptakles of Ichneumones but \some/ had good and ripe seed in them. I shall not refuse Mr Willoughby (though you know upon what grounds I have twice done it to you) the satisfaction of an Answer to my 10th Quaere by him resolved negatively.5 It is true the swarmes \of/ Ichneumones coming out of the sides of Catterpillars doe immediatly make themselves up into bunches, and each particular Theca, from the Cabbage Catterpillar for example, is wrought about with yellow silke, as those from \the/ black and yellow- Jacobaea-Caterpillar with white; but as for Webb to cover those bunches of Thecas I never observed it, but in the Green Caterpillar soe common in our Lincolnshire heaths, which are affixed to Bents or other plants. These in truth neever deceived but my expectation; for I verily thought I had found, when I first observed them, a Caterpillar equivalent to \the/ Indian silk-worme: but having cutt them in two and expected to have found a Caterpillars Chrysalis in the midle, there presented themselves a Swarme of Ichneumones. These are as large many of them as my thumb, that is, at least 4 times bigger then the folliculus or Egg-bagg of any English spider that I ever saw yet. By good fortune I have not throwne away the Boxes, wherin I made the Observation concerning Ichneumones feeding upon the eggs of certain Spiders; I have had them in [[xxxxx]] \several/ boxes some 8 some 10 some 12 dayes in Vermiculo feeding upon the very \Cakes of Spiders/ eggs before they wrought themselves thecas for further change; that they seldome exceeded the number of 5 to one cake of eggs etc. soe that you may assure Mr Willoughby this is noe conjecture but a 0184 oldenburg to lister 389 real Observation accompanied with more circumstances than I am willing at present to relate. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

You may expect some sprigs from me, as soon as I am able to goe abroad; for I have been very dangerously ill and the last Friday had an incision made under my Tongue, whence my surgeon tooke a stone out as bigg as a bean. I could be content to gratify your curiosity with the circumstances of this odd distemper, upon promise it may \it be/ not be published by the presse.6

1. This endorsement is in Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This annotation indicating the letter’s placement in the Royal Society letter book is not in Lister’s or Oldenburg’s hand. 3. Lister’s letter of 17 July 1671. 4. See Oldenburg’s letter of 4 September 1671. 5. Lister is referring to the tenth query in his letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1670/1. The query was: “Whether there be not Eggs of some sorts of Spiders, which the wormes of certain slender Wasps (the kind in general being called by Mouffet Muscae tripiles) delight to feed on: and whether the Fable of Vespae Ichneumones, told us by the Ancients be not to be made out by the same Observation, of these Wasp-wormes feeding on the Eggs, and perfected into wasps in the very webs of Spiders?” 6. Lister’s malady was the subject of an article in the Philosophical Transactions, although Lister was not identified as the sufferer. See Martin Lister, “An account of a stone cut out from under the tongue of a man,” Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 4062–4064.

0184 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 12 October 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 37–38. Address: To his honor’d friend | Martin Lister Esquire | at his house wthout Michelgate- | barr at | York. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark oc/? [October] and Receiving Office Mark 3/Off with circular border. Reply to: Letters of 25 August and 13 September 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 289–290, letter 1797. 390 oldenburg to lister 0184

London Oct. 12. 1671.

Sir,

I understand, that our noble friend Mr Willughby hath given you lately a visit, in which I doubt not but you have had ample discourses touching those many particulars, that have of late been the Subject of our letters, viz. the Musk- insects, the Vespae Ichneumones, the anomalous production of many sorts of Caterpillars, petrified shells, the English kermes, the English black etc. I hope, Sir, you and he will oblige the R. Society (now to be open’d again very shortly) with the result of the conferences of such important Arguments; as I shall not omit communicating to them your two last letters of Aug. 15, and Sept. 13.1 stored with such variety of observables, as they will certainly be much pleased with. At the end of your last letter, you make me exspect some things, which, when they shall come to hand, shall be added to the rest, when they come to be produced in publick. I have very little to return to you in recom- pence of your rich communications. There was lately imparted to me a relation of a Meer-man, which I shall here deliver in the very words of my Parisian Correspondent, thus:

“On a veu à la Martinique dans les Indes Occidentales un Homme marin. Deux Francois et quatre Negres l’ont consideré fort long temps. Il estoit dans l’eau à huict pas d’eux. La moitié de son corps paroissoit estre hors dela mer; ce qui les estonna fort. Il avoit la figure d’homme, depuis jusques à la teste jusque à la ceinture; la taille petite et comme celle d’un garçon de 15 ans; la teste pro- portionnée au corps; les yeux un peu gros, mais sans difformité; le nez large et camus; le visage plein; des cheveux gris meslez de blanc et de noir, plats, qui luy flottoient sur les epaules; et luy pendoit une barbe grise fort large sur l’estomac, qui estoit convert d’un poil gris comme aux vieillards. Monsieur dé Bois, General dela Martinique, a fait interroger les Negres separement, qui luy ont dit la mesme chose que les Francois. Avec tout cela, à moins que de l’avoir vû, on a dela peine à le croire. On m’en a envoye une relation dont j’ay fait cet extrait.”

[A merman has been seen in Martinique in the West Indies. Two Frenchmen and four Negroes studied him for a very long time. He was in the water eight paces away from them, half his body seemed to be out of the sea, which surprised them very much. He had the shape of a man from the head to the waist; his stature small, like that of a fifteen-year-old boy; his head in proportion to his body; his eyes rather big, but without deformity; his nose large and snub; 0184 oldenburg to lister 391 the face full; hair grey mixed with white and black, straight and floating on his shoulders; and his very large grey heard hung down to his stomach, which was covered with grey hair, as is common with old men. M. de Bois, Governor of Martinique, had the Negroes questioned separately, and they told him exactly the same things as the Frenchman, With all that, [the tale] is accepted only with difficulty, except by those who saw the man. I was sent an account of which I made this extract.]2

We are as incredulous here, as they can be in France, about such stories. However they may minister occasion to make further inquiry into the truth of them, and to consult all sorts of Navigators examining what they have recorded concerning it, and comparing their attestations. Another thing I shall adde, which perhaps will not displease you, viz. That Monsieur Bourdelot, a famous French Physitian, in his Answer to Signor Redi’s Italian Letter, replying to Monsieur Chara’s3 book about Vipers, taketh notice, that an Afflatus malignus et halitus teter4 may much envenom the bilious liquor, let fall by biting vipers;5 and alledgeth, in confirmation of it, a relation of a Gardiner, who on grafting his trees \commonly/ found but half of his grafts to thrive; of which upon examination, the cause was thought to be, that that Gardiner took always two grafts to inoculate, of which he first grafted that which he held in his hand, and then that which he held in his mouth, which smelled very strong, whereby the benignity of the vegetable Juyce was supposed to have been corrupted; it having been found, upon diligent research, that that second stick never prospered, but always wither’d away. This also deserveth further Observation, and for that reason is likewise recommended to the care by

Sir

Your faithful servt

Oldenburg.

1. Lister’s letter of 15 August was presented to the Royal Society on 2 November 1671. See Birch, vol. 2, p. 487. There is no record of his letter of 13 September. 2. The original source of this tale has not been found, though it did appear in Jean-Baptiste Denis, Mémoires concernant les Arts & les Sciences, no. 7, 11 April 1672 (Paris: Frédéric Léonard, 1672). It was included also in Louis Moréri’s Le Grant Dictionnaire Historique ou le mélange curieux de l’histoire sacrée et profane (Paris, 1759), vol. 4, p. 143. 3. Monsieur Moise Charas (1618–1698), Nouvells Expériences sur la Vipère (Paris, 1669). 392 lister to oldenburg 0185

4. Malignant breath and offensive exhalation. 5. Abbé Bourdelot [Peter Joseph Michon], Recherches & Observations sur Les Viperes (Paris, 1671). The work was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 3013–3016. Bourdelot (1610–1685) addressed the controversy if the liquor around the teeth of a viper that was not irritated was venomous, as Redi asserted, or just harmless spittle. Bourdelot was physician to Queen Christina of Sweden and a practitioner of cabala.

0185 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 16 October 1671

Source: rs el/L5/39 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 21–23. Oldenburg has written on the wrapper “Rec. Oct. 20. 71. Answ. Oct. 21. and sent Mr. Dodingtons note of Tarantula’s,1 and promised to be mindf[ul] of his Election, and to transmit his Qu[ery] into Italy.” The letter has sustained some slight damage. Address: These | For his honoured friend | Mr. Henry Oldenburg | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/20 [October 20]. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 3002–3003; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 45–46; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 300–302, letter 1800.

(Enter’d L B. 5. 21.)2

Yorke Oct. 16. 1671.

Sir,

I know not but my last to you might miscarry,3 although indeed, it required noe answer. but to confesse to you, I have an uneasy and restlesse ambition to be of your illustrious body, and therefore begg pardon for putting you in mind of a begun favor, as once you wrote me word. You may put this Quaery (that this Letter be not without all matter of Philosophy) to your correspondants of Italy, viz. Whether the Tarantula be not a Phalangium (that is, a 6-eyed skipping-Spider)4 as Mathiolus5 and others seem to tell us; if soe whether some later authours impose not on us by giving us a Cutt or Figure of a Nett or Reticulum orbiculatum,6 which our English Phalangia are never observed (that I know off) to weave or make use of in hunting: and whether the person bitt with a Tarantula, be not ever, when on his 0185 lister to oldenburg 393

Feet, disposed and actually dancing after the nature of a Phalangium, which never moves but by skipping, even as it happens with such as are bitten with a madd-dogg, who have been some times observed to barke like a Dogg etc: and if soe what we are to think and credit concerning such and such \musical/ Tunes said to be most agreable and tending to the cure of persons bitt with a Tarantula.7 Thus farr of this Letter I had writ to you the other day, when before yours of the 11 of Oct. came to hand.8 ’Tis true Mr Willoughby has twice honoured me with visits of late; but yet made very short stayes much to my greife, indeed that little time we were togather we spent (as you guessed) in conference about our common studies and veiwing Mr Brookes’s9 rich and well stored Cabinet of Art and Nature. Amongst other things I had the good fortune to present him with a Musk- Ant,10 an Insect observed by me not many dayes before his first Visit. And though I cannot send you of the Insects them selves, as having parted with all I had, that I will the Note. Sept. 2d. I found on a sandy-ditch-bank the first hollow beyond the Ring houses in the high road to London about a mile \and a halfe/ from Yorke, a sort of exceeding small Pismire (by which note alone I thinke they may be sufficiently distinguished from all at least that I have seen). Those without wings were of a light-yellow or flaxen, and broaken at ones nostrills, they emitted, like others, an Acid or sower smell. but those of the same banke with wings, were cole-black. \these (I say)/ bruised and smelt too, emitted soe fragrant a sent like Musk, that I must confesse they were too strong for me to endure: yet having kept them sometime by me, the more delicate sex were not displeased with the smell; And an Apotheca[[ry in]]11 this Cittie, famous for his diligence in Chymical Operations, did compare them (unseen \and not made/ known \to him/) to an excellent balsome he is wont to praepare. Mr Willoughby informed me, that he had found the Goat-chafer or sweet- beetle out of season as to its \that/ smell: and therupon asked me what I had observed as to the time of their sweetest and strongest smelling. I answered that I beleived it to be at the time of the Coit, for as much as at the time \that I/ tooke them highly perfumed, I had observed the female to be full of Egg. I shall trouble you noe further at present but thanke you for the particulars of your letter. I am

your most humble servant

Martin Lister 394 lister to oldenburg 0185

I have by me 3s.12 of the English black13 by me \to send you/ and it is the 4th time I have repeated the Experiment with constant and like successe. You may he pleased to put into the \next/ Errata N. 73. p. 2197. line 2. viz. “whereas the true purple Kermes-husk seemes to be peirced but in one place.”14 which line is to be totally expunged. That hole \in some/ of the shop•Kermes being accidentall only, and ever on the bottom [p]art cleaving to the branch; and the time of gathering them for colo[ur is]15 without doubt before they are peirced and whilst the animal is yet in Vermiculo and consequently the Husk intire.

Mr Lister to Mr Oldenburg about the Tarantula and a Musk-ant and the Sweet Beetle.16

1. Oldenburg was referring to John Donington (d. 1673), who wrote a letter to him from Venice concerning tarantulas on 22 May 1671. See el/D1/22, Royal Society Library, London, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 42–43, letter 1695. 2. This annotation of the letter’s entry into the Royal Society’s letter book is not in Oldenburg’s handwriting. 3. Lister’s letter of 13 September 1671. 4. Lister is referring to the order Phalangidea; they have long, slender, many-jointed legs; usually a rounded, segmented abdomen; and chelate jaws. Also, these spiders do not have spinnerets or poison glands. Typical examples include daddy long-legs and harvestmen spiders. 5. Pietro Andrea Mattioli (1501–1577), an Italian naturalist and physician. He wrote about tarantulas in his Commentarii in libros sex Pedacii Dioscoridis Anazarbei de medica materia (Venice: Officina Valgrisiana, 1554), book 2, chapter 57, pp. 275–276. 6. Spherical web. 7. Lister is referring to the Italian dance of the tarantella. In the region of Taranto, the bite of a wolf spider, named “tarantula” after the region, was believed to be highly poisonous, leading to a hysterical condition called tarantism. It was thought in the early modern era that victims needed to engage in frenzied dancing using a very rhythmic and fast music to prevent death from the spider bite. 8. Lister was referring to Oldenburg’s letter of 12 October 1671. 9. Sir John Brooke (ca. 1635–1691), first Baronet, was F.R.S., although he was expelled in 1685 for non-payment of dues. He was also M.P. for Boroughbridge, North Yorkshire, and a member of the York Virtuosi, a salon to which Lister belonged. See Michael Hunter, The Royal Society and its Fellows, 1660–1700 (Oxford: The British Society for the History of Science, 1994), p. 154. Brooke and Abraham Hill exchanged several letters about the Society in the 1660s; Hill was treasurer of the Society at that time. See Abraham Hill, Familiar Letters (London: W. Johnston, 1767), pp. 87–125. 10. According to the oed, Lister was the first to use the term “musk-ant.” The species is unknown. 11. The letter is damaged with a hole at this point. 12. Presumably three semis or half a dram. 13. See Lister’s letter of 15 February 1670/1. 0186 oldenburg to lister 395

14. Oldenburg inserted the errata in Phil Trans., 6 (1671), p. 2294. 15. The ink is water damaged at this point. 16. This last annotation in Oldenburg’s handwriting is on the dorse of the last page of this letter.

0186 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 21 October 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 39; rs Letter Book, vol. 11.2, p. 186. Address: To his honored friend | Martin Lister Esquire | at his house wthout Mickel- | gate-barr at | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/21 [October 21]. Reply to: Letters of 25 August, 13 September 1671, and 16 October 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 306–308, letter 1804.

London Octob. 21. 71

Sir,

Your three last favours in writing, were of Aug. 25. Septemb. 13. and (Which I received yesterday) of Octob. 16. If you have sent any between these, they have miscarried; and if so, I must solicite them to be supplied by a fourth.1 If the R. Society had not discontinued their publick Assembly’s in this long Vacation, you had been one of them long agoe. And I can assure you beforehand, from the universall applause, which all your communications have met with there, that you will be as welcome amongst them, as any. Nor shall I omit, at the first opening of their meetings again, to put them in mind, both by their journal and your late Letters, that you stand Candidat; and I am most confident, that \then/ you will be presently elected, in case there be but a Quorum requisite for that purpose. Nothing hath retarded your reception so long, but that before the Vacation, our meetings were so thin, that no Election whatsoever could be made; which just excuse I have satisfied divers other Candidats with, that have been Exspectants for many months. I shall not faile, God permitting, to transmit your quaere of \Tarantula’s/ to my Italian Correspondents by the first conveniency. One of the last letters, I received from Venice, written by his Majies Resident there,2 give me this account, which somewt surprised me; viz. That by means of a friend at Naples he endeavoured to procure the best History he could of the Bitings and \of their/ Effects of the Tarantula; and that they had written to him from the mouth of Dr Cornelio,3 a most Eminent man and very Curious in all Enquiries 396 oldenburg to lister 0186 into Nature, that the bittings of Tarantula’s are fabulous, and that there is no such disease as is reputed; but that that which is, proceeds from the heat and driness of the Climat: Further, that last year Dr Cornelio went on purpose into Apulia to satisfy his Judgement, a man that seldom takes any thing upon trust; and that he saw many Tarantula’s, but found the effects of their bitings to be nothing but the fancies of the credulous Vulgar. So farr he. What shall we say then of the several Tracts \written/ of this kind, if all be fictitious? I am exceedingly pleased to find the stock of Musk-Insects encrease; as also that your Experiments of the English black have a constant and like success. When you shall please to send us that second specimen, you promise, I doubt not but you will specify somewt of the kinds and particulars of those Experiments, you have made therewth; and especially, whether that \Black/ may be made in good quantities? Your answer to Mr Willughby’s question about the time of the sweetest and strongest smelling of the Goat-Chaffer, seems to me very like truth; it being observ’d in all sorts of Animals, that about the time of Generation they acquire another sent from that of other times: But, why this Insect should then get a musk-smell, will still remain a question. I take particular notice, that Mr Brookes, a member of the R. Society,4 hath, by your description, a rich and well-stored Cabinet of Art and Nature. Many such Collections, \in all parts of the world,/ made by judicious and diligent men, will at length make up such a Store-house, as our Society designeth for an Universal History of Nature,5 and consequently for a due Substratum to raise, in time, a True and Solid System of Natural Philosophy upon. I shall be mindfull to take notice of what you have suggested to be expunged in N. 73; and always approve myself

Sir Your faithful servt

Oldenburg

I pray, Sir, acquaint me by the first, whether in your letter of Sept. 13. the word be Beets, to which you say, that, among other plants the green Caterpillar affix- eth his [[xx]] theca to. For I am not sure, whether I read that word aright.

1. None of these letters were lost. 2. John Dodington (d. 1673). See Lister’s letter of 16 October 1671. 3. Tommaso Cornelio (1614–1684?), an Italian virtuoso and mathematics professor who brought the work of English and French philosophers such as Hobbes and Descartes to Naples 0187 lister to ray 397 and who was one of the key figures of the seventeenth-century revival there. Cornelio argued that the “taranti” were in reality melancholics whose mental state led them to “persuade themselves—following popular superstition—that they had been bitten by the tarantula.” See Eugenio Garin, Dal Rinascimento all’Illuminismo: studi e ricerche (Pisa: Nistri-Lischi, 1970). 4. See Lister’s letter of 16 October 1671, note 9. 5. Oldenburg was referring to the Royal Society’s Repository. A catalogue of this, edited by Nehemiah Grew, was published in 1681: Nehemiah Grew, Musaeum Regalis Societatis. Or, A catalogue & description of the natural and artificial rarities belonging to the Royal Society and preserved at Gresham Colledge (London: W. Rawlins, 1681).

0187 Martin Lister to John Ray York, 25 October 1671

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 20, number 52. Derham also abstracted this letter in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78. The letter is damaged, the first folio having been cropped. Address: No address present. Reply to: Letter of 28 June 1671. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 3002–3005; Derham (1718), pp. 99–101; Lankester (1848), pp. 88–90. (These are all partial transcriptions.)

Yorke Oct. 25. 1671

Deare Sir

Diu côntinere1 our friendshipp and correspondance, I confesse to you that I am not at all satisfied with the account of Vegetable Excrescencies, because I was not able to attain the end and give any clear light to the Question.2 Moreover upon review I see That the last proposition is ill expressed; that the substance or fibrous part of many Veg. Excrescencies not to be \the/ food of the wormes to be found in them; my meaning is, that the wormes in those Vegetable E. which produce Ichneumones (to which kind of insect we would limit this proposition \and expunge all other instances/) these wormes, I say doe not seem to devour the substance or fibrous part of them, as other wormes devour the kernells of nutts, etc., but that (whatever their manner of feeding is, and we doubt not but they are nourished in and from them) the V.E. still mightily encrease in bulke, and riseth as the wormes feed. It is observable, (if we would endeavour a solution) that \some of the/ Ichn. delight to feed of \upon/ a liquid matter, as the Eggs of Spiders, the juices (if not eggs) within the bodies of young Catterpillars and maggotts; whence we conjecture that those of the same Genus, to be found in V. excr, may in like manner suck in the juices of the equivalent parts of vegetables. 398 lister to ray 0187

And this the dry and spongie Texture of some of these kind of excrescencie seemes to evince: for, if you cut in pieces a wild Poppie head for example, (or the great balls of the Oake) you will find in those partitions, wherein these wormes are lodged \nothing but/ a pithy substance, like that of yong elder; and, if there chance to be any cells \unseized/ (which I have sometimes observed) the seeds therein will be found yet entire and perfect. Whence very probably they feed upon or suck in by little and little the yet liquid pulp of the tender seeds, and leave the substance or fibrous parts of the seeds entire; which fibres are, as the [[xxxx]] \intermediate juice is/ exhausted, monstrously expanded into an excrescence3 by the yet vegetative power of the plant. As for matter of Fact to clear the truth of that opinion, that the divers Races of Ichneumones are formed \generated/ by their respective \animal/ parents, and particularly that those which the various Excrese. of vegetable produce are not plantigenous:4 I am in great hopes the instance of Poppie-heads swollen into Excresc., will favour us the next Season. my expectation is cheifly grounded upon the condition and nature of that plant, which is such, that nothing can pierce the skin of it and wounde it but it must necessarily leave a marke of its entry, the milkie juice springing upon the lightest touch and drying or concret- ing suddainly into a red scarr. And this I think I may affirme, that of the many heads grown into Excresc. which I gathered this summer, all had these markes upon them; but our aime is here only to make way for the Observation against the next season. To which purpose alsoe we propose the following Queries: 1. Whether the shagged balls5 of the wild rose are not [[xxxxx]] \Excresc./ from the \bud and very fruit/ of the plant: like as the Wild poppie-heads are apparently not designed for wormes, but seed? 2. Whether the large soft Balls of the Oak are not in like manner,6 the buds of the Oake seased about the latter end of April or the very beginning of May, that is, whether the be not the future Acorn or Acorns, with all the parts of a sprouting branch thus monstrously perverted from the first intent and designe of nature 3. Upon what parts or juices the Ichneumones wormes thrust into Catter pillars or maggots can be thought to feed? and whether there be actually eggs in Catterpillars sufficient to serve them for food? I shall long to heare the successe of Mr Willougbys affaire:7 and where you are: my wife was brought to bed of an other Girle,8 the day after we left Yorke. I am

Your most affectionate friend and humble servant

Martin Lister 0188 lister to oldenburg 399

1. “Continuing after a long time.” There is no surviving correspondence between Lister and Ray since 28 June 1671. 2. Lister’s letter to Ray about the excrescences was lost. Lister sent another on the same subject to Oldenburg on 17 July 1671. 3. The letter is cut off at this point, and the remaining text of the sentence was supplied by the Lankester edition of correspondence. 4. Produced by or originating from a plant or plants. 5. Robin’s pincushion gall, a chemically induced distortion of leaf buds on field roses and dog roses. These galls are caused by the hymenopteran gall wasp (Diplolepis rosae). 6. Presumably Lister is referring to oak artichoke galls and oak hop galls which develop as a chemically induced distortion of leaf buds on oak trees. These galls are caused by the gall wasp Andricus fecundator which lays eggs within the leaf buds. 7. The dispute about Willughby’s inheritance of the Dixie estate was described by Ray in his letter to Lister of 3 March 1670/1. 8. Anne or Anna Lister (1671–1704?). Anne (Nancy to her family) was born on 13 October 1671. The odnb entry for her sister, Susanna Lister, notes that Anne was born at her father’s house in York, but his letter indicates the contrary.

0188 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 28 October 1671

Source: rs el/L5/40 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 27–30. Oldenburg has written on the wrapper: “Rec Oct - 30: 71. Answ. Nov. 4 intimated his Elect. into the Society Nov. 2. and invited him to come up agst Nov. 30.” He wrote also on the dorse of the wrapper: “Mr Lister to Mr Oldenburg, Concerning Vege Clearing some particulars of \one of/ his former letters about Vegetable Excrescencies; and the ichneumon-wasps.” Address: These | For his honoured friend | Mr. Henry Oldenburg | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark oc/? [October]. Printed: Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 46–49; Goulding (1900), p. 336; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 317–320, letter 1814.

(Entd. L B. 5: 27.)1

Yorke. Oct. 28. 1671. 400 lister to oldenburg 0188

Sir

I send you a 2d Paper about Vegetable Excrescencies, the shortnesse of the for- mer2 and some things therin perhapps lyable to exception obliging me therto. 1. Concerning the 5 and last proposition of the first paper it might be more intelligibly expressed thus viz, That the substance or fibrous part of many Vegetable Excr. seemes not to be the food of the wormes to be found in them: my meaning is, that the wormes in those Vegetable Excrescencies which produce Ichneumons (to which kind of Insect we would limit this proposition therefore expunge all other Instances) these wormes, I say, doe not seem to devour the substance or fibrous part of them, as other Wormes eat the kernells of nutts etc. but that (whatever their manner of feeding is and we doubt not but that they are nourished in and from \upon some part of/ them) the Veget. Excresc. still mightily encrease in bulke, and sise as the wormes feed.3 It is observable (to endeavour a Solution) that some of the Ichneumones delight to feed of a liquid matter as the eggs of Spiders, and juices (if not eggs) within the bodies of Catterpillars and Maggotts; whence we conjecture that those of the same Genus: to be found in Vegetable Excrescencies may in like manner suck in the juices of the equivalent parts of Vegetables. And this the dry and spongie Texture of some of those kinds of Excrescencies seemes to evince: for if you cut in pieces a Wild-poppie head for example (or the great \and soft/ balls of the Oake) you will find in those partitions, wherin these wormes are lodged nothing but a pithy substance like that of yong Elder, and if there chance to be any Cells yet unseased4 (which I have sometimes observed) the seeds therin will be found yet entire and ripe. Whence very probably they feed upon or suck-in by little and little the yet liquid pulp of the tender seeds and leave the substance \or fibrous/ part, [[several words]] to be expanded into an Excrescence. As for matter of Fact to cleer the truth of that opinion, that the divers races of Ichneumones are generated by their respective \animal/ parents and particularly that those which the divers Excrescencies of Vegetables produce, are not plantigenous. I am in great hopes, that instance of Poppie-heads, swolen into Excrescencies, will favour us that next season. my expectation is cheifly grounded upon the condition and nature of that plant; which is such that nothing can peirce the skin of it and wounde it, but it must necessarily leave a marke of its entry, the milkie juice springing upon the lightest puncture and dryes or concreets suddainly into a red Scarr. And this I thinke I may affirme, that of the many heads grown into Excrescencies which I gathered this summer, all had more or lesse of those markes upon them. but our aime is here 0188 lister to oldenburg 401 only to make way for the Observation against the next season. To which purpos alsoe we propose the following Quaeries 1. Whether the shagged-balls5 of the Wild-rose \are not Excrescencies grown/ from the budd and very fruit of the plant: like as the wild poppie heads are apparently not designed for wormes but seed 2. Whether the large \and/ soft balls of the Oake are not in like manner the budd and Acorn with all the parts of a sprouting branch thus monstrously perverted from the first designe of nature. 3. Upon what parts or juices the Ichneumones Wormes supposed to be thrust into Catterpillars and other Maggotts can be thought to feed: and whether there be not actually eggs in Catterpillars and maggotts; (as there is \are/ to be \observed/ in their respective Chrysalis’s) sufficient to serve them for food. Concerning the name ἰχνευμων6 although I could willingly referr you to Mr Wray, who is another Hesychius,7 yet for your present satisfaction, I shall transcribe what that excellent Critique G. Vossius8 saies (c. 16 de inimicitia) “Ichneumonis (id est mus pharaonis sive aegyptiacus) Crocodili et Aspidis ova indagat, unde Illis Ichneumonis nomen quasi dicas Indagatorem (ἀπὸ τού ἰχνευτου). Reperta utriusque ova conterit: ut est apud Oppianum in tertio de Venatione: Nitander tamen ait eum Aspidis Ova humi mandare.”9 Now a like Observation of certain Insects of the waspe kind, made noe doubt by some of the Ancients, occasioned the application of that name to waspes, as well as to that aegyptian Mouse. Yet cannot I remember to have met with in any of the Ancients of more than one Text concerning those Wasps. viz. Aristotle de Hist. Animal lib. 5. c.xx which Pliny (Vide lib. 11. c. 21) hath rendered in a manner verbatim thus “Vespae, quae Ichneumones vocantur (sunt autem minores quam aliae) unum genus ex araneis perimunt phalangium appella- tum, et in nidos suos ferunt: deinde illinunt, et ex ijs incubando suum genus procreant.”10 How farr this relation is tru and agreable to moderne disco observations we shall have perhapps occasion to discourse of else where: our designe here is only to tell you, that we have enough to make us believe, that these very Insects, we have been treating of, are for kind the Ichneumones of the Ancients.

I am Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister 402 lister to oldenburg 0188

You must read Bents (that is the stalkes of grasse) or rushes and the like— I know from Mr Wray that Dr Cornelio of Naples is an excellent person and very curious in Natural philosophy: witnesse his Experiment about Manna communicated by him in a letter to Mr Wray \when he was at Rome/ and by this last published in his late Catal. of Engl. Pl. vide ad Fraxinum.11 Yet I cannot but thinke there is more in the biting of the Tarantula (if a phalangium) than he did discover: and what he would have discovered \if he had been assisted/ by some such Quaerie as I put and \a/ due consideration of the Tables I drew.

1. This note indicated when this piece of correspondence was entered into the Royal Society’s letter book. 2. Lister referred to his letter of 17 July 1671. 3. Lister expressed these same concerns in his letter to Ray of 25 October 1671. Much of the letter here in fact is a verbatim transcription of his earlier correspondence to Ray. 4. Not occupied. 5. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 25 October 1671. 6. Ichneumon. In the Greek, literally “tracker” from ἴχνος “track, footprint.” 7. Hesychius of Alexandra was a grammarian and lexographer of Greek vocabulary who flourished in the 5th century ce. His work entitled the “Alphabetical Collection of All Words” (Συναγωγή Πασών Λέξεων κατά Στοιχείον), includes approximately 51,000 entries. 8. Gerrit Janszoon Vos (1577–1649), a Dutch theologian and classicist. 9. “The ichneumon (that is, the Egyptian mouse or mouse of the Pharoahs) searches for the eggs of crocodiles and asps, whereupon the name of ‘ichneumon’ is applied to them, as you might say ‘seeker’ or ‘tracker.’ When found, the eggs of both are destroyed [by the ichneumon], as may be found in the third book of Oppian on hunting, although Nicander says that they eat the asps’ eggs on the ground.” Oppian of Apamea wrote the Cynegetica, a poem in hexameter about hunting, after 211 A.D. Oppian remarked “the ichenumon leaps down the throat of the crocodile, while lying asleep with its mouth wide open, and devours its viscera.” (iii. 407). Nicander of Colophon (ca. 130 bc) wrote two surviving didactic poems in hexameters, the Thēriaca (“Antidotes against Poisonous Bites”) and Alexipharmaca (“Antidotes”). These were standard reading in the Renaissance for medical toxicology. The passage from Vossius that Lister mentioned has not been traced directly, though it is similar to a discussion in Vossius’s De Theologia Gentili et Physiologia Christiana sive de Origine ac Progressu Idololatriae . . . (Amsterdam: Johannes Blaeu, 1668), book 3, chapter 59, p. 522, and chapter 60, p. 526. Vossius referred to the ichneumon as one of the “quadrupendum inimicitiae,” and he included the references to the work of Oppian. This information has been taken from Oldenburg, vol, 8, p. 320, note 7. 10. Lister’s reference to Pliny’s Natural History translates: “The wasp which is known as the ichneumon, a smaller kind than the others, kills one kind of spider in particular, known as the phalangium; after which it carries the body to its nest, covers it over with a sort of gluey substance, and then sits and hatches from it its young.” As Hall and Hall have noted, Pliny’s text is nearly a direct translation of Aristotle’s remarks in his Historia Animalium. See Oldenburg, vol. 8, p. 320, note 8. 11. Literally “see under Ash,” referring to Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliae (London, 1677), p. 114. In his Catalogus, Ray referred in his work to Cornelio as “eruditissimus naturae 0189 oldenburg to lister 403 mystes.” Cornelio wrote Ray about the manna tree (Fraxinus ornus or manna ash) in a letter of 29 November 1663 (iii Kalends Decembre). See Lankester (1848), p. 6. Ray had met Cornelio when he accompanied Willughby on his grand tour in Italy in 1664. See Raven (1986), p. 134.

0189 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 4 November 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 41. Address: To his honored friend | Martyn Lister Esquire | At his house wthout Mickel- | gate-barr | at | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark no/4 [November 4]; Receiving Office Mark 3/Off in circular border. Reply to: Letter of 28 October 1671. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 336; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 339–340, letter 1814.

London Novemb. 4. 71.

Sir,

On the first day of the R. Society’s opening their meetings again (which was Novemb. 2.) you were with great applause, nemine contradicente,1 elected into that body, according to your merit [[two words]]; and you’l find, when ever your occasions shall permit you to come to London, as cordiall a wellcome amongst them, as you can wish.2 Our Anniversary Election-day,3 for changing the Council, and chusing new Officers, is approaching, as falling upon the 30th of this month: I should be very glad, you had no impediment to keep you from giving us a visit, if it can not be sooner, about that time. Whenever you come up, you will please to remember the English black,4 and the Experiment, you so generously offred in one of your letters to shew before this Society; who heard, with much satisfaction, severall of your late letters, to me, read before them on Thursday last,5 and made it a part of their philosophical entertainment, to debate the question of the original of petrify’d shells, upon the occasion of your letter which discourseth upon that subject.6 Concerning your 5th and last proposition about the Vegetable Excrescencies, I am very sorry, it came not soon enough to be thus,7 as you have last of all altered it, inserted in the Transactions of October, just then printed off: How-ever, it is \there/ printed,8 as you had worded it in your letter of Sept. 13th differingly from that of july 17: which I think is warily enough penned; and if at should not be thought so, I can easily in my next book take notice of your last alteration; when I shall have occasion and take the liberty of publishing your three Queries, inserted in your last letter, together with the contents of yours 404 lister to oldenburg 0190 of Oct. 16 about Tarantula’s:9 All such inquiries and hits \very much/ awakening the minds of sagacious and observing men. I intended to have conversed somewhat longer with you, but that I am called away by a business that will not bear to be delayed by

Sir

Your faithfull servant.10

1. Without dissent. 2. Though Lister later became vice-president of the Society, his name was never entered in the charter book. This was noted by Hall and Hall in Oldenburg, vol. 8, p. 340, note 1. 3. Although the Society’s inaugural meeting took place on 28 November 1660, the organizers chose St. Andrew’s Day on 30 November for their annual elections. It was referred to from that point as the “anniversary election-day.” 4. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 15 February 1670/1. 5. The only letter of Lister’s that was read was that of 25 August 1671 “confirming his former observation about musk-scented insects, and adding some notes upon Dr. Swammerdam’s book on insects, and on Mr. Steno’s Prodromus concerning petrified shells.” See Birch, vol. 2, p. 487. 6. Birch noted, “this letter gave occasion to some of the members to discourse on the subject of petrified shells, some applauding Mr. Lister’s notions of it; but Mr. Hooke endeavouring to maintain his own opinion, that all those shells are the exuviae of animals.” See Birch, vol. 2, p. 487. 7. See Lister’s letter of 28 October 1671. 8. Martin Lister, “Another letter enlarging his communications in numb. 75 about vegetable excrescencies, and ichneumon worms,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2284–2285. 9. This would be printed as Martin Lister, “Some additions . . . about vegetable excrescencies and ichneumon worms, together with an inquiry concerning tarantula’s, and a discovery of another musk scented insect,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 3002–3005. 10. The letter is not signed.

0190 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 11 November 1671

Source: rs el/L5/41 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 42–43. Oldenburg has written on the wrapper, “Answ. Nov. 10.” and “desird him to send shere he has stain’d any cloth. When he write have it published.” Address: These | For his honoured friend | Mr. Henry Oldenburg | at his house in the | Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark no/13 [November 13]. Reply to: Letter of 4 November 1671. Printed: Birch, vol. 2, p. 491; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 354–355, letter 1819. 0190 lister to oldenburg 405

Mr Listers letter to Mr Oldenburg about his \English/ Vegetable Resin naturally black.1

(Read Novr: 16: 71. Enter’d L.B. 5. 42.)2

Yorke Novemb 11th 1671

Sir

I am very sensible of the great honour, the R.S. hath done me in making me one of their body. You will please to adde this to many other favours, to make my acknowledgments in a compliment of your excellent fashion. I shall take care to returne the Dues; but cannot promise a personal visit this Winter. I had designed to send you the Specimen of the black Resin by the Carrier; but Dr Trout-becke3 woulds needs have it from me about 10 dayes agoe. I sealed it up and he promised to deliver it safe into your hands, to whome I told him I had engaged to send it. If the Prince4 for whom he much desired it, vouch- safes to make any Tryal with it to imitate the black-China-Varnish (to which Mandelslo5 saies none in Europe could ever yet arrive) I should be glad to have an account of the successe; for ’tis the only instance known to me of a Vegetable resin naturally black. I endeavoured to have preserved some of it liquid, by exactly stopping it in an essence bottle; but it had fermented & broken the Glasse, yet had not changed its colour. It cost me much pains to procure you these 30 graines: yet the plant admitts of easy culture and it may be made with little cost in great quantities were it cultivated for the purpose. but it is too soon yet to thinke of that, unlesse we can find out a real use. I am

Sir your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. These annotations indicate when this letter was read to the Royal Society, and entered into its Letter Book. 3. John Troutbeck (d. 1684), from Yorkshire. He was an army surgeon, serving under Lambert and Albemarle. Troutbeck was appointed surgeon to the King in 1660 and Physician General of the Fleet in 1666. He was licensed also to practice as a physician in London in March 1677/8. 4. The sample was divided between Prince Rupert of Bavaria (1619–1682) and Robert Boyle, who wished to delineate its chemical qualities. Rupert was interested in the resin, mostly likely 406 oldenburg to lister 0191 for its efficacy in the process of mezzotint. Rupert did a mezzotint of José Ribera’s “The Great Executioner,” for John Evelyn’s Sculptura (1662), a history of printmaking. Rupert had been taught the new process by Ludvig von Wiegen in 1654, and improved the method of grounding or initial roughing of the copper plate by inventing a scraping tool which he rocked across it. See A. Griffiths, The print in Stuart Britain (London: The British Museum Press, 1998); Carol Wax, The Mezzotint: History and Technique (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1990), pp. 21–22, and Ben Thomas, “Noble or Commercial? The Early History of Mezzotint in Britain,” Printed Images in Early Modern Britain, ed. Michael Hunter (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010), pp. 279–296. 5. Presumably a reference to John Albrecht de Mandelso’s travels in the English edition of Adam Olearius, Voyages and Travels of Ambassadors from the Duke of Holstein . . . Whereto are Added the Travels of J. Albert de Mandelslo . . . into the East-Indies, tr. John Davies (London: John Starkey and Thomas Basset, 1662 and 1669). When visiting Gujarat in 1638, Manelslo described the “black-china-varnish” or lacquer and his translator added: “They use to adorn and beautifie their household stuffe as chests, boxes, cabinets, tables, bedsteads, etc., whereby they give them such a lustre as none yett could ever imitate in Europe, especially upon black.” (English edition [1662], p. 27).

0191 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 18 November 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 43. Address: To his honor’d friend | Mr Martin Lyster, at | his house wthout Mickel-gate | barr at York | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark no/18 [November 18]; Receiving Office Mark 2/Off with circular border. Reply to: Letter of 11 November 1671. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 364–365, letter 1825.

London Nov. 18. 71.

Sir,

I have not only received your letter of Nov. 11. wherein you gave me notice of your present of the black Resin, to be received from Dr Trautback,1 but also the present itself after I had sent more then once for it. On Thursday last it was \by me/ exhibited to the R. Society, together with your letter; who not only with much kindness embraced your sense of being received into their body, but also your very curious and probably usefull present, which they order’d to be in part deliver’d to the Prince, in part to Mr Boyle for Tryall;2 desiring withall to know from you, whether you have \ever/ stain’d any cloth, linnen or woollen, with it, and if so, what the successe thereof was? We were glad to understand, that it 0192 brooke to lister 407 may be made with small cost in great quantities if cultivated for the purpose. If you think well of it, I would give notice to the publick of this discovery in general; \being/ persuaded, it will awaken some publick-minded and wealthy persons to inquire after you, and to concurr with you in the mendi propagation of the Plant, and in rendring it of publick utility. But herein I shall not make a step further, than you allow me; and that not only in this particular, but in all other things, which your generosity shall impart unto the Society by the hands of

Sir

Yr faithfull servant

Oldenburg

Mr Willoughby and Mr Ray are at present both in London, and speake with much kindness and respect of you. What ever I shall learn of the successe of the tryals, made with your black resin, I shall soon give you notice of, as I ought.

1. See Lister’s letter of 11 November 1671 for the reference to John Troutbeck. 2. Oldenburg read Lister’s letter of 11 November 1671 on 16 November. Birch records that some of the “resina nigra” was “ordered to be delivered by Sir Robert Moray to Prince Rupert, and the rest by Mr. Oldenburg to Mr. Boyle, for trial; the success they were desired to communicate to the society.” See Birch, vol. 2, p. 491.

0192 John Brooke1 to Martin Lister 4 December 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols. 45–46. Address: These | For my Honored Frend | Dr Martin Lister. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark.

Sir

Tho it happens that I am a little more busy than ordinaryly and this Post- day (and likewise hastning away my servant, with Letters into the Country) yet I could not long deny my Self, the Satisfaction of perusing those curious and ingenious Experiments, which your kindnes is pleas’d to communicate; and which as I apprehend may admitt of Confirmation, but little Objection. Sir, I purpose if you oppose it not to gratify my worthy Freinds Dr Johnson’s2 Curiosity, with the Knowledg thereof, who I’m confident, will make you, no 408 oldenburg to lister 0193 ingratefull Return; and if he com to Town before it reach his hands I will not fail (God willing) to wayt upon Him to kiss your Hands. Sir, I have receiv’d the Books and for any thing that my poor closet affords, I beseech you [[xx]] command It with as great freedom as you would do your Own. As for Kircher’s-China illustrata,3 I did only borrow it of Lambert and after I had read it over, return’d It; but I have sent to Him for It, or in want of That for Ogilby’s China4 the first part to which that is annex’d; I suppose tis the Booke (not the Box with the black varnish) that you are so desirous of; tho you may have that sent you, upon the least Intimation of your Pleasure I dare my not neglect my other Concerns any longer; or bee so vain as to per- secute you, with any impertinent Remarks of my Own, saving this One that I am,

Sir, Your very humble and faithfull Servant,

Jo: Brooke

Dec: 4 71.

1. Sir John Brooke (ca. 1635–1691), first Baronet, was F.R.S., though expelled in 1685 for non- payment of dues. He also was M.P. for Boroughbridge, North Yorkshire, and a member of the York Virtuosi, a salon to which Lister belonged. 2. Presumably Dr. Nathaniel Johnston (1627–1705), a member of the York Virtuosi, naturalist and antiquarian. 3. Athanasius Kircher, China illustrata (Amsterdam: Jacob á Meurs, 1667). 4. This was John Ogilby’s English edition of Jan Nieuhof’s popular book on China: Jan Nieuhoff, An Embassy from the East-India of the United Provinces to the Grand Tartar Cham Emperor of China . . . (London: the author, 1671).

0193 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 23 December 1671

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 47–48. Address: To his honored friend | Mr Martyn Lister, at his | house wthout Mickel-gate | bar | at York. Postmark: Faint Bishop Mark de/23 [December 23]; Faint Receiving Office Mark 3/Off with circular border. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 428–430, letter 1850. 0193 oldenburg to lister 409

Sir,

I herewith send you Mr Colwal, Treasurer of the R. Society, his receipt of the 3 lb 5. shillings, which you so generously paid in, by my hands; which was looked upon as a very handsom action, I assure you.1 We have lately received from Signr Malpighi, the Author of the Historia de Bombyce2 a very curious and considerable piece de Anatome Plantarum,3 which, for the most part, agrees with the thoughts and considerations of Dr Nehemiah Grew, a Fellow of the R. Society, in his book lately publisht, by under the title of, The Anatomy of Vegetables, with a General Account of Vegetation, founded thereon; printed for Spencer Hickman, at the Rose in Pauls Church- yard.4 Of which latter I give some short description in the Transactions, now in the presse.5 I am of opinion, that these two Authors will be found to have exceedingly cleared the whole matter of vegetation, they having descended and penetrated into all the particulars and the most minute observables in plants. Malpighi hath only sent us an abstract of his meditations; which he intends to enlarge, and illustrate with figures, representing to the Eye, what\ever/ he discourseth of. Besides this, there is come abroad Sir Samuel Moreland’s Loud-Speaking Trumpet, which he \also/ calls Tuba Stentoro-phonica,6 an instrument likely to prove very usefull both at Sea and Land, in so conveying Humane Voyce as \so/ that it may be heard distinctly, one, two, three, or more miles off, according to the length of the Instrument and the strength of the voyce, speaking in it. The thing being in print, and to be had at Moses Pit’s in Little Britain;7 I forbear to say more of it here, being persuaded, you will send for one of the books, thereby to satisfy yourself as well about the Construction, as the Uses of this Organ. Of the black rezin I cannot yet give you any account,8 those Noble persons, to whom it was recommended, having made no report of it hitherto: which when it comes in, shall be signified to you by

Sir

your faithf. serv:

Oldenburg

London Dec. 23. 71. 410 brooke to lister 0194

1. This was equivalent to five quarters’ subscription, as the rate was one shilling per week. Lister had paid his dues until 25 March 1673. See Oldenburg, vol. 8, p. 430, note 1. 2. Marcelli Malpighii, Dissertatio epistolica de Bombyce (London: J. Martyn & J. Allestry, 1669). This work about the silkworm was published with the imprimatur of the Royal Society. 3. Malpighi enclosed the work in a letter to Oldenburg dated 22 October 1671, and it was published as Anatome Plantarum, cui subjungitur Appendix, iteratas et auctas eiusdem authoris de Ovo incubato observationen continena (London: J. Martyn, 1675). See Royal Society Malpighi Letters, no. 11, Royal Society Library, London, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 308–310, letter 1805. 4. On 2 November 1671, Hickman “was sworn as one of the printers of the Royal Society, after he had been constituted as such by the president according to the power granted to him by the additional Charter, and on 7 December 1671 presented from Dr Grew four copies of his Anatomy of Vegetables one for the Society, one for the president, and two for the two Secretaries.” See Birch, vol. 2, p. 480, p. 488, and p. 498. No other books bearing the imprimatur of the Society were printed by Hickman, and he ceased publishing entirely after 1672. See Charles A. Rivington, “Early Printers to the Royal Society 1663–1708,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 39, 1 (September 1984), pp. 1–27, on p. 10. 5. Oldenburg published his comprehensive review in “An Accompt of some Books,” in Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 3037–3050, on pp. 3037–3043. 6. Sir Samuel Morland, Tuba stentoro-phonica an instrument of excellent use as well at sea as at land (London: W. Godbid, 1671). This was a type of megaphone. 7. Moses Pitt (ca. 1639–1697) was a printer and bookseller, who in 1671 began publishing from his in Little Britain in London. His best-known work, which eventually bankrupted him and led to his imprisonment in the Fleet, was his Atlas of the world, which was sponsored by the Royal Society. See Michael Harris, “Pitt, Moses (bap. 1639, d. 1697),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004). 8. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 8 April 1671, as well as Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 18 November 1671.

0194 [John Brooke] to Martin Lister Thursday [ca. 1671–1672]

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 9. Identification of Brooke was from handwriting, and the date was ascertained from his notes about Morland’s Trumpets, a type of megaphone. Address: These, | For my Honored Frend, | Dr Martyn Lister, | Yorke. Reply to: Lister’s letter to which this is a reply, has been lost.

Sir,

I am much oblig’d to you, for the favour don mee, in giving mee the perusall of your ingenious Remarks to Mr Oldenburgh:1 As for the Booke you mention, I’me at a loss how to serve you, If there been not som mistake in the Title; perhaps, that which I have sent, may prove the same, you wish for. 0195 lister to oldenburg 411

If any of the Inclos’d (besides your Own) deserve the Reading ’tis All they can pretend To; I imagin’d they might give you some small divertisement otherwise, I dare not trust too much to the Authority; for I reckon them, in the number, of my more Kind, then wise Correspondents: as you may with justice, esteem,

Sir,

Your very humble and faithfull Servant

J: B:

Thursday

On Tuesday or Wensday next, I expect, one of Mr Samuel Morland’s— Trumpetts.2

1. The particular remarks to which Brooke refers are not known, nor is the title of the book Lister mentioned. 2. The megaphone was described in Sir Samuel Morland, Tuba stentoro-phonica an instrument of excellent use as well at sea as at land (London: W. Godbid, 1671). See also Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 23 December 1671 about the trumpet.

0195 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 10 January 1671/2

Source: rs el/L5/42 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, p. 123. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper, “rec. jan. 12. 72.” Address: These | For my much honored friend | Henry Oldenburgh Esquire | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/12 [January 12]. Reply to: Letter of 23 December 1671. Printed: Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 3052–3055; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 49–53; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 462–465, letter 1863.

Mr Lister to Mr Oldenburg concerning ye Veines in Plants.1

(Read Jan: 18: 71. Ent’d L B. 5. 123.)2 412 lister to oldenburg 0195

Sir

I am very much pleased, when you give me to understand, that something is published of the Anatomy of Vegetables, and that more is designed by that excellent person Signior Malpighi; And since the receipt of your last, I have perused the very ingenious Book of Dr Grew: and, as far as I have observed these matters, all things therin are faithfully delivered, and with great sagacity. In turning over my Notes, made some yeares agoe,3 I find, amongst other things of this Nature, some few Observations concerning the Veines of Plants or such Ductus’s as seem to contain and carry in them the noblest juices of Plants. Of these, there is little or noe mention made in this curious Tractate, unlesse under the Notion of Pores. And because I am of the opinion, that \they/ will prove Vessells analogous to our \humaine/ Veines, and not meer pores, they [[xxxx]] \shall/, if you please, be the subject of your entertainment in this Letter, and the rather that, if they prove Veines (as I little doubt them) they are not to be passed over in silence, but are early to be accounted for in the Anatomy of Vegetables.4 To avoid ambiguity, those parts of a plant which Pliny (lib. 16. cap. 38)5 calls by the Names of Venae, and pulpae6 are nothing else, in my opinion, but what our late Authour Dr Grew calls Fibres and insertments, or ye lignous body interwoven with that which he takes to be cortical, that is, the several distinctions of the Grain. Now, that the Vessells, we are about to discourse \of/, are not any of the pores of the lignous body (to use the Doc\tors/ Termes) is plain in a traverse cutt of Angelica Sylvestris magna vulgatior\ J.B./7 J.B. (for example;) the Veines there \very clearly/ shew themselves to an attentive view to be distinct the fibres observable in the parenchyma of the same cortical body \together/ with themselves; the milkie juice still rising besides and not in any Fibre. Alsoe in the like cutt of a Bur-dock in June, the like juice springs both on this and on that side of the radij of the woody Circle, that is, in the Cortical body and pith only. Again, where there is noe pith, there is none of this juice to be observed, and consequently none of these Veines as in the roots of plants and trunks of Trees; but ever in the barke of either. I need not here enumerate the many Plants wherin these particulars are most plainly observable, as \in/ Sph\o/ndylium,8 Cicutaria,9 many of the Thistle kind, etc. Further, neither are they probably of the number of the Pores described by our authour in the Cortical body, or Pith; not surely of those pores extended by the bre\a/dth, because the course of the juice in these Vessells is by the length of the plant; as I have \sometimes/ very plainly traced in the pith of a dryed Fennel-stalke, following them by dissection quite through the length of the pith. It remaines, that, if pores, they are of those pores of the Cortical body, that are supposed to be extended by the length therof: which yet seemes 0195 lister to oldenburg 413

(to me at least) not enough, but we thinke them Vessells, invested with their owne proper membranes, analogous to the Veines of our humane body; for these reasons, 1. Because they are to be found in the Pith, and sometime in the Cortical body of a plant not included within the Common Tunickle of any Fibres, as is above noted; (that Fibres, \or the Seminal root /are cloathd, is most plain in some plants, as in Fern, and Geranium batrachoides,10 the fibres of the former are coated at least in some parts of the plant with \a/ black skin, in the latter likewise with a red one:) [[several words]] \And in these cases/, had they not, I say, their owne proper membranes, we see noe cause, why the very porous and spongy body of the pith and cortex, should not be in all places filled alike with that juice, and not rise (as most plainly it doth) in a few determinate and set places only, that is, according to the position and order of these vessells. 2. Again the Experiment I made, and which you were pleased to publish, concerning the effect of a ligature on Cataputia minor Lobel viz. the suddain suddain springing of the milkie juice out of infinite pores besides the incision; (the cause of which phaenomenon I take to be, the dissected veines impetuously discharging themselves of part of their juice within the porous parenchyma of the barke;) whence it is probable, that, if there was no coated Vessel to hold this milkie juice, we might well expect its springing upon the bare ligature; as when we squeeze a wet Sponge, the external Cuticle of the plant, as this Experiment shews, being actually perforated. In the next place, It is very probable, that these Vessells are in all plants whatsoever. For, as it is truth-like of all the other substantial parts of plants, that they are actually in, and common to all plants, though specifyed by divers accidents in figure and texture; so of these veines, which, though they be discernable mostly in those plants, where they hold discoloured juices, yet we may very probably thinke, that they are not wanting, where the eye finds not that assistance in the challenging of them. [[xxxxx]] As in these very plants, where they are least visible, there is yet a time when they are, if not in all, yet in some, parts of these plants plain enough to the naked Eye: The tender shoots of the Greater and Lesser Maple in May, are full of a milkie juice, viz. the known liquor of these Veines. Again to this purpose, if you apply a clean knife-blade to a traverse cutt of the like Shoots of Elder, the Gummy liquor of these Veines will be drawn forth into visible strings, as is the nature of bird•lime of the barke of Holly, or the milke of Cataputia minor Lobel. Further, the leaf-stalks of our garden-Rhubarb doe sometimes shoot, (by what accident, we enquire not here,) a transparent and very pure chrystalline Gumm, though the Veines, that held this gummy juice, are by noe ordinary meanes visible in them; and yet by comparing the Nature and properties of this Gumm with that of the Gummes of other Vegetables, we cannot doubt but 414 lister to oldenburg 0195 this Gum-Rhubarb is the juice of these Veines, as well as \we/ are assured, the Gumm of other vegetables to be of theirs, by the same comparative Anatomy. Lastly, we thinke that even Mushromes (the seemingly inferiour and imperfect order of Vegetables) are not exempt and destitute of these Veines, some of them yielding a milkie juice hot and fiery, not unlike some of the Spurge-kind or Euphorbium. It might be expected, that I should add somethings at least concerning the Original and Productions of these Veines, if not an exact Description of them; the course of the juices in them; and their more immediate and primary Uses in the matter of vegetation: But I must acquaint you, that (besides the season is not now proper to improve and verify, if I had leisure, the observations formerly noted, and that they were things thrown into my Adversaria without other order, then that nothing should slip from me in the quest of medicaments that might be of light) although I find indeed, many scattered particulars (besides them already delivered) concerning the Position, Order, Number, Capacity, Distributions, Differences, Figure, etc. of these Veines, you will be pleased to take in good part, if I thinke fitting to reserve them untill the opportunity of an other Summers review: It seeming to me noe small matter, to have fairly hinted the existence of them to such curious persons, as shall have the leisure, and find themselves in better circumstances, then I can pretend to, as to those great advantages of Glasses, Designing, Etc. To conclude with the primary Use of these Veines; which is, in my opinion, to carry the succus nutritius11 of plants, because where they are not, there is noe Vegetation; as is seen, if an Engrafted branch or Arme be bared and stripped off the clay basse etc. in June, all the course of Vegetation will appeare to have been made only by the barke and not by the wood, that is, in the place only where these Veines are. A secondary \use/ is the rich furniture of our Shopps; for, from these veines \only/ it is, that all our Vegetable druggs are extracted; and infinite more might be had by a diligent enquiry, and some easy meanes, which I have not unsuccessfully put in practice; witnesse the Black Resin, I not long since sent you up a Specimen of. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke January 10th 1671. 0195 lister to oldenburg 415

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This annotation, indicating when the paper was read to the Royal Society and entered into its letter book is not in Oldenburg’s or Lister’s hand. 3. These adversaria are in Bodleian ms Lister 5 and Bodleian ms Lister 39, comprised of papers, notes, and extracts by, or owned by, Lister from about 1660–1710, chiefly on natural science, medicine, or botany. 4. Lister believed that plants were more analogous to animals physiologically and admitted the possibility of plant sensation. The burgeoning number of studies in plant and animal anatomy and taxonomy in the seventeenth century suggested such a correspondence, as several species seemed to transverse boundaries between animal, mineral, and vegetable. An example was the discovery in South and Central America of the “sensitive plant,” or mimosa pudica whose compound leaves fold inward and droop when touched, re-opening within minutes. See Charles Webster, “The Recognition of Plant Sensitivity by English Botanists in the Seventeenth Century,” Isis, 57, 1 (1966), pp. 5–23. 5. In his Natural History, Pliny wrote (Book 16, chapter lxxii, 184): “There is also a juice in the body of trees, which must be looked upon as their blood. It is not the same in all trees—in figs it is a milky substance, which has the property of curdling milk so as to produce cheese, in cherries it is gummy, in elms slimy, sticky and fat, in apples, vines and pears watery. The stickier this sap is, the longer the trees live. And in general the bodies of trees, as of other living things, have in them skin, blood, flesh, sinews, veins, bones and marrow. The bark serves for a skin; it is a remarkable fact as regards the bark on a mulberry that when doctors require its juice they strike it with a stone two hours after sunrise in spring and the juice trickles out, but if a deeper wound is made the bark seems to be dry. Next to the bark most trees have layers of fatty substance, called from its white colour alburnum; this is soft and the worst part of the wood, rotting easily even in a hard oak and liable to woodworm, for which reason it will always be removed. Under this fat is the flesh of the tree and under the flesh the bones, that is the best part of the timber. Those trees which have a drier wood, for instance the olive, are more liable to bear fruit only every other year than trees whose wood is of a fleshy nature, like the cherry. And not all trees have a large amount of fat or flesh, any more than the most active among animals; there is no fat or flesh at all in the box, the cornel and the olive, nor any marrow, and only a very small quantity even of blood, just as the service-tree has no bones and the elder no flesh—though both have a great deal of marrow—nor have reeds for the greater part. The flesh of some trees contains fibers and veins.” It is not surprising Lister called on Pliny to support his arguments that the physiological structure of trees are analogous to that of the human body. 6. “Veins” and “pith” or “fibers.” 7. Lister is referring to Johann Bauhin’s Historia plantarum universalis (Yverdon, 1650). The species is wild angelica. 8. Cow parsley or Heracleum sphondylium. 9. Spurge, of the genus euphorbia. See Lister’s letter of 15 February 1670/1 where Oldenburg identified this species as spurge. 10. Crowfoot cranesbill or Geranium maculatum. 11. Nutritive juice. It was clear Lister saw this substance as akin to bodily humors. 416 oldenburg to lister 0196

0196 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 24 January 1671/2

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 12. Address: To his honored friend | Martyn Lister Esquire | at his house wthout Mickel- | gate-barr at | Yorke. Postmark: ia/24 [January 24]; Faint Receiving Office Mark 1/Off with circular border. Reply to: Letter of 10 January 1671/2. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 505–506, letter 1880.

Jan 24th 71.

Sir,

Your Discourse about the Veines in Plants found so good acceptance with our Society, (where it was read on Thursday last,)1 that I received order, not only to returne you their hearty thanks for it, but also to be carefull in having it enter’d into their Register-book.2 Besides which, I take the liberty of making it publick in the Transactions of this very month, to let the world know, that are in England there are persons as well as elsewhere, that have made deep researches into the fabrick of Vegetables, and that have, as well as \the/ Italians, considered them as a kind of standing and movelesse Animals.3 Sir, I have a great mind you should see and examine the \written/ Discourse of Sigr Malpighi upon this subject, now in our hands.4 And if you could direct mc, how to send it to you with safety, I would actually transmit it for your perusall, not doubting but you would be carefull of returning it to me after you had read and considered it. Those of the Society that have perused it, doe highly praise it: And I am persuaded, that, in some particulars at least, it may enlarge your thoughts and observations, and confirme them in others. you will meet in this Dissertation not only with Veins, but Arteries, Trachea’s, Lungs, Peristaltick motion, Uterus, and what not? The President of the Society,5 in the name of that Body, exhorteth you herewith, that you would not omit, when the approaching Summer’s opportunity serveth, to review and repeat your observations of this argument, the better to clear up those particulars mention’d by you, concerning the Position, Order, Number, capacity, Distributions, Differences, Figure etc. of those veines. Which being well perform’d, \caeteris paribus,/6 the Doctrine and Philosophy of the vastest part of the Sublunary World, which relateth to Vegetables, is like to be satisfactorily stated. 0197 oldenburg to lister 417

I am very sorry, I cannot give you any good account of the black resin, that you sent up. Mr Boyle saith that of so smal a quantity, as he had (which ye was half of it) he could \not/ make any thing tryal, worth speaking of.7 And from P. Rupert I can as yet obtain no answer at all. We hope, you will draw, when there is opportunity, a greater quantity of that black, and furnish us with more, or make tryals yourself, for further certainty and satisfaction. The Society hath a great kindness for you, and I am very particularly

Sir Your very humble and faithf. servt

H.O.

1. The letter “concerning veins in plants analogous to human veins” was read on 21 January 1671/2. Lister was “desired to pursue his intentions of making farther observations on this subject.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 4. 2. Although the letter was entered into the letter book, it is not extant in the register book. 3. Martin Lister, “A Letter of Mr. Martyn Lister, Written to the Publisher from York, Januar. 10. 1671/2, Containing an Ingenious Account of Veins by Him Observ’d in Plants, Analogous to Human Veins,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1 January 1671), pp. 3052–3055. 4. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 23 December 1671, note 2. 5. William Brouncker, second Viscount Brouncker (1620–1684). 6. Other things being equal. 7. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 11 November 1671, note 4.

0197 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 10 February 1671/2

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 15. Address: No address present. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 534–535, letter 1897.

London Febr. 10. 1671.

Sir,

I shall not repeat here, what I have already said to Mr Brook in excuse of not sending at present a copy of Malpighis Discourse De Anatome Plantarum knowing, that he will shew you my letter to him concerning that matter.1 All I have now to impart unto you, is, a farther account of Sigr Cornelio at Naples, about the nature and the efforts of the Tarantula; which I will doe in his owne language, whereof I think you to be master:2 418 oldenburg to lister 0197

His words are;

“Le Tarantole veramente non sono altro che una specie de Falangii molto grandi, et pinti in varie maniere, e con diversita di colori. Queste habitano entro alcune cavernole profonde della terra, lequali hanno un forame circo- lare della grandezza d’una noce. A tempo di estate, facendosi un poco di sibilo nell’ orificio delle dette cavernole, corrono velocemente le tarantole all’ aria, et in questa maniera si prendono. Et io spero nel mese d’Aprile o’ di Maggio di poterne mandare alcun numero di vive, perche ho sperimentato, che quelle si mantengono alcune settimane senza cibo veruno et se ne potranno ancora mandar delle morte esiciate entro lo spirito del vino o’ altro simile liquore, che le preserva dalla putredine. “Per quello poi che appartiene agli effetti di coloro, che si giudicuno mor- sicati dalle Tarantole, Io stimo altramente da quello che il volgo si persuade, perche da molte osservationi e congeturre mi do à credere, che senza prece- dere il morso della Tarantola, avenga tal sorte de’mali ad alcuni di coloro che habitano in quei paesi aridissimi, e che spesse fiate sono tormentati da lung- hissima sete. Ne mai si é saputo che alcuna persona sia stata morsicata dalla Tarantola, et che poi appresso si temessero gli effetti del male; má sempre mai aviene che le persone sentendosi in tempo d’estate travagliati da quegli strani accidenti che patiscuno gli attatantati, soppongono, dopo l’effetto del male, esser stati feriti da quell’animale. Spero di poter fare piu à lungo le mie osservazioni su’l principio di primav- era, ritrovandomi adesso fortemente tormentato et inhabile allo scrivere etc.

[The tarantula truly is no more than a species of phalangia that are very big and variegated in color. They live in a very deep burrow in the soil having a circular entrance as big as a walnut. In the summertime if you make a whis- tling sound at the entrance to the burrow the tarantulas come running into the open, and so they are readily captured. I hope that in the months of April or May I may send you a number of them alive, for I have learned by experiment that they will live some weeks without food, and if they do not live I will send you some dead ones dried, put in the spirit of wine or the like fluid to preserve them from putrefaction. As for the phenomena associated with persons who suppose themselves to have been bitten by a tarantula, I take a different view from the common one because a multitude of observations and reflections cause me to believe that, quite without being bitten by a tarantula, such afflic- tions fall on some of the inhabitants of those very dry regions who, panting for breath, are tormented with continued thirsts. Whenever it is known that some person has felt the bit of a tarantula he at once from then on fears the 0197 oldenburg to lister 419 effects of the disease; but it always happens that the same person, feeling himself troubled in the summertime with those strange phenomena that occur to those bitten by a tarantula, then supposes the effects of the disease to have been induced by that creature. I forbear to recount my observations at greater length, hoping to be able to do so at the beginning of spring when my illness does not torment me so much, finding myself at present unfit for writing.]

If here be no mistake, ’tis a discovery of a monstrous fiction, that hath been impos’d upon us by \a general tradition and particularly/ by Epiph. Ferdinandus,3 Kircherus,4 Sengwerdius5 etc. I shall be very glad to hear your further thoughts upon this matter, after this further account from

Sir yr faithf. servt

Oldenburg.

1. Oldenburg apparently decided not to send Lister a copy of Malpighi’s work. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 24 January 1671/2. Oldenburg’s letter to Brooke has not been found. However, Brooke did have an extensive correspondence with Lister; Brooke’s letter to Lister of 2 March 1672 may have enclosed an excerpt of Malpighi’s work referred to here. 2. This account by Tommaso Cornelio was enclosed by John Dodington in a letter to Oldenburg of 19 January 1671/2. See Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 493–497, letters 1876 and 1876a, and ms C1/106, Royal Society Library, London. There are only three letters in Italian in the Lister correspondence, and there is no evidence that he was particularly proficient in the language. Unlike his colleagues Willughby or Ray, Lister also never visited or studied in Italy. 3. Epifanio Ferdinandi (1569–1638), a physician who studied at the University of Naples. He believed dancing the tarantella cured those bitten by the spiders because the dancers, thrown into a sweat, expelled venom through their pores, though ordinary sudorifics were ineffectual. See “Medicine and Music,” National Library of Medicine, dhew publication no. (nih) 77–1411. 4. Athanasius Kircher (1602–1680), the Jesuit polymath who wrote about tarantism in his Magnes, Sive De Arte magnetica opus tripartium (Rome: Iodocum Kalcoven, 1641). He provides a recommended piece of music—Antidotum Tarantulæ—for the victim to dance to, and composed a tarantella (L’Arpeggiata) for lute. 5. Wolferdus Senguerdius (1646–1724), professor of philosophy and librarian at Leiden, who wrote Disputatio philosophica inauguralis de tarantula (Leiden: Elsevier, 1667). Senguerdius also gave demonstrations of Boyle’s air pump at Leiden. See Edward Grant Ruestow: Physics at the seventeenth and eighteenth-century Leiden and the New Science in the University Philosophy (The Hague: Marin Nijhoff, 1973). 420 lister to oldenburg 0198

0198 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 24 February 1671/2

Source: rs el/L5/43 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 172–174. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper “Rec. Feb. 26. 71/2. Answ. Feb. 27.” The wrapper is ink blotched and water stained. Address: These | For my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburg Esq | at his house in the | Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/26 [February 26]. Reply to: Letter of 24 January 1671/2 and letter of 10 February 1671/2. Printed: Birch, vol. 3, pp. 17–18; Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 555–557, letter 1910.

(Read Febr 29: 71 Entd. L.B. 5. 172.)1

Yorke/ Feb. 24/ 1671

Sir

You will oblige me, if you save the Longing, you gave me, by the perusal of the M.S. of Signore Malpighj de Anatome Plantarum. As for the further Account concerning the Tarantula of Signore Cornelio at Naples I received it in Italian, as you was pleased to communicate it to me; and since you desire my thoughts upon this matter, I will briefly make reflections upon some of the particulars and explain therby the Querie that gave the occasion. It is here affirmed that the Tarantula is a Phalangium,2 which yet does not plainly appear; possibly it may, when the Author shall please to give us his more particular Observations or transmitt any of the Animals themselves. To be great, diversly painted and with diversity of colours, to live in holes of the earth etc. are Notes common to most sorts of Spiders even with us. It is very necessary that great heed be taken of the Characteristical Notes we gave them and by which we know Phalangia from all the other Tribes of Spiders: for in this consists (at least in my judgment) the discovery of the nature and effects of the Tarantula. We had, undoubtedly been in the darke still, but for that one chance Note of Pliny (lib. 11 c. 24) viz. assultim ingredi3 and had never known what the Antients had meant by their Phalangia. And yet having observed that skipping motion in two or thre sorts of our English Spiders, we found, that all those which had that peculiar motion, agreed too in the senary Number of Eyes, not to mention other distinguishing markes, those two being enough to reduce them to order. Now that it being the sole propertie of this Tribe of Spiders to move in Going as tho they danced and therefore to be (for kind) those which the Antients called 0198 lister to oldenburg 421

Phalangia and whose biting they soe much dreaded, I thought it very material to enquire, whether the Tarantula was not one of them, that is, whether the Tarantula goe by Skippes, and have 6 eyes only, etc.4 To tell you the truth I had \some/ reason to question this, (not but that the phaenomena or the effects of that miscellaneous bite (if really tru) did undoubtedly depend (in my thoughts) upon the Nature of the Animal) but that I had seen a spider brought from Rome by the name of a Taruntula and yet whose figure (as I remember) shewed it plainly to be of another Tribe and noe Phalangium. Again because some \late/ Authours that I had seen of this matter [[several words]] had given us the Cutt or figure of a Reticulum orbiculatum or Wheel-net with a Tarantula in it: which in truth is as an improper a thing (if a Phalangium) as

Delphinum sylvis appingere——5

This Tribe [Phalangia] having that in common with some other Tribes of spiders, that they scorne Netts and hunt openly and take their prey by ambush and agility of body. for an elegant Spec description of their hunting I refer you to Mr Evelin in Mr Hookes Micrographie;6 where alsoe I observe to you \by the by/ that, that grey Phalangium there mentioned is exceeding common all over England (where I have been) as well as at Rome. We may well expect from the ingenuity and diligence of Signore Cornelio the full cleering of this matter, we being already beholden to him for that other Raritie of his Native soil Manna, which he has put beyond exception, to be a spontaneous exudation of the Ash-Tree. Soe the Expt registred, as he himselfe penned it in a Letter to Mr. Wray. Catalog: Plant. Angliae ad Fraxinum.7 However \in the meane time/ I may deserve your pardon, if I praepossess you with my opinion. I agree with him, that the matter will probably \(when thoroughly examined)/ not prove, not only as the Vulgar is persuaded, but not [as] Authours write neither: And yet, (he must excuse me) if I thinke it will prove more than a meer fiction and \that/ those strange accidents which the Attarantati8 are said to suffer \are/ not to be attributed [[several words]] to the great drought \of the country/ and thirst only, but possibly to the bite of a certain Animal too. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister.

An Extract of a Letter to M. Old. concerning Tarantula’s. 422 oldenburg to lister 0199

1. These notes indicated when the paper was read at the Royal Society meeting and entered into its letter book. 2. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 16 October 1671, note 4, for a description of Phalangia. 3. “They leap as they move from place to place.” Pliny, 11.28.79. The full citation is: “Those that bear the name of phalangium are of small size, with bodies spotted and running to a point; their bite is venomous, and they leap as they move from place to place.” [phalangia ex iis appel- lantur quorum noxii morsus, corpus exiguum, varium, acuminatum, adsultim ingredientium.] 4. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1670/1 where he observed phalangids had six eyes (spider number 26 in his list). 5. “To place a dolphin in a forest,” or to join incompatible things. From C.O. Brink, Horace on Poetry: The ‘Ars Poetica,’ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 56, line 30. Phalangids are often found in tree holes and lack spinnerets. 6. Robert Hooke, Micrographia (London: John Martyn, 1665), pp. 200–202. Evelyn described a gray hunting spider. Ray also discussed Hooke’s observations of spiders in his letter to Lister of 31 October 1668. 7. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 28 October 1671, note 11. 8. Those bitten by tarantulas.

0199 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 27 February 1671/2

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 18–19. Address: To his honored friend | Dr Martyn Lister, at his | house wthout Mickel-gate-barr | at York. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/2? [February] and Receiving House Stamp 2/ Off with circular border. Reply to: Letter of 24 February 1671/2. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 566–567, letter 1913.

Sir,

I cannot but signify to you, that on Thursday last1 I deliverʼd to Sr W. Petty2 a transcript of Sr Malpighi’s papers de Anatome Plantarum;3 addressed, as was desired, to Mr Brooks at York. I hope it will, if it be not already, come safely to your hands.4 I have since received from the same Italian a very Industrious and curious piece about the Cicatrulica in Ovo,5 wherein he pretends to evince, that, as the cheif parts of the plant are actually in its seed, so the rudiments of the animal or chick are actually in that cicatrix. ’Tis done by him, both in discourse and likenes, in the accuratest and politest manner, that any a philosopher and an artist can doe; as you will see, when printed; which it \will/ be 0200 brooke to lister 423 shortly, according to the orders of the R. Society, to which he hath dedicated this piece, as he did the former De Bombyce6 and Plantis. Your last about the Tarantula, is also safely come to hand; which is likely to clear that argument. I doubt not but Dr Cornelio will doe his part in \making/ narrower observations. I shall not faile to take notice of that unhappy fault, committed in your excellent discourse about the veins in Plants.7 The word As, which you would \rather/ have, and, is so in your letter, as ’tis printed; but it may be easily alter’d, together with the other, which is much more material. My humble service, I pray, to Mr Brooks from

Sir

Your faithful servant

Oldenburg

London Febr. 27. 71.

The Erratum of the presse was an omission of the words not-wanting, for which is badly printed wanting, which makes the whole Paragraph non-sense.

1. 22 February. 2. Sir William Petty (1623–1687), English natural philosopher and economist, and charter member of the Royal Society. 3. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 10 February 1671/2. 4. It likely did, as Brooke refers to an enclosure in his letter to Lister of 3 March 1671/2. 5. The Cicatrix in the Egg. Oldenburg is referring to Malpighi’s letter of 22 January 1671/2, in which the Italian naturalist enclosed his observations of incubated eggs. This was the essay Dissertatio epistolica de formatione pulli in ovo which was published in London in 1673. See rs Malpighi Letters, no. 12, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 504–504, letter 1879. 6. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 23 December 1671. 7. The errata were in the end of Philosophical Transactions, vol. 7 (1672), after the index to vol. 6. No letter from Lister to Oldenburg noting these errors survives.

0200 John Brooke to Martin Lister 2 March 1671/2

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 20. Address: These, | For Dr Lister. | 424 ray to lister 0201

Sir,

That I may bee just to my Promise (tho the [[xx]]ode does not oblige Mee To’t)1 and I have taken the first Opportunity, of gratifying your Curiosity with the perusall of the Inclos’d,2 and when you have don With It, I shall obey your Commands in restoring of It, with the like Care. Till when, I shall adjourn my own Satisfaction, which will bee considerably improv’d, if it receive, your curious and judicious Testimony, for so I will alwayes bee esteem’d; by,

Sir,

your humble, and obliged Servant,

Jo. Brooke.

March 2 71.

1. “to it.” 2. The enclosure is unidentified, but it is possible that Brooke responded to Lister’s request for John Ogilby’s English edition of Jan Nieuhof’s popular book on China: Jan Nieuhoff, An Embassy from the East-India of the United Provinces to the Grand Tartar Cham Emperor of China . . . (London, 1673). See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 4 December 1671. It is equally possible that Brooke enclosed a copy or summary of Malpighi’s De Anatome Plantarum, mentioned by Oldenburg in his letter to Lister of 27 February 1671/72.

0201 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 2 March 1671/2

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 18, letter 46. Address: These for Mr Martin | Lister at his house in the | city of | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark mr/6 [March 6]. Handwritten “Charged [[one word]] to London 3.” Reply to: 28 June 1671 and a lost letter. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 106–107; Lankester (1848), pp. 94–95; Gunther (1928), pp. 130–131. (All partial transcriptions.)

Middleton March 2. 1671 0201 RAY TO LISTER 425

Dear Sir,

Since my return hither I received both your Letters,1 and withall a great satisfaction to understand that you are in so tolerable a state of health; and that you are still mindfull of and retain the like kindnesse and affection to me as formerly. I find that I was mistaken in my last Letter. I had thought then Mr. Willughby had intended to have gone to York himself to deliver back the will to the Spirituall \Court/ but he tells me that he went not, but trusted his man with it.2 Mr. Dixy intends (at least pretends) to have another triall next term in the Court of Common pleas: and if so the will must again be gotten out of the Spirituall Court; for after a whole year and more they have not proceeded to sentence there. I thank you for the account you sent of the Bret3 and Turbot.4 By what you write of the Bret, I perceive that what you \they/ call Bret in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, and I believe also in all the East part of England, is the Turbot of the West Country, where the name Bret is not known; and I believe the Halibut5 of the west is the northern and eastern Turbot. And I would fain know how your Halibut and Turbut differ; for if there be \another/ fish of the make and bigness of your Turbut, it is a stranger to me. Our Common Dictionaries English Rhombus6 a Turbot; But your Bret answers better the figure so called than your Turbut doth. I am of your opinion that the Bret is the Rhombus asper, but what manner of fish that is you call Sand-screiter I know not.7 Of this sort of flat fishes I have as yet seen only seven [[xxxxx]] \species/, but doubt not that there are many more. Those are the Sole,8 The Pole,9 which is a kind of Sole; the Halibut, which you call Turbut, the Turbut, which you call Bret, the common Plaise,10 or Passer lavis vulgaris maculatis, the Fluke or Flounder called by some Passer non maculatus, and by others I believe Rhombus fluviatilis: and the Passer asper sive squamosus of Rondel,11 called a Dab12 in Cornwall. We were told there of some others, viz. one the call a Lantern fish,13 another they call a Queen.14 But of these things I hope to receive more full and particular satisfaction from you. As for what you have published in Print, I judge it worthy of you, and think you [[several words]] \deserve much thanks and commendation for so frankly communicating your ingenious observations and usefull discoveries to the world, and will, doubtless, be recompensed with the honour due to you therefore./ In one thing I am as yet of a different opinion from you, and that is the origine of those stones which we usually call petrified shells, though you want not good ground for what you assert.15 Next week I am thinking to leave this place for a while and 426 RAY TO LISTER 0201 take a journey into Essex; where when arrived, you shall hear heare [sic] further from me in the mean time I rest

Sir, your most affectionate friend and humble servant

Jo: Ray.

1. One of the letters was that of 28 June 1671, and the other has been lost. 2. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 3 March 1670/1 about the Dixie inheritance case. Ray also mentioned in his letter of 28 June 1671 that he was considering a simpling expedition with Willisel to York, and would visit Lister. 3. The Brill, or Scophthalmus rhombus, a species of flatfish in the turbot family. The term “bret” means spotted. 4. Psetta maxima, another species of flatfish native to marine waters of the North Atlantic, and the Baltic and Mediterranean Seas. The name turbot comes from the Old French tourbout, a derivative of the Latin turbo or “spinning top,” a reference to the fish’s shape. 5. Halibut are in the genus Hippoglossus, from the family of the right-eye flounders, though other flatfish like the turbot are called halibut, particularly on the coast of north-eastern England. 6. Rhombus maximus was the older taxonomic name for a turbot (Scophthalmus maximus). 7. It is not known to which fish this term refers. The term could refer to a type of flatfish that is found in shallow seas feeding in the sand, perhaps the sand dab (Pleuronectes limanda) or the long rough dab (Hippoglossoides platessoides). 8. Presumably the common or Dover sole Solea solea. 9. The pole flounder, a large deep-water flounder (Glyptocephalus cynoglossus), native to the northern coasts of Europe and America. 10. Presumably the European plaice (Pleuronectes platessa), a right-eyed flounder belonging to the Pleuronectidae family. 11. Guillaume Rondelet (1507–1566), French physician, professor of anatomy at the University of Montpellier and naturalist, who wrote Libri de Piscibus Marinis (Lyon: Mathias Bonhomme, 1554). Rondelet’s description of the dab is on p. 319. Rondelet’s work was based largely on classical authorities, particularly Aristotle, but also included his own observations and experiments and detailed descriptions of nearly 250 kinds of marine animals. It was the standard work on ichthyology for over a century, until Ray published the Historia Piscium in 1686. See Gillian Lewis, “The debt of John Ray and Martin Lister to Guillaume Rondelet of Montpellier,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 20, 4 (December 2012), pp. 329–339. 12. Presumably the common dab, Limanda limanda, the edible flatfish of the family Pleuronectidae. It is native to shallow seas around Cornwall as well as more generally in Northern Europe. 13. Lanternfishes (or myctophids) are small mesopelagic (deep-water) fish of the large family Myctophidae, named after their use of bioluminescence. 14. It is not known to which fish this term refers. 0202 lister to oldenburg 427

15. For Lister’s views that fossils were “formed stones,” see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 August 1671, note 19. Ray was referring to Lister’s paper: “Confirmation of Mr. Ray’s observations about musk scented insects, adding some notes upon Dr. Swammerdam’s book of insects, and of that of Steno concerning petrified shells,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2281–2284.

0202 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 19 March 1671/2

Source: rs el/L5/44 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 186–187. Address: These | For my very honoured friend | Henry Oldenburg | Esq at his house in | the Palmal | London. Reply to: Letter of 27 February 1671/2. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 8, pp. 604–606, letter 1929.

Mr Listers sense of Signore Malpighi and de written discourse of vegetation1

(Enter’d L B. 5:186.)2

Sir,

According to your desire and my owne inclination I have perused the Papers of Signore Malpighi, and indeed not without great satisfaction. I must needs say in general, that I long to see this Peice published with Scheames, which would undoubtedly render it more intelligible; it being very hard to compre- hend some Notions without them, especially if such Notions were taken by the assistance of Glasses,3 as I am persuaded those of the Utriculj, perforatarum fibrarum fasciculi, spirales fistulae, sive Trachae4 etc. were. but in detail, I am very glad to meet here, with an ample Confirmation of those Vessells, which I call the Veines of Plants and this authour peculiare vas lactiferum.5 About which I agree with ym \him/ that they are to be found in the Cortex et medulla of plants. 2. that this sort of vessell is in every Species of plant. 3. I add, that there are noe other Vessells (that may properly be soe called) besides these Milky- Veines. 4. Again that these Veines hold the only vital juices of plants, which I shall confirme by divers reasons and experiments. But more of this,when I shall endeavour to acquit my selfe of the Commands of the R. Society. Before I conclude, I cannot but take notice that our authour designes a particular discourse concerning Vegetable Excrescencies and that he is dissat- isfyed and doubtful concerning plantigenous Animals, which was Aristotle’s opinion of old (v. lib. 1. de plantis)6 and has lately been countenanced by the 428 lister to oldenburg 0202 promised Observations of Signore Redi.7 The whole series of this authour’s observations about this particular are very faithfull and tru. This is a busie time with me, and I can only add at present my hearty acknowledgement for this favour I am

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke \March/ 19th 1671 From my house in Stone-gate8

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This annotation indicating when the letter was entered into the Royal Society’s letter book is not in Oldenburg’s or Lister’s hand. 3. Microscopes. 4. Little bags, bundles of pierced or perforated fibers, and trachea. 5. A peculiar or special vessel for milky fluid. 6. De Plantis was likely written not by Aristotle, but by Nicholas of Damascus in the first century B.C. In De Plantis, book 1.1.816a, it states, “Now there are animals which have no female sex, and some which do not procreate their kind, and some which lack the power of movement, and some in which the colour varies, and some which produce an offspring unlike themselves, and some which grow from trees.” (quae ex arboribus crescant.) The latter reference of “growing from trees,” probably referred to the production of animal life from the putrefaction of vegetable matter, and may be a mistranslation from the Greek. See W.D. Ross, ed., The Works of Aristotle (Oxford, 1913), vol. 6, 1.1.816, note 4; Hall and Hall, vol. 8, p. 605, note 3. 7. Malpighi thought worms generated in galls did not generate from the host plant, but from an egg deposited by an insect. See Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 606. However, although Redi’s work on maggots that disproved their spontaneous generation from putrid substances such as rotting meat had “marked a decisive turning point in views on spontaneous generation amongst members of the Royal Society and their associates,” Redi did not discount the possibility that creatures could arise from plant flesh which he considered to have a vivifying power. Redi thought the production of gall wasps in plants was due to the “peculiar potency of that soul or principle which creates the flowers and fruits of living plants.” Redi reasoned, “if a thing is alive, it may produce a worm or so, as in the case of cherries, pears and plums; in oak glands, in galls and welts . . . worms arise, which are transformed into butterflies.” See Peter Anstey, “Boyle on seminal principles,” Studies in the History and Philosophy of Biology & Biomedical Sciences, 33 (2002), pp. 597–630, on p. 618, and Francesco Redi, Experiments on the generation of insects, trans. M. Bigelow (Chicago: Open Court, 1909), p. 115. 8. It appears that Oldenburg may have underlined Lister’s address. Between January and March 1671/2, this change of address on Oldenburg’s letters showed that Lister had moved from his house outside Micklegate into a larger residence in Lendal Street in Stonegate. Stonegate was 0203 lister to sterne 429 in more affluent eastern York and among the upper twenty-five percent for hearth taxes in 1672. The move was probably necessitated by the birth of Lister’s second daughter Anna (Nancy to her family) on 13 October 1671.

0203 Martin Lister to Richard Sterne, York, 10 April 1672 Archbishop of York

Source: rs el/L5/45 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 208–211. Lister’s letter to Sterne reached the Royal Society by a circuitous route, through the Archbishop of Canterbury, who passed it on to Sir Robert Moray, who presented it to the Royal Society. As Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper: “A letter written to the ArchBp of York, and by his Grace communicated to the ArchBp of Canterbury, who imparted the same to Sir R. Moray, to present it to the R. Society; containing an amount of the excision of a Stone from under the tongue of a man.” Address: These | For the right honourable | his Grace my | Lord of Yorke. Printed: Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 4062–4064; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 54–56.

(Read May 1: 72. Enter’d L B. 5: 208.)1

My Lord

In obedience to your Graces commands, I have penned the Circumstances of a not-common Medical Observation, viz the Excision of a Stone from under the Tongue: And I herwith present your Grace alsoe with the stone it selfe, as I had it from the person it was taken.2 As to the Occasion and Time of its birth, he tells me (and my Lord you may be pleased to give firme credit to what every particular that he hath answere me at your Lordshipp’s instance) it was from a Winter \Sea/ Voyage,3 which lasted much longer than he expected, and wherein he suffered an exceeding Cold; and that, not long after his Landing, he found a certain Nodus or large lump in the very place whence this Stone was cutt. There was about 8 years betwixt its breeding and being taken away. As to its groth, and the inconveniences thence ensuing; he further saith, that upon all fresh Colds-taking, he suffered much pain in that part especially; and yet, that Cold once being over, that part was no more painfull than \the rest/ 430 lister to sterne 0203 part of his mouth. He adds, that towards the \7 and/ 8th yeare it did often cause suddain swellings in all the Glandules about the mouth and throat upon the first draught of beer at meales; which yet would sudainly in a short time fall again.4 Lastly, as to the Particulars remarkable at the time of its being taken away, he relates; That it began its Worke with a suddain Vertigo; which vertiginous disposition continued more or less from the Spring till August: in which month, without any praevious cause save riding, the place where it was lodged suddainly swelled, and ran purulent matter at the Aperture of the ductus whar- tonianus: that it suddainly stopped of its running (which he cannot attribute to any thing but Cold) and swelled with a great inflammation, and very great danger of choaking; it being scarce credible, what pain the part suffered in endeavouring to swallow even Beer, or any liquid thing.5 This [[xxxxx]] \extremity/ lasted untill 5 dayes, in all which time, the partes had so vast a flux of Spitle runing from him, that it was not possible for him to repose his head to sleep, without wetting all \the bed/ about him; in soe much as that is was very much questioned by some friendly visitants, whether he had not of him selfe or by mistake made some use of some mercurial medicine.6 The varieties or degrees of this spontaneous Salivation were such, that he urged me not to omitt them in the relation I was to make to your Grace, as thinking them very notable. The first day, the Saliva ran thin and transparent, almost like water without any bubles. the 2d day it ran frothy; it tasted Salt, (which yet he is apt to thinke hot rather than really Salt, because that day the inflammation was at the height). The 3 day it roaped exceedingly; on which day a small pin hold broake \directly over the place of the Stone/ and ran with purulent matter as formerly. the 4 day the saliva ran insipid, sensibly cold in the mouth; (which again confirms me in that opinion, that the former sharpe tast was the effect of heat, and not the immediate qualitie of a salt humour) very little froth: the 5 day (which was the day of the incision) it ran as on the 4 but left an extreame clamminess on the teeth, in soe much that they often clave together, as tho they had been joined togather with Glu. Upon the incision, which proved not wide enough, the membranes or baggs, wherein the Stone lay, came away first. As to the stone it selfe, it was soe hard as to endure the forcipes upon its being taken \in drawing it/ forth: it was covered over with grasse green matter, which soon dryed, and left the stone of a whitish colour, as it is to be seen: it is but light in proportion to its bulke, weighing about 7 Grains; and much of the shape of our ordinary horse beanes:7 there are visible impressions upon it of some Capillary and small vessells it was bread amongst: lastly it is scabrous or rough sand-like, although the substance is tophaceous. 0203 lister to sterne 431

The Accidents replace accompaning the Working away of this stone (for the incision was meerly obstretical,) and the place of its birth may give us leave \occasion/ to call the distemper a Rannula:8 yet in truth this was nothing else but one of those Tumours called Atheroma9 and therefore we will name it Lapis Atheromatis.10

my Lord Your Graces most obedient and humble servant

Martin Lister york Apr. 10. 72.

1. This annotation, indicating when the paper was read to the Royal Society and entered into its Letter Book, is not in the hand of Oldenburg or Lister. 2. The ill person was Lister himself who apparently wished to preserve his anonymity. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 13 September 1671 when he complained about his malady. Presumably Lister suffered from a stone or sialolith, most likely in the submandibular salivary gland, or Warthin’s duct, which runs from under the front of the tongue to the submandibular gland. This is the most common salivary gland to form stones, as the duct is wide and has mucoid saliva that flows up hill. Treatment still consists of surgical removal by forceps, though is possible to do therapeutic sialendscopy. See H. Iro, J. Zenk, M.P. Escudier, et al., “Outcome of minimally invasive management of salivary calculi in 4,691 patients,” Laryngoscopei (February 2009), pp. 263–268. 3. Lister was referring to his voyage to Montpellier to study medicine, undertaken on 11 August 1663. The notes of his journey made in a pocket book (Bodl. ms Lister 19) indicate that his channel crossing was severely delayed by storms. Lister was stranded at Chesil Beach for three weeks and, after another aborted crossing stranding him in Guernsey, he did not reach France until 16 October 1663. See Lister’s letters of 2 October 1663. 4. When saliva cannot enter a blocked or partially blocked duct, it backs up into the gland, causing pain and swelling in the gland. Pain is especially sudden and intense after starting a meal, and will ease one to two hours after eating. If the gland is partially blocked, pain is inter- mittent, which seems to have been the case for Lister. 5. The gland at this point became infected, resulting in swelling and an abscess. 6. Mercury was a common Paracelsian cure for syphilis, a side effect excessive salivation. 7. A leguminous plant grown as food for cattle, as Vicia faba (broad or fava bean), Canavalia ensiformis (jack bean), Parkinsonia aculeata (palo verde), or their seeds. The size of salivary stones ranged from less than 1mm. to a few centimeters, although most are less than 10 mm. in diameter, the size of a bean. 8. A tumor or swelling located in the floor of the mouth beneath the tongue. Ranula comes from rana or “frog,” as the sufferer croaked like a frog when speaking. 9. An encysted tumor containing matter resembling oatmeal-gruel or curds. 10. Atheroma-like stone. 432 lister to brooke 0204

0204 Martin Lister to John Brooke 12 April 1672

Source: rs el/L5/46 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 215–217. The letter was passed from Brooke to Oldenburg. Oldenburg has written on the wrapper: “Rec. Apr. 22. 72. Answ. May. 11. 72.” Address: These | For my honoured friend | John Brooke Esquire. Printed: Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 4064–4066; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 56–58.

A letter written to John Brook Esquire and by him communicated to M. Oldenburg, concerning the generation of a [[xxxxx]] these \the/ insects commonly call’d animated Horse-haires.1

(Read May 1: 72. Enter’d L B. 5. 215.)2

Sir,

I cannot discover any thing new and rare in natural Philosophy, but I must forthwith make you participate of my good fortune: and I assure you the relation I am about to make you is of a thing exceeding surprising. It hath been credibly reported, that Horse-haires3 thrown into water will be animated; and yet I shall shew you by an unquestionable Observation, that such tings as are vulgarly thought animated Haires are very Insects, nourished within the bodies of other Insects, even as Icheneumones are within the bodies of Caterpillars. I will premise the particulars concerning this Animal, as I find them collected by the industrie of Aldrovandus,4 and save you the trouble of that voluminous authour. This Insecte (saith he) seemes to have been unknown to the Ancients: it is called by the Modernes seta aquatica or vermis setarius,5 either from the most slender figure of the body; or because it is thought to be generated of an horse- haire putrifying in Water: The Germans call them by a name, which is rendred vituli aquatici.6 It is bred in corrupt waters; perhapps of horse hair, for (saith Albertus upon his own frequent Tryal, as I find him quoted by Aldrovandus),7 these haires put into standing water move and are animated, or, as he words it, vitam et spiritum accipiunt, et moventur.8 Others have thought them to have their birth from Weedes hanging down from the banks into ponds and rivers. Others from locusts or grasshoppers (ex Bruchis;)9 which last, though it be near the matter, yet it is rejected by Aldrovandus himselfe, as the most unlikely. 0204 lister to brooke 433

They have been found in a cold and good Spring, and elsewhere, (which is a wonder, saith Aldrovandus,) upon a lease in a Garden. And this, which was there found, was 5 or 6 fingers-breadth long; the thickness of a bristle or horsehair, with a duskish back, and a white belly; and the Tail on every side white. I saw (saith Aldrovandus) a black one thicker than the whitish one. Other authours otherwise describe them, as Bertrutius,10 Albertus,11 etc. Some affirming them to have been a cubit long; others, two Cubits, others 9 intches long at the least: that they are white of colour, and \soe/ hard as scarce to be crushed with ones foot: to be every where of the same thicknesse: that it \they/ moves not as wormes move, but snake-like, and knitt them selves up into knotts:12 that their skin is one continued thing without Incisures; and therefore some would exclude them from the Insect kind: that they have no head, but swime both wayes, and therefore may be called amphisbaena aquatica:13 that they are poison, drunke down into the stomack, but not venom to the touch. And thus much out of Aldrovandus concerning the name of this Insect, the place of its birth and original, the place where they are to be found, its description, different species, nature, poison, etc. Our Observation is this. April. 2d. There was thrown up out of the ground of my Garden, in digging amongst other things of this nature, a certain cole-black Beetle of a midle size, and flat shape, and which I have observed elsewhere common enough. These Beetles I dissected, upon the account of some curiosity, wherein I had a mind to satisfy my selfe; but I was surprised to find in their swolen bellies of these Hair-Wormes, in some 3, in others but one only. These particulars we carfully noted: 1. that upon the incision they crawl’d forth of them selves. 2. that putting them into water, they lived in it many dayes and did seeme to endeavour to escape by lifting up their heads out of the water, and fastening them to the side of the vessell; very plainly drawing the rest of their body forward. 3. That they cannot be said to be amphsibaena, but do move forward only by the head, which is fairly distinguishable from the Tail by a notable black- nesse. 4. that the three, I tooke out of the body of one Beetle, were all of a darke hair-colour with whitish bellies, somewhat thicker than a hoggs bristle; but I tooke out of the body of an other Beetle one that was much thicker than the rest; much lighter coloured; and by measure just five intches and a halfe long; whereas all the rest did not exceed 3 intches three-quarters. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke April. 12th 1672. 434 johnston to lister 0205

1. The annotation is in Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This annotation, noting when the letter was read to the Royal Society and entered into its letter book, is not in Lister’s or Oldenburg’s hand. 3. A hairworm or Gordius worm from the phylum Nematomorpha. Horsehair worms are 1/25 to 1/16 inch wide, and from four to fourteen inches long. They grow and develop inside the body cavity of crickets, grasshoppers, katydids, beetles, and cockroaches (coleopteran or orthop- teran insects). When they emerge from their host, they are white, turning yellow to brown. See Ben Hanelt and John Janovy, Jr., “The Life Cycle of a Horsehair Worm, Gordius robustus,” The Journal of Parasitology, 85, 1 (February 1999), pp. 139–141. 4. Ulisse Aldrovandi, De animalibus insectis libri septem cum singulorum iconibus ad vivum expressis [. . .] (Bologna, 1602). In the 1632 edition, Aldrovandi discusses the hair worm in book seven, chapter 10, pp. 720–721. 5. Seta is “bristle” in Latin, and “aquaticus” is a water creature. Vermis setarius is a bristle worm. 6. “Water creature of foals or calves.” 7. Aldrovandi stated, “ut Seta vel pilus de iuba, caudaue equi puteter, Albertus.” Aldrovandi, De animalibus insectis, book seven, chapter 10, p. 720. According to Aldrovandi, Albertus Magnus claimed that the worm bred out of the mane and tail of the horse. Presumably Aldrovandi was referring to Albertus Magnus’s De animalibus libri xxvi, one of the most extensive records of zoology and empirical observation before the Renaissance. It was written in 1249. See Albertus Magnus, On Animals: A medieval summa theologica, ed. Kenneth F. Kitchell, Jr. and Irven Michael Resnick (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999). 8. “And they receive the spirit of life [from the water] and are moved.” 9. Beetles. 10. Presumably Niccolò Bertucci or Nicholas Betrutius, a thirteenth-century physician and writer from Bologna. He left a work in medicine: Collectorium artis medicae (Leiden: Melchiorem Nouesianum, 1509). 11. Albertus Magnus. 12. As the worms swim in the water, they squirm and twist, knotting themselves into a ball- like shape, resembling the “Gordian Knot.” 13. A two-headed water creature. The amphisbaena in Greek mythology was a serpent with a head at each end. Lister thought the term appropriate because the worm seemed to be able to go backwards or forewords with equal case. Because the worms are of equal thickness from head to tail, it is difficult to distinguish their ends.

0205 Nathaniel Johnston1 to [Martin Lister] 22 April 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fols 9–12. Address: No address present. Printed: Partially printed in Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 9–10. 0205 johnston to lister 435

Honoured Sir

According to your desire I send you an account of those Gold in Arsnicke and some experiments made with the Vitrioline marcasite2 etc. About the type those 6 months Thomas capidge a Butcher of Ponteffract3 killed a ffatt Oxe ffor the Shambles4 prepared in Sir Salomon swales5 grounds in whom nothing was observed prater naturall6 till the bladder being half blown by the sea bank thorn7 was somthing observed sticking to the Innside with a duskish yellow ffroth. keeping the bladder half blown the Butchers sonne who ffirst discovered it, knocked with his hand patted (as he calls it) on the side and the bottom of the bladder to make it settle to the neck, and by shaking and squeezing it gott out the ffroth, and abote 200 litle globular stones of severall sizes the biggest being about the circumference O others like pinn heades or mustard seede He rubbed the slimy ffroth ffrom them on his coate and they appeared smooth of a duskish yellow and he broke one or two betwixt his nailes and keeping these \rest/ in a paper when drye they were like seede pearle but more smooth and of a perfect gold colour and so ever after continued as you sawe them. He kept them till about the beginning of December ere I sawe them. I laide severall of them upon the object plate so they all appeared of a very polished body; no rugosities8 \or flawes/ or scarcely veines or shades \appeared on/ of any parte illuminated; onely the punctum reflectiones9 very glorious the ffigure in most was sphaericall, in others a litel compressed like a bowle or Holland cheese.10 the colour like pollished gold. I broke one or two of them with some difficulty and ffound by the microscope that it was onely a thinn shell that \[[xxxx]]/ was so orient the Inner side the which was like unpolished gold. The Inmost substance was like brown sugar candie to the naked eye but not so transparent and mostly in cubick ffigures. The tast was not discernable: Having all the satisfaction I could this way I tooke one of the globule and laide it upon a peice of a broken bottle bottom and poured upon it som sp: vitrioli11 suffient to have covered 40 or 60 of them This I did 3 daies before I waited on you and in that tyme no change was made but it laide covered over as orient as ever. At my return ffrom Yorke I ffound theire had issued out a white milkinese and ther arenula12 was much less but the colour of it still the same. I tooke out the remaining schranck shell and laide it upon the edg of the glass where it continued many daies onely a small milky track was ffrom it to the sp of Vitriol and the other similar calx which was at the bottom of the sp of Vitriol. Thus it continued at leaste a fortnight and was shaken of the edg of the glass I thinck ffor I missed it at last I made another tyall with one of the least of them in 2 dramme of Aqua ffortis13 it was most pleasant to see \after allmost a quarter of an houre there 436 johnston to lister 0205 it was ffrisked14 a litle and after/ how it moved arounde the multitude of litle bubles and what ffrisking their was and explosion of the bubles it was too late to observ this with my glass But till the ebullition ceased the ffigure and colour remained and I could observ nothing came ffrom it till half an hour after I see a litle whitish matter at the bottom I touched the golden Annula15 with my pennknife after the ebullition ceased and I broke as If it had been nothing but a buble of air and seem dissappeared If I have any opportunity before I send them to make another tyall and view it all the while with my glase I shall give you an account.16 However I thinck it ffit to give you an account of a pleasent φαινόμενο17 I putt as much vinigar upon the object plate18 as would stand on it it without running off I was desirous to see the wormes19 in it which I now had the happ to see20 But not ffinding them I had at hand some of those strias21 that I gathered from the roofe of a Brick Vault of my Lord Strafford22 where therin is a continuall soaking through of raine water and there hang in reamarkable number of strias some soft some harder of all sizes from the thickness of a ffinger to a straw thicknesse most of them hollow which in most places will runn to water but being kept drye are very whole I crushed a little of one of these and putt the pouther to the viniger which considerably made the most intest[[xxx]] were such explosions of pelletts of air jostling one another and tossing like balls from one place to another as was very delightfull23 I observed the manner as exactly as I could and it was thus ffrom the sides of the Alkali of Lime24 (as I may call it) are buble after another ffirst appeared then that seperated from the lump and moved too and ffro and had allwaies one parte or other of its circumference leadened with a some of the white pouther and I observed our balle to move variously soem tyme jolting this way then that but generally sidewaies till at last It sprung upward and then broke (as childrens bubles of soape made in a wall nutt shell) some tyme they would breake by a jostle one against another. In this little quantity of vinigar which was no more then would lye upon a groate25 I observed by the help of the glase ffrom an houre allmost the gambolls.26 I had by me some snow water in which I had Incrusted some Lime ffor 3 weekes or a month (now and then stirring it with a wood spatula) upon the topp of which swimms a xtall27 pellicula28 like Ice which having exposed a litel to the aire I mixed likewise with some viniger and it made pretty sport like wise but not of so long continuance. Upon many coale pitt hills are to be found Vitriolin Marcasites29 of which I have observed these differences. One is solid pondrous like the pyrites that is used for wheele Lock pistolls30 but not altogether so bright and is enclosed in a smelly or shelly coale like 0205 johnston to lister 437 substance. This being pouthered as small as in an houres tyme it could be without scarcing looked on the object plate like as the ffragments of the pyrites doe to the naked eye with many sparkes from various ffigured Angles fflatts and cilinders. I tooke two graines of the powther and mixed with it 2 Ounces of spring water and after a nights Infusion I mixed about a 4th paste of a graine of Gall31 and after a quarter of an houre the water began at the top to turn greenish blew and after that more green ffrom top to the bottom but changed not purple or red. Some of this grosily powthered I calcined in a large crucible 22 houres it was then more redish or duskye and some partes had yellow specks. I sprinkled some of the gross pouther upon a Red hott Iron heater and holding over it some Red Rose leaves Borrage and purple stock July fflowers32 And they turned white and a brimstone like smell Issued ffrom it yellow fflowers were not tarnished by it the pouther being cold looked by the microspcope like coale Lumps but not with such shining fflatts.33 \the smaller pouther shined [[xxxxx]] speckled but more obscure then/. Spring water being poured upon some of this calcined pouther turned greene and a litle Gall being mixed with it and shaken a reddish colour began to arise ffrom the bottom and after turned a deepe purple. Some of this pouther being Infused in spring water in a Glass ffrom June 22d 1670 to July 19th after and Gall being put to it It changed litle ffor half an houre quarter of an houre till I stirred it and then it turned blew or deepe purple and the taste was like copperas dissolved in water. And Adding a litle water in which the blewer sort of Alom34 stone calcined had beene Infused it turned much blewer and since some charcoale Ashes being put in the colour began to gather into Clouds and the rest of the water was cleare. Some of this calcined Pyrites having stood mixed with water in a glass onely stopped with paper from July 19th 1670 to July 4th 1671 had a slaggy dark sediment and the supernating water35 clean which being poured upon a litle Gall changed immediately pale blew. A 2d sorte of these stones were composed of many brass coloured shells but such as doe not splitt into eaven fflatts but made up the various partes some shooting long, one waies some another and some swelling in litle protuberances in this manner. Betwixt these shells lyes a smelt very thinn the shells are very hard these stones newly digged gets little Colour being infused uncalcined. Another sort of this marcasite hath three brass like shells very thinn like hard metall but brittle and all the Interstices ffettred with a soft coale like substance. This being pouthered and laide upon the object plate appeared grayesh with brase specks and some with fflatts and cilinders. Upon this kinde of stone having laide long sub dio (It may be severall yeares) a white salt is ffound which 438 johnston to lister 0205 being washed of with raine water is soone renewed againe. The black ffriable partes of this stone crushed small with a knife or spoone lookes like Antimony but with more sparkes and white Veines or Long Cilinders but being Rubbed to ffine powther theire appeare innumerable flatt luminous bodys. I chose some of this ffriable black smelt upon wich I could see none of the white salt and having Infused it a short while in water a very litle Gall turned it presently of a claret Colour and after like burnt claret. Another kind was more ffriable and blacker with ffew \bras like/ shalls among it which by the help of a good glass appeared longer stirias cilinders as long as barlye cornes broade. This gives an Opacous purple Colour with Galls. Upon most of these espeically the last theire is a ffine white Salt which appears in the microscope appeares like Icicles especially that which upon some stones kept in my Closet a yeare the Icicles branching from nookes some streight some bending and all as transparent as xtale.36 The bigness of a pinns heade of this Salt dissolved in water and the least quanitty of Gall Imaginable put to it turned Immediately purple and tasted like copperas water.37 Upon the Topp of all these waters If they stood a night and in some but a ffew houres there was a yellowish and blew pellicula. Upon some of these Vitrioline marcasites an Oker38 colour Rust which onely Tastes stipticall39 and the golden colour by it appeares in fflatts not in cilinders or strias. July 19 1670 I had two sorte of Alom stone one paler the other dusky blew I had of both of them Calcined40 as the workmen prepare them ffor the Alom workes and uncalcined as they were digged out of the Quarries. The Paler Alom stone beaten to pouther in a brass morter with an Iron pestell and ground also Upon Marble I Infused in water made the water whitesh with some stipticity a litle Vitriolin like Taste. I mixed some pouthered Gall to it but it changed not the Colour but after it had stood some while a thinn pellicula arose from the topp of the water reddish blew and yellow the texture of it being in oblong Capillary cilinders and by standing longer it was like ffine Lawne pli- cated which showed its greate thinness the crispings (as you rightly conceive) being by the agitation of the glass whence the smooth surface being undulated and the pellicula so think the plights are the smaller. This liquor had a sweeter stipticity then the other. To the residue of this Infusion of the paler Alom stone I mixed some of the Infusion of the same Alom stone calcined and added to it some Gall and after It had stood half an houre it turned a deeper muddy purple and shortly after it precipitated and the upper watter was Reddish. I mixed with some of the paler Alom stone water and Gall some the blewer calcined Alom stone Infusion and the Infusion of the Earth which is about the 0205 johnston to lister 439

Iron stone and that gets a deeper blew Tincture and putting a little Salt of Tartar to it It precipitated a black powther and the midle water was reddesh and the topp more purple. Some of this pale \Uncalcined/ Alom stone water uncalcined having stood perfused in water ffrom July 19 1670 to July 9th 1671 the water was clean and gall put to it made no alteration of Colour. Some of the same pale Alom stone Uncalcined and ground upon a marble and Infused ffrom 19th of July 1670 to July 4th 1671 had a yellowish raggy cloud swimming at the top and being mixed with Gall the water grew paler this paler Alom stone calcined and Infused and mixed with Gall gave changed litle in Colour. The Darker Coloured \Uncalcined/ Alom stone beaten in a brass mortar as the fformer and Infused all night gave no tincture with Gall. onley it had a pellicula but not so blew as on the whiter Alom stone Infusion Before Gall was put to it It had a stiptick sweeteness Some of the same ground on a marble and Infussed and mixed with Gall differed in nothing ffrom that beaten in the Mortar and standing a gram as the other theire was a dusty yellow pouther at the bottom and a raggy cloud at the topp and with Gall afforded no colour This blacker Alom stone calcined and which is that which yields the plenty fullest ston of Alom hath many yellow specks like Brimstone fflowen upon it very Salt and Stiptick Also some Red spotts like Colcothar of Vitriol.41 This stone in beating stuck more to the pestell and mortar than the other The simple Influsion of this Calcined Alom stone Tastes like Alom and not like vitrioline water. whereas the waters of both uncalcined stones are sweetish to stiptick. The water in which some of this blewer Calcined Alom stone was Infused being mixed with Gall turns Immediately blew If it be stirred Iff it be not stirred it continues longer ere it change the Colour most of these experiments I made with pure spring water such as will beare soape and I repeated the most materiall with snow water. the snow being gathered cleane and let dissolvt in greate earthen glazed potts the earth both immediately below and above the Iron stone. Is an Unctuous ffriable slaty blackish stone These infused ffor a month in spring water grew no Tincture with Gall niether ffirst nor last or the intermediate Tymes nor when it had stoode 12 months When I had made these experiments with the severall infusions that had stood 12 months I mixed them together such I meane as I had mixed some Gall with Viz Alom stone not burnt [[one word]] Calcined and these changed litle then I put in of the Vitriolin Coals with water and the Colour grew red then blew Calcined Alom Stone water and the liquors changed whether then some 440 johnston to lister 0205 water in which Roman Vitriol by it self had beene Infused and stood a yeare and this made all grow whiter then I poured a litle new made urine and this curdled the water and tooke away the Colour mostly and shortly after a curdled matter precipitated to the bottom and then adding more of the water of the calcined pyrites the liquors turned more purple than formerly. The waters of cole pitt soiles generally well turn like claret wine or purple with Gall and a greate quantity of yellow Okar like powther is precipitated upon the earth stones and grase it glider okar. And this water tastes strongly vitrioline. I send you a piece of the Vitrioline marcasite that hath laide in my study 9 months and gott no wett you see what a salt is upon it it [sic] and may make the experiments with it and improve them and wherin I hath beene mistaken correct mine. In my opinion this salt the product of nature being easily dissolved in water is more pure than any can be extract ffrom the spaws waters by arte because in these waters theire are minute partes of Okar gritty particles etc. that may adhere per minima and so Vitrate the contexture But these you may view in an ordinary magnifying glass. How easy it is now to judge that where cole mines are or theire are store of these marcasites Re (It is obvious that large tracts are of one kind of quality either stone coale chalk gravell marble Iron stone etc) The under ground Rills42 and rivuletts that pass through these may contain the minute partes or such dissolved salts so long as a supply is afforded or the channel is not obstructed. Since the writing of the fformer parte of this account I tryed with our of the golden arenulas of a larger size; with Aqua ffortis Yt Upon a piece of broken glass. the Annula continued all most a quarter of an hour ere it appeared to have any change taken \onyly/ about the circumference their seemed to be some rugged up43 as It it were small cornes of Salt which were of unequal ffigures but all seemed transparent. At last ffrom one side a buble arose and so after more and after a while the bubles began to issue from that side as If a fflock of sheepe slipped out of \a/ narrow passage are breeding another. but I would observ none of these bubles to carry on their convex partes any parte of the arenula. It continued thus all most a quarter of an houre with great increase of the bubles and various arietations44 highly accounting one another in the counter scuffle till at last the whole examen being unkithed45 the turmoile ceased. This day I tooke \the/ least I could ffinde and dropped one dropp of Aqua ffortis upon the object plate and having a good light I observed the manner something more distinctly very soone after I had let it ffal into the drop bubles began to arise from both the poles and streamed out \of one/ as If blown out by some impetuous spirit \and slowlye out of the other/ and all the balles 0205 johnston to lister 441 greate and little were edged with in [[xxxxxxx]] litle bubles as thick sett as could stand some of these bubles swelled so before they broke as they appeared like large ffish eyes.46 In this both sides aequally wasted till at last nothing was left but a golden ring and that before it hath grew as small as an haire and at last broke like a bended hoope and their remained some litle ffragments that were lossed with the bubles soone whole after but all ceased within a quarter of an hour and nothing seemed lest so bigg as a corn of sand \doth/ to the naked eye though I looked upon it through the glass and that was like a xtall salt. I pray hint to me what tryalls els[e] you would hath me make I intend when I [[one word]] with any gravell in Urine to a lege [[allege]] the difference of the dissilution by Aqua ffortis. I can give you yet no Satisfactory account of the Sulphur well at Ashern47 till some ffurther tryalls which I am about and well imparte as some as I have ffin- ished them In the interim I desire you will send ffor some Scarbrough water48 and let it stand till it be ffetid and then compar it with the sulphur well at Knaresburgh49 and other spring waters simple and with which some of this marcasite is Infused. The Sulphur water I fformerly had their turned the silver spoone like copper and this I have sent ffor now doth not so and has looseth the ffetid smell after it hath stoode a while the other suche water turnt litle with Gall so that I suspect by servant hath not brought me right or their may be difference in the season of the year. Sir, I am not about to esteem the paper I had ffrom Dr Wittye50 ffor it is not returned from Doncaster yet I pray acquaint him as much he had a Catalogue of bookes which I know not whether he showd you or Dr Vavasor51 but some hath marked them I send it you to peruse if you will have any of them or Dr Vavasor I will afford them as cheape as possibly I can. Thus with the tender of my ffaithfull service to your self. Dr. Witty. Dr Vavasor etc. as also to our generous ffriend Mr Brooke I remaine

Sir, your most affectionate [[xxxxxx]] ffriend and servent

N Johnston

April 22 1672

1. Nathaniel Johnston (bap. 1627?–1705) of Pontefract and then London, was a physician, naturalist, antiquary, member of the York Corporation of Physicians, and Jacobite. He was the son of Reverend John Johnston, Rector of Sutton-on-Derwent, Yorkshire, and grandson of John 442 johnston to lister 0205

Johnstone, advocate, Laird of Castle-Milke in Scotland. Johnston matriculated at St Andrews, but proceeded M.D. from Cambridge in 1656. Johnston practised medicine first at Pontefract in Yorkshire, but moved to London in 1686, where he at first lived “at the iron balcony” in Leicester Street, by Leicester Fields. He corresponded with Lister in the 1670s on mining practices and ores, performing some microscopic observations reacting different metals with weak acids. Johnston became a member of the Royal College of Physicians in 1687, and was an antiquary, writing an unpublished history of the earls of Shrewsbury completed between 1692 and 1694. Johnston was also a frequent correspondent of his fellow antiquarians George Dugdale and Ralph Thoresby. He proposed writing a Natural History of Yorkshire much in the style of Robert Plot’s natural histories of Staffordshire and Oxfordshire, but it was never finished. The catalogue of the National Archive notes “Other papers of the Earls of Shrewsbury together with Johnston’s own antiquarian collections continued in the hands of his descendants and were eventually sold to Richard Frank, Recorder of Pontefract, in 1755. The whole collection was finally dispersed in the Bacon Franks sale at Sotheby’s in August 1942. Many Shrewsbury Papers were bought by dealers, and others are in the Bodleian Library and Sheffield Central Library.” Later in life, Johnston became a well-known political theorist with his Excellency of Monarchical Government (1686) supporting absolute monarchy two years before the fall of the Stuarts. Predictably, his fortunes fell subsequently in the Glorious Revolution, and he supported himself by writing Jacobite treatises and with patronage from the Earl of Huntington and the Earl of Peterborough. He died in poverty in London. See Mark Goldie, “Johnston, Nathaniel (bap. 1629?, d. 1705),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); D.H. Atkinson, Ralph Thoresby, the Topographer: His Town and Times (Leeds: Walker and Laycock, 1885), vol. 1, p. 81. 2. Iron pyrite or iron sulfide (FeS2). 3. Pontefract, Yorkshire, in the West Riding. 4. Presumably a reference to The Shambles, a medieval street in York, or perhaps to a similar street in Pontefract itself. The word “shambles” originates from the Anglo-Saxon Flesshammels (flesh-shelves), or the shelves where butchers displayed their wares. 5. Sir Solomon Swale (1610–1678), first Baronet of Swale Hall in Grinton, York. Swale Hall is fifty-four miles to the north-east of York. 6. Preternatural. 7. Sea buckthorn (Hippophae rhamnoides) a thorny deciduous shrub. 8. Wrinkles. 9. The “point of reflection.” 10. Presumably Dutch Edam which, traditionally, is sold in spheres with a pale yellow interior. 11. Dilute oil of vitriol or sulfuric acid, obtained by the distillation of green vitriol (Iron (ii) sulfate FeSO4.7H2O. 12. “Fine sand.” 13. Nitric acid. hno3. Bladder stones are collections of urates, oxalates, carbonates, or phos- phates, of calcium and magnesium. Adding a bladder stones with calcium carbonate to nitric acid results in bubbles of carbon dioxide and water: 2HNO3+CaCO3 = Ca(NO3)+H2O+Co2. See Edward Boden and Geoffrey Philip West, “Calculi,” in Black’s veterinary dictionary, 19th ed. (Lancham, md: Barnes and Noble Books, 1998), p. 77. 14. Moving briskly and sportively. 15. Ring. 16. It was at this point that the Philosophical Transactions ceased printing its extract from this letter. 0205 johnston to lister 443

17. Fainomenon or phenomenon. Johnston misplaced the acute mark, and I have corrected it here. 18. The stage of the microscope. 19. Nematode worms or vinegar eels (Leptodera oxophila or Anguillula acetiglutinis). Borellus or Pierre Borel (1620?–1671) was the first to describe a free-living nematode in 1653, which he termed the “vinegar eel.” P. Borellus, Historiarum, et observationum medicophysicarum, centuria prima (Paris: Johannes Billaine, 1653), p. 240. 20. At this point in the margin, Lister wrote, “Lime strias cause an ebullition with Vinigar.” 21. Striae, otherwise known as sparry or stone icicles. In this case, presumably stalactites thought to be made of marcasites. 22. Presumably William Howard, first Viscount Stafford (1614–1680), a council member of the Royal Society in 1672. 23. It seems in this case that the bladder stones were largely calcium carbonate. When reacted with vinegar, it forms carbonic acid (H2CO3) which is unstable and decomposes into carbon dioxide (the gas bubbles “tossing like balls” and water). CaCO3 + 2 HC2H3O2 ==> Ca(C2H3O2)2 + H2CO3. 24. Presumably calcium carbonate. The gas bubbles produced were carbon dioxide. 25. The English four-penny coin. 26. “Gambols” is a leaping or a springing. 27. Crystal. 28. Skin-like; a pellicle. At this point in the left margin, Lister wrote: “Alsoe thee Peliculles forming on lime water.” 29. Left in a slightly damp environment, pyrites or marcasites produce a green vitriolic varnish and at times spectacular green crystals of vitriolic salt [iron (ii) sulfate, or FeSO4]. Lister was particularly interested in the chemistry of pyrites or “fool’s gold,” arguing later in a series of publications that its chemical mechanism was behind a large variety of natural phenomena, including the heating of spa waters, volcanoes, earthquakes, and thunder and lightning. See Roos, Salt of the Earth (2007), chapter 3, passim, and Anna Marie Roos, “All that Glitters: fool’s gold in the early-modern era,” Endeavour, 32, 4 (Dec 2008), pp. 147–151. 30. Pyrites were used instead of flints to light the gunpowder in Spanish wheel-lock pistols. 31. The gall test was utilized to detect iron in mineral waters; a precipitate is formed in the reaction between the constituents of the gall-nut juice and ferrous salts. See Tony E. Edmonds, “An indicator of its time: two millennia of the iron-gall-nut test,” Analyst, 123 (1998), pp. 2909–2914. 32. July flowers or gillyflowers is a term applied to native plants having flowers scented like a clove, especially to the clove-scented pink (Dianthus Caryophyllus) to other plants more or less resembling this. Flowers were used often as color indicators for acids and alkalis in this period. 33. At this point Lister wrote in the left margin, “before calcining.” 34. Alum. 35. The liquid floating above or on the surface. 36. Crystal. 37. Copperas water is usually sulphate of iron (FeSO4) or green copperas dissolved in water, although because there was a failure to distinguish between copper and iron pyrites, it was common to have blue copperas or a protosulphate of copper as well. 38. Ochre, or light yellow to deep orange-red to brown. 39. Having an acid taste. 444 lister to ray 0206

40. Roasted or burned. 41. The brownish-red peroxide of iron which remains in the retort after the distillation of sulfuric acid from iron sulfate. 42. A small stream or rivulet. 43. Roughed up. 44. Batterings, concussions, clashings. 45. To disappear or vanish. 46. At this point, Lister wrote in the left margin, “which that the most of the balles ffrom less grew still bigger till they broke.” 47. Presumably Ashern, Egremont, Cumbria. 48. Scarborough spa water from the coast of Yorkshire. The spring water is bitter and contains iron. 49. Knaresborough, North Yorkshire. 50. Robert Wittie or Witty (bap. 1613–1684) a Yorkshire physician, remembered principally for his publications on spa waters, particularly Scarborough Spaw (1660). 51. Like Witty, Johnston, and Lister, Dr. Peter Vavasor was a Yorkshire physician and member of a corporation of York physicians who banded together to preserve their rights and privi- leges. See “Articuli supradicti, quibus affiguntur nomina sequentium medicorum; scilicet, Stephani Tayleri, M.D., R. Wittye, M.D.; Pet. Vavasor, M.D., Gulielmi Ayscough, M.B, Martini Lister, A.M. Hen. Corbett, M.D., N. Johnstoni, M.D.” bl ms Sloane 1393, f. 17. Peter Vavasor was the fifth son of Sir Thomas Vavasor (d. 1636), first Baronet of Haslewood, Yorkshire. In his Catalogus Angliae, Ray mentions a Mr. Witham who showed him plants “near Sir Walter Vavasour’s Park in Yorkshire” in 1668. Sir Walter Vavasor (ca. 1644–1713), the third Baronet, was Peter’s brother.

0206 Martin Lister to John Ray [York], ca. May 1672

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 23, number 58. The original letter has been lost; only an extract copied by J.D. Enys survives in mss Ray 1. This letter has also been abstracted by Derham in nhm mss Ray, fol. 78, abstract 16.1 The dating is from the archivist’s calendar for mss Ray and is supported by context. In this letter, Lister was replying to Ray’s queries about kermes of late June 1671 with data about these creatures the following spring. Ray replied with his own observations on 18 May 1672. Address: No address present. Reply to: Letter of 28 June 1671. Printed: Derham (1718), p. 109; Lankester (1848), pp. 96–97. (These are both partial transcriptions.) 0207 oldenburg to lister 445

Dear Sir

I shall tell you only that Kermes is this year a greater puzzle to me than I expected it would have proved. For observe—1. That these are soft in the early spring, and very pulpy. 2. That not only that which I took to be the excrement of the bees, but also the liquamen2 itself, which I took to be provision of bee- meat, is nothing else but an infinite number of small eggs, out of which a certain sort of mites (as I take them to be) are hatched. 3. That these kermes seem to be of different sorts; some having red, or carnation-coloured mites in them, wrapped up in a pure white silk; others are of white colour, etc. 4. That not only the bee maggots3 I described the last year have been found in these kermes, but as Dr. Johnson of Pomfret4 assures me, he found in one kermes one large maggot filling all the husk.5 I desire to know what you and Mr. Willughby have farther observed on this subject.

1. Derham’s abstract was: “Kermes puzzles him/Thanks Mr Willughby earlier for his observ[ations].” 2. A substance reduced to a liquid state. 3. The larva of a bee. 4. Dr. Nathaniel Johnston of Pontefract, Yorkshire. For information about Johnston, see his letter of 22 April 1672. 5. The shell or case of a chrysalis; a cocoon.

0207 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 11 May 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 59. Address: To his honored friend | Dr Martyn Lister, at his | house in Stone- gate barr | at | York. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 19 March 1671/2. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 64–66, letter 1977.

Sir,

Both your letters, concerning the Excision of the stone from under the tongue, and the generation of Heir-Worms, have been produced, and with great satisfaction read to the R. Society. The former was from the Arch Bishop of Canterbury 446 oldenburg to lister 0207 sent by a good hand to them at their publick meeting, to whom, it seems the Arch Bishop of york had communicated it.1 We find, that the subject, on whom that excision was made, is yourself; which makes us give entire credit to the relation. Several of the company told, on this occasion, of the like cases they had met with; and one of them, besides the case, related by him, altogether like yours, added another of a stone, found on the upper side of the arteria venosa,2 and having there made such a compression, whereby the motion of the blood being hinder’d, the patient was killed.3 As to the Heir-worms, the Bishop of Chester4 affirmed to have met with the like to yours. And having spoken with Mr Willoughby, he saith, that he hath met with such worms almost in all sorts of fishes and birds, and some quadrupeds, that he hath had occasion to open. I think \both/ these observations worth communicating to the publick in the Transactions. I doe not acknowledge to Mr Brook himself the favour of his last letter,5 because he intimated therein, thatt he intended to come up to London during this terme; which when he doth, I doubt not but I shall have the happiness to see him, that I may give him an account of the particulars, which he desired to be informed off. I am apt to think, that he is already in towne, but does not let us know of it. Pray, Sir, give me leave to aske you, what is done about you for Nurseries, Orchards, Gardens, Groves. I hear, that these advance exceedingly on both sides of the Seaverne, and about Oxford. And some of the friends of our Society, that live in Somersetshire, and would have Georgicks improved,6 wish very much, that since the maine improvement of that kind should be in \the/ Champian Countries,7 all those that have an interest in such places, should \might/ be desired to employ it accordingly. I suppose, you have seen, what hath been lately published in the prosecution of Mr Newtons reflecting Telescope;8 as also of De Graafs book deorganis mulierum generationi in Servientibus.9 Of which therefore I shall say nothing more; but conclude with assuring you of my constancy in being

Sir Your faithfull servt

H.O.

London. May 11th. 72. 0207 oldenburg to lister 447

Mr Sturdy10 hath been with me once: He then said, that he intended to come and lodge nearer us; but I have not seen him since. He seems to be a knowing and sober person, whom I shall gladly serve, wherein I can.

1. See Lister’s letter to Richard Sterne, Archbishop of York, of 10 April 1672. The wrapper of his April letter indicates that the “good hand” was Sir Robert Moray who presented it to the Royal Society. The letter was read at a Society meeting of 1 May 1672. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 48. 2. “Vein-like artery,” or the pulmonary vein. 3. These other participants were one “Dr. King,” presumably John King, M.D., F.R.C.P. (bap. 1614–1681), and Robert Boyle. King made the remark about the arteria venosa. For his identity, see William Birken, “Dr. John King (1614–1681) and Dr. Assuerus Regemorter (1615–1650),” Medical History, 20, 3 (July 1976), pp. 276–295, esp. pp. 293–294. In the past, King has been confused with other individuals. Amongst these was another physician, John King (1604–1688), who also took an M.D. at Leiden and was also the father of a John King, in this instance the lawyer Sir John King (1639–1677). Munk’s Roll of the Royal College of Physicians conflates the lives of these two John Kings. See William Birken, ‘King, John (bap. 1614, d. 1681)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 4. John Wilkins. 5. Although no letters from Sir John Brooke to Oldenburg from this period survive, Brooke was a frequent correspondent of Lister’s at this time, passing along details of meetings of the Royal Society. 6. John Beale (ca. 1608–1683), English clergyman, natural philosopher, and early fellow of the Royal Society, who became rector of Yeovil, Somerset, in 1660. He wrote extensively on “Georgicks,” or agriculture, the term stemming from Virgil’s poem. Beale was best known for his works on cider and orchards. 7. Champian refers to an expanse of level open country, or a plain unbroken by hills or woods. It also can refer to open unenclosed land as distinguished from that partitioned into fields. 8. This could be any one of a series of articles about Newton’s reflector, first presented to the Society in January. See Isaac Newton, “An Accompt of a New Catadioptrical Telescope Invented by Mr. Newton, Fellow of the R. Society, and Professior of the Mathematiques in the University of Cambridge,” Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 4004–4010. Huygens’s response of 13 February 1672 to news of the invention is in the same article, as well as Newton’s rejoinder of 19 March. See also: Isaac Newton and M. Cassegrain, “Mr Isaac Newton’s Considerations upon Part of a Letter of Monsuur de Berce printed in the Eight French Memoire, Concerning the Cata-Drioptrical Telescope, Pretended to be Improv’d and Refined by M. Cassegrain” Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 4056–4059. Brooke’s letter to Lister of 29 March 1673, note 25, refers also to Newton’s invention and the debates it engendered. 9. Regneri de Graaf de mulierum organis generatione inservientibus tractatus novus (Leiden, 1672), which was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 4052–4054. Regnier de Graaf (1641–1673) was a Dutch physician and anatomist who identified the function of the ovarian follicle (Graafian follicle). 10. Presumably John Sturdy or Sturdie, a correspondent of Lister’s, member of the York Virtuosi and mineral collector from Thurnham, Lancashire. Thurnham is a civil parish on the south side of the River Lune estuary in the City of Lancaster. 448 johnston to lister 0208

0208 Nathaniel Johnston to [Martin Lister] 13 May 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fols 13–15.

Honoured Sir

Although I cannot yet give you a full account of my tryalls at the Sulphur well and spaw at Ashern1 as I wantd yet to satisfye in some sat the curiosity I will adventur to communicate such experiments as I have made rather to excite you and others to make further tryalls then to establish any Hypothesis. The sweete well lye easte about 60 yeardes from the ffoot of the hill upon a Levell and about 200 yardes ffrom it (upon the same Levell) is the Sulphur well The sweete well and sulphur are both cleare waters but being slow springs (though they are upon a Rocke) yet theire is mudd in their bottoms the spaw is so weake that it only colours a ffainte Claret purple with Gall but so much as to be known to be of that tribe.2 It hath not beene much tryed. Upon stirring the mudd in it I was sensible of a resembling ttaste like the Sulphur water as ffor distinction it must be called. The sulphur water is clear and colours not or very litle with Galls \onley growes a litle blewish and more opacous like as If a little milk were mixt with a ffaint blew but no red colour.)/ [[several words crossed out]]. The smell and taste at the well is very exactly like the Sulphur well at Knaresburgh3 leaves and ffilms of mudd are coloured a whitish yellow This purgeth and hath done greate cures in drying the sores; Mr Humphreys4 told me he saw a young woman about 9 yeare old so covered over with scabbs, running sores, and scales, that she was all crusted over and was not able to goe; and by thrice bathing in the water ffor half an houre to gether, at 10 daie or a ffortnight distance she was perfectly cured.5 I ffilled ffoure bottles of 5 galls or 3 pintes viz two of either water and corked them as close as possibly I could and kept them 13 or 14 months before I opened them and then the waters were so alike tasted thtat I could no distinguish them one ffrom the other. I corked them close againe and they being removed I thought they had been poured fforth; but after I returned last \march/ ffrom yorke I made search and ffound them, and opened them again and ffound them exactly so ttasted. I poured out of eache bottle half an urinall6 full (the urinalls being the white glass, and never used before) I thought the sulphur water was a little greene yellow by it was scarce descernible. I boyled of them severall and the quantitie was very little, white stipitcall7 \a litle/ acrimoni- ous about a scruple in 3 pintes the difference appeared in the boyling ffor the sulphur tinged the spoone like copper8 the other did something but much like also the sweete water by standing open sooner lost its ffaetidness the sediment 0208 johnston to lister 449

I could not distinguish by tast or eye or microscope onely the sweete water appeared more duskye. I send you some of either sort to see. After the bottle had stood a weeke or ffortnight I being other wise busyed. Dr Sympson9 called to give me a visit, and ffetching the bottles ffor him to see and smell the ffaetidness was gone at which I was a little surprized but I had by chance another bottle I had sent ffor the day before by un opened and let him smell of that and he was satisfyed that had the genuine smell of the sulphur. within two daies after that bottle being not close corked had lost its smell alsoe Very much; and since I hath ffound that in our night standing open it will be much diminished in its smell iff it be of the clearest water but if it were more funbled with some fflying mudd in it the smell will be retained well If the bottle be not close stopped. The water ffresh from the Sulphur well hath not coloured the silver spoone in the boyling as that did that was kept long march \may/ 6 I tasted this day a bottle of the sulphur water that had lost its smell being but taken ffrom the well may the 4th and I cannot distinguish it ffrom the then water of the sweete spawe. I opened also this day vix. may the 6th a bottle of sulphur water that was taken about March the 23 and had stood corked yet not very close and it smells strong and I ffind in the bottle a flying mudd I boyled some of the clearest after I had pour a Gill10 of it upon some gall powther) I thinck half a graine, which I had not done before, being onely intent upon the boyling, and this immediately tinged as much as the sweete water did at the ffountaine. This lucky phenomenon hath exceedingly confirmed me of theire Identity; the coul Colour of this is like diluted claret whence the sulphur at this well only turns a little milky blew. At the same Instant I poured as much of the sweete water that I had taken May the 7th into another cleane glass upon the like quantity of Galls and it only turns that a \milky/ blewish colour and not red. I then poured some of the Sulphur that was taken May the 6th and had lost the smell before 24 houres upon a like quantity of Galls in another clean glase and it changed onely little blewish but not so milky as the sweete water.) you will pardon the long parenthesis ffor while the skillet was making ready ffor the boyling the sulphur water I made these 3 by alle and so penned them down, I now proceede to the boyling. As soone as it was hott, so as I could endure to touch it with my ffinger I poured a little upon some gall with a silver spoone and it turned a greenish yellow blewe and cleare at the topp after a while standing. I looked upon the various pouthers that remained in the skillet after all were boyled ad siccitatem and then scraped the pouthers out with a spoone and knife The sulphur water pouther, that was kept ffrom Aug 1670 and the sweete 450 johnston to lister 0208 water pouther kept the same type was much alike greatly Duskish and some litle saline transparencies in them onely the Sulphur was whiter. The Sulphur water pouther that was ffaetid after keeping ffrom march 18 to may 6th and tinged then with Galls was like Salt Lumps to the naked eye with some transparent stirias. The sulphur pouther that was ffrom the water gott March 12 and boyled April 9 was like Salt also. the sulphur pouther ffrom the watter gott May the 9th and Boyled May the 11th was not so transparent but more like the sweete water pouther onely some ffew saline partes among the sweete spaw water pouther gott May the 7th and boyled May the 8th was like lime stone stirias11 very white some in fflatts others settled like wafer shells other like stirias and some saline parts among them. may the 7th I boyled some of the sweete spaw that had beene gott march 12 and had beene once or twice shifted ffrom one bottle to another having first observed that it would get no tincture with Galls though it begun to have somthing a ffaetid smell and the pouther had more the transparent saline particles beside the ffore mentioned stirias. I doe imagine (the Well of a mile of their being plaster Quarries) that some atramenta12 ffrom thence make these stirias which are not easily separated upon the boyling of waters newly taken ffrom the spring as after wards that the waters having stood their saline particles are more at liberty to coagulate into larger ffigures; especially if they begin to have any new ffermentation when by the salts are reduced in ffluorem.13 May 6th I Infused some of the powther of the Vitrioline marcashite14 about Cole pitts about 3 ounces in 4 quartes of Spring water the next morning I stirred it once up and let it settle 2 houres and then boyled a quarte or less of the clearest and when it was hotter then I could endure my finger in it I tooke some out and with Gall it gave a deepe Violet colour15 but after it boyled it would change colours no more. It being boyled ad succitatem16 one parte of the skillet heating endured the ffire more then the other was crusted with a red pouther and was sharp as a caustick upon the toung the other being a dusky white tasted as exactly like usuall green Copperas17 as anything could doe neither of them upon the object plate are very diaphanous bodyse in small partes but looked like the sediment or pouther after decoction of the Sulphur water that was kept ffor 2 yeares but this greyish pouther turned Greene in 5 houres or less. I distilled some of these Vitriols in spring water and that which was like colcothar18 gave immediately a claret colour by the addition of Galls and after turned purple and the Graines gave a more purple colour By which it appeares that the boyling doth either precipitate the vitriol or change the \preformeth the/ texture of partes so as they are not desordered by the Gall pouther that when the Aqueous partes are exhaled the vitrioline sediment againe dissolved 0208 johnston to lister 451 in water strickes the colour with Gall as well as in the Marcasite onley not Violet but claret Colour. This letter being designed last Tuesday night to have been sent to you on Wednesday morning but the carrier being one sooner then I expected that you might have less reason to condemn me, loath I have adventured ffurther upon the patience to added to that what I have since observed. ffirst the Sulphur water that was so ffaetid on Monday last and tinged with Galls by being poured into lesser bottles and those stopped only with paper hath not onely last its odor but is tinging quality I intend to bottle up in small bottles the decanted Spring water in which I infused the vitrioline marcasite and after some other spaw waters corking some close dipping the corks of others in Rosin and heating them open that I may open them monthly and ffinde what Alterations are made and how they agree or disagree and I shall not ffaile to give you an account as I proceed. This weeke being instructed by your kinde letter I made search ffor the annu- lous grana kermes19 and hath ffound severall upon Apricots and peaches20 those of the last yeare with one two 3 and 4 holes in the crowne the newe ones easily to be destinguished ffrom them by theire softeness and sa[i]d \brown/ purple colour. ffirst as to the old ones they differ from the kermes berryes in the shopps21 that they are preforated the outer coate yellow dusky wherein these of the Ilex22 are red or purplysh also more sphaericall. the Inner partes also differ ffrom those of the shopps hath many of them no white spongy matter in them as ours hath but a more ffriable lanuginous23 pouther some parte of which is no other white and upon the object plate some partes looked like egge drye with wrinckles other partes were triangular both white and red whereas ours had the Inner pulp more white and though many such like dryed eggs appeared yet the most parte was a whole matter that looked like Downye snow. The reason of the difference I suppose may be that the Ilex theca,24 are pulled before any Insect come to maturity while the externall coate is fully purple and while the liquamen25 and eggs (of which more hereafter) are not animated whereas those I ffound now of the last yeares product were but the empty Hyves. In both these I observed two coates the outmost thinner towards the top but the Inmost coate thinn proportionably to the pellicula26 within the egg shell. I observed one difference more that the Insectorum theca Bacciformes ffenticum27 (as ffor distinction they may be called) of my Garden had a larger paerture at the Base then those of the shoppe the reason of which I conceive may be that those ffrom the Ilex are gathered greene and so schrink in whereas ours being extended according to the growth of the branch are kept in a ffuler proportion. 452 johnston to lister 0208

I come now to give you and account of what I observed of those of this yeares growth. I was not a ffirst dextrous in separating them ffrom the Barck but before I could do it the Colliquamentum28 Issued out in some yellower then others But after hours or thrice trying I seperated it easily ffrom the Barck after I had cutt it ffrom the tree with a piece of the barke with it which being laide upon the object plate I ffound that theire was onely a staine Upon the barck branched something like a leafe. It was my happ to meete with one before I was very cunning and had made any considerable progress (Her I believe it was the 4th I had viewed) within which amids the Liquamen I thought theire was a substance exactly like a nympha and thought I could distinguish where the heade and feete etc. were and other proportions of a glorious grayish colour on the belly and the back more crusty and black studded with silks and crushing the liquor out it appeared black. but having ffound no more since I suspect it might be some peice of the film and so dare not be possible in it. That which ffollowes I have no reason to suspect I was decieved in because I did severall tymes ffinde the same phenomenon. the lesser Thecas are full of a more grayish viscous matter after the ffilm is separated ffrom the Bases which ffilm lookes something like the belly of a milllipes.29 In the larger sort I ffound in that colliquamentum many concatinated Eggs so perfect and so uniform that I could no waies suspect any deception in my sight. they were some in clusters together and with a pen knife point being spreade more abroade they appeared like the ovaries of Animals hanging upon a Racemus in this manner.30 If the Liquamen be grayish these eggs are transparent like ovall bubles of water and I thought their was a reddish vein inter spersed. The largest that I hath yet mett with are a pretty plain purple on the outside and being separated from the branch you will finde a yellow mealy pouther ffill the cavity which being shaken out and laide upon the plate are so many distinct eggs many of which I observed had a rugosity31 at one end as If it were a pedunculus32 these being lensed33 out carefully theire appeares the ffilm before mentioned sunck allmost to the midle of the theca which being peirced theire fflowers out a more yellow liquor then out of any of the otherwhich liquor being spreade upon the object plate34 their appeare clusters of those eggs not yet turned yellow but such as before mentioned in the colliqumentum and least I might be deceieved by the mixture of any of the eggs that were in the Cavity of the Bases I took some of the larger grown thecas and perforated the topp partes and gently pressed out the yellow mucus which was ffull of the same ffirst mentioned eggs. This is all I have been yet able to discover I shall endeavour weekely to note the progress till I finde what is produced I doe confidently affirm, theire may 0208 johnston to lister 453 be more then 400 of those eggs in our theca. A good magnifying glass will show you these eggs like nutts but smaller. If you thinck ffitt I shall not be unwilling these particulars may be sent to Mr Oldenburg that Ingenious persons may be excited to make stricter examination and may possibly ffind what Insect deposeith this prolifick sperma upon the branches or whether the whole be not an Aurelia.35 I want Malpighius onley remember that he hints that eggs begun in ffemales upon its change into an Aurelia.36 but wanting that curious Ariadine clew37 I doe but grope at things as yet till ffurther experiments Illustrate things better. I want also at present the transactions38 in which you give an \the full/ account of these theca I desire as you hath leisure you will suggest what you would have me note. If you knew how greate my other taskes are you would pardon my slow progress in these things ffor the 1000th parte scare of my tyme can be allowed for them. Yes I hath the last yeare (and hope to proceed this years) write downe many microscopicall observations of the minuter parts of plants which when I can bring into an order a completeness shall be transmitted to you. If you can spare me what you hath of Malpighius printed and his mss and the Latin or English mss of Spiders39 you would greately oblige me and I shall carrfully return them. I must now begg your pardon that I send you these notes thus confusedly will ffor I writte them as I proceeded and hath not leisure to write a ffaire coppy much less to digest them. I shall theirefore at present give no ffurther trouble but subscribe my self

Sir your very ffaithfull servant

N: Johnston

May 13 1672

I send you now the catalogue of the bookes The prices will be abated and If you have bookes you would exchange ffor some of them If I have them not I will traffick that way I pray deliver this enclosed to Dr Wittie40 with my service and imparted my fformer letter and this to him

1. Ashern, Egremont, Cumbria. See Johnston’s letter to Lister of 22 April 1672, note 47. 2. The gall test to detect iron. See Johnston’s letter to Lister of 22 April 1672, note 31. 3. Knaresborough, North Yorkshire, famous for its spas since the sixteenth century. 454 johnston to lister 0208

4. Possibly Humphrey Humphreys (1648–1712), a vicar of Anglesey who later became Bishop of Bangor and who was a known antiquary, historian, and genealogist. A “Mr Humphreys” is mentioned also in a letter from Edward Lhwyd to Lister of 22 October 1691. Lhwyd described Humphreys’s collection of fossils and his observation of alum stone. See Bodl. ms Lister 36, fol. 28; Early Modern Letters Online: http://tinyurl.com/7a45k9l. Accessed 25 November 2013. 5. Fifty miles away from Ashern at Gilsland, there is a sulphur spring, renowned for “the cure of cutaneous disorders, and long resorted to an account of its valuable properties; besides a considerable portion of sulphur, its waters contain a small quantity of sea salt, and a slight admixture of earthy particles.” See Samuel Lewis, A topographical dictionary of England (London: S. Lewis and Co, 1811) vol. 1, p. 674. 6. A urinal or a glass vessel or phial employed to receive urine for medical examination or inspection. 7. Styptical, a mordant, biting quality. 8. A common test for sulphur. The silver reacts with sulphur to make silver sulphide, the black material we call tarnish (2 Ag + S → Ag2S). 9. Presumably William Simpson, a York physician and Helmontian chymist, who wrote about spa waters and who was a bitter rival of Robert Wittie. See William Simpson, Hydrologia chymica: or the chymical anatomy of Scarborough, Yorkshire. Wherein are interspersed animadversions upon Dr. Wittie’s lately published treatise of the Scarbrough Spaw (London, 1669). See also Noel Coley, “Cures without Care: ‘Chymical Physicians’ and Mineral Waters in Seventeenth- Century English Medicine,” Medical History, 23 (1979), pp. 191–214; Roos, Salt of the Earth (2007), pp. 111–131. 10. A measure for liquids, containing one fourth of a standard pint. 11. A concretion (e.g. a stalactite, an efflorescence) resembling an icicle. 12. Blacking or ink; may also refer to iron gall ink, and in this case, substances containing iron 13. In fluid or in water. 14. Marcasite or iron pyrite. 15. Indicating the presence of iron. 16. Boiled to dryness. 17. Iron (ii) sulphate or ferrous sulphate (FeSO4). See Johnston’s letter to Lister of 2 April 1672, note 31. 18. A brownish-red ferric oxide which is obtained as a residue after heating ferrous sulfate (FeSO4). 19. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 22 December 1670 and his letters to Oldenburg of 14 June 1671 and 10 October 1672 for his observations of kermes, scale insects in the order Hemiptera. The female kermes punctures the bark and leaves of the shrub or tree in which it is found, deposits its eggs, and dies. Its corpse, with the eggs underneath, acquires the appearance of grains from which issue the young nymph. The red powder from them, used in dyeing or in medicine, consisted of the larvae destroyed by the process of sprinkling the grains with vinegar and then drying them. In Turkey, scale insects were also known as grain kermes, as they are a parasite on the roots of wheat and other varieties of grain. 20. Lister also observed the presence of scale insects on these fruit trees. See his letter to Oldenburg of 10 October 1672. 0209 ray to lister 455

21. Apothecary shops, as kermes were used as medicine. M. Verny, an apothecary at Montpellier, published an account in the Philosophical Transactions. See M. Verney, “An Account of the Use of the Grain of Kermes for Coloration,” Phil. Trans. 20 (1666), p. 362. 22. Ilex is the scrub-oak. Kermes are a parasite of these trees. 23. Downy or covered with short, soft hair. 24. Theca refers to the horny covering or sheath covering an insect pupa. 25. Liquid substance, in this case, the soft flesh or pulp of the insect. 26. Fine sheet or cuticle covering the surface of the insect pupa. 27. Bacciform means “berry-shaped.” 28. Liquefied or transparent material in an egg, a term in natural history that is a derivation of the Latin colliquefactus, liquefied or melted. 29. Millipede. 30. There is a rough doodle inserted here to illustrate his point. Racemus is a cluster of grapes. 31. Wrinkled or roughness or inequality. 32. An anatomical stalk or stem. 33. Carefully observed using a lens. 34. Stage of the microscope. 35. Chrysalis or pupa. 36. Presumably a reference to Marcelli Malpighi, Dissertatio epistolica de Bombyce (London: J. Martyn & J. Allestry, 1669). Malpighi asserted “the new kind of life in the Aurelia [pupa] is only a mask or veil of the Butterfly, which is already perfect within; intended that it should not be struck or destroyed by external injuries, but might grow strong, and ripen, as a foetus in the womb.” (de Bombyce, p. 61.) Malpighi dissected butterfly pupae to reach his conclusions, and if the butterfly were perfect within, it would have begun its egg development whilst still pupating. 37. Ariadne’s clew was the ball of yarn she gave Theseus to find his way out of the minotaur’s maze; Johnston uses it as a metaphor to describe how Malpighi’s works will answer his knotty intellectual questions. 38. Philosophical Transactions. 39. Presumably Lister’s chart of English spiders. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1671. 40. Robert Wittie or Witty, a Yorkshire physician. See Johnston’s letter to Lister of 22 April 1672, notes 50 and 51.

0209 John Ray to Martin Lister 18 May 1672

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 47d. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 131 (selections from abstract only).1

Wil[lughby] and Dixy.2 Going to the W. of England, which will dispatch his search of Engld.3 Preparing his Topograph.4 etc. observations. 456 wilkins to lister 0210

0210 John Wilkins, Bishop of Chester, Chester, 22 May 1672 to Martin Lister

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fols 193–194. Address: For Dr Lister | at | Yorke. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark in circular border; post pd forward to London.

Chester. May. 22. 72.

Sir,

Though I am a stranger to your person, yet I am not so to your Worth nor to severall of your speciall friends. particularly to Mr Willoughby and Mr Ray,1 with whom I have lately discoursed concerning you. It is upon this Account, that I doe crave your advice. I did purpose this summer to have bestowed some time at Scarborough Spaw, having ben frequently troubled, with fitts of the stone, I doe not thinke that I have in my kidneys any formed stone.2 But some parcells of concreted sand, about the length of a graine of wheat which will easily crumble into powdere. which \And these/ in their passage through the Ureters, doe must trouble me. I had often heard the Scarborough Spaw much commended for such cases. But having lately seen a discourse by one Dr Tonstall,3 which asserts the contrary, and pretends to severall substances, 0211 pierce to lister 457

I could not think of any better way for impartiall satisfaction, then by consulting your Opinion in the matter. I doe make it my request to you, that you will let me know what you think. Your letter (if the Post be payd forward to London) will be brought to me to Chester. If I should come into your parts, I shall hope to be better acquainted with you. for the meane space I begg your pardon for the trouble. from

Sir your friend and servant.

Joh: Cestriense4

1. Ray had made a Latin translation of John Wilkins, An Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language (London, 1668), in 1667–1668. Ray also assisted Wilkins with his derivation of the language and attempted to apply it to his botanical taxonomy. 2. Wilkins died on 19 November 1672 from complications from the “stone.” 3. George Tunstall of Newcastle, who served as the town’s physician from 1660 to 1664. Tunstall was a chief antagonist of Robert Wittie, who wrote about the health benefits of Scarborough in Scarbrough Spaw: or a description of the nature and vertues of the spaw at Scarbrough Yorkshire (London: Charles Tyus, 1660). 4. John Cestriense is Joannes Cestriensis or John of Chester, referring to his residence in the see of Chester.

0211 Dr Robert Pierce1 to [Bath, Somerset] Martin Lister ca. June 1672–June 1683

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 202. The dates of the letter are surmised from the address, as Lister was resident at Stone-Gate between 1672 and August 1683, moving to London shortly thereafter. Pierce was a spa doctor in Bath. Address: These | To the honoured | Dr Martyn Lister att | his house in Stone- | Gate, present | in | Yorke. The wrapper is also endorsed with the note “Parcell one” and Lister wrote, “Dr Pierce of the Bath.” Postmark: Bishop Mark iv/12 [June 12].

Sir

Yours I received about a weeke after the date, by thursday post: your brother was gone hence the Thursday beefore, and Mr Persehay but that very morning. Mr Lister2 would have stayed (as hee sayd) longer but, that urgent businesse 458 pierce to lister 0211 called him home; hee was indeede better, but needed I thinke farther use of the Bath if hee could have allowed himselfe time for itt. Mr Persehay, though he talked of goinge away with your brother, yett was perswaded (and seemingely resolved upon itt) to staye a fortnight or 3 weekes longer, but (upon a suddaine) his minde altered, and he went a way (by 6 in the morning the very day your letter came to mee) and I knew nothinge of itt. Mr Adams is yett with us, but talkes of leavinge us the next weeke; hee went into the Bath the very next day after he came into Towne and for 3 or 4 dayes followinge, never sendinge to mee att all, with a violent fitt of the Gout seized him; It hath gone all most all over his body from one Joint to another, and hath greately hindered his balance, as well as given him greate payne. This last weeke he hathe been in \the Bath/ every morninge, but had paynes last night. It was a greate error in him to goe in soe soone, after a troublesome and tedeous Journey which brought upon him that fitt of the Gout; yett could hee not be dissuaded from the second error of bathinge every day, now 6 days together, which (I feare) will putt him into another fitt. hee makes too much haste to be well. I counselled him otherwise; but, I learne, hee thinkes (as many others doe) that when wee advise to bath but moderately, and intermitt, now and then, some days, wee consult our owne, more then our patients advantage; with makes mee that I cannot presse itt soe earnestly upon him as I would. As to this Bitumen in our bath, I cannot say that I ever saw any quantity together that will stand to all tastes to be such what was sent to Mr Atkenson, was the mudde and scumme of the Bath.3 The scumme is not (I thinke) the fragments only since there is most of itt, when the Bath are fillinge againe, after they have been emptyed of all the water that hath beene bathed in, and the walls and pavement cleaned with broomes; when itt is dryed it will burne. But what comes neerest to Bitumen of any thinge I ever observed in, or about the Baths, is some small oyly dropps swimminge upon the waters (when undisturbed) which shews [[one word]] a prodigious reeke; but I could never yet gett a quantity of itt together, not soe much as \a/ few dropps; for without goinge into the Bath it cannot bee attempted, and the least motion of the water dissipates itt; nor can hee that is in the water see itt soe well, as hee that stands by the bathe sees \above/ itt. It is hardly to be seene (much lesse to bee attempted to bee gathered) att this time of the yeare when much company goes in; but when the Bath is little frequented, and stands longest undisturbed, then itt appeares most. This is all that I could return to yours beeinge att present called on by much businesse; if I meete with any thing more worth communicatinge you may expect it from

Your very faithfull servant Robt: Pierce 0212 johnston to lister 459

1. Robert Pierce (1622–June 1710) was a commoner of Lincoln College, Oxford, and was created doctor of medicine at Oxford on 12 September 1661. He was admitted to the College of Physicians on 19 March 1688/9, and practiced as a spa doctor at Bath, residing at the Abbey House near the Cathedral. Pierce wrote The History and Memoirs of the Bath from 1653 to this present year 1697 (Bristol: H. Hammond, 1697). See Munks’ Roll, vol. 1, p. 479. 2. Presumably one of Lister’s brothers. 3. Lister was engaged upon collecting data about spa waters for his De fontibus medicatis Angliae exercitatio nova [Exercises on the healing springs of England] (London: Walter Kettilby, 1682).

0212 Nathaniel Johnston to Martin Lister 3 June 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 16. Address: ffor his honoured ffriend | Dr Lister at his house | in stonegate | these.

Honoured Sir

I can give you litle account further concerning the theca1 being prevented by many avocations onlely this I ffind that of those 100s of eggs the most I yet have observed in one Theca are 6 that encrease in magnitude and are like Grubbs. The rest of the eggs being mostly drye but upon the object plate retaine their ffigure and yellow transparency. I believe the tyme is elapsed when the theca should be gathered ffor giving any tinging juice there being no Insect or rudi- ment of one in the Kermes berryes of the Shopps and these theca growing more drye and lese purple than they were a month since. As soone as theire is any animating and fforming of partes I shall give you an account. I have sent you Langham.2 Dr ffrench3 was disposed of very lately. If you would buy any of the large volums I would afford you them cheaper then you can els where have them. I prey be pleased by this bearer my brother \to/ accommodate me with what you have of Malphighius4 and If you can spare of that specimen of also of morisons5 and the philosophicall transactions since the commencement of this yeare. I have all before and If you have them and the Catalogue of bookes and mercurius librarius6 come down Monthly I prey be pleased to send ffor them double that I may have one every tyme, and so may binde them when I have a just number ffor a volum. I have ordered those hitherto published to March last, to be bound in two Volums. I have now no leisure to adde anything of other observations but then as soone as I have any stock imparte them to you. I hear that Dr Tunstalls booke7 is published I pray be pleased to lend me it or If it is to be had unbound that you will send it and I shall be accountable ffor 460 johnston to lister 0212 it. If our ingenious ffriend Mr Brooke8 hath communicated any thing to you of remarque I pray imparte it and let me know when we shall be made happy by his return. But Sir I am againe summoned to hasten theirefore I must abruptly here close who shall ever remaine

your ffaithfull ffriend and servant

N. Johnston

June 3d 1672

1. Horny covering or sheath covering an insect pupa. 2. Possibly William Langham, The garden of health (London: Thomas Harper, 1633). The work concerned herbal medicines and materia medica, as well as guidance on the use of fruits and vegetables; it was published first in 1597. 3. Presumably the chymist John French, who wrote extensively on spa waters in Knaresborough. See John French, The Yorkshire Spaw, or a treatise of four famous medicinal wells . . . near Knaresbrough in Yorkshire, etc. (London: E. Dod and N. Ekins, 1652). French was engaged also in preparing artificial mineral waters to mimic natural ones at Tunbridge and Epsom. See John French, The art of distillation; or a treatise of the choicest spagyricall preparations performed by way of distillation . . . etc. (London: E. Cotes, 1651). Lister was researching spa waters at this time, the results of which were published in his De fontibus medicatis Angliae (York: the author, 1682). 4. Possibly Marcelli Malpighii, Dissertatio epistolica de Bombyce (London: J. Martyn & J. Allestry, 1669). This work about the silkworm was published with the imprimatur of the Royal Society. Malpighi also enclosed his work on botany in a letter to Oldenburg dated 22 October 1671, and it was published as Anatomes plantarum idea (London, 1675). See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 23 December 1671. 5. Presumably a reference to Robert Morison (1620–1683), the King’s Physician. Morison published his first botanical work, the Praeludia Botanica, in 1669. 6. This was the English publishers’ term catalogue of new books published by John Starkey and then Robert Clavell. See The Term Catalogues, 1668–1709, With a Number for Easter Term, 1711 A.D. A Contemporary Bibliography of English Literature in the Reigns of Charles ii, James ii, William and Mary, and Anne, ed. Edward Arber, vols 1–3 (London: 1903, 1905, 1906). See Carolyn Nelson and Matthew Seccombe, “The creation of the periodical press, 1620–1695,” The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, ed. John Barnard (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), vol. 4, pp. 533–552, on p. 544. 7. George Tunstall of Newcastle, who served as the town’s physician from 1660–1664. Tunstall’s A New Year’s Gift for Dr Wittie (London, 1672) argued against Robert Witty’s claims for the health benefits of Scarborough Spa. 8. John Brooke. 0214 johnston to lister 461

0213 John Ray to Martin Lister 17 June 1672

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 47e. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 131 (selections from abstract only).1

Mr. Wil[lughby] dang[erously] ill and better which put off his simpling voyage.2 Topogr. Observ.3

0214 Nathaniel Johnston to Martin Lister 25 June 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 17. The letter is torn in its left margin, which resulted in some loss of text. Address: ffor Dr Lister at his | house in stonegate | these | York.

Honoured Sir

I expected to have heard ffrom you ere this. you will now hath an opportunity of returning answer to my last.1 I hath had severall avocations that I could not so exactly observe the last three weekes. June 6th in severall of the theca was fformed fflyes the ffigure somwhat wasp kinde long Antenna, large heade and eyes the eyes consisting of allmost 100 ovall studds and silver the leggs 6 they much feathered and hairy black and silver the wings and other partes like other fflyes. Before I turn to this fflye, the grub or Anal nympha is whitish Amber coloured and this huske being cast of a white speckly fformed fflye without motion appeared in some in others a languid motion but these that were black were nimble. June 12 most of the three were perforated and I could scarce ffinde any in many of the theca remained nothing but a white matter like ffinest cotton and but ffew eggs appeared in these 462 johnston to lister 0214

June 25 this morning that I write this I hath been greately surprised by a new swarm of Insects in some of the thecas.2 I gathered some ffrom peaches nectar- ines Apricocks and Almonds and as I gathered about a score in all I putt them into a little glase that I might not Scatter them but by this meanes and know not from what tree they came. Some of these that were the ffresher colour perforated had a ffilm that separated the place where the fflyes had laide and the body of the theca when the eggs still were which I with my penknife point I picked out these eggs seeming some red and some whiter I more attentively looked at them and ffound a greate number of them were a very small insect mostly a clayish brick colour without any kinde to be seene as they crept but two long Antenna and 6 leggs by xtall3 the midle of these leggs longest and the other two being more inward under the belly at the tailes of them hung a sting or two like a xtall haire. one casually being Turned in ffor they are so litle one cannot turn them the mouth was a little above the fforleggs betwixt them and the Antennae but I could detecte no heade. The eggs that were not animated were all pellucid and I imagin would be all ffaecund. So that I now finde these great number of eggs arr ffor a different insect then these fflyes which ffirst appeared.4 I have ffound in our three a large white Insect that will be a flye which allmost fills the whole theca. My brother Saviles5 hath give me not leave to adde more nor to enter those observations down, theirfore I desire you will send back this letter and let me know whether Mr Brooke be returned home and by the messenger let me have the bookes I desired in my last If you can spare them. They hath I hath seen Dr Tonstalls booke6 If he wrote long in this manner he will write himself out of repute It will not be worth Dr Wittys paine to give an answer where neither new tryalls or arguments are brought in but a new method of reviling.7 The manner de tabula8 I hath procured Dr Dyn and Dr Dixons prescription which I send you but desire it again when showne to Dr Taylor9 and in the names added to the other paper if you can [[one word]] I [[one word]]10 it mey be returned by this heare.

I am Sir your ffaithfull servant

N. Johnston

June 25 1672

1. Johnston is referring to his letter to Lister of 3 June 1672. Correspondence from Lister to Johnston has been lost. 2. These “new insects” may have been internal hymenopterous parasites or egg-feeding larva of some type of fly. 0216 wilkins to lister 463

3. Crystall, or a lens. As Johnston in his past correspondence has shown he did extensive microscopic observations, most likely a microscopic lens. 4. Johnston was likely correct in this supposition. Lister quoted Johnston’s observation of insect parasitism in his letter to Oldenburg of 10 October 1672. 5. Samuel Saville, Earl of Mexborough, was Johnston’s brother-in-law. See J.R. Ashby, “The Earls of Mexborough, Part 1,” Mexborough and District Heritage Society Newsletter, September 2006. 6. Another reference to Tunstall’s A New Year’s Gift for Dr. Wittie. The work was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 85 (15 July 1672), pp. 5019–5021. See Johnson’s letter to Lister of 3 June 1672, note 7. 7. Nonetheless, Witty did respond with Scarbroughs Spagyrical Anatomizer Dissected (York: B.G., 1672). 8. Tabula can refer to “table” or to “document.” It is unclear to what Johnston is referring. 9. Possibly Stephen Taylor, a member of the York Corporation of Physicians, of which Johnston, Witty, and Lister were also members. See bl ms Sloane 1393, f. 13, Agreement of the Corporation of Physicians at York. 10. There is damage to the letter at this point.

0215 John Ray to Martin Lister 3 July 1672

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 47f. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 131 (selections from abstract only).1

Mr. Will[ughby] died this morn.2

0216 John Wilkins, Bishop of Chester, Scarborough, Yorkshire, to Martin Lister 11 July 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fols 195–196. Address: For Dr Lister | at | Yorke. 464 wilkins to lister 0217

Scarborough. July. 11. 72.

Sir

When I was at Wigan1 in my passage to this place I received a letter from Mr Ray to acquaint me, that since his former letters concerning Mr Willoughbys being in a hopefull way of Recovery, he had relapsed, but that this had still good hopes of his Health. I am exceedingly afflicted with the newes you send of his death.2 It made full impressions as to hinder my sleepe last night. And this morning I waked with a fitt of the stone upon me which continued till about Eleven of the Clock. I am very sensible of your kindnes in being concerned for me. for the first pre letter you sent me, by which I was encouraged to come to this place, and for the second of advice about using the Waterrs.3 They have not the same operation with me as with others, working chiefly by stoole and by salivation and very litle by Urine, which I principally hoped for. I have had two fitts of the stone since my coming and none for two or three month before. I begin to Question whether they may be proper in my Case. I should be heartily glad to see you having a reall esteem for you, and shall upon all occasions be ready to approve my selfe,

Sir

your very affectionate friend and servant

Joh: Cestriense

1. Wigan, Lancashire, which would have been enroute to Scarborough from Chester. 2. Frances Willughby died on 3 July 1672. 3. These letters have been lost.

0217 John Wilkins, Bishop of Chester, Scarborough, Yorkshire, to Martin Lister 15 July 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fols 197–198. Address: For Dr Lister att | York. 0218 brooke to lister 465

Scarborough. July. 15 72

Sir

I agree with you, that I ought not obstinately to contest against these waters, and therfore resolve to leave them this weeke.1 I am now going with Sir Hugh Cholmeley2 to Whitby with a purpose of returning to morrow. I have a great desire to see you. But cannot at this time hope for it, by reason of the mishap, and my short stay in these parts. I thinke of going home on Ffriday. I shall be careful of what you mention concerning Mr Willoughbies papers.3 And shall be most ready you all occasions to testified that reall esteem I have for you as being

Your very affectionate friend and servant

Joh: Cestriense

The Coach and Company doe stay for me, whilst I scrible this.

1. See Wilkins’s letter to Lister of 11 July 1672; the waters were ineffective in curing his kidney stones. 2. Sir Hugh Cholmeley, fourth Baronet (1632–1689), politician and peer, of Fyling Hall, near Whitby in Yorkshire. 3. The papers Francis Willughby left in his estate. Willughby died 3 July 1672.

0218 John Brooke to Martin Lister 16 July 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 61–62. Address: These, | For my ever Honored | Frend, Dr Lister; | In York.

Sir,

I was oblig’d to you for the favour of your Advertisement,1 which I had made you an earlier acknowledgment of, but that I was very ambitious to have serv’d you with something not unworthy your perusall. But my endeavours have been very un-successful and I dare not any long flatter my self with the Hopes, of 466 brooke to lister 0218 being capable to perform It. Whereof I begg that you would bee pleas’d to accept of my wife’s humble Thanks and mine for your perticular care and kindnes towards your little Patient, and wee do heartily congratulate our good success and I hope you will be so kind to my servant (who will wait on you) as to instruct Him how to proportion his gratefull Returns on our behalfs.2 I have been lately at the Act at Oxford3 where I was very agreeably diverted for 2 of 3 days, I have the better excuse for a Recommendation-Letter, which I had the good luck to procure from Mr Snow,4 (my Ld of Canterbury’s5 Treasurer) to whome I went to pay my respects, the day after my return, with full design, of having the Honors to have din’d with my Lord (where I purpos’d to have obey’d your Commands) but very unhappily, I found, that there were all gon, to Farnham6 (the Bishop of Winchester’s and saving Dr Parker,7 with whome I was a little too shy of dining, which he reproached mee with afterwards. My own vexatious concerns, has very much indispos’d mee for the Entertainments of Arundell-House,8 where, I have made my Appearance but twice since came to Towne having been frequently prevented on the day of their meeting; I purpos’d to have gon to morrow, to have picked up someting for your discussion (intending to have adjourn’d this letter, till Thursday Post) but I am oblig’d by my Lady Petty,9 at the very same Hour, to assist Sr. Robert Southwell, in the making of a little Christian.10 I saw Mr. Hobbs11 the other day who is in very good Health considering his Age (being now 84 years old). My Wife gives you her humble service by

Sir,

Your most humble and obliged Servant.

Jo: Brooke

July 16 72.

I’m glad to hear of the good Success of your Law-Concern.12

1. Presumably a reference to the publication of Lister’s letter to Brooke about hair worms, published in Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 4064–4066. See also Lister’s letter to Brook of 12 April 1672. 0219 ray to lister 467

2. Lister apparently served as the Brookes’ family physician. 3. This was the ceremony to mark the completion of degrees, during which theses were publicly defended. It was usually held in early July. 4. Ralph Snow, treasurer to five archbishops from 1660 until his death in 1707. His portrait is in the Steward’s Room at Lambeth Palace. He was a benefactor not only to the church, but to All Souls College, Oxford. See Anthony Wood, The History and Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls in the University of Oxford (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1786), vol. 3, p. 276. 5. Gilbert Sheldon (1598–1677), who served as Archbishop from 1663 to 1677. Sheldon was greatly interested in the welfare of the University of Oxford, serving as its Chancellor in 1667, and endowing the Sheldonian Theatre at his own expense. 6. Farnham Castle, Surrey, one of the traditional homes of the Bishop of Winchester. The most impressive buildings constructed in the grounds were built by George Morley, Bishop of Winchester from 1662 to 1684. 7. Samuel Parker (1640–1688), who during the reign of James ii served as Bishop of Oxford. At the time of this letter he was archdeacon of Canterbury. Parker was elected F.R.S. in 1666. 8. After the Great Fire of London in 1666, there was a shortage of accommodation for the city’s merchants, and Gresham College was utilized as a temporary Exchange from 1666 to 1673. During this time, Arundel House, off the Strand, was used for Royal Society Meetings. 9. Elizabeth Petty (d. ca. 1708), created first Baroness Shelburne in 1688. She was the daughter of the regicide Sir Hardress Waller, and her first husband was Maurice Fenton. After she was widowed, she married Sir William Petty in 1667. 10. Elizabeth Petty was descended from Thomas Southwell, and in the extensive correspondence between William Petty and Sir Richard Southwell from 1676 to Petty’s death, the two men addressed each other as “cousin.” The correspondence discusses the education of all their children. Petty had three surviving children from his marriage, Anne Petty born in 1672, so Brooke’s assistance was apparently needed at the birth. See Marquis of Lansdowne, ed., The Petty- Southwell Correspondence, 1676–1687 (London: Constable, 1928). See also Tony Aspromourgos, “An Early Attempt at Some Mathematical Economics: William Petty’s 1687 Algebra Letter, Together with a Previously Undisclosed Fragment,” Journal of the History of Economic Thought, 21, 4 (1999), pp. 399–411, esp. p. 403. 11. The philosopher Thomas Hobbes. Brookes was one of his correspondents. See Noel Malcolm, ed., The Correspondence of Thomas Hobbes, 1660–1679 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), vol. 2, pp. 797–799. 12. Presumably concerning the suit of the Murgatroyds against Lister. See Lister’s letter to John Ray of 8 February 1670/1, note 1.

0219 John Ray to Martin Lister 31 July 1672

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 47g. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 131 (selections from abstract only).1

Trustee to Mr. W: and Exec[uto]r.2 468 brooke to lister 0220

0220 John Brooke to Martin Lister 26 September 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 63–64. Address: These, | For Dr Lister; | In York. Postmark: Bishop Mark se/26 [September 26] in circular border.

Sir,

I have receiv’d the Honour of both your obliging-Letters, and wee do both of Us think our selves very happy, in the kind visits, you are pleas’d to make, [on] our poor Family. I shall not fail to obey your Commands to Mr Oldenburg, and wish it were in my Power, to serve your Affairs, in more considerable [[xxxxxx]] matters. Sir Thomas Daniell,1 Dr Woodroft2 (one of the Royal Society), and my Self, were going yesterday, to dine with my Lord Canterbury, but wee were prevented; by meeting his Grace’s Barg[e], in which he went, to dine in the City. I only mention It, for this, that I should not have forgott (as I had opportunity) to have mentioned You, to his Grace; I had the Honour, to wait upon my Lord, once before, but there was so much company, that ’twas not seasonable to offer any thing of that Nature. I am sorry that I am not provided, wherewith to entertain your vertuous Curiosity: my own too vexatious-concerns, do very much indespose mee, for Inquiries of that sort; besides, the Royall Society having adjourn’d till Michilmass,3 gives the less occasion (at present) for these philosophicall Disquisitions, and as my Frend told mee yesterday, a (member of the Society) Mr Oldenburg, is frequently oblig’d to Dr Lister, for the best Remarks, that his philosophicall transactions affords. I do not know, whether it bee worth mentioning, what Dr. Cox4 and Mr Wiseman,5 did both affirm, upon their own observation, who were (not long since) concern’d, in the opening of a Woman, who had a double-Matrix6 very evidently distinct; her case was different, from what another did lately assure mee, on his own knowledg, concerning another (now living) that has none at all. I had an Account lately sent mee of one Mrs Massham, who dy’d of a 0220 brooke to lister 469

Dropsy,7 and after she was dead was open’d by Dr Willis,8 and there was taken out (besides a very larg Tumour) 15 Gallons and a Pottle,9 of a bloudy-colour’d water. Her frends had ben advis’d a year ago of It, but would not suffer Her to be tapp’d; nor would they beleeve she was in a Dropsy (being a marry’d woman.) I have been a little curious, to have mett with an ingenious and well- accomplished merchant (lately commoner (one Maidston) but I cannot finde Him out; he has brought over, a Jarr of Scorpions, and, made a great collection of extraordinary Rarities, som of which (I am told) he designs to present the Royall Society with. I suppose, Dr. Witty10 might acquaint you with the Post script of a letter, I sent Him (by the last Post) from Mr Oldenburg, wherein he was pleas’d to give mee an Account, that he had somthing which he was preparing for you; and I beleeve will send It by Harry Wilkinson. But I have abus’d your Patience too much, unles I had somthing more worthy of your Perusall. My Wife gives her humble Service pray if you have any Commands, for this place; let none have the Honour of them, but

Sir,

Your most faithfull and obliged Servant

Jo: Brooke

Sept: 26. 72.

1. Sir Thomas Daniell or Daniel (d. ca. 1682) of Beswick, Yorkshire. Thomas was the younger brother of the cavalier poet George Daniel (1616–1657), was knighted 26 April 1662, and became High Sheriff of Yorkshire in 1679. See Charles Mosley, ed., Burke’s Peerage and Baronetage, 106th edition, 2 vols (Crans, Switzerland: Burke’s Peerage [Genealogical Books] Ltd, 1999), vol. 1, p. 23. 2. Presumably Benjamin Woodroffe (1638–1711) of Christ Church, Oxford, who served as chaplain to James ii and Charles ii. He was elected F.R.S. on 30 April 1668. See A.H. Barrett, “Benjamin Woodroffe of the Greek College,” Oxoniensia, 53 (1988), pp. 317–336. 3. The Society had a recess from 10 July to 30 October that year. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 57. 4. Presumably Thomas Coxe or Cox (ca. 1615–1685), physician, member, and officer of the Royal College of Physicians, and one of the original fellows of the Royal Society elected on 20 May 1663. See John Symons, “Coxe, Thomas (c. 1615–1685),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Cox features in his colleague Richard Wiseman’s Several Chirurgicall Treatises (London: E. Flesher and J. Macock, 1676). See J.R. Kirkup, “The Tercentenary of Richard Wiseman’s ‘Several Chirurgicall Treatises,’ ” Annals of the Royal College of Surgeons of England, 59 (1977), pp. 271–283, on p. 278. 470 oldenburg to lister 0221

5. Presumably Richard Wiseman (bap. 1620?–1676), surgeon of Little Britain, near St Bartholomew’s Hospital. He was promoted principal surgeon and sergeant-surgeon to Charles ii on 15 February 1672, and was best known for his Several Chirurgicall Treatises (1676). See A.D. Smith, ‘Richard Wiseman: his contribution to English surgery’, Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 46 (1970), pp. 167–82, and John Kirkup “Richard Wiseman,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 6. Double uterus. 7. A morbid condition characterized by the accumulation of watery fluid in the serous cavities or the connective tissue of the body. 8. Presumably Thomas Willis. 9. A unit of capacity used chiefly for liquids (but also for corn and other dry goods, and rarely for butter), equal to half a gallon (approx. 2.3 litres). 10. Robert Wittie or Witty, M.D. (d. 1684), member of the York Corporation of Physicians, and writer about spa waters.

0221 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 30 September 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 65. Address: To his honored friend | Dr Martyn Lister, at his house | in | York. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 265–266, letter 2075.

London, Sept. 30. 72.

Sir,

By this good opportunity of the return of Mr Sturdy1 and Mr Wilkinson2 I must take the liberty of acquainting you, that I saw the other day your Letter written to our Worthy friend Mr Brook lamenting the death of that eminent virtuoso Mr Willughby,3 and expressing a kind of presage for our slower correspondence hereafter. We all have cause to Joyne with you in the lamentation, as of a losse hardly reparable; but that losse, me thinks, should make the survivors the more vigorous in prosecuting such designs and purposes, as that friend of ours was upon, with the greater resolution, to the end that by our industry and care some part, at least, may be repaired of that whole. I can but offer my readinesse, and the franc communication of what coms to my hands; leaving it to my philosophical correspondents, what use or improvement they shall think fit to make of it, and what return they shall please to remit in exchange. 0221 oldenburg to lister 471

At the present I shall intimate unto you, that I shew’d to these two Ingenious persons, that bring this letter to you, a printed Epistle of one Dr Langelot, of Holstein, de quibusdam in Chymia praetermissis, quorum occasione Secreta haud exigui momenti, pro[que] non-entibus hactenus habita, candidé deteguntur et dem[on]strantur.4 The Import is, in short, that by Digestion,5 Fermentation,6 and Triture or Grinding, much more may be perform’d in Chymistry, than hitherto hath been. Which the Author undertaketh to make out by some very considerable and un-common Experiments, which he saith he made himself with very good success; reciting two Operations Tryals for each of those three Operation; as \1./ the Preparation of the Volatil Salt of Tartar,7 and of a Tincture of Corall,8 by digestion: 2. A true Volatilization of Salt of Tartar, and the making of an excellent Opiat, by Fermentation: 3. The preparation of a True Aurum pota- bile,9 and the Extraction of a current Mercury out of Antimony,10 by Tricture; which is perform’d by an Engin, described and delineated by this Author, and call’d a Mola philosophica.11 All which I intend, God permitting, to impart to the Curious more fully in the Transactions of October, since I know of no other copy \of that Epistle,/ than mine, to be as yet in England. I am confident, Sir, you are not unmindfull of what you intimated, a while since, of your intention to prosecute the Anatomy of plants, and particularly \the Inquiry/ about the Veines of Plants, concerning which you then said affirm’d, that there are no other vessels, (that may properly be so call’d) besides those milky-veines and that these veines hold the only vital juices of Plants which you undertook to confirme by divers reasons and Experiments:12 adding withall, that you would [[xxxxxx]] say more of this, when you did acquit yourself of the commands of the R. Society. Having put you in mind of this, I shall conclude with assuring yourself of my being constantly

Sir yr faithfull servt

H. Oldenburg

1. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 11 May 1672. 2. Possibly Henry Wilkinson, an apothecary in York. A letter dated 18 January 1675/6 from Lord John Vaughan, third Earl of Carbery, to Lister is in the care of Wilkinson, and Brooke mentions one “Harry Wilkinson” in his letter to Lister of 26 September 1672. Henry Wilkinson was registered as a freeman and apothecary in York in 1665. See Francis Collins, ed., “Admissions to the Freedom of York: Interregnum and Commonwealth 1649–60,” Register of the Freemen of the City of York (London: Andrews and Company, 1900), vol. 2, pp. 108–123. 3. See letters between Ray and Lister, and from John Wilkins to Lister, in June and July of 1672 for news of Frances Willughby’s death. 472 oldenburg to lister 0221

4. Joel Langelot, Epistola ad praecellentissimos naturae curiosos, de quibusdam in chymia praetermissis, quorum occasione secreta haud exigui momenti proque non-entibus hactenus habita, candide deteguntur (Hamburg: G. Shultzen, 1672, and Amsterdam: Joannes Jansson, 1672). A German translation appeared as Sendscreiben an die Hochberühmte naturae curiosos (Nuremburg: Wolf Eberhard Felsecker, 1672), reprinted in Friedrich Roth-Scholtzen’s Deutsches Theatrum Chemicum, 3 vols (Nuremburg: Adam Jonathan Felsseckern, 1728–1732), vol. 2, pp. 381– 406. Oldenburg published excerpts in Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 5052–5059. Langelot or Langellott (1617–1680) was a German physician and alchemical writer. Born in Thuringia, he became court physician to Frederick iv, Duke of Holstein-Gottorp. His Epistola was addressed to the Academia naturae curiosorum and concerned alchemy. See Lawrence Principe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and his Alchemical Quest (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 44. 5. In alchemy, digestion can be the operation of maturing or preparing a substance by the action of gentle heat. Other words for digestion are concoction, maturation, condensation, or coagulation. Digestion may refer also to the operation of exposing a substance to the action of a liquid with the aid of heat, for the purpose of extracting the soluble constituents. This process was usually done in a vessel called a pelican, a circulatory distillation vessel, which allowed for continuous distillation in a closed vessel. 6. In alchemy, fermentation involved the infusing of form and life force into lifeless, form- less matter, and it was a stage in making the Philosopher’s Stone. The process of sowing the ferment or soul into matter was often compared by alchemists to the process of adding yeast or leaven into dough to make bread, the “sowing of the seed of gold in a field.” See Lyndy Abraham, “Ferment, Fermentation,” in A Dictionary of Alchemical Imagery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 74–75. 7. Potassium carbonate (K2CO3). Usually it was produced by heating strongly tartar from wine dregs or potassium hydrogen tartrate (K4HC4H4O6), or by burning a plant to ashes. One of the mysteries of alchemy was how to make a fixed potassium carbonate volatile, and in general how to volatilize alkalis. Volatilizing alkalis was thought to result in an alkahest-like substance that could dissolve all substances down to their prime matter, allowing for alchemical transmutation. Alkalis were known to be corrosive and cleaning (for example soaps), and if they were volatilized, it would imply their corpuscles had been reduced in size, approaching corpuscles of the alkahest in size. (Volatility and particle size had been linked in alchemy since the medieval era.) Volatilized alkalis were also recommended as medicines to break up kidney and bladder stones. However, alkalis, particularly potassium carbonate, are steadfastly non-volatile, so Langelot’s claim would have been of great interest to the Royal Society. See William R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), pp. 138–139. 8. Crude acetone (CH3COCH3). In his Epistola, Langelot reported that he took pieces of red coral and digested them for a month with white distilled oil, resolving them into a deep-red mucilage which separated from the oil. The oil digested with spirit of wine (ethyl alcohol) was said to produce a deep-red tincture. The tincture was an ancient part of the pharmacopoeia, said to have had power to expel bad humors by inducing perspiration or by its diuretic action. Its efficacy probably was due to the alcohol as the coral itself has little medicinal value. 9. Potable gold, the alchemist’s cure-all. 10. Alchemists thought it was possible to extract philosophical mercury, a transformative substance, out of antimony to produce the Philosopher’s Stone and transmute matter. The 0222 lister to oldenburg 473 philosophical mercury was not normal elemental mercury. It is spiritous mercury that combined with philosophical sulfur could make all metals and also dissolve all substances into their most basic principles. Sulfur and mercury were thought by alchemists to be the two main elements, and their exhalations would combine in the womb of the earth to make metals. Philosophical mercury was also thought to be able to penetrate all substances, including gold, and release its vital spirit, making the philosopher’s stone, which was a form of gold that was “alive” and would “grow” and “vegetate.” Thus, through making the philosophical mercury, the alchemists were giving life to inanimate matter, and harnessing this life spirit in the philosopher’s stone. Antimony was thought to be the source of philosophical mercury; it was believed by some alchemists to be a chemical “magnet” that could capture “life” or a universal spirit/soul of the world from the atmosphere. Antimony was made into medicinal cups into which a little wine was poured and the cups left overnight. The wine would be drunk and was an emetic; since the antimonial cups could be used again and again, they were thought to have a perpetual inherent power. A small amount of the antimony went into solution in the wine with each use of course but it was such a small amount that the cup’s loss of weight went unnoticed. Crude antimony or stibnite (Sb2S3) has within it sulfur, releasing it when heated with metals like iron. It was thus perceived as a source of the philosophical sulfur that it was constantly drawing from the air. See Newman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 50, p. 108. 11. “Philosophical mill” was a metaphor for the “grinding” of matter into its most basic principles for the purposes of transmutation. 12. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1671/2.

0222 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 10 October 1672

Source: rs el/L5/47 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 348–350. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper, “An Extract of Mr Lister letter to M. Oldenburg enlarging and correcting his former Notes about Kermes.” Oldenburg also noted: “Rec. Oct. 11. 72 and Answ. Oct. 31. 72.” Address: To my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh Esqr. | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/11 [October 11]. Reply to: Letter of 30 September 1672. Printed: Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 5059–5060 (partial); Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 60–62; Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 281– 284, letter 2081.

(Read Octr: 30: 72 Enter’d lb. 5. 348)1 474 lister to oldenburg 0222

Yorke. Oct. 10th, 1672.

Sir,

I had yours dated Sept. 30. You must excuse my passion for a person I loved as well as admired.2 I assure you I reckon the Correspondance I have with you, an honour to me, and a great pleasure. The truth is, this summer has been a sor- rowfull time with me and I have not had the hart and leisure to acquit my selfe, as I fully purposed, but I am not wholly negligent of the commands of the R.S. in the meane time you must be content with one thing for an other, and if you have not my papers about the veines in plants, we will find out something else to entertain you with, ’till they be in a readinesse. We must correct as well as inlarge our Notes concerning Kermes3 and yet there will be much difficulty in resolving the question concerning the original and efficient of Kermes. These things are [[xxxxxx]] certain. 1. that we have this year seen, the very gumm of the Apricock and Cherry laurel trees transudated, at least, standing in a chrystal drop upon some (though very rarely) of the topps of these Kermes.4 2. that they change colour from a yellow to a darke browne: that they seem to be distended and to wax greater, and from soft, to become britle.5 3. that they are filled with a sort of Mites;6 as well that small powder7 (which I said to be excrement) \is mites/ as that liquamen or softer pulp, (which I tooke to be Bees meat) concerning \both/ which \particulars/ I am pretty well assured [[xxxx]] by my owne and alsoe by my ingenious friend Dr Johnson of Pomfrets more accurate Microscopical Observations.8 4. that the Bee-grubbs9 actually feed on mites, there being noe other food for them. 5. that there are other species of Bees or Wasps besides those by me described; which are sometimes found to make these Mites their food. Dr Johnson having opened one Huske, with one only larg maggot in it.10 6. that there are probably different sorts of mites in these Huskes, making possibly different species of Kermes;11 for some I have found to hold carnation coloured Mites, enclosed in a fine white cotton, the whole Huske starting from the Twigg, sriveling up, and serving only for a cap or cover to that company of Mites. Other Mites I have seen white (and which is most usuall) the Huskes continuing intire and not coming away from the Twigg they adhaere to, and but little cotton at the bottom. Those of the first sort ate the white Cobwebbs on the Vine described by Mr Hooke (Micrograph. obs. 56.)12 7. That the sriveled cap to be found upon the Mites enclosed in Cotton, as also the whole Huske it selfe, if taken early in April while soft, will, dryed in the 0222 lister to oldenburg 475

Sun, srinke into the very figure of Cochineil: whence we guesse that Cochineil may be a sort of Kermes, taken thus early and sun-dried. Hitherto this Summers notes concerning Kermes. This advantage at least we have by them, that the account taken from Varney by Dr Croon and published in one of your Transactions,13 is made more intelligible. The small scarlet powder there mentioned being to be understood of those Mites, and they to be distinguished from the Bee-grubbs, which are changed into the Skipping Fly, that is, the Bee (for kind at least) by us described formerly. Concerning the Epistle of Langelot, of which you was pleased to send me an account. I am glad that Chimists begin to be lesse misterious and speake common sense. I hope the Vanitie and name of Adepti will in time be layed aside. the Bishop of Chester was pleased to aske my opinion this summer concerning the Spaw waters of this County14 and I am willing to entertain you with my thoughts upon that subject; but desire nothing of this nature from me may be made publick by the presse for quiet sake.15 We have likewise an account ready for you of a certain Milke-yeilding Mushrome, which I found plentifully in our Northern Alpes16 and which has hitherto escaped the diligence of our Botanists. I am with as much earnestnesse and heat as ever

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. This annotation indicating when the letter was read and entered into the Royal Society Letter Book is not in either Lister’s or Oldenburg’s hand. 2. Francis Willughby. 3. See Lister’s letters to Ray of 22 December 1670, and his letter to Oldenburg of 14 June 1671 for his prior observations of kermes, scale insects in the order Hemiptera. 4. The crystal drop is the water and sugar or “dew” exuded in drops by adult females from their anal openings. It is a delicacy for ants, which exist in a symbiotic relationship with the kermes. Some ants “farm” scale insects for the honeydew. See Shouhei Ueda, Swee-Peck Quek, Takao Itioka, Keita Inamori, Yumiko Sato, Kaori Murase, and Takao Itino, “An Ancient Tripartite Symbiosis of Plants, Ants, and Scale Insects,” Proceedings of the Royal Society B, 275 (22 October 2008), pp. 2319–2326. 5. These are the dead bodies or what Lister described as “husks” of adult females, which die after laying their eggs, their hard, brittle, and brown bodies sheltering the eggs deposited underneath. See Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 283, note 2. 6. The mites are the first instar nymphs or crawlers that crawl out from under the bodies of their mothers and settle separately on twigs. See Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 283, note 2. 7. A waxy secretion produced by females preventing the sticky eggs from clumping together. 8. See Johnston’s letter to Lister of 13 May 1672. 9. Larvae of parasitic wasps. 476 lister to ray 0223

10. See Johnston’s letter to Lister of 25 June 1672 where he reported this observation. 11. Hall and Hall in their edition of Oldenburg’s correspondence (vol. 9, p. 283, note 2) have indicated that Lister’s description indicates he was dealing with three species, all of which occur on apricot and cherry-laurel trees. The first was Parthenolecanium corni, or the common or plum brown scale (European Fruit Lecanium). The females are attached permanently to the twig of the host, and the crawlers are pale-yellowish or white. They are rarely attacked by parasites. The second species is Eulecanium coryli, or the hazel nut scale, (Lecanium Scale). The Lecanium Scale is more globular than the above species, and the crawlers are pinkish. Wasps often parasit- ize them. The third species of scale insect was Pulvinaria vitis, or wooly vine scale. When mature, the posterior of the female is lifted up, partially covering an egg sac made of cottony and waxy threads; the crawlers are reddish-pink. This species is often attached by internal parasites as well as egg-feeding larvae of flies. 12. A species of Pulvinaria vitis was portrayed by Hooke in his Micrographia (London, 1665), pl. 36, fig. 3: A, B, and X. 13. William Croone, “Accompt of the Use of the Grain of Kermes for Coloration,” Phil. Trans., 20 (17 December 1666), pp. 363–364. “Varney” or “Verney” was only identified in the Philosophical Transactions article as a French apothecary from Montpellier. He may have appeared again in a letter from Charles Proby, a medical student in Montpellier, to Lister, which was dated 2 October 1698. Proby’s reference however may have been to Guichard Joseph du Verney (1648–1730), who had an international reputation as a teacher of anatomy and who shared Lister’s interests in snails. Croon is William Croon (1633–1684), a physician that Lister met during his medical studies in Montpellier. See also Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 11 March 1670/1, note 2. 14. See John Wilkins’s (the Bishop of Chester) letters to Lister of 22 May 1672 and 11 July 1672. 15. Lister would publish his thoughts on spa waters in his de Fontibus Medicatis Angliae. Exercitatio Nova, & Prior (York: by the author, 1682). 16. Lister’s observations would be published in Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), p. 5116. As his sighting of the mushroom was near Craven, Yorkshire, the “Northern Alps” to which he refers were the Pennines. The mushroom was probably Lactarius piperatus (peppery milk-cap), and he also describes it in his letter to Ray of 12 October 1672.

0223 Martin Lister to John Ray York, 12 October 1672

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 23, number 60. This letter has also been abstracted by Derham in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 17. The wrapper of the letter is ink-stained. Derham added some annotations onto the original letter for his edition. Address: These | For Mr John Wray: at Midleton Hall in | Warwick=shire | forward. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/14 [October 14] in circular border. post pd to London 3d. Printed: Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 5116–5118; Derham (1718), pp. 111–113; Lankester (1848), pp. 99–100; Harley (1992), p. 97, letter 38 (partial). 0223 lister to ray 477

Yorke. October 12 1672

Sir

I know not what leisure you may have to correspond in Philosophical matters with me, yet I am desirous to aske you hartily how you doe, the Good Lady and sweet Children.1 I shall endeavour to entertain \you/ as formerly and send you an account of some \of/ natures novelties \and what I doe at leisure howres/ that which I guesse, will not be unpleasant to you is an account of the milkie- mushroome thus enterd in my Adversaria. August 18th I passed through Marton woodes, under Pimco=Moore, in Craven:2 in these woodes I then found very great plenty of Mushroomes, and many of them then withered, and coale-black: but others new sprung and flourishing. They are \some of them/ of a large size and yet few much bigger than the Champignon, or ordinary red-gilled eatable mushroom, and very much of the shape of that; that is, an exactly round Cap, or crowne, which is thick in flesh, and open deep gills underneath, a thick hollow fleshy, and not-hollow, round Foot-stalke, of about 6 fingers’ breadth above ground and ordinarily as thick as my thumb: the Foot-stalke, Gills, and Cap, all of a \milke/ white colour. if you cutt \cut/ any part of this Mushroome, it will bleed exceeding freely and plentifully a pure white juice,3 concerning which note 1. that the youngest did bleed \dropp/ much more plentifully and freely, than those that were at their full growth, and expansion: that the dryed and withered ones had no signes of milke in them, that I then discernd. 2. that this milke tastes and smells like pepper, and is much hotter upon the tongue.4 3. that it is not clammy or roapy to the touch. 4. that although I used the same knife to cutt a 100 of them, yet I could not perceive all that time, that the milke changed colour (as is usual with most vegetable milkes) upon the knife-blade. 5. that it became in the Glasse viol I drew it into, suddainly concret and stiff and in some dayes dried into a firme Cake, or lump, with \out/ any serum at all. 6. that it then alsoe when dryed, retained its keen biting taste, as it does at this day, yet not soe fi[e]rce: its colour is now of a yellowish-green, yet very pale. 7. this milke flows much faster from about the outmost rim, or part equivalent to the barke of plants, than from the more inward parts, etc. 8. I observed these mushroomes even then, when they abounded with milk (not to be endured upon our tongues), to be exceeding full of fly=maggots; and the youngest and tenderest of them were very much eaten by the small-gray- naked Snaile.5 478 lister to ray 0223

You can tell me what author describes this mushroome, and what he Titles it. I have revised the Historie of Spiders,6 and added this summer’s notes. Alsoe I have likewise brought into the same method the Land and fresh water Snailes, having this year added many Species found in these northern lakes And by way of Appendix I have described all the shell-stones7 that I have anywhere found in England, having purposely viewed some places in Yorkshire, where, there are plenty. the Tables of both I purpose to send you: I am \nott/ so thoroughly stocked with Sea-shells as I wish and endeavour; I aime not at exoticke; but those \of our own shoares/ Concerning St Cuthbeards=beads,8 I find 3 species of them in Craven and this makes it plain, that they have not been the back- bone of any creature, because I find of them ramous and branched like Trees.9 I pray present my most humble servis to your excellent Lady. I am

your truly affectionate friend and servant

Martin Lister

I pray procure me wheate seeds you can from Morgan or others, and I will direct how you shall send them me. I purpos to store in my garden the next Spring with such plants as I thinke will be usefull in order to the particular discovery of the Veines etc.10

1. A reference to Willughby’s widow, Emma, and to her children, Francis and Cassandra Willughby. 2. Marton Woods under Pinno Moor in Carleton-in-Craven, Yorkshire. Pinhaw, or Pinhow, is a hill nearly 1,300 feet high, two to three miles south-west of Skipton-in-Craven, Yorkshire. East and West Marton are two villages a few miles to the north-west of Pinhaw. 3. Lister is describing Lactarius piperatus, or the peppery milk-cap. This mushroom bleeds whitish and peppery-tasting milk when it is cut. See Botanical Transactions of the Yorkshire Naturalists’ Union (London: A. Brown and Sons, 1905), vol. 4, p. 123. 4. Although this species is edible, it is not recommended due to its poor taste, though can be used as seasoning when dried or pickled. 5. A species of gray slug. 6. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1670/1. 7. Fossilized shells. 8. St. Cuthbert’s beads, sea lily or crinoid fossils. The fossils are also found on Lindisfarne, the home of St. Cuthbert in the eighth century. As they are disc-shaped with a central hole, they were associated with rosary beads. A sea-lily’s base was stuck to the seafloor, and from it grew a flexible stem supporting a head or calyx; from this head grew five (or multiples of five) branched and moveable arms, which filtered food particles and tiny organisms from the seawater. Cilia 0224 lister to oldenburg 479 lining grooves on the insides of the arms manipulated the food along the arms down to the mouth, which was situated in the center of a membrane that covered the base of arms (the tegu- ment). The flexible branches and stem were made up of wafer-like calcareous plates stacked on each other and strung together by ligaments. In the center of the stem and each arm was a fluid- filled body canal through which a nerve cord passed. When the animals died, their remains accumulated along with shells and other hard parts of corals and brachiopods to create a calcium layer. Crinoid paleontologists William J. Ausich and the late N. Gary Lan have noted that when fossilized, the individual plates of the stem and arms usually separate; at the center of each is the hole that once accommodated the nerve, thus creating the impression of a perforated bead. See Gary Lane and William Ausich, “The Legend of St. Cuthbert’s Beads; A Palaeontological and Geological Perspective,” Folklore (April 2001), pp. 65–87. 9. The beads were the organism’s stem, and the branches were the arms of the creature. 10. For Lister’s thoughts on the veins of plants and plant circulation, see his letters to Oldenburg of 10 January 1671/2 and 10 October 1672, and Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672.

0224 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 23 October 1672

Source: rs el/L5/48. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper, “Mr Listers Letter to M. Oldenb. Concerning land and Fresh-water snailes, together with some Queries touching the same.” Oldenburg also noted when the letter was received, answered, and copied: “Rec. Oct. 26. 72. Answ. Oct. 31. 72. V. Cop.” Address: These | For his ever honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh | Esqr. at his house in | the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/25 [October 25]. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 291–292, letter 2084.

Sir,

To acquit my selfe and to take away all suspition of a sloe and lingering Correspondance: I have enclosed yis paper1 which is, indeed, a Table cutt in two parts which I had noe thoughts of parting with, untill the whole had been finished: but to show you, that you may have any thing from me and that I am a sure druge for Philosophy, I send you this; which subsists well enough of it selfe, and yet it had been better, if what is promised in the Title, had been there too; but for the reasons alledged it cannot be; only it will \may/ incite others to assist and be fellow labourers with us. 480 lister to oldenburg 0225

I had send you the other Papers promised in my Last,2 but that the one concerning the Mushrome, is gone sent to Mr Ray for his perusal;3 which when it shall be returned me I will not fail to communicate to you. I am

Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke Oct: 23d 1672

I shall take case to returne speedily my annual Contribution4

This is not enterd but ano[ther] of the same date in Letter Book. 5. page. 351.5

1. See Lister’s subsequent letter to Oldenburg of 23 October 1672. 2. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 October 1672. 3. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672. Lister’s letter to Ray about the peppery milk- cap mushroom will serve as the basis for his subsequent communication to Oldenburg of 15 November 1672. 4. Lister’s annual dues to the Royal Society. 5. This annotation is not in either Lister’s or Oldenburg’s handwriting.

0225 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 23 October 1672

Source: rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 351–353. Printed: Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 96–99 (partial); Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 292–297, letter 2085. A nearly identical chart of shells, complete with illustrations, was enclosed also in Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 12 March 1673/4.

York Octob. 23. 1672

Sir

I send you the first part of these Tables and the Queries belonging to them; reserving the sea-shells and shell-stones for an other time; the parts you have 0225 lister to oldenburg 481 at present being at a stand with me, and the other encreasing upon my hands dayly; which though that be not a signe of perfection (for there is undoubtedly work for many ages) yet is it of good advancement and progresse; this other, of the copiousnesse of the subject.1 Again, in that part of the tables, you have from me at present, authors are but very little concerned, in the other of sea- shells and stone-like-shells there are many authours, which are to be consulted and taken in, if possibly we can understand them treating of the same species. Lastly, the 2 less compleat draughts, being the remaining parts of these Tables, are much a kin, at least in most mens thoughts, and therefore ought to be most neerly examined and things largely and thoroughly handled, that the dispute may not always be depending; whether the rocks have not their own proper Animal-like-brood, different from the Sea. Some generall Queries concerning Land and Fresh-water snailes.

1. whether there be other shell-snailes at land, than Turbinate?2 2. whether this kind of insect are truly androgyna and equally participate of both sexes, as Mr. Ray first observed; and whether both of them two, which shall be found in the act of Venery, doe accordingly spawn or lay those perfectly round and clear eggs, soe frequently to be mett with in the surface of the earth, and the circumstances of those eggs hatching?3 3. whether the way of fatting snailes, in use amongst the Romans, that is, to make little paved places incompassed with a circle of water,4 be not alsoe very expedient in order to the tru noting the matter of their Generation? 4. what light the Anatomy of this kind of insect5 may give to the rest, and for that purpose, what are the most convenient for size and plenty? 5. whether the black spotts observable in the hornes of some snailes are eyes, as some authors affirme; and not rather parts meerly equivalent to the Antennae of other insects; as the flat and exceeding thin shape of the hornes of other species of snails seem to confirme.6 6. Whether the coccinea sanies,7 some of our Water-snailes yeild, be not an excrement, rather than an extravasated blood (the vessel containing it being compared to the Heart (by Rondeletius, and the purple juice to blood), that is, whether these Animals part not with and voluntarily (at least upon light prov- ocation) ejaculate this liquor in their owne defence, as the Cuttle-fish doth its inke, and whether the feeding upon any peculiar herbe cause not a different coloured, as well as other ways qualified, saliva in any of them.8 7. In what sort of snailes are the stones,9 mentioned by the Ancients, to be found; and whether they are not to be found (in such a yeild them) at all times of the yeare; and whether they are a cure for a Quartan, or have other reall vertue. 482 lister to oldenburg 0225

8. Whether stones found in snailes, their artificiall covers and shells will dissolve in Vinegar and with what circumstances. 9. what medicinall vertues snailes may have, as restorative to Hectik persons,10 highly venereall, at least the necks of them, if wee credit the Romans; and particularly C. Celsus commends them to be boni succi stomacho asp- tas &c.11 Also enquire concerning the mechanicall uses of the saliva of these Animals, as in dying, in the whitening of wax, Haire, &c. Tabulae Cochlearum Angliae tum terrestrium, fluviatiliumque, tum marinarum, quibus accedunt lapides ad Cochlearum similtudinem atque alias vel suo modo figurati.12

Cochleae Terrestres testis intectae Turbinatae breviore figura. Numero V. 1. Cochlea cinerea maxima edulis, cujus os operculo gypseo per hyemem tegitur, agri Hardfordiensis. 2. Cochlea cinerea striata, operculo testaceo Cochleato donata. 3. Cochlea et colore et fascijs multa varietate ludens. 4. Cochlea altera subflava, maculata atque unica fascia castanei coloris per medium voluminis insignita. 5. Cochlea vulgaris major, hortensis, maculata et fasciata. longiore figura ad sinistram convoluta. N.iv. 6. Buccinum exiguum, retusum, in museo degens. 7. Buccinum alterum parvum, acutum, ibidem vivens. 8. Buccinum rupium, in minimis numerandum circiter senis orbibus protractum. 9. Buccinum sive Trochilius sylvaticus agri Lincolniensis. ad dextram. N. ii. 10. Buccinum pullum ore compresso, circiter denis spiris fastigatum. 11. Buccinum alterum pellucidum, subflavum, intra senos fere orbes mucronatum. depressae. N.ii. 12. Cochlea cinerea fasciata, Ericetorum. 13. Cochlea altera pulla Sylvestris, Voluminibus in aciem depressis. 0225 lister to oldenburg 483

Cochleae Terrestris nudae, limaces dictae. 14. Limax maximus striatus et maculatus, lapillo sive ossiculo insigni donatus. 15. Limax parvus cinereus, pratensis. 16. Limax ater.

Cochleae Fluviatiles Turbinatae Cochleae N.I. 17. Cochlea fasciata. ore ad amussimum rotundo, fluvij Cam.

Buccina N.V. 18. Buccinum subflavum, pellucidum, intra tres spiras terminatum. 19. Buccinum alterum pellucidum majus, 4 spirarum. 20. Buccinum 5 spirarum plenarum, mucrone obtuso. 21. Buccinum alterum 5 spirarum atque operculo testaceo cochleato. 22. Buccinum longum 6 spirarum, in tenue acumen ex amplissima basi productum. depressa testa, Coccum fundentes. N. iii. 23. Cochlea ex utraque parte Cava, plenis voluminibus. 24. Cochlea altera parte plana, et limbo donata, 4 circumvolutionum. 25. Cochlea altera parte plana, sine limbo, 5 circumvolutionum.

Cochleae Fluviatiles Bivalvae. N. ii. 26. Musculus fluviatilis, maximus. 27. Musculus alter parvus, sive concha rotunda lacustris.

Cochleae Marinae &c.

Translation:

Tables of the land, freshwater, and marine snails of England, to which are added the stones formed in the likeness of snails and other things or in their own way.

Land snails covered with shells of spiral form of shorter length, five kinds: 1. The largest edible grey snail, whose mouth is coated over with a calcareous cover in winter; in the fields of Hertfordshire.13 484 lister to oldenburg 0225

2. The striped grey snail having a spiral shell cover.14 3. The snail displaying great variety of color and banding.15 4. Another yellowish snail, spotted, and marked with a single chestnut-colored band round its middle.16 5. The common large garden snail, spotted and banded.17 of greater length convoluted to the left, four kinds: 6. The slender, blunt buccinum living in moss.18 7. The small, sharp buccinum living in the same habitat. 8. The buccinum of rocks, to be reckoned among the smallest, extended into about six whorls. 9. The buccinum or woodland trochlear snail from the fields of Lincolnshire.19

convoluted to the right, two kinds: 10. The dark-grey buccinum with a narrow mouth, banded with about ten whorls. 11. Another clear yellowish buccinum, [being] pointed among about six whorls.20

depressed [or, compressed], two kinds: 12. The banded grey snail of healthlands.21 13. Another dark-grey woodland snail, with rings squeezed into sharp edges.22

Land snails without shells, called slugs 14. The largest striped and spotted slug, having a remarkable little stone, or bone.23 15. The small grey slug of meadows.24 16. The black slug.25

Spiral river snails snails, one kind: 17. The banded snail, having a perfectly round mouth. River Cam. buccina, five kinds:26 18. The clear, yellowish buccinum, terminated in three whorls. 19. Another larger, clear buccinum, having four whorls. 20. The buccinum of five full whorls, having a blunt apex. 0225 lister to oldenburg 485

21. Another buccinum of five whorls, with a spiral cover of a shell. 22. The long buccinum of six whorls, extending from a wide base to a fine apex.27 with depressed shells bearing a protuberance, three kinds:28 23. The snail hollow on either side, with full rings. 24. The snail flat on one side, of four turns, and having a border to it.29 25. The snail flat on one side without a border, of five turns.30 Bivalve river shellfish, two kinds: 26. The largest freshwater mussel.31 27. The other little mussel, or round pond shell.32

Marine shellfish, etc.

1. This is Lister’s first significant work in conchology, and with this table it would be fair to say he originated the field. It was a precursor to his masterwork of molluscs, the Historiae Conchyliorum, which he self-published (1685–92), and which consisted of over 1,000 illustrations of shells and mollusc dissections. 2. Turbinate molluscs, the name referring to their turbinate or inverted cone shell shape. 3. See note 11 of Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 August 1671. 4. The Romans were well known for heliciculture, fattening up snails in cochlear gardens. Pliny’s Natural History described the snail garden of Fulvinus Hirpinus as having separate sections for different snail species. (Book ix, chapter lvi.) 5. Snails as invertebrates were classified with insects. 6. These spots on the “horns” of the snails are indeed the eyes of the gastropods. 7. “Red or scarlet serum.” This may have been a reference to the red-purple dye known as Tyrian purple, which is excreted from predatory sea snails or Murex, though it is unclear which secretion Lister was discussing in the context of freshwater snails. Guillaume Rondelet described “what he calls Purpura (not Murex),” referring to the pigment contained in an organ which, he thinks, corresponds to the heart. See Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 297, note 5; Guillaume Rondelet, Universae aquatilium pars altera (Lyons: Mathias Bonhomme, 1555), p. 71. 8. Lister was correct in his surmise that snails will secrete when attacked physically, and they can also use the secretion as part of their predatory behavior and as an antimicrobial lining on egg masses. See Kirsten Benkendorff, Bioactive molluscan resources and their conservation: Biological and chemical studies on the egg masses of marine molluscs (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Wollongong, 1993). 9. Presumably a reference to the shells of Limax snails. The shell of Limax maximus is reduced and internal, and perceptible under the skin. Pliny indicated ancient physicians used the internal shell or “bone” for its carbonate of lime. See J.G. Jeffreys, British conchology: or, an account of the Mollusca which now inhabit the British Isles and the surrounding seas. Volume I. Land and freshwater shells (London: John van Voorst, 1862), pp. 137–138. 10. Hectic is a word applied to that kind of fever which accompanies consumption or other wasting diseases, and is attended with flushed cheeks and hot dry skin. 486 lister to oldenburg 0225

11. Celsus, De re medica, Book 11, chapters xx and xxiv. Celsus was recommending snails as good for the stomach; if the shells were used they would be effective as an antacid as they were carbonate of lime. 12. Species will be enumerated in the English translation. It is not possible to identify all of the species that Lister included in his chart, as some of the descriptions are vague or could refer to variant or juvenile forms within a species. Species identifications were taken from Jeff Carr, “The Biological Work of Martin Lister (1639–1712,” (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Leeds, 1974), pp. 207–209, annotations in Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 297–298, and Michael P. Kerney & R.A.D. Cameron, A field guide to the land snails of Britain and north-west Europe (London: Collins, 1979). My thanks to Professor Robert Cameron for his assistance with the identification of land snails. 13. Helix pomatia, or the edible escargot. 14. Pomatia elegans, or the round-mouthed snail, the only large operculate snail to live on land in Britain. The snail was originally of Mediterranean origin, but adapted to life on land. The shell is conical and bears ornamentation clearly marked and prominent, containing 4.5 to 5 spiral turns. They have also a shell-lid or operculum, which become detached in an empty shell. 15. Cepaea nemoralis, the brown-lipped snail. 16. Probably Arianta arbustorum, or the copse snail, due to the fully formed lip to the shell which Lister portrays in his illustrations of the species in his letter to Oldenburg of 12 March 1673/4 (fig. 4). 17. Helix aspersa (Cornu aspersum), the well-known pulmonate gastropod. 18. Buccinum refers to whelk-like or elongated form. Lister’s illustration (fig. 7) of it in his letter to Oldenburg of 12 March 1673/4 indicates it is probably a Cochlicopa, a small air-breathing land snail. There are two species in Britain: Cochlicopa lubrica and Cochlicopa lubricella, and they are very similar, though C. lubricella’s shell is narrower in proportion. 19. Euconulus fulvus, or brown hive; Lister’s illustration of this species in his 12 March 1673/4 letter to Oldenburg records its distinctive shape. In his later Historiae Animalium, Lister described Euconulus fulvus as living “in musco ad grandium arborum radices in sylvis Burwellensibus agri Lincolniensis.” Its small size made it quite difficult to find and it was rare. As Lister indicated “est tamen admodum rara bestiola.” See Lister, Historiae Animalium, “Titulus ix,” p. 123. See also C.S. Carter, “Non-Marine Molluscs in Lincolnshire,” Lincolnshire Naturalists Union: Transactions 1905–1908 (London, 1908), vol. 1, pp. 29–51, on p. 34. 20. Species 10 and 11 in Lister’s list are clearly Clausiliids, the only family of larger snails to coil sinistrally. The smaller of the two (species 11) may be juvenile; if it is not, then it is presumably Balea heydeni. Balea heydeni was often confused with B. perversa, as it looks rather like a juvenile of that species. 21. Helicella itala, the heath snail. 22. Helicigona lapicida, a medium-sized terrestrial snail. The shell of this species is approximately 20 mm. at is maximum, and the periphery of the shell is sharply keeled. The shell-color is grey-brown. 23. Clearly Limax maximus, with its internal shell. 24. Probably Arion intermedius, otherwise known as the hedgehog slug, as its tubercles on its back look like small spikes. 25. Arion ater, known commonly as the large black slug. 26. All species of Lymnacea, a genus of small to large-sized air-breathing freshwater snails. 0226 Oldenburg to Lister 487

27. Possibly Lymnaea stagnalis, or the great pond snail. 28. All species of Planorbis, or ramshorn snails. Most of the shells in this genus are almost planispiral in coiling; in other words, the shell is coiled more or less flat. 29. Planorbis carinatus. 30. Possibly Planorbis planorbis. 31. Anodonta cygenaea, or swan mussel, a large species of freshwater mussel with wide distribution. 32. Probably Pisidium, a genus of very small freshwater clams or pill clams in the family Sphaeriida.

0226 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 31 October 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 67–68. rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 354–355. Address: To my honor’d friend | Dr Martyn Lister at his | house in Stone- gate at | Yorke. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark; Receiving House Mark 2/Off in circular border. Reply to: Lister’s letters of 10 October 1672; 23 October 1672. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 310–311, letter 2089.

London Oct. 31. 1672.

Sir,

I have differr’d till now the acknowledging of your two late pregnant letters, concerning kermes and Snailes, because I would first exhibit them to the R. Society (which I could not do sooner than yesterday, when they began their publick Assemblies again, after three months recess,) who heard them read and received the contents of them with great satisfaction, which they commanded me to let you know, and to joyne \to it/ their hearty thanks [[xxxxxx]] for your continuance of imparting to them such considerable matters for their design and purpose. Besides, they presuming that you had already enabled yourself by your diligent observations to resolve those queries yourself which you propose about Snailes, they expressed their desires to see those resolutions; as they also will be very glad to receive \in due times/, what you have reserv’d, as to Sea-shells and Shellstones for another time.1 Sir, whatever \matters/ you shall please to communicate unto me, I shall manage, as y to their publishing or keeping privat, as you shall direct. Whatever you shall intimate you would not have made publick, I shall faithfully keep 488 Oldenburg to Lister 0226 privat; but if what you forbid not, I shall presume you will not deny the knowledge of to the philosophical and curious world. And taking this measure, I have caused to be printed the substance of your letter containing your alterations and enlargements of your former Notes about kermes especially since it seemed necessary, that those, who had read these former Notes of yours, might be more fully and more exactly instructed by these latter concerning ye English kermes that subject.2 And I further suppose, you will not contradict my publishing your letter about Snailes, which I intend, God willing, to doe the next month, if I be not stopped.3 But as to your thoughts concerning the Spaw- waters, you may rest assured, I shall spread them no further than you will allow of; I mean, I shall not print them, though I may shew them to our Society, who will be glad to receive the sentiments of so judicious and sincere a person upon that subject. I hope, Mr Ray will not keep too long your paper concerning the Milk-yielding Mushrome,4 that we \also/ may \have/ the perusal of it, together with the lately-mentioned \account/ about the Spaw-waters.5 Malpighi de ovo is now public;6 and so will be, in 2 or 3 days, Langelot about \the use of/ Digestion, Fermentation, and Triture;7 and soon after that, Mr Boyles Tracts, touching the relation betwixt Flame and Air, and that betwixt Air and the Flamma Vitalis of Animals, together with New Experiments about Explosions: as also, his Tract of the Positive or Relative had Levity of Bodies under water; and another, about the Pressure of the Air’s Spring on Bodies under Water; and a third, about the different Pressure of Heavy Solids and Fluids; to which three last Tracts is premis’d an Hydrostatical Discourse, refut- ing the Objections of Dr More \in his Enchir. Metaphysicum/8 against some Explications of Experiments made by Mr Boyle.9 And not long after that, we shall have finisht by the Presse Mr Willoughbies and Mr Rays Voyages;10 of which I have already seen divers sheets printed off. Dr Grew shew’d us yesterday very curious and new representations of the structure of the roots of several plants, much also applauded by the Company at Arundel-house;11 which is not wanting, on all occasions to encourage all those Ingenious men, that by their industrious researches of nature endeavor to \augment/ their philosophical store-house. I am

Sir

Your faithfull servt

Oldenburg 0227 Brooke to Lister 489

1. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 59. There was no mention about the shells or fossilized shells in the meeting minutes. 2. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 October 1672. 3. A reference to the snail chart in Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 October 1672. 4. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672. 5. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 October 1672, note 15. 6. Presumably Marcello Malpighi, Dissertatio epistolica de formatione pulli in ovo (London: J. Martyn, 1673). This was Malpighi’s famous treatise on the chick embryo. 7. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672, note 4. 8. Boyle’s work was: An Hydrostatical discourse occasion’d by some objections of Dr H. More in his Enchiridion Metaphysicum (London: Richard Davis, 1672); Henry More, Enchiridion metaphysicum, sive, De rebus incorporeis succincta & luculenta dissertatio . . . (London: E. Flesher, 1671). In his work, More attacked what he saw as the falsity and vanity of Cartesian mechanical explanations, and he included twenty separate proofs of immaterial beings. In particular, he proves the existence of the Spirit of Nature through the experiments of Boyle’s air pump. The latter assertion was what caused Boyle to defend his doctrine of the spring and weight of the air in his Hydrostatical discourse. See Robert A. Greene, “Henry More and Robert Boyle on the Spirit of Nature,” Journal of the History of Ideas, 23, 4 (Oct.–Dec., 1962), pp. 451–474. See also Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989). 9. All of these works were published in Robert Boyle, Tracts . . . containing new experiments touching the relation betwixt flame and air (London: for Richard Davis, 1672). 10. John Ray, Observations Topographical, Moral, and Physiological; Made in a Journey through part of the Low Countries, Germany, Italy, and France (London, 1673). Willughby’s A brief Account of Francis Willoughby Esq; his Voyage through a great part of Spain was annexed to Ray’s work. See also Ray’s letter to Lister of 18 May 1672, note 4. The work was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 5170–72. 11. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 58–59 for a discussion of Grew’s work.

0227 John Brooke to Martin Lister 14 November 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 69–70. Address: These, | For Dr Lister; | In York. Postmark: Bishop Mark no/14 [November 14]; Receiving House Mark 2/ Off in Circular Border.

Sir

I will not beleeve that any Excuse, deserves favour, should I deserv any longer, the paying my respects to your Self; tho I am not ignorant, that I am very incapable of serving you, with any Remarks worthy of your Perusall. 490 Brooke to Lister 0227

The Royall Society wishes you nearer Them, and own themselves very per- ticulerly oblig’d to You, for your philosophicall correspondence. I question not, but Mr Oldenburgh has acquainted you, how frequently your Letters have been read, hugely approved of, and made the Subject of their debate; particul- erly, on the day, I gott to Town, about Octob: 30 (which was the day they had adjourn’d to;)1 My Lord of Chester2 told mee, there was \a/ very honourable appearance, my Lord Marshall gracing them with his presence, and mov’d, that his eldest Son, might be admitted;3 and his 2d Son, stand Candidate (both which are now fellows of the Society).4 Besides your Letters, there was one read from Mr Hobbs, who has not been wont to complement Them and full of Ceremony, and respect, referring the differences between him and Dr. Wallys, to their decision.5 Then, and since that, there has been many ingenious Inquiries; Some Mercuriall Experiments made,6 Astronomical Observations related,7 and a variety of other agreeable Entertainment. Dr. Grew did produce a Specimen, of som most accurate and curious draughts, that he has made of severall Vegetables. describing them \both/, as they appear to the naked Eye, and as they are represented by the Microscope.8 I was told of a forreigner, that would break any glass in peices with the meer force of his breath, and had frequently done it, with a Rhenish-wine-glass;9 and there was a Latindinous shown, pretending to assign a reason.10 He was wont to Tone his voice, an 8,11 from that sound which the Edg of the Glass (when press’d with a slight motion) does usually give, and then to fall in 8 lower, and so to maintain his breath equally, which (as he affirm’d) would produce this effect.12 But let that pass for a Rarity, I would not have Dr Stubbs hear on’t, who designs for a further vent for his gall, agst them.13 Mr Hook told Mee (how slightly soever the Invention is thought of here) that they had sent out of France, for a Modell of Sir William Petty’s double- bottom’d vessell; which he did gratify them with; and they purpose to build One, after that Modell.14 The Bishop of Chester (who was wishing to have seen you in the Country) has been very greivously afflicted with the Stone, of late. I was to wayt on Him, yesterday, but found him very much indispos’d, having taken Opiate Medicines the night before) to asswage the pain. His ureters are obstructed, and he hath had no benefitt of Nature, that way this 3 days.15 An old practising Physician (about Town) one Dr Fryer, is lately dead.16 But ’tis time to give over trifling unles I were capable of doing somthing which might prove a less severe exercise of your Patience. 0227 Brooke to Lister 491

My Wife gives her humble Service to your Self, and Lady, and so does,

Sir,

Your very faithfull and obliged Servant

J. Brooke.

Nov: 14 72.

Dr Stubb’s further Justification of the Warr with the Dutch, is now com out.17

1. The Royal Society was meeting after their hiatus for the summer holidays. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 57. 2. John Wilkins. 3. Henry, Lord Howard (1628–1684) was created Earl of Norwich on 29 October 1672 and, by the same patent, he held the grant of the office of Earl Marshall. He would become the sixth Duke of Norfolk in 1677, succeeding his father Thomas, Lord Howard. Henry, Lord Howard later gave away the greatest part of his library, as well as substantive property, to the Royal Society. 4. Thomas Howard, Esq., second son to the Earl Marshall, was proposed candidate by the Lord Bishop of Chester at the 30 October 1672 meeting of the Royal Society. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 57. 5. Birch noted that “Mr Hobbes should be thanked by the secretary for their respect to the Society.” The disagreement was a reference to Thomas Hobbes’s recent publications of Lux mathematica, Excussa Collisionibus Johannes Wallissi . . . et Thomas Hobbesii, (1672) and Multis et fulgentissimis aucta radiis, Authore R.R. adjuncta censura Doctrinae Wallisianae de Libra, una cum Roseto Hobbesii (London: James Cotterell, 1672). The book containing both tracts was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 5047–5050. Hobbes’s publication was part of a polemic debate about theology and mathematics between him and John Wallis that stretched from the mid-1650s well into the 1670s. Hobbes was never made a fellow of the Royal Society, largely because there was a strong pro-Wallis faction in its corporation. See Douglas M. Jesseph, Squaring the Circle: The War Between Hobbes and Wallis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), esp. p. 15. 6. Birch indicated that this was a reference to investigations by Christiaan Huygens in which a mercury barometer was placed in an air-pump. Robert Boyle had noted that the mercury in the barometer maintained its height until the air was extracted from the air pump’s receiver, at which time the liquid descended. His explanation was based on air pressure; when air, with its elasticity and weight, was evacuated from the receiver, the liquid in the barometer descended. Hugyens, on the other hand, had a different explanation, claiming that when the air pump’s receiver was evacuated, a substance that was subtler than air infiltrated the empty space and exerted pressure on the mercury used for the barometer. Huygens published his experiments with the air pump and his hypothesis in the Journal des Sçavans: “Lettre . . . touchant les phé- nomènes de l’eau purgée d’air,” J. Sçavans, 3 (1672), pp. 60–66. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 58; Alice 492 Brooke to Lister 0227

Stroup, “Christiaan Huygens and the development of the air pump,” Janus, 68 (1981), pp. 129–158; Luiciano Boschiero, “Translation, Experimentation, and the Spring of the Air: Richard Waller’s Essayes of Natural Experiments,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 64 (2010), pp. 67–83. 7. A reference to trials being made for the improvement of Newton’s reflecting telescope, particularly the mirror. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 58. 8. Grew published his Idea of a Phytological History in 1673, which consisted of papers he had communicated to the Royal Society the preceding year. 9. Designating a glass made for wine produced in the Rhine region, usually of a green color. 10. A latitudinous explanation or explanation having wide extent was discussed to explain the phenomenon. There is no record of this event in Birch. 11. An octave. 12. If one matches the pitch of one’s voice to the resonant frequency of the glass the vibrating air will start the glass vibrating. If one’s voice is at sufficient volume, the glass will try to move in its vibration farther and faster than the material in the glass is able to move, and the glass will break under the strain. This is otherwise known as a driven oscillation. 13. Henry Stubbe or Stubbes (1632–1676), a physician, scholar, radical protestant, and writer who wrote polemical pieces against the Royal Society. Presumably Brooke was referring to Stubbes’s Legends no Histories: Or, A Specimen of some Animadversions upon the History of the Royal Society (London: [s.n.], 1670). Stubbes attacked primarily what he saw as an alliance of the Royal Society with Anglican orthodoxy or latitudinarianism. See James R. Jacob, Henry Stubbe, Radical Protestantism and the Early Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 14. Sir William Petty’s double-hulled ship was a type of catamaran, intended to sail faster with a smaller crew. Although some pamphleteers treated the idea with ridicule, the design had its supporters, including Samuel Pepys in the Admiralty. This was particularly the case after some successful public trials where Petty’s ship, Invention, raced successfully against one of the king’s barges. See Ted McCormick, William Petty and the Ambitions of Political Arithmetic (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 150–154. 15. John Wilkins would die on 19 November 1672. 16. Presumably John Fryer (1575/6–1672), physician and eldest son of Thomas Fryer (d. 1623) and grandson of John Fryer (1498/9–1563), all of whom were members of the College of Physicians. He was a Catholic, which delayed his admission to the College until 1664, when he was admitted as an honorary fellow. Fryer lived and practiced in Little Britain, London. See Gordon Goodwin, “Fryer, John (1575/6–1672),” rev. Patrick Wallis, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 17. Henry Stubbe, A Justification of the Present War against the United Netherlands (London: Henry Hills and John Starkey, 1672). Stubbe argued that the republican Dutch were seeking universal monarchy; his claims were tied to the economic domination of the Dutch in the East Indies, the West Coast of Africa, the Caribbean, and the Mediterranean. See Stephen Pincus, “From Butterboxes to Wooden Shoes; The Shift in English popular Sentiment from Anti-Dutch to Anti-French in the 1670s,” The Historical Journal, 38, 2 (June 1995), pp. 333–361. 0228 Lister to Oldenburg 493

0228 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 15 November 1672

Source: rs el/L5/49 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 395–397. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper, “Mr Lister to Mr. Oldenb. concerning his former account of Snailes as also an odd kind of Mushrom by him observed in Craven.” He indicated also that the letter was “Rec.[eived] Nov. 20. 72.” Address: For my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburg | Esquire | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark no/18 [November 18]. Reply to: Letter of 31 October 1672. Printed: Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 5116–5117 (partial); Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 324–326, letter 2096; Davy (1953), pp. 80–81.

(Read Nov: 20: 72. Enter’d L.B. 5. 395.)1

Yorke Novemb. 15 72

Sir,

I had your obliging letter of the 31st of October: for which I give you my hearty thanks. As to the resolving of the Queries, I made concerning Snailes, it is tru, that they are not rashly proposed; yet I willingly reserve the Observations and Experiments, wheron they are grounded, for the particular Histories to which they belong. I am not backward to part with any thing in my power and shall be ready at any time to give answer to any Querie I have advanced: but, I hope, the longer I keep these things by me, the more correct and enlarged they may be. I understand, that my Letter sent to Mr Wray did not find him in Warwick- shire and therefore possibly may either miscarry or be long before it come at him.2 The same person informed me, that Mr Wray would be at London this Terme, and therfore you may please there to have his sense of the notes about this Plant, when you shall see him. I shall transcribe them for you, as I entred them in my Adversaria.3 The 18th of August I passed through Marton woodes under Pinnemoore in Craven:4 in these woods I than found an infinite Number of Mushroomes, some witherd and others new sprung and flourishing. They were of a large size, something bigger than the ordinary red-gilled eatable Mushroome or Champignon and very much of their shape: that is, with a perfectly round Cap or [[xxxxxxx]] stool (as we vulgarly call it) thick in flesh and with open 494 Lister to Oldenburg 0228

Gills underneath; a thick, fleshy, not-hollow, and round Foot-stalke, of about 6 fingers breadth high above ground and ordnarily as thick as my Thumb. The foot-stalke, gills and Cap all of a pure white colour. if you cutt any part of this Mushroome, it will bleed exceeding freely a milke-white juice, concerning which note. 1. that the this milky juice tasts much hotter upon the Tongue than Pepper. 2. that it is not clammy to the touch. 3. that the aire does not much dis- colour it or the blade of a knife, as is usual with most vegetable juices. 4. that it became in the glass-viol I drew it into suddainly concreet and stiff, and did in some dayes dry into a firme Cake. 5. that it than alsoe, when well dryed retaine its fierce biting tast and white colour.5 Further I observed these Mushromes full of juice and not to be endured upon the tongue to abound with \Fly=/ Maggotts: Alsoe the yongest and ten- drest of them, that is, such as are most juicy, to have been very much eaten by the grey meadow naked-Snail and lodging them selves within the sides of the Plant. Concerning this kind of biting Mushrome, I find in a certain \late/ piece of the state of Russia, these words “Groozshidys Fungorum maximi, palmam lati, instar Omasi bubuli sunt crassi et candidi: dum crudi sunt succo (lactio puta) abundant; eos sicut Tithymallum muria caudi corrigunt Rutheni; aliter fauces et gutter inflamabunt. Ipse semel nimis inconsiderate assatos comedere tentabam, non sine suffocationis periculo.”6 The reference to the Cutts or figures is here confused and the description too concise, to say, that ours agrees in any thing with theirs, save the great acrimony of the juice they both yield. I may some time acquaint you with the medicinall uses, I have caused to be made of this white Resin: in the meane time I shall \only/ mind you of the great affinitie it hath with Euphorbium. The Season is almost over, soe that the account we can give of the Veines in Plants,7 must rest as it is, untill further opportunity. My sense of these Veines (according to the experience I have yet of them) you may command: but what I cheifly aimed at, I have found exceeding difficult to effect, that is, an ocular demonstration of them; yet in some measure I have attained to that alsoe. I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. This annotation indicated when the letter was read to the Society and entered into its Letter Book. It is not in either Lister’s or Oldenburg’s hand. 2. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672. Apparently Ray received the correspondence. It is not known who told Lister about Ray’s whereabouts. 0229 Lister to Oldenburg 495

3. A reference to Lister’s notebook, now Bodl. ms Lister 5. 4. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672, note 2. 5. This paragraph and most of the next are copied from Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672. 6. Lister took this passage from Samuel Collins, The Present State of Russia (London: John Winter, 1667), p. 137. Collins (1619–1670) was a physician to Tsar Alexis. Like Ray, Collins was from Essex and was born in Braintree. The passage reads: “Groozhdys, the greatest of Mushrooms, an hand breadth [across], like a Cow-tripe thick and white, whilst raw very juycy; the Russians correct it (as they do Sea-lettice) with brine, else they will inflame the chops and throat, once I rashly adventur’d to eat them roasted, not without danger of choaking.” See Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 326, note 5. 7. Lister referred to several of his past communications with Oldenburg concerning the circulation of sap in plants. He was not able to locate the veins using a hand lens or microscope, which he will communicate to Oldenburg in his letter of 20 November 1672. See Roos (2011), chapter 7, passim.

0229 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 30 November 1672

Source: ms Lister 34, fols. 71–72. Throughout the letter are small crosses made in the margin, either by Oldenburg, or by Lister. Subsequent letters demonstrate that Lister asked for the return of this piece of correspondence to address Oldenburg’s comments. Lister sent the revised version to Oldenburg on 8 January 1672/3. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 347–352, letter 2104.

Mr Listers letter to H. Oldenburg concerning his further Observations of the Veins in Plants and the Accidents belonging to these Vessels.1

Sir,

You was pleased to remind me of ye Commands of the R.S. and that something further was expected from me concerning the Veines in Plants: we therefore are not willing to delay them \any longer,/ at least this Breviate of our present thoughts.2 We have formerly given you certain reasons for their existence; to which we might add others of later notice; as that the skin of \a/ plant may be cutt cleer off with part of the spongy Parenchyma and yet noe signe of blood follow, that is noe incision made in a Vein. Again we have stript the plant of its skin (by pulling it up by the roots and exposing it to the wett weather, untill it became flaccid as a wet-thong) without any injury to the Veines, which yet upon incision would freshly bleed. 496 Lister to Oldenburg 0229

It will be little satisfaction to tell you these and many other fruitlesse Attempts, which We have made to praepare and facilitate an Ocular demonstration of these Veines; and yet without that, the discovery of the more particular accidents belonging to them, cannot reasonably be expected to be made with accuratenesse and certainty. This I say is a worke of much labour and patience and that which renders matters very difficult is the infinite Number, smallnesse and perplexitie of these Vessells. lt is tru the Transverse-Cutts of Plants give us some good light to our purpos; but they leave us again in the darke. We see as it were a certain Order and Number of the bloody Orifices of dissected Veines: and yet they disappeare as soon as they have parted with their juice, not unlike the lacteal Veines in sanguineous Animals. Assisted by a Microscope, we observe in a Leafe (which we take to be the simplest part of a plant) 1. That the Veines keep company with the Fibres; and are distributed into all the parts of the Leafe, according to the subdivisions of the Fibres; these in all probabilitie adding strength and support (whatever else) to them, as the Oake does to the Ivy. 2. That in a Transverse-Cutt of a Leafe, the midle Fibre for example, seemes to yeild one bigg drop of juice, springing as it were from one Vein; yet the Microscope plainly shows us, that there are many Veines, which contribute to the making up of that drop. 3. That if a Fibre be carfully taken out of the leafe, the Veines will appeare, like small pillars running up those great ones in the bodies of our Minsters. 4. That those \many/ Veines, for ought we have yet discovered to the contrary, are all of an equall bignesse, 5. That though we seem to be more certain of the ramifications of the Fibres, we are not yet soe, that these Veines are any wher Capillary or lessned; though very probabilie it may be soe that which makes us doubt it, is the exceeding smalnesse of these veines already, even those where they seem to be Trunck Veines and of the largest size; and being there alsoe in very great Number, and running in direct lines along the Fibre, we Guesse, that one or more of them may be distributed and fall off on either side the leafe with the subdivided Fibre and not suffer any diminution in their bulke. 6. That we cannot discern any where throughout the whole Plant larger and more Capacious Veines, than those we see adhering to the Fibres of the Leaves, which alsoe does appear from Comparing the bleeding Orifices. An Herculean labour followes to trace and unravel them, throughout the whole body and root of the Plant. our opinion is, that these Veines doe still 0229 Lister to Oldenburg 497 continue in company with their respective Fibres. And as all the Fibres of the leafe are joined in the stalke of the Leafe, and that stalke again explicated in cloathing the Twig or stem of the Plant (which is the reason of \the/ various Order of the breaking forth of leaves) soe are we to thinke of the veines their perpetual Companions. And indeed, a transverse-cutt of the top-twig or of a plant, shewes \us/ one single Circle of bleeding Orifices (I meane in respect of the order of those dropps, not the number of Veines; which we have said are many even in the simple Fibres of the leaves) that is, according to the number of \the/ Fibres of the leaves cloathing that Twigg: the succeeding branches shew a multitude of bleeding Orifices, the Body and Root yet more numerous, according to the number of Coates cloathing them, these few particulars we have, concerning the Veines in the Roots of plants. 1. if a single Coat of the Root be separated, we shall find the Veines therin variously decussate, reticular and implicate; not in the same simple order, as in the leaves: the like we thinke of the barke of the bodies of Trees. 2. \Again/ where the juice of these Veines springs sloly and is hardly discernable, but by the discolouring it receives from the Aire; as in the roots of Cicuta3 etc. Specks or drops of divers magnitudes appeare upon a transversely-cut root; which to me seemes, as though the Coates of the roots of Plants were but soe many \setts of/ leaves, the greater sports being \from/ the more numerous veines adhaering to the larger Fibres and the lesser from the fewer veines accompanying the subdivisions of the Fibres. From what hath been said, it may well be doubted, whether there be any such thing as a gathering togather of Veines into one Common Trunk, as is the manner of the Veines in sanguineous Animals: but rather, that there are a multitude of equally bigg Veines, each existing apart by them \it/ selfe, or at least such a number of them and by parcells [[xxxxxxxx]]. We, indeed, have found it very difficult soe to wound a plant by dissecting the Veines only, as to kill it; although, I say, much vital juice be exhausted by a multitude of incisions. Many other Instances there are, which seem to favour this Notion of the parcelling and discontinuance of the Veines in Plants and the little relation and intercourse they have with one another. As one branch of a Tree having large and well growne fruit, before the other branches \of the same Tree and fruit spread their leaves and flowers/, [[two words]] from the different situation and other circumstances of Culture: any small part of a Tree growing: the Cyon governing: the indefinite and perpetual growth of Trees: the artificial encrease of the roots of naturally annual or sesqui-annual Plants to a vast bulke and the continuance of this growth for many years: The juices being of these Veines being of very different colours in divers parts of the same plant; as of a brimstone colour in the root of Spondilium4 and white in the stem; alsoe the Virginian 498 Lister to Oldenburg 0229

Rhus5 struck at the bottom of the bowle of the Tree, yeilds a much browner milke then at the topp. Thus farr we have taken our information concerning these Veines by the helpe of a Glasse. And \yet/ we find great difficulties in discovering the Accidents belonging to these Vessells, as External figure, Coates, Capacitie etc Concerning the Coates or Membranes we thinke them to be exceeding thinn and transparent filmes; because they suddainly disappeare and subside—after their being exhausted of their juice: and which is a plain evidence, in that they shew us, quite through their Coates, the yellow liquour they hold (in Cheldonium majus6 \for example/) noe otherwise than a tincture of saffran in Chrystalline Pipes. We have thought, that the several Accidents belonging to them as Vessells, would have been made manifest to us, if it were possible to coagulate the juice they hold without much srinking the Plant; for to inject a coagulating and stiffning liquor we see noe probabilitie of doing it into such small Vessells. We were in great hopes freezing would have affected this: which (though it did not succeed as we promisd our selves in respect of the manifestation of these Accidents); yet it gave us some further light into the nature of the juice of these Veines. In the keenest frost which hapned the other Winter, we dissected the frozen leaves of the Garden Spurge. Here we observed that all the juice, besides that which these Veines hold, was indeed frozen into perfect hard Ice and to be expressed out in the figure of the containing pores; but the milkie-juice was as liquid as ever, but not soe briske as in open weather. This Experiment we take to be good proofe, that the liquor of these Veines is the only vital juice of plants, that is, which hath a fermentative motion within it selfe, which preserves it from the injuries of the Weather, and that consequently these Vessells are the only proper Veines in Plants. Thus we have seen Insects (as Hexapode Wormes etc) ly frozen upon the Snow into very lumps of Ice; which did not only cause the Glasse to ring we struck them against but did endanger the breaking of it: And yet put under the Glasse and exposed to the warmth of the fire, they quickly recovered their leggs and vigour to escape; which we thinke could not be, unlesse the Vital liquor of their Veines, as in Plants, had been untouched and little concerned in the frost. Further, we doe hence alsoe argue the different Ure of these juices: and with some colour compare the frozen Icicles within the Spongy parenchyma of Plants or that more copious dilute liquour to the Aliment of Animals and call these Pores the Intestines; as we doe the other Vessells, holding the not- frozen liquor, Veines. [[two lines]]. And possibly there are many more mouths 0229 Lister to Oldenburg 499 in a Plant, than what are supposed to be in the root only, the every-where- open Pores of the leaves and barke receiving into all parts of the plant \above ground/ the moist particles in the Aire, as the root does those other in the bare Earth. Lastly \since/ (according to the knowledge we yet have of the parts of Plants) there are noe Viscera analogous to the hart of Animals; noe common Trunck, where the Veines are united; noe Pulsation; noe stop or swelling upon the application of a Ligature more on the one side, than on the other; noe difference in Veines, we must thinke, that these Veines bleed, because the juice they hold is fermentative and not by reason of any exteriour impulse from the mechanick of Vessells, as in Animals. We might alledge many things in confirmation of the intestine motion or fermentation of this juice. As the motion of \the bleeding/ Veines and Fibres newly taken out of the Plant, aemulating that of wormes: Alsoe the breaking of this juice into whey and Curds. Again the transparency of some Gumms, which in bleeding are thick and troubled liquors, like the barme of beare; and yet, I say in a few howres after drawing, fall and become quiet and chrystalline, as the Gumme of \the/ Virginian Rhue etc. Further, we doe affirme (if we may be credited awhile, untill we publish the Experiments, togather with the different Natures of the juices of these Veines; [[xxxxxxxxx]] \of/ which at present we shall only say Experimentally, that more usefull preparations are to be made and truer Analysis and Separation of the parts of Vegetable Druggs is to be effected, whilst they are \liquid and/ in bleeding from their respective Veines, than after they are once setled, become lumpish and have lost their natural ferment) we doe also afiirme, I say, that these juices will give a vivid and lasting ferment to the most insensible of liquours and that for some weekes, cold and exposed in open vessells to the Aire; which is beyond the power of any known ferment. And this we take to be the reason not only of Vegetation in general; bur particularly of some Trees bleeding soe plentifully after a frost; the vital juice of these Veines some way or other communicating its ferment to the other more dilute and copious Liquor of such Trees and making that, which was before and of it selfe torpid, briske and vigorous. And thus much concerning the Veines in Plants in general Terms, avoid- ing the Circumstances of Experiment and Observation as much as could be for brevity sake, that these lines might not be as tedious, as they are rude. I leave it to your discretion either to Excuse us and suppresse them, or if you will venture them, we doc submitt them to their great judgements, leaving you our Intercessour. We hope to worke herafter by their directions and guidance, 500 Oldenburg to Lister 0230 being conscious to our selves of noe other Talent, but a willingnesse to labour; acknowledging the little progresse and successe we have had in a matter where we are left to our selves. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke Novemb: 30th 1672

1. Oldenburg’s endorsement. 2. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672. Lister was continuing his experiments with plant circulation that had begun in collaboration with Willughby and Ray. 3. A member of the small genus Cicuta, consisting of four species of poisonous plants in the family Apiacaea, including water hemlock and cowbane. 4. Presumably cow parsnip, Heracleum maximum. William Turner’s A New Herball (1562) identifies cow parsnip as Spondilium. See William Turner, A New Herball, parts ii and iii, ed. George T.L. Chapman, Frank McCombie, and Anne U. Wesencraft (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 317. 5. A species of sumac. 6. Greater celandine.

0230 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 12 December 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 73–75; rs Letter Book, vol. 5, p. 410. Address: To his much honor’d friend | Dr Martyn lister at his | house in Stone-gate | in | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark de/12 [December 12]. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 30 November 1672. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 356–358, letter 2106.

London Decemb. 12. 1672

Sir,

You shew yourself very generous in performing [[one word]] your engagements and promises to the R. Society, which is very sensible of your merit, and hath 0230 Oldenburg to Lister 501 again commanded me to let you know so much, not doubting but you will still proceed in \all/ your curious philosophical Inquiries and Observations; and \continue/ your imparting them upon occasion. After the reading of your letter of Nov. 30th, thes[ai]d Society orderʼd, that [[one word]] \it/ should be communicated to Dr Grew, to peruse and consider it, and to give in his thoughts upon it:1 Which being done by him accordingly, we find, First, that he agrees with you in the main; as the existence of Veins in Plants; [[one word]] \and/ that they are reticular; that there are a multitude of equally big veins, each existing apart; that the Milky Juyce is the higher preparation of the liquor in plants, though he acknowledge it not to be the only vital juyce in them; that the same Milky juyce hath a fermentative motion within itselfe, which he esteems to be there more vigorous and briske, than in the limpid sap; though he judges this latter not to be altogether \destitute/ of that motion, for all its being subject to freezing; and that \particularly/ what you alledge in your last paragraph, is as full of good matter, as ’tis large.2 Secondly, the remarques made by Dr Grew upon your said letter, giving occasion to the following Quaere’s, I had order also, to send \transmit/ them to you; viz. 1. Whether it be a sufficient proof of the existence of Veins in Plants, that the skin of a Plant may be cutt sheer off with part of the spongy parenchyma, and yet no signe of blood follow, your is, no incision made in a vein; And again, your you have stript the plant of its skin without any injury to the veins, which yet upon incision would freshly bleed? 2. Whether you ever observ’d yourself any true ramifications in any part of any vegetable, so as yet the lesser tubes or fibres be successively derived of the greater? 3. Whether there be any thing essential in any part of a Plant, that is not in a leaf? 4. Whether the Veins of Plants, as they are reticular, (which is granted,) are also any where implicated, or do any where decussate, or are any where inoscu- lated; tho it be granted, that the Pithy, and Cortical, and several other Fibers of a vegetable are joyn’d together by all yesd ways of contexture? 5. Whether the Limpid sap in Plants be not also to be call’d Vital, it being acknowledged to be the Aliment of the Plant; though the Milky juice may be allow’d to be the higher perfection of it? 6. Whether it be a Conclusive proof \of the want of/ any Vegetable juices fermentative motion, because it may be frozen; since beer, wine etc. will be frozen, and yet are fermentative? 7. Whether the advancement of the Sap from the bottom to the top of the trunk can be effected otherwise than by the structure or mechanisme of the parts of a vegetable?3 502 Oldenburg to Lister 0230

Sir, you see our philosophicall freedome, which we are persuaded you not only take in good part, but also make use of for further search and information; which we shall be very glad to receive the successe of, at your conveniency. The note inclosed shows my having discharged your commission in making the payment of that money, you sent hither for the the use of the Society to

Sir Your very humble and faithf. servt

Oldenburg.

Sir

You will also remember that part of your letter of Nov. 15, in which \you/ [[one word]] say, some time you will acquaint us with the medicinal uses, you have caused made of the white resin of that biting kind of Mushrom, you there describe.

Received this 4 December 1672. of Martin Lister Esquire the summe of two pound twelve shillings by the hand of Henry Oldenburg Esquire and is in full for this Quarterly payments to the Royal Society until Christmas 1672. next coming: I say received for the use of the said Society——— 2:12:0———4

Dan: Colwall frs

1. Birch related, “December 11 1672. Dr Grew brought in his remarks upon Mr Lister’s letter of November 30, 1672, concerning the veins in plants; which remarks were ordered to be entered into the Letter book, and to be formed into quaeries to be communicated to Mr. Lister for his further consideration.” (Birch, vol. 3, p. 69.) 2. Lister thought that the milky juices of plants, as opposed to clear sap, contained the vital plant juices. He reached his conclusion due to experiments he did with freezing plants. When the plants were frozen, their milky juices continued to run, while the sap froze. Lister wrote that the milky vital juice of plants, “hath a fermentative motion within it self, which preserves it from the injuries of the Weather, & that consequently these Vessells are the only proper Veines in Plants.” See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 30 November 1672. 3. Grew’s subsequent experiments, published in An Account of the Vegetation of Trunks (1675), did clarify plant “bleeding” in a significant manner. Grew demonstrated that while the bleeding of plants could be possible due to the “internal pressure forcing the plant to yield its sap when cut,” the circulation of the sap in plants was not the same as it was in animals. Grew repeated Ray’s and Lister’s experiments observing that there were no valves because “the Trunk 0231 Brooke to Lister 503 or Branch of any Plant being cut, it always bleeds.” Grew then rejected the idea of fermentation to explain sap movement, instead deciding that the pressure required for the sap to rise needed an explanation. In direct contrast to Lister, he appealed to the parenchyma’s sponge-like quality to explain sap movement. See Brian Garrett, “Vitalism and teleology in the natural philosophy of Nehemiah Grew (1641–1712),” British Journal of the History of Science, 36, 1 (March 2003), pp. 63–81; Roos (2011), chapter 7, passim. 4. This receipt is in the hand of Daniel Colwall (d. 1690) who served the Society as treasurer from 1666 to 1679.

0231 John Brooke to Martin Lister 14 December 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 76–77. The margin of the letter’s second page is torn, with minor loss of text. Address: These, | For Dr Lister; | In York.

I receiv’d the favour of Yours; and should have made my acknowledgments much earlier, if I had been capable of doing It, by giving you any good proofs of my Service. You’ll easly beleeve, that the Account you were pleas’d to oblige Us with, touching Jemmy’s proficiency,1 was not unwelcome, here; and wee hope, ere this, he is both able, and willing, to give his Doctour, Thanks. I comply’d with your Commands in procuring a List (which I hope Boon has deliver’d) as soon as was possible; when I had the honour of yours, first, they were not then printed.2 but wee had good Store of Them, against St Andrews- day, (Nov: 30) which was the day of Election;3 I could have wish’d you present at the Ceremony, and, a share of the good chear, and company, afterwards. His Majesty gave one Doe, and my Ld Marshall another; so that there was no want of Venison. my Ld Marshall, and his 2 sons,4 din’d with the Other Fellows at the Kings-head-Tavern (in Fleetstreet)5 where the Stewards had provided all things in good Order; and had, a great, and honourable Appearance. Since my last, the death of that excellent Prelate (the Bishop of Chester) has been not a little lamented whose distemper was mistaken; who died of a stop- page of Urin, but not caus’d by the Stone (as was imagin’d) Mr Wray, guess’d the nearest, but he forbore all diureticall Things, which (as they apprehend since.) had been the most effectuall (in all humane reason) for his Recovery.6 He left 400£ to the Royal Society;7 200£ to Wadham-Colledg;8 and tis say’d, not above 8 or 900£ to his Lady;9 Dr Tillotson,10 his Executor, he seem’d not to bee much surpris’d, at the News of death, but say’d he was prepar’d, for the great Experiment. On Thursday last, he was interr’d and Dr. Lloyd, preach’d the funerall Sermon.11 Tho’ it prov’d a very wett day, yet his Corps were very 504 Brooke to Lister 0231 honorably attended; I beleeve, these were above 40 Coaches, with 6 Horses; besides a great Number of others. The Royall Society meets every Wensday, and are diverting themselves, with an ingenious, philosophicall conversacion. A Sulphur-Ball inclos’d in a Glass has been produc’d, and recommended, for some extraordinary properties; but it did not answer expectacion; Its electricall quality, was very evident; but that is perform’d by many other Bodies;12 nay, Mr Boyl, afirm’d that he had made a rough Diamond, to attract a steel-needle, very vigourously. The Ball did attract feathers; and filings of Copper; But ‘twas observ’d, that even a round glass (after rubbing) would draw feathers to it, which might bee made pass from an electricall body, to One, that was not so. Mr Hooke, read many curious Observacions touching the Nature of light. And Mr Schroder,13 show’d a Latin- Letter from Paris, containing an Account of som Wood, that had been cleft, and in the middle of It, there were curious figures, and letters describ’d: a draught whereof, was sent with It.14 Some Perspective glasses, were also brought (made in Germany), the use of which was, to discern the Object, with both Eyes, at once etc. Last Wensday, Dr. Grew, read some Animadversions upon a Letter of Yours, which I presume, Mr Oldenburg will give you a more perticuler Account of;15 for I fear I have much abus’d your Patience, tho in qua16

Sir,

Your faithfull and obliged Servant

Jo: Brooke

Dec: 14: 72.

My wife joins with Mee, in giving her humble Service, to your Self, and Lady.

1. Presumably Brooke’s son James, as Lister had been the family physician for Brooke. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 16 July 1672. 2. Presumably a list of the new fellows of the Royal Society. 3. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 64. 4. The two sons of Henry, Lord Howard (the Lord Marshall) were elected this day to the Royal Society. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 14 November 1672, note 3. 5. The King’s Head stood at the west corner of Chancery Lane, presumably built in the reign of Edward vi. As Henry Shelley commented, “Only the first and second floors were devoted to 0231 Brooke to Lister 505 tavern purposes; on the ground floor were shops, from one of which the first edition of Izaak Walton’s Complete Angler was sold, while another provided accommodation for the grocery business of Abraham Cowley’s father.” See Henry C. Shelley, Inns and Taverns of Old London (London: Pitman, 1909), p. 52. 6. In her biography of Wilkins, Barbara Shapiro remarked that the “mixed company” of scientists, clergymen, and politicians who attended Wilkins in his last days were apparently more curious about his “suppression of the Urine,” than anything else. See Barbara J. Shapiro, John Wilkins 1614–1672 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), p. 1. 7. Wilkins’s gift was the Society’s first bequest, and it was quite welcome, as the Society was in arrears of subscriptions by £1,800. The money was used to purchase three fee/farm rents in Lewes, Sussex. See H.G. Lyons, “The Society’s First Bequest,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 2, 1 (April 1939), pp. 43–46. 8. Wadham College, Oxford, where Wilkins was appointed warden in 1648. Wadham was the first meeting place of the proto-Royal Society. 9. Robina French, née Cromwell, youngest sister of Oliver Cromwell. 10. John Tillotson (1630–1694), Wilkins’s son-in-law and future Archbishop of Canterbury. In 1664, Tillotson married Elizabeth French, Cromwell’s niece. Tillotson also edited several of Wilkins’s works and sermons. See Isabel Rivers, “Tillotson, John (1630–1694),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 11. The sermon was published. See William Lloyd, A Sermon Preached at his Funeral . . . of John Wilkins (London, 1675). Lloyd was the Dean of Bangor and Royal Chaplain, and like Wilkins, a latitudinarian. See John Spurr, “ ‘Latitudinarianism’ and the Restoration Church,” The Historical Journal, 31, 1 (March 1988), pp. 61–82, esp. p. 69, p. 72, and p. 77. 12. Robert Boyle presented this experiment at the meeting of 27 November. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 63. 13. William Schröter (1640–1699), an original Fellow of the Royal Society (elected 17 September 1662). On a visit to England, he attended a meeting of the Royal Society on 11 December 1672 and transmitted parcels to Leibniz on Oldenburg’s behalf. Schröter entered the service of the Emperor Leopold in 1674, and became Councilor of the Exchequer in the Kingdom of Hungary. See Michael Hunter, “The Social Bias and Changing Fortunes of an Early Scientific Institution: An Analysis of the Membership of the Royal Society, 1660–1685,” in Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 31 (1976–77), pp. 9–114, on p. 110. 14. This demonstration was not reported in the meeting minutes. In a letter of 1 October 1672 from Salomon Reisel, the Chief Physician of Hanau, to Oldenburg, Reisel reported: “Mr Schröter will take away with him the account of the letters read in the middle of the trunk of a beech tree for communication to and discussion by the most illustrious Society . . . ” See el/R1/37, Royal Society Library, London, and Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 273, letter 2077. 15. Grew animadverted upon Lister’s letter of 30 November 1672 concerning the veins of plants. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 69. See also Oldenburg’s letters to Lister of the 12 and 28 November 1672. 16. The letter is torn here, resulting in some missing text. 506 Lister to Oldenburg 0232

0232 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 17 December 1672

Source: rs el/L5/50 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, pp. 412–413. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper “Answ. dec. 28. 72. desired to know when he will have the said letter back his letter itself, or he will send his thought by themselves.” Address: For my much honoured friend | Henry Oldenburg | Esquire at his house | in the Palmal | London. Reply to: Oldenburg’s Letter of 12 December 1672. Printed: Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 61–62; Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 364–366, letter 2110.

Mr Listers return to some Queries, drawn out of Dr Grews remarques upon his Letter of Nov. 30. 1672.1

(Entd L B. 5. 412).2

Yorke. Decemb. 17. 72

Sir,

I had yours of Decemb. 12 wherin you mention that Dr Grew agrees to the main of those particulars I sent you lately concerning the Veines in Plants. his Assent is a great pleasure to me, since I have cause to believe, that his owne diligence hath furnished \him/ with other arguments to confirme, what I there but [[one word]] obscurly deliver. In expectation that he will at length gratify the inquisitive with them, the Quaeries are welcome to me. They have a double appeal; as they may assist me in future researches, I reserve the successe untill occasion; and as they alsoe seem to invalidate my notions, be pleased to accept of these answers to them; desiring you still to remember, that I undertooke not the explication of the Oeconomie and use of all the parts in Plants, but only to look up and revise certain remarkes I had made, several yeares agoe, concerning the Veines in plants analogous to human Veines. But to the Quaeries. 1. Quaerie. whether it be a sufficient proof of the existence of Veines etc.] Those Expts I tooke to be good proofe against such as did believe (and most men were lat[e]ly of that opinion) the juice of plants to be one uniforme Sap extravasate and in noe vessel, but to be in the parenchyma of Plants as water in a Sponge. And these kind of arguments \(which we call ad hominem)/ have 0232 Lister to Oldenburg 507 ever been admitted, though they conclude nothing directly. After the attain- ment to an Ocular demonstration (of which there are many plain instances thoughout the letter) of a matter of Fact, I stood in noe need of other arguments, that being I conceive all-sufficient: but I would not omitt the hinting some wayes I tooke to praepare a further Examination of the Veines in Plants and alsoe to apply them as they would beare it, against the general opinion. 2. Quaerie] whether you ever observed any tru Ramifications etc. if the question be limited concerning Veines, I answer as formerly that I doubt it, from the extreme smallnesse and great numbers of equally big veines. 3. Quaerie. whether the Veines in Plants, as they are Reticular (which is granted), are alsoe any where implicate etc) I understand by reticular, implicate, decussate one and the same thing, that is, that what veines in a Leaf are in direct lines, seem to me to run in cross ones, to be confusd and perplext in the several coats of the Root. As for inosculations,3 since that notion has puzzled and misled the most industrious Anatomists in sanguineous Animals, I pretend not to know any thing of it in Plants, where the veines are marvelously small. 4. Quaerie. whether there \is/ any thing Essential in any part of a Plant, which is not in a Leaf? ] the Veines are our present Task and in reference to them we have noted an accidental difference at least, that they are in the leafes a \more/ simple and plain Order, than in the root. 5. Quaerie. Whether the limpid sap of Plants be not alsoe to \be/ called vital etc] if the Chyle, whilst an external fluid in the Gutts and not yet received into the Veines, be to be called vital, I shall not deny the notion to agree alsoe to the limpid juice of Plants; All I meane to contend for is, that the milky juice is the only proper Vital juice. 6. Quaerie. whether it be a conclusive proof of the want of any vegetable juices fermentative motion etc] in my opinion few liquors, if any at all, are wholly devoid of fermentative motion, much lesse would I be thought to deny that to the limpid sap of Plants in some small degree; but that \fermentation/ being soe little discernable in respect of motion, and \as/ quickly freezing, as fountain water, I had reason to exclude it that sense, especially when compared to the milkie juice, which always moves briskly and never (that I know of) freezes. 7. Quaerie. whether the advancement of the sap from the bottome to the top etc] I am very farr from setting aside the frame of Parts in the [[one word]] \advancement/ of the juice; but have much \great/ reason to thinke its \motion in the veines/ to be very differently \performed/ from that in Animals. But this and other matters, we shall use our best endeavours to Search further into 508 Lister to Oldenburg 0232 according to our leisure. And if wee misse of our purpos, we doubt \not/ but the happy Genious of Dr Grew will bring much to light.4 I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister if you thinke of inserting the last Paper, about the Veines of Plants, into the Transactions, I desire I may first retouch it and make it lesse \lyable to/ exceptions.

P.S. Mr Wray returned me this Answer to my letter about the biting Mushrome5

At my return to Midleton I found a letter from you, containing the description of a Mushrome by you discoverd in Marton Woods under Prinne-moore.6 I doubt not but it is that described in Jo: Bauhinus. lib. 40. cap. 6.7 under the Title of Fungus piperatus albus, lacteo succo turgens8 only he saith 1. that it doth in bignesse exceed the Champignon, wheras you writ that there are few of them much bigger, then that: but yet in saying soe, you alsoe grant them to be bigger, 2. He saith for their bignesse, they are not soe thick as that, you describe yours to be thick in flesh. in all other points your descriptions agree exactly for the colour, that it is white Gills and all: for the place, that it growes in woods: and for the turf, that it is hotter than Pepper. Several particulars mentioned by you, are not observed or not mentioned by him. I cannot say that I have as yet met with this Mushrome

Soe far Mr Ray.

Sir, I beg your pardon for the trouble of these Scribles but you have suffered me hitherto, I am like to goe on, unlesse you silence me.

1. In Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This annotation, which is not in Lister’s or Oldenburg’s hand, indicates where the letter was copied into the Society’s letter book. 3. To unite (blood vessels or ducts) by small openings. 4. Birch related, “December 11 1672. Dr Grew brought in his remarks upon Mr Lister’s letter of November 30, 1672, concerning the veins in plants; which remarks were ordered to be entered into the Letter book, and to be formed into quaeries to be communicated to Mr. Lister for his further consideration.” (Birch, vol. 3, p. 69.) Lister was obviously concerned to revise his conclusions in light of Grew’s critique. 5. Ray’s original letter to Lister about the mushroom has been lost. 0233 Oldenburg to Lister 509

6. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672, notes 2 and 3. 7. See Jean Bauhin, Jean-Henri Cherler, Dominique Chabrey, and Franz Ludwig von Graffenried, Historiae plantarum universalis, tomus iii (Yverdon: s.n., 1651), p. 825. 8. This translates literally as a “white peppery fungus, full of milky juice,” and it is a description of the Lactarius piperatus, or the peppery milk-cap. This mushroom bleeds whitish and peppery-tasting milk when it is cut. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672, note 3.

0233 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 28 December 1672

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 78. Address: No address present. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 17 December 1672. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 373–374, letter 2115.

London Decemb. 28. 1672

Sir,

Though I have not yet had an opportunity of declaring the contents of your last of Dec 17th. at our Society, which is adjourned till jan. 8th; yet I thought myself obliged not only to acknowledge more timely the receipt of that letter, but also to Desire to know, whether you would have me send you back your former letter1 about the Veins of Plants, for your retouching, before I insert it in the Transactions;2 or whether you intend to revise and alter, and send me your second thoughts in a paper by itself, and leave it to me to insert them. I have very lately received from Monsr Hugens3 his contrivance of a New Barometer, that maketh the variations of the weight and pressure of the Air farr more discernable \than the received ones;/ and will serve withall for a measure of hights of difficult accesse.4 After it hath been examined by the Curious here, I am likely to publish that also in one of the Monthly Tracts5 of

Sir your very humble servant

Oldenburg.

1. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 30 November 1672. 2. Lister’s article would ultimately be published as “A Further Account Concerning the Existence of Veins in All Kind of Plants; together with a Discovery of the Membranous Substance 510 Johnston to Lister 0234 of those Veins, and of Some Acts in Plants Resembling Those of Sense; As Also of the Agreement of the Venal Juice in Vegetables with the Blood of Animals, &c. Communicated by Mr. Lister in a Letter of Januar 8. 1672/73 and Exhibited to the R. Society,” Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 5132–5137. 3. Christiaan Huygens. 4. A report of Huygens’s contrivance was published in the Journal des Sçavans for 12 December 1672. First, Huygens suggested superposing a column of water upon the mercury column, so the two fluids met in a wide bulb, and the displacements of the water was magnified. This extended the scale of the barometer making changes in pressure easier to read. He also suggested a u-shaped tube barometer with a bulb at the top of one leg, and near the bottom of the other leg. The instrument was filled with mercury after which a mixture of water and alcohol (to avoid freezing) was added. This two-liquid barometer had also been suggested by Descartes in 1650 and by Hooke in 1668. See Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 346, note 4, as well as W.E.K. Middleton, History of the Barometer (Baltimore: Baros Books, 1994), pp. 87–89. See also Brookes’s letter to Lister of 14 November 1672, note 6. 5. He never did so. See Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 374, note 3.

0234 Nathaniel Johnston to Martin Lister 1 January 1672/3

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 18. Address: ffor his honoured ffriend | Dr Lister these at his house | in stonegate | Yorke.

Honoured Sir

By the too interspursing another designe I hath loytered in making any experiments this winter something about the Damps in Colepitts I shall I hope in due tyme afford you.1 If you will please to afford me a ffew lines how you proceeded with the dog I will endeavor to attempt somthing.2 You have the conveniency of new bookes which I want and affect not to buy till I have had the perusall theire being so many cheates in titles. If you can spare any ffrom your daily perusall I will send them safe what tyme so ever you appoint. Godartius3 Swammerden4 Morison of pla umbelliferous5 plants as many philosophicall transactions as you hath since the last years ended or any new peece would be very acceptable and I will make what speede you appoint to return them with the due tribute of thanck[s] and ffor the last and all preceding obligations must ever acknowledg myself

Sir your Very affectionate servant

N. Johnston 0234 Johnston to Lister 511

Jan 1 1672/73

I have a ffavorable opportunity by a ffrend of bringing anything safe and I thinck he stayes one night If not longer. Mr Yeomans servant will convey them to his master who will deliver them to my ffrend.

1. Mine exhalations of a noxious kind, which could come in different varieties: suffocating mixtures of gases, such as nitrogen and carbon dioxide (choke damp), or explosive vapors (fire damps). Lister’s family owned mines in Yorkshire, so the topic was of perennial interest, and Lister would write a paper about the subject for the Philosophical Transactions: Martin Lister, “Some observations about damps, together with some relations concerning some odd worms vomited by children,” Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 391–395. 2. Lister was involved in making styptic liquor to staunch bleeding and was doing experiments involving canines. In a letter to Oldenburg of 2 September 1673, he “showed the Expt [experiment]” in York to his fellow physicians, opening an artery of a dog and applying the liquor, claiming “not one only drop of blood fell after the application of the liquour with a single linen dipped in it; soe that it may be said, to staunch blood in a moment.” 3. Jan Goedart, Metamorphosis et historia naturalis insectorum (Middelburg (Netherlands): Jacob Fierensium, s. d. [1662?]). Lister would translate and edit this work in 1682: Johannes Goedartius, Of Insects: done into English and Methodized, with the Addition of Notes (York: by the author, 1682). See Lister’s letter to Ray of 25 March 1668, note 19. 4. Presumably Swammerdam’s Historia insectorum generalis (Utrecht, 1669). 5. A reference to Robert Morison’s Plantarum umbelliferarum distributio nova (Oxford: The Sheldonian Theatre, 1672). Robert Morison (1620–1683) was appointed Professor of Botany at the University of Oxford in 1669. Umbelliferous plants are those bearing flowers arranged in umbels; of or belonging to the order of Umbelliferæ. Umbels are masses of inflorescence borne upon pedicels of nearly equal length springing from a common centre. Mandelbrote commented about this work: “This was dedicated to the duke of Ormond, the university’s chancellor, and embellished with twelve plates, three of which were engraved at the expense of delegates of the press, the remainder being supported by prominent members of the university. Morison’s system for classifying plants was displayed here for the first time, successfully isolating umbelliferous plants from others with similar forms of inflorescence. Following Cesalpino, whose work he had read, Morison argued that plants should primarily be distinguished by the single, key principle of differences in fruit and seed characteristics. He deployed vegetative characteristics for subsidiary taxonomic purposes only and argued that this method reflected the simplicity of the divine ordering of creation, as manifested in the book of nature. Properly observed, plants would reveal the secrets of their taxonomy and their beneficial uses, which had been known to providentially inspired botanists such as King Solomon. Morison would later suggest that the division of plants according to fruit and seed could be found in the words of Genesis 1:11–12.” See Scott Mandelbrote, “Morison, Robert (1620–1683),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 512 Lister to Oldenburg 0235

0235 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 1 January 1672/3

Source: rs el/L5/51 and rs Letter Book, vol. 6, pp. 1–2. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper, “An Extract of Mr Lister’s letter to Mr Old: concerning the usefulness of monthly a Register for saving to the owners the credit of new discoveries, as also the Difficulty in raising theories from Observations and Experiments.” He noted also, “Letters of the 6th Letterbook,” and “Rec. Jan. 5. 72.” Address: For | his very honoured friend | Henry Oldenburg | Esq at his house in the | Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/3 [January 3]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s Letter of 28 December 1672. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 377–378, letter 2118.

(Entered lb.6.01.)1

Sir,

I desire to retouch the former Paper,2 having somethings in my mind to adde, others to explaine and alter: and for that purpos doe pray you to remitt it to me again, not having any perfect coppy of it by me: you shall receive it back the very next Post. To this purpos, you may likewise by pleased to suspend the reading of my last3 before the R.S. untill you receive this back. And than you may dispose of it and all that comes from me, as you thinks fitting. I am very much obliged to you for the benefit and favour of your monthly Tracts. Your indefatigable Industrie having given us the opportunity of a Register, which if it had been on foot some yeares agoe, the English had not lost the Credit of soe many new discoveries, which did more properly belong to them, than the first Publishers. For my owne parte, I should \be/ lesse forward in exposing my selfe in such darke and untroden subjects as those of Plants, but that I have more desire of improving, at least hastning and setting an edge on others in the designe of the improvement of usefull Philosophy, than Covetous of a reputation I am sensible I can scarce say any thing this yeare but I may repent it the next;4 and let us lay our observations and Experiments as prudently togather as we can, a few dayes labour and perseverance starts something new and unexpected, which is apt to ruin all again. This I say in reference to our notions; For, for matter of Fact, I should be sorry to advance any thing, that was not precisely true and sincerely deliverd. 0236 Lister to Oldenburg 513

I thanke you for the philosophical news of the Barometer. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke Jan. 1st 1672

1. This indication of the letter’s entry in the Letter book is in neither Lister’s nor Oldenburg’s hand. 2. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 30 November 1672. 3. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 17 December 1672. 4. Lister’s contributions to the Royal Society would indeed slow as the demands of a growing family and medical practice continued to increase.

0236 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 8 January 1672/3

Source: rs el/L5/52 and rs Letter Book, vol. 5, p. 397. Address: For | his honoured friend | Henry Oldenburg | Esquire att his house | in the Palmal | London. Oldenburg has noted on the wrapper, “Rec. jan.11./72.” Also on the wrapper, in an unknown secretarial hand, “concerning the veins and Juices of Plants,” and “vid. L.B. 5. pag. 397.” Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 12 December 1672. This letter is a revision of Lister’s letter of 30 November 1672 in light of the comments of Nehemiah Grew, as Oldenburg indicated on the first page. Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/10 [January 10]. Printed: Phil. Trans., 7 (1672/3), pp. 5132–5137; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 62–69; Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 397–401, letter 2125.

This letter was first written Nov. 30, 1672. and enter’d in the Letterbook as time the Author demanded it again, and altered it, as ’tis here1 514 Lister to Oldenburg 0236

Yorke Janu. 8th 1672

Sir

We have formerly given you certain reasons for the existence of veines \(analogous to those in Animals)/ in \all/ Plants whatsoever, not Mushroomes excepted: to which we might add others of later notice; as the skin of a plant may be cutt sheer off with part of the Spongy parenchyma, and noe signes of milky-juice follow, that is, noe breatch of a Vein. Againe we have stript the Plant of its skinn, by pulling it up by the roots and exposing it to the wett weather, untill it became flaccid as a wett Thong, without any injury to the Veines, which yet upon incision would freshly bleed. These experiments I say, make against the general opinion of one only sap loosly pervading the whole plant, like water in a Sponge. And though we have made these and many other Experiments, to facilitate an ocular demonstration of these veines; yet we have not been able to effect it to our mind, and subject them as nakedly to our Eye, as we could wish for a thorough information of their life and a minute and accurate discovery of all the particular Accidents belonging to them as such vessells. This, I say, is worke of much labor and patience, and that which renders matters very difficult, is the infinite number, smallnesse and perplexitie of these veines. In the transverse cutts of Plants, we see as it were, a certain order and number of the bloody Orifices of dissected veines. We observe alsoe in a Leaf, which we take to be the simplest part of a Plant yet 1. that the veins keep company with the ribbs or Nerves (as we vulgarlj call them) and are distributed into all the parts of the Leaf, according to the subdivisions of those nervous lineaments and are disposed with them into a certain nott-worke, whether by inosculations or bare contact only, we pretend not to determin. 2. that in a Transverse cutt of a Leaf, the midle fibre or nerve for example, seemes to yeild one bigg drop of a milkie-juice, springing as it were from one Vein: yet the Microscope plainly shews us, that there are many veines, which contribute to the making up of that drop. 3. that if a Fibre or Nerve be carfully taken out of the Leaf, the Veines will appeare in it like soe many small hairs or Pipes running along and striping the nerve. 4. that those many veins are all of an equall bignesse, for ought we have yet discerned to the contrary. 5. that though we seem to be more certain of the Ramifications of the Fibres, wherin these veines are, we yet are not soe, that these veines are \doe/ any where grow lesse and smaller: though probably it may be soe. That which makes us doubt it is the extraordinary exceeding smallnesse of these veines already, even where we might probably expect them to be Trunk Veines and of the largest size, and 0236 Lister to Oldenburg 515 being there alsoe in very great Numbers and running in direct lines along the Fibre, we guesse, that one or more of them may be distributed and fall off on either hand with the subdivisions of the Fibres and not suffer any diminution in their bulke. 6. that we cannot discern any where throughout the whole Plant larger or more Capacious Veines then those we see adhering to the fibres of the leaves; which does alsoe appeare from comparing the bleeding Orifices in a Tranverse-cutt. I have found it a difficult and labourious Taske to trace and unravel them throughout the whole plant. Our opinion is, that these Veines doe still keep company with their respective Fibres. And as all the fibres of the leafe are joined in the stalke of the leafe, and that stalke again explicated in cloathing the Twigg or stem of the Plant (which we take to be the reason of the orderly breaking forth of the leaves) soe doe we think of the Veines their perpetual Companions. And as \we have said/ the fibres of the leaves are joined in the in the [sic] Twig; soe are those of \the/ twiggs in the branches; those of the branches in the Trunk or body of the Tree; \that/ like alsoe in an inverted order we seem to observe in the several Coates and Ramifications of the Root. This the several Circles of bleeding Orifices in transverse cutts seems to confirme. But moreover in the Roots of Plants, if a single Coate be separated and exposed betwixt your eye and the light, the veines appeare to be strangely intangled and implicated and not in the same simple order as in the leaves. The like we think of the barke of the bodies of Trees, which we cannot distinguish from the roots of Plants: Though there is, indeed, something (at least at certain seasons of the yeare) in the root, which is not to be found in any part of the Plant besides. From what hath been said \it/ may well be doubted, whether there is any Sinus or common Trunk into which all the veines are gathered: but rather, that there are a multitude of equally big Veines, each existing apart by it selfe. [[one word]] We, indeed, have found it very difficult soe to exhaust the Plant of its milkie-juice, as to kill it, though we have given it very many incisions to that purpos. Divers other instances there are, which favour the discontinuance of the Veines and the little relation and intercourse they have with one ye \an/ other; as one brantch of the same \a/ tree having faire and well grown fruit, before the other branches of the same Tree and fruit blossome or \have/ leaves, from the different situation and other circumstances of culture; the indefinite and perpetual growth of Trees; the Cyon governing etc. And thus far we have taken our information concerning these veines, partly by the appearance they make in transverse-cutts and partly by the helpe of a Microscope; which last, indeed, has showed us something of their 516 Lister to Oldenburg 0236 number, magnitude, order, distribution etc. And \yet/ neither of these helpes \in our hands/ [[one word]] has satisfactorily discovered to us other particulars belonging to these vessells, as external figure, Coates, Cavities etc. The substance of these Veines seemes to be as truly membranous, as the Veines of Animals: A leafe will not give way and be extended, but the Veines in a leafe, if freed of all the woody Fibres, will be stretched out to one 3d part at least and vigourously restore them selves again, just like a Vein, Gutt, or any other membranous Ductus of an Animal. Again those membranous Pipes are exceeding thinn and transparent, because they suddainly disappeare and subside after their being exhausted of their juice and particularly in that, we see the liquour they hold quite through them noe otherwise than the blood through our Veines, or (in Chelidonium majus for example) a tinture of saffran in Chrystalline Pipes. Concerning the external Figure of these veines and Cavities, as well as other accidents, we thought, they would have been made more apparent to us, if it were possible to coagulate the juice they hold without much srinking the Plant. We were in great hopes Freezing would have effected this, which though it did not succeed, as we promised our selves, in respect of the manifestation of these Accidents, yet it gave us some farther light into the nature of the juice of these Veines. In the keenest frost, which hapened the other Winter, we dissected the frozen leaves of the Garden Spurge. Here we observed, that all the juice (besides that which these veines hold) was, indeed, frozen into perfect hard Ice, and to be expressed out in the figure of the containing pores; but the milkie-juice, was a liquid as ever, but not soe briske as in open weather.2 This Experiment we take to be good proofe of the perfection of this milkie- juice: and that it hath within it selfe soe great a degree of Fermentation, that it preserves it self and consequently the whole Plant from the injuries of the weather; that is, the Plant owes its life to it.3 Thus we have seen Insects (as Hexapode Wormes etc) ly frozen upon the Snow into very lumps of Ice; which did not only cause the Glasse to ring we struck them against, but did endanger the breaking of it: And yet put under the Glasse and exposed to the warmth of the Fire, they quickly recovered their leggs and vigour to escape: which we think could not be unlesse the vital liquor of their Veines, as in this instance of Plants, had been untouched and little concerned in the Frost. Further we doe hence also argue the different Uses as well as nature of these juices; and looke upon the frozen Icicles or that copious, dilute and limpid sap as Alimental; the milkie and not frozen juice, as the only properly venal. As to the motion of these juices, these things are certain. 1. that the milkie juice always moves and springs briskly upon the opening of a Vein: the limpid sap but at certain seasons and as it were by accident and not \(as I judge)/ from 0236 Lister to Oldenburg 517 any vital principal or fermentation of its owne. 2. The venal juice hath a manifest intestine motion of fermentation within it selfe; witnesse (besides what hath been just now said of it) it contributing (and the long continuance of) that motion within \to/ the most insensible of liquours: and likewise its thick and troubled bleeding, like the rising of Yeast; which yet in a few houres after drawing falls and the juice become transparent, as the Gumm of the Virginian Rhus etc. I do not desire any person to acquiesce wholly in a bare Fermentation; but endeavour a happy discovery of the frame of all parts of a Plant, on which too perhapps this motion may much depend. In the meane time we must indeed needes thinke (according to the knowledge we yet have of the parts of Plants) that these juices move by a far diffrent contrivance of parts from that of Animals: not yet here discovering any uniting of Veines into one common Trunk, noe Pulsation, noe sensible stop by a ligature, no difference in Veines etc. All which difficulties not withstanding may, I hope, in time be happily overcome: and that Analogie betwixt Plants and Animals be in all things else, as well as the motion of their juices, fully cleered. There are in Plants manifest Acts of sense: we instance in the suddain srinking of some plants; the frequent closing and opening of flowers; the critical erecting of the heads of Poppies from a pendulous posture; and particularly the vermicular motion of the veins when exposed to the aire. Again the veines of Plants may, indeed, be different, though at present we cannot tell wherein they are soe; the Arteries within our heads are hardly to be known by the eye from the veines. Further there are Natural and spontaneous Excretions or venting of superfluous moisture in Plants, visible and constant in the Crowne Imperial,4 Rorella,5 Pinguicula6 etc. As to the ligature, as it hathe been hitherto applyed by us, it is not to be relayed on for the discovery of this motion; the veines only of Plantes being the parts probably distendable. Lastly we shall \nott/ omit to tell you, that either we must assigne \take that away from the/ other reasons \given/ of the necessitie of the Circulation of the blood in Animals, viz than the hindring of tis breaking and clodding, or we must grant the same Motion to the venal juices in Plants. we having undeniable Experiments to shew, that the venal juice of the Plants and the blood of animals agree in this, that they both, when they are once drawn from their respective Veines, doe forthwith breake and coagulate; and that the serum in the one as well as in the other becomes a stiffe gelly by a little standing. But of the different natures of the juices of those veins in divers plants and their Motion we will remain your debtour and acquit our selves when we shall find it convenient: at present only acquainting you what varietie of Experiments have taught us; that \probably/ more usefull preparations and 518 Johnston to Lister 0237

\certainly/ a truer Analysis and Separations of the parts of Vegetable Druggs may be effected, whilst they are in bleeding and liquid, than after they are once become Concreet and have lost their natural Ferment.

Sir

I have thus redressed this letter and made it lesse positive; to the end, that it might give noe occasion of exception and conduce to the designe of the progresse of these matters: what I have added anew, is soe little that I thinke it will be but crambe bis cocta7 if it should appear again in the R.S. I leave it to your disposal. I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. Oldenburg’s endorsement. 2. Lister thought that the milky juices of plants, as opposed to clear sap, contained the vital plant juices because, in experiments he did with freezing plants, the milky juices continued to run, while the sap froze. 3. In other words, Lister thought that plant veins had a special fluid, distinct from sap, which moved about the plant under pressure and which was essential for its life processes. Grew, on the other hand, wondered if the watery, more “limpid” sap in plants should also not be called vital, as it was “acknowledged to the Aliment of the Plant; though the Milky Juice may be allow’d to be a higher perfection of it.” Just like the blood in the human body was the source of all humors and animal spirits, Grew postulated that was possible the nutritive limpid sap served the same function, being transformed into the vital milky sap. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 12 December 1672, which contained Grew’s comments; see also Roos (2011), chapter 7, “Lister and Royal Society’s Debates About Plant Circulation in the 1670s, ” passim. 4. A species of fritillary, Fritillaria imperialis. 5. The sundew, the carnivorous plant common in British peat bogs. 6. The carnivorous butterworts. 7. Twice-boiled cabbage.

0237 Nathaniel Johnston to Martin Lister 21 January 1672/3

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 18. Address: ffor his honoured ffriend | Dr Lister these at his house | in stonegate | Yorke. 0237 Johnston to Lister 519

Honoured Sir

By the too interspursing another designe I hath loytered in making any experiments this winter something about the Damps in Colepitts I shall I hope in due tyme afford you.1 If you will please to afford me a ffew lines how you proceeded with the dog I will endeavor to attempt somthing.2 You have the conveniency of new bookes which I want and affect not to buy till I have had the perusall theire being so many cheates in titles. If you can spare any ffrom your daily perusall I will send them safe what tyme so ever you appoint. Godartius3 Swammerden4 Monson5 the pla umbelliferous6 plants as many philosophicall transactions as you hath since the last years ended or any new peece would be very acceptable and I will make what speede you appoint to return them with the due tribute of thanck and ffor the last and all preceding obligations must ever acknowledg myself

Sir your Very affectionate servant

N. Johnston

Jan 21 1672/73

1. Mine exhalations of a noxious kind, which could come in different varieties: suffocating mixtures of gases, such as nitrogen and carbon dioxide (choke damp), or explosive vapors (fire damps). Lister’s family owned mines in Yorkshire, so the topic was of perennial interest, and Lister would write a paper about the subject for the Philosophical Transactions (see Martin Lister, “Some observations about damps, together with some relations concerning some odd worms vomited by children,” Phil. Trans., 10 [1675], p. 391). 2. Lister was involved in making styptic liquor to staunch bleeding and was doing experiments involving canines. In a letter to Oldenburg of 2 September 1673, he “showed the Expt [experiment]” in York to his fellow physicians, opening an artery of a dog and applying the liquor, claiming “not one only drop of blood fell after the application of the liquour with a single linen dipped in it; soe that it may be said, to staunch blood in a moment.” 3. Jan Goedaert, Metamorphosis et historia naturalis insectorum, autore Joanne Goedartio, cum commentariis D. Joannis de Mey (Medioburgi: J. Fierensium, s. d. [1662?]). Lister would translate and edit this work in 1682: Johannes Goedartius, Of Insects: done into English and Methodized, with the Addition of Notes (York, 1682). See Lister’s letter to Ray of 25 March 1668, note 19. 4. Presumably Swammerdam’s Historia insectorum generalis (Utrecht: M. van Dreunen, 1669). 5. The identity of this author is unknown. 520 Brooke to Lister 0238

6. Bearing flowers arranged in umbels; of or belonging to the order of Umbelliferæ. Umbels are masses of inflorescence borne upon pedicels of nearly equal length springing from a common centre.

0238 John Brooke to Martin Lister 29 March 1672/3

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 53–58. Address: These, | For Dr Lister. |

You are very obliging, in favouring mee with the perusall of the Inclos’d,1 which I receiv’d this Morning, which contains; an Account, so curious, and rare, as must needs surprise, and divert, whomsoever you are pleas’d to communicate It To; the perticular relation whereof, was not a litle coreted, by my self but at your Commands, shall go no further.2 Mr Whitaker I suppose, has told you of a new Prescription,3 of your old frend; beginning Recipe, Aqua fontanae4 etc but I had rather give you an Assurance in true English, how much I am,

Sir,

your very humble servant

Jo: Brooke.

Mar: 29 72

Febr: 26 1672/73 This day the Society sate not.

March. 5. 1672/73

Mr. Edward Bernhard5 Professor of Astronomy in the university of Oxford, was propos’d Candidate by Mr. Oldenburg. Mr. Hook made an attempt again of the Tryall to find, whether Air is generated or consumed by burning. But the apparatus failed again, which he was ordered to fitt with more care. 0238 Brooke to Lister 521

The same produced his Arithmeticall Engin, he mention’d formerly,6 and shew’d the manner of its operation; which was applauded. He was desired to bring in the description thereof, that so it might the better appear, how it did differ from that, of Mons. Leibniz, lately also produc’d before this Society.7 Mr. Oldenburg gave an account of part of Sign. Redi’s book, intituled, Experienze intorno a diverse cose naturali;8 wherein occurr’d some particulars, thoug\ht/ not inconsiderable; As 1. Of waters distilled in a leaden bell, ren- dering all sorts of naturall waters turbid when infused on them, except the conduit water of Pisa (which yet admitts of a Caution:) 2. Of waters distill’d in glass, sometimes growing troubled when mingled \with/ waters distill’d in lead, Sometimes not: 3. Of Cinamon-water, which still’d in glass, and kept in glass, remains clear, but kept in Pisa crystall \of Pisa/9 growes turbid in a few houres, and milky and in a few days yellow and bitter; though in Crystall of Rome and Venice it grow not troubled but after 2 or 3 days; in Crystal of Paris, not till after a much longer time. 4. of the Torpedo,10 stupifying only when touch’d and squees’d, not att a distance, together with \a/ curious account of that fish dissected. Sir R. Moray11 presented the company with a pear grown out of a pear, each haveing a stalke of its own. Mr Hooke promis’d to give the company a lecture the next day upon his Weather-clock.12

March 12. 1672/73

Mr. Hook read a discourse of his upon the weather clock, which, being but a part of the whole, but him intended, he promised to bring in the remainder, containing the description of the Engin itselfe, att the next meeting. Hee was desired to take care, that such an Engine be made with Speed. Mr Oldenburg produced two papers, whereof the one was from Dr. Tongue,13 about a way of multiplying divers kinds of trees with Speed, by tongue- grafting, (as he calls it,) their roots, and by covering the places so grafted with Earth about 2 inches deep. the other was a letter from Mr. Richard Reed,14 dated Feb. 27. 1672. att Lugwardine in Herefordshire, concerning 2 Queries about planting. 1. Whether in planting the Roots are to be sett again att large, or pruned near to the trunk or body of the Trees. 2. Whether early or late plantting, both as to the living, and also to the future thriving of the Tree, be to be preferr’d; all benefitts and inconveniencies of both Seasons respected: Himselfe declaring for planting with little root, and for planting in Febr. and March rather, than before winter and giving reasons for both. 522 Brooke to Lister 0238

There was presented an human skull, altogether and very curiously over- growne with very fine mosse, which \was/ to have grown, since it was brought over, in a Chamber of Mr. Schroter,15 who presented it, having gott it in Germany. It was deliver’d to Mr Hook for the repository. There was read a letter, written by Dr. Gornia, Physitian to the G. Duke of Tuscany,16 to Sr. Thed. de Vaux,17 dated Jan. 3. 1673. att Florence, containing the writers sense of the disease of the late Bp. of Chester, Dr. Wilkins. Order’d to thanke the Author, and to enter the letter. The Secretary presented to the Society the 7th volume of the Phil. Transactions, which was deliver’d to Mr. Hook for the Library.

March 19. 1672/73

Mr Hook read a discourse of his giving an account of the Successe of the Experiments, he said, he has made about the increase or decrease of Air by burning; which was, that the Air was diminish’t 1/20 part.18 He was desired to prosecute these Experiments and to give the Society an account of them from time to time, and to bespeake some of the Society, to assist att his Tryalls. The same was put in mind, to prosecute the matter of the Weather-clock, and to hasten the structure of the Engin itselfe: And not to forget the finishing of the reflecting Speculum. Mr Oldenburg read a letter of Dr. Swammerdam dated [blank space left for date] giving an account of and naming the Animals that have lungs, and yet want a vena arteriosa;19 as also of the structure of the genitals of a Scarabaeus nasi cornis.20 Order’d, that Dr. Swammerdam be thanked for the readyness of his communications, and that the letter be inserted in the letter Book, together with the figures about the Lungs and other vessels of Froggs, etc.

March 26. 73.

The Curator made an Experiment of mingling Oile of Vitriol21 and common water together, thereby shewing, that these two liquors were so incorporated, by entring into the pores of one another, that they tooke up lesse roome when mingled together, than they did both being apart. Of the common water there were 21 measures; and of the oyl of vitriol, 3 measures which is 24 measures together; and these 22\# mixt together made but 23 measures./ The Secretary read two letters, one of Signor Cassini of March 25. 1673.23 presenting to this Society his observations of two more planets, moving about 0238 Brooke to Lister 523

Saturn; the one, within the Satellites of Hugenius,24 and therefore by the dis- coverer called the Intimus, making its periodical revolution in about 4 1/2 days; the other without the Hugenian Satelles, and therefore called Extimus, absolv- ing his Course in about 80 dayes.25 The other was from Mr. Gregory26 to Mr. Collins27 from Scotland, dated March 7. 1672.28 about the effects of oblique reflexion above those of the direct; as also concerning the charges and Apertures of Telescopes with convex or concave speculums; and of his notion concerning Burning-concaves,29 etc. Order’d, that both these letters be enter’d and both persons thanked for their communications and the latter of these letters imparted to Mr. Newton as the person most concern’d therein: As also that Cassini’s book be deliver’d to Mr. Hooke for the Library, when the Secretary shall have made an extract out of it for the Transactions.30 There were deliver’d by the Secretary to Mr. Hook for the library, two books; the one entitul’d Experience intorno à diverse cose naturalis du Francesco Redi in Firenze, 1671. in 4°, presented by the Authour to the Society; the other entitul’d Alexander Marchetti de Resistentia Solidomus Florentiae, 1669, bought by the Society.31

April 2. 1673.

There was presented to the Society from Mr. Saint Crosse his lately printed Dialectica ad mentem, or [ J]oannis Scoti eruta et elucidata.32 Order’d that he be thanked for his respect to this Company, and the book be put in the Library: for which end it was deliver’d to Mr. Hook. The Curator made an Experiment with mixing Oyle of Tartar33 and Aqua fortis34 together, to see how they would incorporate and how much lesse space they would take up when their incorporated together then both apart. This mixture caused a great ebullition, which lasted all the while that the Society Sate. nor was ceased when they rose. If the continuation and result of which the Curator was desired to bring in an account the next day. Mr Oldenburg read a letter of Mr. Flamsteeds35 dated Febr. 17. 167236 at Derby, giving an accompt of the writers considerations upon Heckerus his printed admonition de Mercurij in Solem incursu, observando A. 1674 mense maio. Order’d, that Monsieur Heckerus be made acquainted with the contents \of/ this letter, and the letter itselfe enter’d. \[/37 [The same read an account of some observations, made by the Prince of Conde38 near Paris, about a well, belonging to the house of the Marquesse of St. Simon, of a mediocre depth, and making an extraordinary noise when the weather is to change from fair to foul, and the greater noise, the worse the weather will be; but none at all, when it is changing to foul to fair.39 524 Brooke to Lister 0238

It was said, that is should be inquired into, whether it was a dry well, or with water in it, and what was peculiar and remarkable of the place of it, and the ground about it.

1. The enclosed were extracts from the Royal Society Manuscript Register, in secretarial hand with emendations in Brooke’s and in Oldenburg’s handwriting. The manuscript register was the basis for Birch’s History of the Royal Society, and his edition of these extract is in vol. 3, pp. 77–82. 2. Presumably to do with Lister’s “retouching” of his paper about plant circulation. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 1 January 1672/3. 3. It is not certain who Mr. Whitaker was. 4. Spring water. Lister was a member of the York Corporation of Physicians, and several practitioners, including Robert Wittie, were involved in a controversy over the contents of spa waters, so Brooke’s comment may be related to this issue. See Noel G. Coley, “ ‘Cures without care’: ‘Chymical Physicians’ and Mineral Waters in Seventeenth-Century English Medicine,” Medical History, 23 (1979), pp. 191–214. 5. Edward Bernard (1638–1697), a mathematician and Arabist. He had recently succeeded Christopher Wren as Professor of Astronomy on 9 April 1673. 6. Hooke mentioned his “engine” in the meeting of 5 February. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 77. 7. On 22 January 1672, Leibniz presented a wooden model of his “arithmetical instrument,” or “Step Reckoner,” a wheeled calculating machine designed to perform basic functions, was presented to the Royal Society (see Birch, vol. 3, p. 73). Using a stepped drum (a cylinder bearing nine teeth of different lengths which increase in equal amounts around the drum), the calculator mechanized multiplication and addition by performing repetitive additions. The stepped drum principle was used in calculating machines for the next 300 years. Leibnitz had the machine remade by a Parisian clockmaker in 1674. See Maria Rosa Antognazza, Leibniz: An Intellectual Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 8. Francesco Redi, Experienze intorno a diverse cose naturali (Florence, 1671). [Experiments concerning various natural things, particularly those that come to us from the Indies.] The book was dedicated to Father Athanasius Kircher, criticized in Redi’s preceding works for his defense of spontaneous generation. 9. Glass vessels. 10. A flat fish of the genus Torpedo or family Torpedinidæ which has an almost circular body with tapering tail, and is characterized by the faculty of emitting electric discharges. 11. Sir Robert Moray (1608/9–1672), a Scottish soldier, statesman, diplomat, and one of the founding members of the Royal Society, instrumental in the Society gaining its Royal Charter. 12. Hooke had proposed a weather clock to record barometric pressure, temperature, rain- fall, humidity, and wind velocity on a rotating drum. A clock-driven paper feeder was added to the clock, so it could record its data every fifteen minutes. See Nick Wildings, “Graphic Technologies,” Robert Hooke: tercentennial studies, eds Michael Cooper and Michael Hunter (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), pp. 123–134, esp. pp. 124–125. 13. Israel or Ezerel Tonge or Tongue (1621–1680), D.D., divine, and ally of Titus Oates in the fabrication of the Popish Plot. According to Anthony à Wood, Tonge excelled in Latin, Greek, poetry, and chronology, but above all in alchemy, on which he spent much time and money. Wood wrote, “He was a person cynical and hirsute, shiftless in the world, yet absolutely free from 0238 Brooke to Lister 525 covetousness and I dare say from pride.” Tongue contributed three papers on the action of sap and grafting onto the roots of trees to the Philosophical Transactions (nos. 57, 58, and 68). 14. This letter is in the Royal Society Letter Book, vol. 4, p. 51. Reed’s correspondence was published in no. 70 of the Philosphical Transactions (p. 2128). Richard Reed was a Herefordshire gentleman and cousin of John Beale, F.R.S.; Beale was known also for his interest in horticulture and trees. Reed was also a benefactor. In 1676, Reed founded an exhibition of £4. per annum at Brasenose College, Oxford, for the “maintenance of one Scholar of his Posterity, or for a Scholar from the School of Bosbury, or from the Free School of the City of Hereford, being natives of the County of Hereford.” See Nicholas Carlisle, F.R.S., A Concise Description of the Endowed Grammar Schools of England and Wales (London: Baldwin, Chadock, and Joy, 1818), vol. 1, p. 482; Beryl Hartley, “Exploring and communicating knowledge of trees in the early Royal Society,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 64, 3 (September 2010), pp. 229–250. 15. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 14 December 1672, note 12. 16. Dr. Giovanni Baptista Gornia. Prince Cosimo, then the heir-apparent to the throne of Tuscany, visited England with a small retinue in 1669. Gornia, his physician, attended a meeting of the Royal Society on 27 May and presented questions about the use of mercury in medicine (Birch, vol. 2, p. 374). See W.E. Knowles Middleton, “Some Italian Visitors to the Early Royal Society,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 33, 2 (March 1979), pp. 157–173. 17. Sir Theodore de Vaux, physician to Charles ii and godson and editor of Turquet de Mayerne. After 1685, de Vaux served as physician to Catherine as the Queen Dowager. 18. Hooke had done a series of experiments concerning combustion and respiration with Boyle’s air pump since 1658. In 1664, he posited that “air is the universal dissolvent of all sulphureous bodies, and that this dissolution is fire; this [is] done by a nitrous substance inherent and mixed with the air.” He believed combustion ceased with the nitrous part of the air was consumed, but there was a contrary view that the air becomes saturated with the products of combustion (or respiration) and thus ceases unless fresh air was available. These experiments, begun in 20 November 1672 until 19 March 1673 were apparently performed to distinguish between the two possibilities, Hooke attempting to show the diminution of air by combustion. See H.D. Turner, “Robert Hooke and Theories of Combustion,” Centaurus, 4, 4 (1956), pp. 297–310, esp. p. 304. 19. This letter would be published as: “Dr. Swammerdam Extracts of Two Letters of Dr. Swammerdam, Concerning Some Animals, That Having Lungs are Yet Found to be without the Arterious Vein; together with Some Other Curious Particulars,” Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6040–6042. 20. Oryctes nasicornis, a scarab beetle. 21. Sulfuric acid. 22. Up to this point, the extracts were in a secretarial hand, but Oldenburg wrote this sentence and included this insertion above the line. We hope that Hooke added the acid to the water rather than the other way around to avoid the sputtering of the acid in this highly exothermic reaction. 23. The original letter is in rs/C1/57 and is printed in Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 532–533, letter 2182. 24. Christian Huygens, the first to suggest that the planet Saturn was surrounded by a ring. 25. Giovanni Domenico Cassini (1625–1712) was the first to observe four of Saturn’s moons, Tethys, Dione, Rhea and Iapetus. Cassini’s 1673 article describes Rhea and Iapetus, and Tethys and Dione were discovered in 1684. 526 Brooke to Lister 0238

26. James Gregory (1638–1675), Scottish mathematician and astronomer, and professor of mathematics at St. Andrews and Edinburgh, whose book, Optica Promota (1663), described reflecting telescopes using a parabolic primary mirror. The parabolic mirror would reflect light to an elliptical secondary mirror, which reflected it back down through a hole in the primary mirror to the astronomer’s eye. Although eventually the Gregorian design would become the predominant design for reflecting telescopes, London opticians could not polish mirrors in curves that were not spherical. Newton presented his design for a reflecting telescope to the Royal Society in January 1672, as he had succeeded in making a mirror with a spherical curva- ture. Above this primary mirror Newton placed a small flat secondary mirror at a 45° angle to reflect the light into an eyepiece. See H.W. Turnbull, “Early Scottish Relations with the Royal Society I: James Gregory, F.R.S. (1638–1675),” Notes and Records of the Royal Society 3 (1940–1941), pp. 22–38; A.D.C. Simpson, “James Gregory and the Reflecting Telescope,” Journal for the History of Astronomy 23 (1992), pp. 77–92. 27. John Collins (F.R.S., 1667), the well-known mathematical correspondent of Barrow, Newton, and Wallis, amongst others. See A. Rupert Hall, “John Collins on Newton’s Telescope,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 49 (1995), pp. 71–78. 28. The text of the letter is printed in Birch, vol. 3, pp. 79–81. 29. Burning mirrors. 30. Signor Cassini, “A Discovery of Two New Planets about Saturn, Made in the Royal Parisian Observatory by Signor Cassini, Fellow of Both the Royal Societys, of England and France; English’t Out of French,” Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 5178–5185. 31. The Italian mathematician Alexandro Marchetti’s De resistentia solidorum (Florence: Vincenti Vangelisti and Petri Matini, 1669). Marchetti (1633–1714) was best known for his critique of the work of Guido Grandi, a student of Giovanni Alfonso Borelli. Marchetti’s work concerns the problem of solids of equal resistance to compression. Presumably Hooke was interested in this topic as he was composing his own De potentia restitutiva (London: John Martyn, 1678) about this theory of springs and elasticity. 32. John Cross, Dialectica ad mentem eximii magistri Joannis Scoti, doctoris subtilis, Angli (London: John Martyn, 1673). This work had the imprimatur of the Royal Society. John Moor (1630–1689), alias John Cross (name in religion Joannes de Sancta Cruce), a member of the Franciscan order, wrote this work about the dialectic of Duns Scotus. Copies of this work were ordered to be given to every professed Franciscan father. Cross died in exile in Douai. 33. The base of oil of tartar was tartar (potassium tartrate) obtained from grapes during the preparation of wine. The recipe started with five or six pounds of tartar, dried to powder in a furnace, then placed in a sack in a large glass flask, and put in a humid location for three weeks. Then the sack was boiled in three pounds of water until the water was reduced one-third. It was used as a stain-remover for textiles and paintings and to erase spots and dark areas on the skin. See Stata Norton, “Experimental Therapeutics in the Renaissance,” Journal of Pharmacology and Experimental Therapeutics, 304, 2 (2003), pp. 489–492. 34. Nitric acid. 35. John Flamsteed (1646–1719), first Astronomer Royal. He was born at Denby, near Derby. 36. The original letter of Flamsteed’s is in rs ms F1/94, and it is printed also in Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 467–470, letter 2154. The letter discussed the calculi of Erasmus Reinhold, Christianus Severinin Longomontanus and Philip Lansberg, which were sent by Johann Hecker (1625–1675), 0239 Brooke to Lister 527 a pupil of Hevelius. Flamsteed discussed calculations for the transit of Mercury in April 1674 and October 1677; Flamsteed also attached predictions from the ephemerides of Hecker for the year 1672, and he disagreed with Hecker on his predictions about the positions of Mercury relative to the sun, as well as the next transit of Mercury. Hecker’s tables of computational astronomy were based on Kepler’s Tabulae Rudolphinae of 1627. 37. At this point, a square bracket was written in the margin by a reader, and this sentence bracketed. 38. Louis de Bourbon, Prince of Condé (1621–1686). 39. There is no record of this letter, and it does not appear in Birch.

0239 John Brooke to Martin Lister 15 April 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 51–52. The letter has some slight damage to its right version resulting in some loss of text. Brooke’s message is prefaced by meeting minutes for the Royal Society written in secretary hand. Address: These, | For Dr Lister; | In York. Postmark: Bishop Mark ap/? [April].

I receiv’d the favour of yours, of the 8th instant and am watching for an opportunity of serving your curious Inquiries, with a farther Acount of [[one word]]1 has been lately transacted, at Arundell-House in the mean Time, I pres[[xxx]]2 this rude Address might sooner obtain your Pardon, then a more Introspective- Silence. Mr Oldenburg gives you his humble service and does civilly reproach you, for being his Debtor;3 I acquainted Him, with your Ceremony, and Apology; and understood that you would not bee long in arrear. Mr Boyl, has been ill us’d by a Forreigner, that made him a visit, lately, and (as I am told) did most dis-ingenuously, and knavishly convey away divers Manuscripts, prepar’d for the press.4 My wife, gives you her humble Service, and wishes your Lady much comfort of her little one, and a happy Recovery.5 And whenever you are pleas’d to do mee the Honour your Promise, either in that kind, or any other, (wherein I may bee thought capable of serving you) it shall bee most readily, and chearfully embrac’d by, Sir,

Your most humble and faithfull Servant,

Jo: Brooke 528 Brooke to Lister 0239

Apr: 15. 73.

Febr. 19. 1672/73

There was presented to the Society from the East-India Company a whole Skin of a Musk-deere for which the thanks of this Society were return’d by the Messenger that brought it. The vice-president, Sir R. Moray, was also desired to expresse upon occasion, to the Governour of that Company, Sir John Banks,6 the great sense the Society had of their favour and kindnesse in increasing the Stock of their philosophicall storehouse with so rare a present; which was deliver’d to Mr. Hook for the Repository. The Secretary deliver’d also to Mr. Hooke Dr Swammerdam his Treatise de miranda Uteri humani Fabrica formerly presented from the Authour to the Society.7 The Same presented also to the Society from Signor Francisco Redi two books, the one, printed some years since, entitl’d, Esperienze intorno all generatione degl’ insetti fitte da Frances. Redi, in Firenze, A. 1668. in 4º;8 the other, lately publish’d under the title of Esperienze intorno a diverse cose. naturali; in Firenze. 1671. in 4º.9 Order’d that thanks be return’d to the Presenter, as also to Mr. Dodington10 for his care in bringing them with him out of Italy. The former of these was deliver’d to Mr Hooke for the Societie’s Library; the later was left with Mr Oldenburg, to make an extract of it, to be exhibited to the Society at their next meeting. Mr. Boyle present’d the Company with a branch of a Willow or Osier-trees of which he made mention at a former meeting, viz. Jan 29. 1672, that it was found in a small rocky uninhabited Island near the Barbadoes and was like Whalebone for its blackenesse and bending.11 Hee had the thanks for the company and the s[ai]d branch was deliver’d to Mr. Hooke for the repository. The Secretary produced and read a letter, left with him by Dr. Gotefredus Guilielmus Leibnitius;12 Counsellor to the Elector of Mentz,13 and Doctor of the Civil law, dated London 10 Febr. 1673. Containing his desire of being received into the R. Society, and his engagement of serving there to the utmost of his power in promoting the design of their institution. This Gentleman having been lately present at the severall meetings of the Society, and at one of them produced and shared an Ingenious Arithmeticall Engin,14 and otherwise given testimony of his abilities, and of his great affection to this Society, Sir Robert Moray, having taken public notice here of, proposed him Candidate.15 The Curator tryed again the Experiment formerly attempted, viz. to find whether Air increases or decreases by burning: But it miscarried again. Hee was desired to fitt it better for the next meeting.16 0239 Brooke to Lister 529

Mr Reed of Herefordshire having sent some Red-Strake-grafts17 for the service of the Society, it was order’d, that thanks be return’d him for the continuance of his respects to this Company, and that such members, as have occasion to propagate this Cider-fruit, take their severall proportions of these grafts.18 There was also produced a Bolonian stone19 which Mr Dodington had brought with him out of Italy, and deliver’d to the Secretary of the Society, and which was pretended to have beene duely prepar’d for shining. It was order’d, that the next day this stone be produced again, to make tryall of its shining, there being now no Sun for such a tryall. The Secretary produced severall copies of Monsieur Heckerus his printed Admonition to Astronomers de Mercuris in Solem incursu; which copies were, according to the Author’s desire, distributed among the Fellows of the Society.20

1. There is damage to the letter at this point. Most likely, Brooke wrote “business,” as he was enclosing minutes of the Royal Society’s meetings at Arundel House, home of Henry Howard, Sixth Duke of Norfolk. The Society met in Arundel House just off the Strand in London from 1666 to 1673. 2. There is damage to the letter at this point. Most likely, Brooke wrote “presume.” 3. Lister was not behind on his dues for the Royal Society. He had paid them in December 1672 (see Oldenburg’s letter of 12 December 1672). Oldenburg’s remark must be a reference to their lack of correspondence from February 1673 to May 1673, as Lister did not reply to his letter of 25 February 1672/3. 4. It is not known who the thief was, or even if the theft occurred. As Hunter has remarked, “Throughout his career, Boyle was highly conscious of the perceived threat of the unauthorized use of his work, either by theft of his papers or by plagiarism of his published works.” Apparently he had also a habit of mislaying his papers. See Michael Hunter, “Robert Boyle (1627–91): A Suitable Case for Treatment?” British Journal for the History of Science, 32, 3 (1999), pp 261–275, esp. pp. 268–269. 5. Hannah had given birth recently to their third child and first son, Michael, in March or April. 6. Sir John Banks, first Baronet (1627–1699), an English financier and M.P. who was Governor of the East India Company in 1672–1674, and again in 1683. He was elected F.R.S. in 1668, and was a member of the Society’s council in the 1670s, one of the very few businessmen on its body. Banks had been a major lender to then English navy during the Anglo-Dutch Wars and was close friends with Samuel Pepys, with whom he shared interests in natural philosophy. See D.C. Coleman, “Banks, Sir John, baronet (bap. 1627, d. 1699),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 7. Jan Swammerdarm, Miraculum naturae, sive uteri muliebris fabrica (Leiden: Severinum Matthaei, 1672), his treatise on the structure of the human uterus. Swammerdam dedicated this book to the Royal Society, and it was presented to the meeting of 12 June. He presented also prepared and injected specimens, which were placed in the Royal Society Repository. See Swammerdam’s letter to Oldenburg of 26 March 1672, rs el/S1/116, and Oldenburg, vol. 8, letter 1938, pp. 617–619. 530 Brooke to Lister 0239

8. Francesco Redi, Esperienze intorno alle generazione degl’insetti (Florence, 1668). The work was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), pp. 1175–1176. Lister was quite familiar with the work, discussing it with Oldenburg in his letter of 31 May 1671. 9. Francesco Redi, Esperienze intorno a diverse cose naturali (Florence, 1671). It was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6001–6006. 10. John Dodington (d. 1673), a postal intermediary for Oldenburg who resided in Venice. 11. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 73. 12. Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz (1646–1716). 13. Mainz. 14. Leibniz’s stepped reckoner. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 29 March 1673, note 6. 15. Leibniz was elected F.R.S. on 19 April 1673. 16. Hooke’s experiment had also failed when the Society met on 4 March 1672/3. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 29 March 1672/3. In fact, Hooke did not get positive experimental results until May 1673. For an analysis of Hooke’s experiments with air and his more general experimental work in the 1670s set in social and local cultural context, see Rob Iliffe, “Material doubts: Hooke, artisan culture and exchange of information in 1670s London,” British Journal of the History of Science, 28 (1995), pp. 285–318, esp. p. 290. 17. Presumably Herefordshire Redstreak Apple Trees, a very successful cider apple with a mild, bitter-sweet flavor. The variety first appeared in the early seventeenth century, and originally it was named the “Scudamore Crab,” as it was first planted commercially by John Scudamore, first Viscount Scudamore. Scudamore raised fruit trees on his estate to surpass French cider; Redstreak was supposedly cultivated from a pip that he brought back from France whilst he was ambassador there to Louis xiii. John Evelyn in his Pomona . . . Concerning Fruit-Trees in Relation to Cider, noted by Scudamore’s example that “all Hereford-shire is become . . . but one entire orchard The Red-strake [among] . . . the best for Cider.” See Robert Hogg, British pomology; or, The history, description, classification, and synonymes, of the fruits and fruit trees of Great Britain (London: Groombridge and Sons, 1851), vol. 1, p. 165; Barrie Edward Juniper and D.J. Madderly, The story of the apple (Portland, Oregon: Timber Press, 2006), p. 166. 18. In a letter of 3 February 1672/3, Reed mentioned sending the grafts to Oldenburg. See rs el/R1/29 and Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 437–438, letter 2139. 19. In 1602, the cobbler and alchemist Vincenzo Casciarolo discovered the “Bolognian Phosphorus” on Monte Paderno just outside of Bologna. It was this natural stone, referred to also as the “Bolognian Stone” or “Litheophosphorus,” that became the first object of scientific study of luminescent phenomena. Some natural philosophers believed it contained an innate and invisible fire that by magical means would attract sunlight, and it was a candidate for the philosopher’s stone in the early part of the seventeenth century. See J.V. Golinski, “A Noble Spectacle: Phosphorus and the Public Cultures of Science in the Early Royal Society,” Isis, 80, 1 (March 1989), pp. 11–39. 20. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 29 March 1673, note 36. 0240 Briggs to Lister 531

0240 Thomas Briggs to Martin Lister London, 27 April 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 24. Address: To his honred ffreind | Mr Martin Lister at | his house neare | Monkes barr in | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark ma/? [May]. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 341.

Drs Commons1 London. Apr. 27. 1673

Deare Sir

It is a very long time (I am sure I thinke it so) since I last heard from you, but I remember your employment and it may bee the cares of a family may take up some part of your time besides, both which at the least the family care I as yet stand free from, and therby take my selfe as in \some/ sorte more at liberty than you, so in this respect that I may aske you how you doe and enquire your health and good fortunes, I apprehend my self more obliged. The last I had from you gave me hopes of your coming towards these Southerne parts but it would \be/ too long for to continue such your Resolution till now, so that I would fayne know whether you can give mee any fresher hopes of seeing you that wee might discourse our old storyes and bee once more happy again, though I should not seeme to think you can euer been otherwise who have as I understand so suitable a Consorte2 and offspring. which two certaynly are the greatest blessings under the sunn. but to you much more who at the same time can injoy your good fortune and not forgett to value it: I would have your story at your best liberty and therefore shall tell you so much of myne As that I remayne in my Constitution after the old sorte seldome very well and rarely sicke, My imployment thanks to the late Indulgence as easy as may bee If ever the Bishopps were truly stiled Overseers surely tis now when they may doe little else. All sorts of people take theyr owne liberty and that affords mee so much of mine, I am now at London at Drs Commons where I stay for some 3 weeks. and I haps from thence to St Johns’ where I still continue my interest and perhaps shall doe with the good leave of the College as long as I live. I am not sure of coming any further Northwards but rather to returne to London again and so towards Sussex. I shall never forgett you and yours in my prayers to heaven whether God in his good time bring us all. Adieu. Dear Sir, and still remember your old ffreind and seruant.

Tho Briggs 532 Oldenburg to Lister 0241 remember my hearty service to Dr Watkinson3 now Chancellor of Yorke as I understand to whome I wish all joy, etc.

1. Briggs was staying at Doctors’ Commons, the association or college of ecclesiastical lawyers founded in 1511. Similar to the Inns of Court, members of the Doctors’ Commons held degrees either of doctor of civil law at Oxford or doctor of law at Cambridge and who had been admitted subsequently as advocates by the dean of arches, the presiding officer of the Court of Appeal under the authority of the Archbishop of Canterbury. The Doctors’ Commons was situated near St Paul’s Cathedral at Paternoster Row, and later nearby in Knightrider Street. 2. Hannah Parkinson. 3. Henry Watkinson, L.L.D. (1627–1712). Watkinson was a pensioner of St John’s College, Cambridge, receiving his B.A. in 1648/9, so Cambridge was presumably where he made Briggs’s acquaintance. In 1673, he was constituted Chancellor of the dioceses of York, which office he executed until his death. See C.H. and Thompson Cooper, “Watkinson, Chancellor of York,” Notes and Queries, second series-xi, 273 (1861), p. 273.

0241 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 1 May 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 94–95. Address: To his honored friend | Dr Martyn Lyster at his | house in Stone- gate at | York. Postmark: Receiving House Mark 2/Off in circular border. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 8 January 1672/3. Lister did not reply to Oldenburg’s letter of 25 February 1672/3. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 638–639, letter 2225.

London May 1. 73.

Sir,

I must breake silence, if you will not;1 and this I doe by sending you a Quaere about the truth of an information I received lately out of Lancashire concerning two persons, that were [[one word]] produced as witnesses at one Tryal, the one of 150, and the other of 130 years of age. I intreat you, if it be so, to favour me with the particulars, adding the regiment of their life. I understand from Paris, that Monsieur Bullialdus,2 the famous Astronomer, had a Letter out of Poland, informing him, that there dyed lately a Cosac of 117 years of age, who for the last 7 years of his life had taken no other sustenance but L’eau de Vie. I doe promise myself some new Observations from your curious researches. I have litle to acquaint you with from hence, safe what is contained in the last 0241 Oldenburg to Lister 533

Transactions. In those that are now in the Presse, you’l find a good description of the Cacao-Tree, and the way of its husbandry and curing; presented us by the Intelligent Governor of Jamaica.3 Mr Henshaw,4 the king’s Envoy in Denmark, and an ingenious member of the R. Society, send me lately Olaus Wormius his discourse de Mure Norvagico;5 to which he hath prefixed with his owne hand this Note; “Memorandum, quo 10 junii 1672. Excellentissimus Dn. Uldaricus Fredericus Guldenlow, filius naturalis Serenissimi Regis Daniae Frederici iii. defuncti, Prorex Norvagiae, affirmavit mihi cum juramento, aliquando in Norvagia aliquos ex istis Muribus, quos Incolae Lemming vocant, super galerum suum depluisse; quod antea et sibi accidesse ibidem mihi affimaverat Dn. Crous, Telonarius Regis Daniae in Norvagia.6

Thom. Henshaw.”

If the matter of fact be true, those animals must have been by the violence of the wind carried up into the Air from some high place, and thence fallen down: which may be confirm’d with what is said to have been observ’d in them, viz. that in their bowels were found herbs and corn yet un-digested. Fides esto penes authores.7 I have not seen Mr Brookes8 these 2 or 3. meetings at the R. Society; nor doe I know, whether he be returned to York; if he be, I beseech you my humble service to him from Sir

Your very humble and faithf. servt

Oldenburg

1. Oldenburg had received no correspondence from Lister since January 1673. 2. Ismaël Bullialdus (1605–1694), or Ismaël Boulliau, French astronomer and colleague of Gassendi, Huygens, Mersenne, and Pascal. Bullialdus was a Copernican and his measurements of planetary orbits were, along with Johannes Kepler’s calculations, amongst the most accurate of the time. Boulliau was elected F.R.S. on 4 April 1667. See H.J.M. Nellen, Ismaël Boulliau (1605–1694), astronome, épistolier, nouvelliste et intermédiaire scientifique, Studies of the Pierre Bayle Institute Nijmegen (sib), 24, (Amsterdam: apa-Holland University Press, 1994). 3. Sir Thomas Lynch (d. 1684?) who was Governor of Jamaica in 1673. The description of the Cacao Tree is in Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6007–6009. Birch notes in its entry for 22 May 1672 that “Sir Robert Moray brought in an account of cocoa-trees, their planting and culture, the way of curing them, the observables in their fruit, etc. transmitted to him by Sir Thomas Linch from Jamaica.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 50. 534 Brooke to Lister 0242

4. Thomas Henshaw (1618–1700), alchemist and writer, who published chymical treatises in the Philosophical Transactions and who was a founder member of the Royal Society, serving on council and as its vice-president. In 1671, Henshaw served as secretary to the Duke of Richmond on an extraordinary embassy to Christian V of Denmark. Henshaw remained in Denmark until 1674 as envoy after Richmond’s death. See Jennifer Speake, “Henshaw, Thomas (1618–1700),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 5. Olaus Worm, Historia animalis quod in Norvagia quandoque e nubibus decidit, et sata ac gramina, magno incolarum detrimento, celerrime depascitur (Copenhagen: George Lamprecht, 1653). The volume was presented to the Royal Society on 23 April 1673, where it still may be found, catalogue number R68197. 6. “Memorandum that on 10 June 1672, the most excellent Mr. Frederick Ulrich Guldenlöw, the natural son of the most serene King Daniel Frederick iii deceased, Viceroy of Norway, affirmed to me on oath, that once in Norway certain of those mice, which the inhabitants there call ‘lemmings,’ rained upon his hat, which that it formerly happened to him was affirmed to me by Mr. Crous, the Tollmaster of the King of Norway.” Henshaw reported the influx of lemmings to Oldenburg in a letter of 6 July 1672, rs El/H3/12, and Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 143–145, letter 2015. Hall and Hall speculate that Crous was possibly Philipp Cruse (1597–1676), the Statholder at Tallinn (Esthonia). See Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 146, note 11. 7. “Let us take the authors’ word for it.” 8. John Brooke.

0242 John Brooke to Martin Lister 10 May 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 89–93, and 96. Brooke’s message is prefaced by meeting minutes for the Royal Society written in secretary hand. Address: These, | For Dr Lister. | In York.

Sir,

Tho my Ocasions has prevented mee, (of late) that I have not, wayted on Them, so often, at Arundell-House, as I am wont, yet I have not fail’d, to provide the inclos’d for your curious perusall. Mr Oldenburg, told mee, last Wensday, when I was with ’em, that I He had desir’d you, to present his service to mee, and I hope shortly to bee in a condition, to receive the Ceremony. in the mean Time, bee pleas’d to accept these slight Testimonies, of the zeal I have to serve you, in the quality of,

Sir, your most faithfull servt:

Jo: Brooke. 0242 Brooke to Lister 535

May 10 73.

My humble service, where you shall think fitt, to dispose of It.

April 10. 1673.

Mr Edward Bernard1 and Monsieur Gothfredus Guilielmus Leibnitius2 were elected into the Society, nemine contradicente.3 Mr. Hooke made an Experiment with Aqua fortis4 and a little piece of bras- wire put into that liquor, marking where the liquor stood before the putting in of the brasse, and where, after it was putt in; as also how farr the same was raised upon its working upon the brass, and how low it descended afterwards, which was almost an Inch below the marke, which it stood att upon the first putting in of the brasse. Of which Experiment and that of the last day he promised to bring in a full account in writing. Mr Oldenburg read a letter of Monsieur Hugenius of Jan. 14. 1673. containing some considerations upon Mr Newtons Theory of light;5 together with Mr Newtons Answer to them. written April 3. 1673. att Cambridge. He was ordered to impart the Answer to Monsieur Hugenius, and to cause both the letters to be inserted in the letter-book. The same presented to the Society from Mr. Boyle his New book, containing Severall Tracts, as of the Relation betweene Flame and Air; of Explosions;6 of the Positive Gravity or Levity of Bodies under water; an Hydrostaticall Discourse against Dr. More etc. Ordered to thanke the Author for this present and to deliver the booke to Mr. Hooke for the Library; which was deliver’d accordingly, together with Cassini’s French book touching the discovery of 2 new planets about Saturn.7 Mr. Oldenburg gave notice to the company, that Sir Joseph Williamson,8 being to goe for Aix la Chapelle9 as one of his Majesties Ambassadors; did offer his service to the Society for inquiries after philosophicall matters in those parts; and that he (the Secretary) had already drawn up some Directions and Quaeries of that nature. The Company embraced the offers and gave order that Sir Joseph Williamson should bee thanked for his respect to them, and the Quaries read; which being done and some other particulars suggested by some of the members present, the Secretary was charged to digest, and to deliver them. The Secretary read a letter of Dr. Beales,10 written from Yeovil March 2411 1672/3, which recommends a certaine pear, making an excellent drink, though the fruit be of so horrid a taste that hungry Swine will \not/ Eate of it.12 He was 536 Brooke to Lister 0242 desired to procure some grafts of it for Mr. Charles Howard, who would yet venture att this Season to grafte them.

April 16. 1673

The Curator being call’d upon for an Experiment, and having none ready, he was order’d to prosecute the Experiments lately began about the Incorporation of liquors and to bring in a written account of those that had been hitherto made. Sir R. Moray related an observation made of a liquor; called Goddards Drops,13 exhaled in two year’s time to the halfe of it, out of a glas hermetically sealed, belonging to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. This was confirmed by the Lord Bishop of Salisbury, who added, that \it/ was so well sealed up that no smell at all could be perceived of the liquor within. It was suggested, that this glass might be desired from his Grace for making further observations about it, and when obtained, that it might be weighed, then broken, and immediately after weighed again, to find, whether any considerable part of the liquor had been changed into vapors and lodged in the empty part of the glass. The Curator said that spirituous liquors, though well closed up, could in time commonly loose their vertue and also their bulk, the particles of it passing into one another’s pores. The President suggested, that some of the same drops might be very carefully sealed up, and then forthwith exactly weighted, \and/ after sometime weighed again. Mr Oldenburg read a letter written to him by Dr. Swammerdam, April. 21. 1673. from Amsterdam, accompanied with some Anatomicall observations of his about the pancreas and the pancreatique Juice of severall fishes; as also of a foetus humanus, lately found at Rome between the Ovarium and the Tuba, contained with its usual teguments, the description and delineation whereof, he intimated was now preparing att Rome.14 Order’d to give thankes to Dr. Swammerdam for these communications, and to register his letter.

April 23. 1673.

There was made an Experiment with Aqua fortis poured upon Oyster-shels, in a bolt head, tyed close about at the open end with a flaccid bladder, to see, what it would produce; and it was found after a little while, that the bladder was swelled. It was order’d, that it should be put as it was into the Trunck of the 0242 Brooke to Lister 537

Society, and be left there locked up till the next meeting, to see, whether these exhalations would prove permanent Air.15 Mr. Boyle mention’d, that he \had/ frequently made such Kinde of Experiments, and thereby produced true Air, which lasted for severall months together. Dr. Chamberlain16 presented to the company a piece of a barke, which he said had been sent out of the East Indies to my Lord Herbert,17 with this account, that is had been unseen and unknown in that very place, from when it came \was sent/,18 and that some Indians had brought it thither, concealing \the place/19 where they had it. The smell and taste was very aromaticall and pungent, especially that of the thin and innermost bark.20 Dr. Chamberlain was desired to return the Society’s thankes to the said Lord, and to pray him, that since he did correspond in the East-Indies, he would endeavour to procure a greater quantity of it, and, if possible, an account of the place of its growth, it being very like to be a very stomachicall spice. The piece presented was deliver’d to the Curator for the repository. There was read Mr Bernards letter from Oxford April 15. 1673. giving the Society humble thankes for their electing him into the number of their members. There was produced a Booke of Mr Henshaws, sent by him to the Secretary, entituled, Olaus Wormius de Mure Norvagico with \a/ relation before it written by the said Mr. Henshaw’s owne hand, which is this: Memorandum, quod d. 10 junii 1672. Excellentissimus Dr. Uldaricus Fredericus Guldenlow, filius naturalis Regis Daniae Frederici iii. defuncti, Prorex Norvagiae, affirmavit mihi cum juramento, aliquando in Norvagia aliquos ex istis muribus, quos incolae Leming vocant, super galerum suum depluisse; quod ipsum et antea et sibi accidesse ibidem mihi affimaverat Dr. Crous, Telonarius Regis Daniae in Norvagia.21 It was thought by some of the Company that supposing the matter of fact to be tru, those animals must have beene carried by some very violent wind from an \some/22 high ground into the Air, and so fallen down, it having been observed, by the relations in this printed book of Wormius, that as soon as such animals had fallen down, there had been found in their bellies crude herbes yet undigested and corn; which could not be, but that they must have been before in such places, where such herbs and grains doe grow.

1. Edward Bernard (1638–1696) was an Arabist, and the Savilian Professor of Astronomy at Oxford from 1673 to 1691. See Hugh de Quehen, “Bernard, Edward (1638–1697),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 2. Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz (1646–1716). 538 Brooke to Lister 0242

3. Against the will of no man. 4. Aqua fortis is a solution of nitric acid (HNO3) in water. When aqua fortis is reacted with brass, the metal dissolves, liberating hydrogen and forming a blue solution of cupric nitrate and zinc nitrate. If the acid was concentrated, there will also be red fumes of NO2: Cu + 2HNO3 → Cu(NO3)2 + 2[H] Cu + 4HNO3 → Cu(NO3)2 + 2NO2 + 2H2O. 5. This was Huygens’s letter to Oldenburg of 4 January 1672/3 (rs el/H1/75 and Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 380–384, letter 2122). Huygens disagreed with Newton’s theory of the visible spectrum, proposing that light was composed of only two primitive colors (yellow and blue). 6. Tracts written by the Honourable Robert Boyle: containing New experiments, touching the relation betwixt flame and air, and about explosions, an hydrostatical discourse occasion’d by some objections of Dr. Henry More against some explications of new experiments made by the author of these tracts: to which is annex’t, An hydrostatical letter, elucidating an experiment about a way of weighing water in water, new experiments, of the positive or relative levity of bodies under water, of the air’s spring on bodies under water, about the differing pressure of heavy solids and fluids (London: Richard Davis, 1672). 7. Jean Dominique Cassini, Découverte de deux nouvelles planetes autour de Saturne (Paris: Sebastien Marbre-Cramoisy, 1673). Oldenburg published “A discovery of two New Planets about Saturn, made in the Royal Parisian Observatory by Signor Cassini . . .” in Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 5178–5185. 8. Sir Joseph Williamson (1633–1701), government official, and the de facto head of the Restoration government’s intelligence system. Williamson organized the intelligence-gathering activities of the regime prior to the outbreak of the third war with the Dutch. As the war was going badly for the English, the mediation of Sweden was accepted in the spring of 1673 and a congress between the parties was arranged at Cologne. Williamson was selected to act as one of the plenipotentiaries, and he left England on 17 May 1673 with Sir Leoline Jenkins as his fellow plenipotentiary. See Ian Marshall, “Williamson, Sir Joseph (1633–1701),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 9. Aachen. 10. John Beale (bap. 1608–ca. 1683), Church of England clergyman, F.R.S., and writer on natural history and agriculture. He was an active provincial member of the Hartlib circle and expert on grafting. Woodland noted that Oldenburg read Beale’s paper “Aphorisms concerning cider” before the Royal Society in 1662. This impressive account of the successful transformation of poor Herefordshire rye land into prosperous cider orchards prompted the Society to appoint a committee to investigate ways of promoting such undertakings elsewhere in England. The newly elected Beale was encouraged to collaborate with Evelyn in the preparation of Pomona (1664), which incorporated the “Aphorisms.” Subsequently Beale bore the cost of distributing 20,000 grafts of Herefordshire Redstreak and Genet Moyle Apples and Barland Pears to Somerset, Devon, and Dorset. Grafts were circulated also among the Society’s members, who were encouraged to propagate them for further distribution. In 1677 Beale wrote Nurseries, Orchards, Profitable Gardens and Vineyards Encouraged, advocating the greater availability of timber and fruit trees. “Beale’s passionate encouragement provided a crucial catalyst to the expansion of orchard cultivation well into the eighteenth century.” See Patrick Woodland, “Beale, John (bap. 1608, d. 1683),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 11. Here Oldenburg corrected the date. 0243 Lister to Oldenburg 539

12. Birch mentions this letter but dates it April 1673. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 83. 13. Volatile salts, the Guttæ Goddardianæ vel Anglicanæ, as they were termed on the continent, thought to be effective as a stimulant and in curing epilepsy, amongst other diseases. Dr. Jonathan Goddard (1617–1675) invented the drops, and Charles ii possessed the secret of distilling them—supposedly from silk or from human skulls—in his Whitehall Laboratory. 14. This letter from Swammerdam to Oldenburg is in rs el/S1/117 and Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 584–588, letter 2203. Swammerdam recounted that “Mr. Grandi, a Roman surgeon [Giacopo Grandi (1646–1691), an acquaintance of Malpighi’s] showed a human foetus between the ovary and the [Fallopian] tube naturally contained within its teguements; the description and sketch of this (Mr. Huyberts tells me) under consideration at Rome.” In other words, Swammerdam was observing an ectopic pregnancy. 15. Oyster shells are calcium carbonate, and aqua fortis is nitric acid: 2HNO3(aq) + CaCO3(s) = Ca(NO3)2(s) + H2O(l) + CO2(g) The gas produced is carbon dioxide, the “permanent air.” 16. Possibly Hugh Chamberlen, the elder (b. 1630×34—d. after 1720), a physician and man- midwife, and physician-in-ordinary to the King (1673). He was elected F.R.S. on 6 April 1681 and was a proponent of the use of obstetric forceps and advocated for a national penny-post. See Helen King, “Chamberlen, Hugh, the elder (b. 1630×34, d. after 1720),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 17. Henry Somerset, first Duke of Beaufort and third Marquess of Worcester (1629–1700). 18. Oldenburg made the insertion and correction here. 19. Oldenburg made the insertion here. 20. The seventeenth-century discovery of cinchona bark (Cinchona officinalis) or Peruvian or Jesuits’ bark that yielded quinine, cinchonine, and other alkahoids stimulated the search for other febrifuges outside the Spanish-American Empire, particularly in the British East Indies. This may be a very early example of this search. See Mark Harrison, “The discovery of indigenous febrifuges in the British East Indies, c. 1700–1820,” Traditional Medicinal Plants and Malaria, ed. Merlin Wilcox, Philippe Rasoanaivo, and Gerard Bodeker (Boca Raton: crc Press, 2004), pp. 199–203. 21. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 1 May 1673, notes 5, 6, and 7. 22. Oldenburg has made the insertion and correction at this point.

0243 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 21 May 1673

Source: rs el/L5/53 and rs Letter Book, vol. 6, pp. 124–132. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper “Answ. june 12. 73. See copium. A letter of Mr Lister to Mr Oldenb. about such v some very aged persons, vast swarms of Insects, together with some Anatomical Observations and Experiments.” Address: For my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh | Esquire | at his house | in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark ma/23 [May 23]. 540 Lister to Oldenburg 0243

Reply to: Oldenburg’s Letter of 25 February 1672/3; 1 May 1673. Printed: Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6060–6065; Birch, vol. 3, p. 90; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 69–74; Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 658–663, letter 2236.

(Read May 28: 73 Entd L B. 6. 124)1

Yorke May 21st. 1673

Sir,

I am your thankfull debtour, for your two last: you will pardon my silence and beleeve me much diverted from my inclinations, by necessary attendance upon my imployment. I know not whether, I formerly omitted2 (to begin with the particulars of your last letter) the relation of the age of two men, fathar and sonne said to have been produced as witnesses at an Assize at the Castle of Yorke, about 8 yeares since; the sonn above 100 yeares old: perhapps I might omit it, for though I had it affirmed to me by more than one person, who than saw them and spoake with them; yet because it was accompanied with soe strange and romantiq Circumstances, I did not enquire further: but its possible, the Relation sent you out of Lanchashire and this, may both be meant of the same persons. they are, as I remember, said to live in Dent a small valley in the western mountains of Yorkshire.3 but I will endeavour to satisfy your curiositie herein. I much wonder at the confirmation Mr Henshaw gives you of the falling of the Norway Ratts out of the Aire; I have sometime read what Wormius has writ concerning them in his Musaeum4 and found not any thing more strange, then the particulars of this fall: for, for their suddain over running whole feilds and countreys, and their generation, I conceive it would be noe difficult matter to find out the reasons if an unprejudiced person had the opportunity of making the Observation. In the meane time, I little doubt \but/ that the manner of their generation is by the ordinary course of Nature. I have been twice surprised \in England/ with such like suddain appearances of vast troopes of Animals, but of the Insect kind. The first was of the small Catterpillar, observed in the ripe Corne in Cambrigshire 1666 of which you had my notes some yeares since.5 The other, as followeth. August 2d 1667 riding over from Hull to Barton6 on a very calme Evening, I observed in our passage, the whole surface of Humber for some miles togathar so looke black and foule, as tho dust had been cast upon 0243 Lister to Oldenburg 541 it: and, indeed, the boat-men told me, it was dust raised by the Tide coming in; but when I tooke some of it upon an Oare, it proved Pismires with-wings of divers Species; most of the black kind, yet were there many amongst them with large russet-tailes. I come to your first Letter, where the Analogie betwixt the Veines in Plants and the Nerves in Animals hinted by Dr Wallis7 is a considerable Notion and I shall sett my selfe a taske e’re long to examine them both again on purpos and give you my thoughts. In the meane time, I will entertain you if you please with some Anatomical Observations and Experiments. It has been long in my thoughts and desire to have discovered the actual Passage of the Chyle into the lacteous veines; of which yet I never doubted, as I find some doe at this day. The difficulty lyes in the certain, constant and unalterable \character of the chyles/ whitenesse, espeacially when received into those veines. And yet it is as certain, that in a Diabetes the Urine retains all the qualities of the liquour drunk: also in that famous instance of those who eat the fruit called the prickle Pear (if I remember aright,) their Urine has affrighted the eater with the colour of blood, that is with the not-altered-colour of the juice of the fruit. in those instances at least, we cannot doubt but the Chyle, even in the lacteous veines, was qualifyed according to the food and drinke. To effect than something to this purpos, we have formerly and that very often repeated the Experiment of injecting highly tinged liquours into the Gutts of a live Animal. it would be too tedious and impertinent to writ downe the circumstances of many different tryalls, we will only breifly tell you the manner of performing it and the successe. We laced the skin of the abdomen loosly for a hands breadth and than opening it underneath the stitches, we tooke out either the duodenum or any other part of the tenuia intestina;8 the Gutt tooke out we opened with a very small Orifice and having ready the tinged liquour luke-warme, we injected it upwards and downwards; carfully stitching up the Gutt and than drawing the lace, we unloosed 2 of his feet, laying the Dog of on his side for what time we thought convenient. The \tinged/ liquours we used were good Barbados indigo9 in fair water and filtrated; alsoe lumps of Indigo thrust down his throat good broath (as they call it) of a blew fatt:10 Indigo in milke: saffran11 in milke: Again we tryed in some Doggs fed before hand and injected the liquors in the very height of chyles distribution: into others yet fasting and that for a longer or shorter time. The successe was constant, that we cannot say, that we ever did find the least discolouring of the chyle on the other side the Gutts, that is, within the lacteous veines, but ever white and uniforme. Whence we judge it not very 542 Lister to Oldenburg 0243 feasable to tinge the Venal Chyle in a well and sound Animal. And \he/ that would demonstrate the matter of fact to the dye, must, probably doe it by giving him some such thing in the food as shall cause a Diabetes or some distemper equivalent to it. Though we have observed many \odd/ things in the several exercises of this Nature, yet we shall not trouble you at present with any other particulars, than what we have further observed in the Gutts, to which we shall confine our Paper. Of these we shall proceed to tell, tho possibly they may be better known to you already: As of the Glandules miliares of the small Gutts,12 which may alsoe in some Animals be well called fragi-formes13 from the figure of the one halfe of a Strawberry and which yet I take to be Excretive glandules, because conglomerate. The use of the intestinum caecum, subservient to that of \the/ colon and rectum; manifest in such Animals where nature intends a certaine and determinate figure to the Excrements. Of some sorts of Vermin we found in the Gutts. And first of the lumbricj latj or Tape-wormes. of these, I say, we found in the Gutts of one Dogg, perhapps more than 100 in all: the duodenum was exceedingly stuffed out and extended with them (which alsoe well agrees with an other observation I made in a Mouse, where I found the Duodenum to be far bigger than the stomack it selfe, by reason of the great number of these Wormes for kind, which were contained in it, for kind, I say, for these Tape-wormes, were of a quite different shape from those of the Dog, or any that I have yet seen) to proceed, we found them alsoe in the jejunum and ileon,14 but \not/ any one lower than the valvula colj,15 nor any higher than the duodenum or within the Pilorus: below the duodenum they lay at certain distances one from an other, though sometimes by paires or more of them twisted togathar: neer them was constantly to be observed an Excrement of their owne distinct for colour (more grey) and consistance from the chyle (the observation was made in Dogs plentifully fed for other purposes) just as we find in worme eaten tracks of wood, where the Cossi16 leave behind them the wood which has passed through their bodies: these wormes lay mostly with the small ends upwards as feeding upon and expecting the Chyle in its descent. These lumbrici latj17 were none of them above one foot long and most of them of an equall length and bignesse. the one end was as broad as my Litle finger nail and pointed like a lancet, the other end, coming small gradually for the 3d part of the whole length of the Animal, was knotted [[several words]] \or ended in a small button like a pin head/: they were every where and in all parts of them a like milke white, of a fiat and thin substance like fine Tape, divided into infinite rings or incisures; each incisure having sharpe angles on both sides, looking to the broader end standing out beyond each other; from 0243 Lister to Oldenburg 543 which alsoe I take the small end to be the head, els the sharpe corners of the Annulj would necessarily hinder the Ascent of the Animal, wheras if the contrary be tru they serve to keep it up: each tinge has alsoe on the one side only and that alternatively one small protuberance, much like the midle feet of the body of some Catterpillars. After I have thus described them to you, I desire you to view the cutt of Tulpius in the last-yeares edition of his Medic. Observat. lib. 2. cap. 42, where he retracts the first figure given us, in the edition of that booke in the yeare 1652:18 and yet I cannot say, that all in this last is tru, for to me the rictus and eye in the there supposed head of the Animal seem to be the meer fancies of the Painter; not to say, that probably the smaller end is the head, which, indeed, is in this Cutt wholly neglected. of the certaine comparing our Animals with that cutt of Tulpius it was not very easie for me to observe \because of the great resemblances/ the specifick differences of the lumbricj latj of men and \those of/ this Animal. I was not soe happy as to discover any motion in any part of them, in water or out of it: nor did they seem (if pricked or otherwise injured), much (if at all) to contract them selves or shorten the Annulj, soe that they than appeare to me as things without motion or sense. There are an other sort of Lumbricj lati to be mett with very frequently alsoe in Doggs; called cucurbitinj from the likenesse each annulus or linck hath to a coucumber seed. I have found \of them/ about halfe a foot long, but more often broaken into shorter peices. The former by us described is undoubtedly a compleat and entire Animal; but there is great \reason of/ suspicion, that this \is/ a chain of many Animals linked togathar. These Animals for kind have been observed to have been voided by men enclosed in a Gutt of Membrane of a prodigious length. And wch yet is more notable, a person of great integritie: worth Mr F.J.19 affirmed to me, that he once assisted at the opening of a Dog, in which one of the kidneys was [[one word]] \observed to be/ quite wasted and \become/ a perfect blather and in that blathar they found something like an Animal of a monstrous shape, which being dissected, was nothing else, but a skin full of these lumbricj cucurbitinj.20 it were to be desired, that such as have the opportunity of such rare phaenomena as of snakes, lizards, Beetles, Catterpillars, Toades and such like things as we read of? in medical Histories to have been voided or found in any part of the body, would carfully examine whether they are not the like disguises of this sort of wormes, much assisted by the surprised fancys of the first observers. And because these sort of Worms are sometimes said to be found out of the Gutts their most proper place, we shall conclude with a very recent Observation of the last month in this Cittie. A surgeon brought me about 20 Wormes which he had just than taken out of an ulcerated Ankcle \of a Girle of 544 Lister to Oldenburg 0243 about 8 yeares old/ I had the curiositie to goe my selfe and see it: I found the legg sound, alle but the anckle which was vastly swolled, and the Girle otherwise harty and well coloured: she had been in great miserie for some months: had been sent up to London, where she was touched and dressed for the Evil: sometime after her returne her pain continuing a yong Puppie was opned and applyed to the Soares. the surgeon that who took off the Puppie found \it/ to his great admiration full of Wormes, at least 60 in number what those he found in the body of the Puppie, and what he drew out of the soar Anckle; into which he said they crawled down as wormes doe into the ground, the same Puppie was again applyed, and it was than (at the 2d taking off of the Puppie) that I made the visite, and saw only one worme, gott out into the Puppie, but a very live and stirring one; many were afterwards killed by injections. These wormes I affirme, according to my best knowledge (and I had the opportunity of comparing them) were of the very Species of the Lumbrici teretes21 which children familiarly void from the Gutts. they were betwixt 5 and 4 intches long; all about the matter of an equall bignesse, as of one brood; something thicker than a Ducks feather quill; very sharpe at both ends; stiffe; and exactly round, without incisures visible at least, and yet could move and twist them selves readily enough. All the difference was in the colour, these being much whiter, than any I have seen from the Gutts. vide Barth. Hist. 63. cent. 5.22 where neer 20 wormes, as long as my finger, were found in a Ladys arme, probably of this species too. Sir I begg pardon for my long silence. I have been forc’t to writ this letter by intervalls, I have been much busied and called away into remote parts since the receipt of yours. this might have been shorter, if I had \had/ more leisure. for all apologie, I am sincere and tru to my power in all circumstances. I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister.

P.S. In the Papers Mr Brookes23 is pleased to pleasure me with, I find an Expt brought in, of mixing Oil of Vitriol with water and of their taking up lesse roome \mixt/ than when single, I am apt \to/ suspect, that soe much may be lost in the ebullition. for I consider Oil of Vitriol,24 as a thing made by great stresse of fire and therfore participating of the nature of a calx viva,25 which consequently will heat \with/ water. but it is my doubt only suggested to \the/ Expl. I am glad the Table of Snailes is not yet published:26 I hope to send you it improved after this summer is over; having now seen the spawn of both land 0243 Lister to Oldenburg 545 and fresh-water snailes, and alsoe by good Expt found, that the Scarlet juice of our snailes is a saliva of that colour, and noe venall juice, as the Ancients believed. I pray let me trouble you \to get me/ the description of tongue grafting: which a curious person desires to learn.27

1. This annotation indicated when the letter was read and copied into the Society’s letter book. 2. Lister provided Oldenburg this information in his letter of 17 March 1670/1. 3. Lister described Dent in his letter of 17 March 1670/1 as a small valley in Craven, eight miles beyond Settle. There is a village and parish called Dent in proximity in the Yorkshire Dales. 4. Ole Worm, Museum Wormianum seu Historia Rerum Rariorum (Leiden: Elzevir, 1655). 5. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 December 1670. 6. Barton-upon-Humber. 7. Whilst Lister argued that plants had vessels analogous to the veins of mammals, carrying a nutritive sap that was usually milky in color, Wallis thought the veins of leaves were analogous to animal nerves and contained a nervous fluid. Wallis noted that, while veins in leaves were branched, the veins in plant stems were not “ramified,” as were mammalian circulatory vessels, but rather smaller and bundled, resembling animal nerves. Wallis informed Oldenburg of his argument in his letter of 17 February 1672/3 (rs el/W2/5), and his letter was published as “A note of Dr. Wallis, sent in a Letter of Febr 17 1672/3. Upon Mr. Lister’s Observation concerning the Veins in Plants, published in Number 90 of these Tracts,” Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), p. 6060. 8. The small intestine. 9. Southeast Asian indigo (Indigofera tinctoria) at first was the major alternative to tobacco in many plantations in St. Kitts. However, drought, weeds, and the crop’s heavy demands on soil nutrients made it only a minor crop in St. Kitts and Barbados. See David Watts, The West Indies: patterns of development, culture, and Environmental Change since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 159–160. 10. A concentrated decoction from a blueing or indigo vat. 11. Saffron. 12. Miliary glands of the small intestine. A miliary gland refers to a gland or gland-like structure of the size of a millet seed. 13. Fraga is Latin for strawberry, and Lister may be making an analogy between the strawberry seeds and the seed-like glands. 14. Ilium. 15. Ileocecal valve. 16. From Pliny’s Natural History. Cowan noted that “the Cossus of the Greeks and Romans, which, at the time of the greatest luxury among the latter, was introduced at the tables of the rich, was the larva, or grub, of a large beetle that lives in the stems of trees, particularly the oak; and was, most probably, the larva of the Stag-beetle, Lucanus cervus. On this subject, however, entomologists differ very widely. . . . But the larva of the Lucanus cervus, and perhaps also the Prionus coriarius, which are found in the oak as well as in other trees, may each have been eaten under this name, as their difference could not be discernible either to collectors or cooks. . . . Pliny tells us that the epicures, who looked upon these cossi as delicacies, even fed them with meal, in 546 Ray to Lister 0244 order to fatten them.” See F. Cowan, Curious Facts in the History of Insects; Including Spiders and Scorpions (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1865), p. 27. 17. Broad worms. 18. Nicolas Tulp, Observationum medicarum libri tres (Amsterdam: Elzevir, 1641), which was also published in 1652, 1672, and then in 1685. 19. Francis Jessop of Broomhall, Sheffield, who would write frequently to Lister in 1673. Jessop was also a friend of John Ray’s. 20. Cucurbit worms. 21. Round worms. 22. Thomas Bartholin, Historiarum anatomicarum rariorum centuriae . . ., 3 vols (Copenhagen: Joannem Henrici, 1654–61). 23. John Brooke. See his letter to Lister of 29 March 1673 where this extract is included. 24. Sulfuric acid. 25. Quicklime. Lister is correct that this reaction is very exothermic, heating the water. 26. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 October 1672. 27. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 29 March 1673, note 12.

0244 John Ray to Martin Lister 30 May 1673

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 47h. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 131 (selections from abstract only).1

Congratulating his design of print[ing].2 had cast his eyes on one of 20 y[ears] intend[ing] to marry her.3 Is with Mr Will[ughby’s] Ornithologia and an heavy w[or]k.4

3. A reference to Margaret Oakley, the governess of Ray’s household at Middleton. They were married in Middleton church by the Reverend George Antrobus on 5 June 1673. See Raven (1986), pp. 176–177. 4. Lister would write to Ray on 20 June 1673 expressing his delight that Ray intended to publish Willughby’s Ornithology, which he was compiling and reconstruct from notes left to him after Willughby’s death.

0245 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 12 June 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 98; rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 124; a scribal copy also is extant at rs el/02/118. Address: To his honored friend | Dr Martyn Lister, at his | house in Stone- gate | at | York. Postmark: Receiving House Mark 2/Off in circular border. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 21 May 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 26–28, letter 2250.

London June 12. 73

Sir,

You’l find by the notes of the a late meeting of the R. Society, by me delivered to Mr Brooks1 with what sense that Body received the contents of your last letter of May 21: 1673.2 I shall here adde a scruple or two moved by one of the members thereof,3 upon that paragraph, which speaks of the subserviency of the Caecum to the colon and rectum in those Animals, that have a determined figure in their Excrements. The First, is What is meant by determinat figure; if the Excrement be solid, it receives its figure from the rectum? Secondly, if the determin’d figure be meant by of the parts of that excrement, as a Sheep voids trickles, a Horse, balls etc; then the figures of these parts must have some correspondence to the caecum. Thus the caecum of a Horse must be much larger in proportion to the colon and rectum, than the caecum of a Sheep; of which we doubt. A Hogg hath a large caecum, but no determinat figure of excrement. Birds have two caeca, and those large, but no determin’d figure etc. A Man, who hath litle or no caecum, when he is costive, voids often balls like a Horse; which figures seeme to me to he deterrmin’d by the valvulae conniventes4 of the colon and rectum, but are preserv’d by reason of the solidity of the excrement. 548 Oldenburg to Lister 0245

So far he. Sir, The particulars of your letter are so considerable, that I would insert them in the next Transactions, if you countermand it not by the next; in which you may will perhaps take notice of something that relates to the lately mention’d scruples. And in due time I shall be very glad to see your improvement of the Table of Snailes. As tor Tongue-grafting, I received \from Dr Tong/ this description of it;5 Cutt every 3 inches or more of a superfluous root of any removed Tree, or other, and slope at both ends, very smooth and without being fash’t,6 since it will rot and so spoil the rooting, as far as ’tis fash’t. Then fit exactly to it for thicknes, (that bark may answer bark, wood to wood, pith to pith,) a lusty and short graft, likewise cut slope and smooth at one end, at least: To tongue-graft this slope- cutt graft into the slope-cut root, there needs no other trouble, than to cut a deep gash in the upper part of the sloping cut of the graft, and in the lower of the sloping cut of the root; and to take off the bark of both, root and graft, so farr as they overshoot one another, and so lappe them about (being \first/ so fitted and entred into one another,) with woolen and slightly spun yarn, or sleesy tow.7 This is conceived to be an excellent way for multiplying of Trees, it having been successfully tried upon mulberries and walnut-trees, The joint thus grafted must he put 2 or 3 inches under ground, that so it may not be bared at any time, but kept moist by the Earth. If this description be not well understood, I intend to shew to Mr Brook the way of it, that he may impart it to you at his return to york, which, he threatens us, wth will be shortly. I remain Sir

Your humble and faithf. servt

Oldenburg

If you shall please, farther to satisfy my curiosity about those very aged persons, you will add to your obligations upon me.

1. John Brooke. 2. Lister’s letter was read at the Royal Society meeting of 28 May 1673. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 90. 3. The member was Walter Needham, who had been doing a variety of anatomical demonstrations staunching wounds on dogs at the Royal Society for the meeting of 11 June. (Birch, vol. 3, p. 92). Hall and Hall indicated that Oldenburg summarized Needham’s comments from a letter he wrote to the Oldenburg (rs el/N1/30). See Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 27, note 3. 4. Literally “closing valves.” These circular folds, also known as valves of Kerckring, are large valvular flaps projecting into the lumen of the bowel. The circular folds provide an increased surface for absorption of nutrients and slow the passage of food along the intestines. 0246 Lister to Ray 549

5. See Brooke’s letter of 29 March 1673 to Lister, note 12, and Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 21 May 1673. 6. Roughened, burred, or ridged. 7. Hairy, fuzzy, or rough twine.

0246 Martin Lister to John Ray York, 20 June 1673

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 24, number 62. Derham abstracted this letter also in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 15. Derham added some annotations in this letter for his edition. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 116–117; Lankester (1848), pp. 103–104; Harley (1992), p. 198, letter 20. (These are all partial transcriptions.)

Dear Sir

I was Certainly for noe other reason soe long in arrear to you, but because I was loath to give you any trouble in your more weighty employ[men]ts.1 I am glad you thinke of wedding: I pray God blesse your choice to you: for if she be good natured (as I will not believe her otherwise) you will find all the satisfaction and joy \in marriage/ that any condition in this life is capable to give us.2 I am very joyful at your the news you give me of your thoughts of publishing the Natural Historie designed by Mr. Will:3 I am very sensible of the great pains it will ask to perfect any one part of it. I only begg of you, that \you/ will let one part see the light, before the next you undertake, and that they may not stay one of an other. My notes are very slender upon the subject of birds. I have very little time to bestow upon natural Historie, yet what pleasure I give my selfe is to divert my selfe that way. I have been at Bugthorp4 since I last wrote to you, to view the place of petrified shells. I shall not trouble you at present with any of my observations made there; save that I found the \some/ star stones5 branched, as I had found formerly St. Culberd’s beads in Craven.6 [[two sentences]]. This year has \much/ changed my thoughts concerning Kermes. I have found them upon old roapes and deale boards.7 I am pretty confident that it is an Animal of the multipede8 kind, which does fix itself in order to the laying of its eggs; and that the eggs are laid \and fastened/ about its belly, just as the eggs of a cray-fish are \under her tail/. I have taken the animals before the fixing of them selves; but shall tell more of this ere long.9 550 Brooke to Lister 0247

\for other discoveries and experiments/ I refer you to a late letter I wrote to Mr. Oldenburgh, which he threatened to print in the next Transactions: when you see it, give me your opinion freely of the particulars.10 I am in hast at present; I wish \you/ all prosperitie and health. I am Dear Sir

Your most affectionate friend and humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke June 20, 1673.

1. The last extant letter from Lister to Ray was dated 12 October 1672. Ray was engaged in much legal and scholarly business after Francis Willughby’s death. 2. See the abstract of Ray’s letter to Lister of 30 May 1673. 3. Francis Willughby. 4. Bugthorpe, East Riding of Yorkshire. Bugthorpe is approximately twelve miles east of York. 5. The columns of crinoids or sea lilies have a pentagonal star shape, leading to their folk- loric name of star stones. 6. Carleton-in-Craven, Yorkshire. 7. A thin board of fir or pine. 8. An animal with many feet; also a term for a woodlouse (obs.). 9. Adult female scale insects are almost always immobile, attaching themselves permanently to the plant they have parasitized. In some species of kermes, the posterior of the mature female is lifted up, partially covering an egg sac made of cottony and waxy threads; the crawlers are reddish-pink. See Lister’s letter of 22 December 1670 to Ray, note 5, for a description of the kermes’ life-cycle; see also his letter to Ray of 10 October 1672. 10. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 21 May 1673. Oldenburg mentioned publishing it in the Philosophical Transactions in his letter to Lister of 12 June 1673.

0247 John Brooke to Martin Lister 21 June 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 100–102. Brooke’s message is prefaced by meeting minutes for the Royal Society written in secretary hand. Address: These, | For my Honored Frend. | Dr Lister. 0247 Brooke to Lister 551

Sir,

I do not know how to divert you better than by recommending the Inclos’d, to your Perusall, and I hope twill not be long ere I kiss your Hands at York, in the quality of

Sir, Your obliged Servant

J.B:

June 21. 73

Mr Belwood,1 and my Self, (with my small Family),2 purpose for York, on Monday (com[e] \a/ fortnight (God willing.)

May 14. 1673.3

Mr Boyle produced a liquor of his owne preparing, which, though cold, and made 7 or 8 months since, did yet in a minute gave a yellow tincture to a silver sixpence at first, which afterwards turned to a blackish colour: which experiment was several times repeated with the like successe;4 He being asked, what other metals it had this effect upon, said, that upon brass it did very well; not so well upon steel, much less upon Tin.5 He received thankes of the company for shewing them this Experiment. Dr. Needham6 being called upon to make a report concerning Dr. de Graff’s book dedicated to the Society,7 and referred at the last meeting to his consideration jointly with Dr. Croune8 and Dr. King,9 said, that he had looked it over but \not/ yet communicated it to the other physicians, and that he had found in general, that in this book there was first a dispute between the authour and Dr. Swammerdam about the priority of the discovery of the ovarium and ova in viviparous animals, and then a charge against the said Swammerdam of several errors in Anatomy committed by him:10 That he, Dr. Needham, having compared this booke with that of Dr. Swammerdam, dedicated likewise to the Society, was of opinion, that as to the dispute about the said discovery of Eggs in Viviparous animals, the Readers must be referr’d to the times, when the Several pretenders of that discovery publisht their \respective/ books about it, and thence left to judge of the priority contended for. But as to the errors, which these two authours charged upon each other, he was of opinion, that in 552 Brooke to Lister 0247

Some things De Graaf was in the right, and mistaken in others, and vice versa Swammerdam; and that it would require Sometime to examine the particulars, in the doing of which it would be requisite to make some observations to pronounce with \the/ more certainty of these matters contested. The Doctor received the thankes of the Company for this report, and was desired to proceed to that particular examination, and to advise with the other two in it according to the former order: which he promised he would doe. Mr. Hooke made an experiment with the Air, formerly produced in a bladder by the operation of Aqua-fortis upon oister-shells, having first tryed how long a Slender white wax candle would burn the with \in/ common Air, which it did, in one glasse, during the space of sometimes 17, sometimes 20 or 21 vibrations of vibrating seconds; in another bigger glass, during the time of 55 such vibrations: whereas as the factitious air, being by a certain contrivance squeezed out into the larger glass, yet so that some of the common Air remained in it, the said wax-candle burnt in it only 45 such vibrations.11 This experiment being not accurate enough, the Curator was desired to make an other apparatus for a better tryall. It was moved again, that some experiments might be made to produce Air fit for respiration; where Mr. Boyle suggested, that the tryall be with Coral and vineger.12

1. Just possibly Roger Belwood (d. 28 March 1694), student of the Middle Temple in 1665, and serjeant-at law-in York. He was the only son of Josias Belwood, clerk, who was the son of Roger Belwood, rector of St Cross in York. See John Gough Nichols, The Topographer and genealogist (1846–58) (London: John Boyer Nichols and Sons, 1858), vol. 3, p. 26; J.W. Clay, Dugdale’s Visitation of York with additions (Exeter: William Pollard, 1917), vol. 3, pp. 177–179. 2. In 1670, Brooke married Mary, the daughter of Sir Hardress Waller of the Castledown Estate in Kilfinny, Co. Limerick (ca. 1604–1666). Hardress Waller was a parliamentarian army officer and one of the regicides, and he played a major role in the Cromwellian siege of Limerick. John and Mary Brooke had four children, Deborah, Henrietta, James (who inherited the title of second Baronet), and John. See Patrick Little, “Waller, Sir Hardress (c.1604–1666),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); George Edward Cokayne, ed., The Complete Baronetage, 5 vols (n. d. [ca. 1900]; reprint, Gloucester, U.K.: Alan Sutton Publishing, 1983), vol. iv, p. 75. 3. Most of the text in these excerpts is in Birch, vol. 3, pp. 88–89. 4. To mimic the tarnishing of silver, Boyle may have been reacting nitric acid with metallic silver to produce a yellow silver carbonate. Another possibility is that this was an experiment to discover the anima auri, or soul of gold, described in his Origine of Formes (1666), in which silver was tinged into gold. Boyle was looking also for a menstruum peracutum to separate the components of gold. See Principe, The Aspiring Adept, p. 83. 5. In 1674, Boyle published a series of observations on the oxidation of tin and other metals, his Observations about the growth of metals in their ore exposed to the air (London: William Godbid, 1674). 0248 Lister to Oldenburg 553

6. Dr. Walter Needham (1632–1691), an expert anatomist, F.R.S., fellow of The Queen’s College, Oxford, and fellow of the Royal College of Physicians. 7. Regneri de Graaf de mulierum organis generatione inservientibus tractatus novus (Leiden, 1672), which was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 4052–4054. Regnier de Graaf (1641–1673), was a Dutch physician and anatomist who identified the function of the ovarian follicle (Graafian follicle). 8. William Croone (1633–1684), a physician that Lister met during his medical studies in Montpellier. Croone was one of the original members for the Royal Society, and an expert anatomist, publishing De ratione motus Musculorum (London, 1664, and Amsterdam, 1667). He also read papers to the Royal Society about embryology, including “A Discourse on the Conformation of a Chick in the Egg before Incubation,” an abstract of which appeared in Phil. Trans., (28 March 1671), p. 5080. As Payne indicated, “It is the first reasoned attempt . . . to establish the corporeal existence of a pre-formed foetus in the unincubated egg.” See L.M. Payne, “William Croone, F.R.S. (1663–1684),” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 15 (July 1969), pp. 211–219, on p. 215. 9. Dr. John King (1614–1681), F.R.C.P. 10. Jan Swammerdarm, Miraculum naturae, sive uteri muliebris fabrica (Leiden, 1672), his treatise on the structure of the human uterus. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 15 April 1673, note 7. 11. Carbon dioxide was getting produced in this reaction, which would eventually snuff out the candle. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 10 May 1673. 12. This would be a reaction of calcium carbonate and acetic acid, producing water, carbon dioxide. and calcium acetate. CaCO3 + 2CH3 COOH = Ca (CH3COO)2 + CO2 + H2O

0248 Martin Lister to [Henry Oldenburg] York, 24 June 1673

Source: rs el/L5/54; rs Letter Book, vol. 6, pp. 191–193. Oldenburg wrote on the last page of the letter, “Mr Listers Answer to the Queries of Dr. W. Neeham pag.” Address: No address present. Reply to: Letter of 12 June 1673. Printed: Phil. Trans., 14 (1684), pp. 455–457; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 77–80; Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 56–58, letter 2260.

Mr Listers Answer to the Quaere’s made of by Dr Walt. Needham june 24. 1673.1

(Enter’d L B.6. 191.)2 554 Lister to Oldenburg 0248

Sir,

I did not thinke of explaining my selfe about the Use of the Caecum, untill I had had the leisure and opportunity of purposly examining the Intestines of most kind of Animals. however that I may noe longer be mistaken \by/ the person,3 who raised the Scruples you sent me, upon that Paragraph, which saies, as I remember, “that the subserviency of the Caecum to the colon and rectum is most manifest in those Animals, that have a determinate figure in their Excrements”; I shall be forced to tell you what I presume may prove as neer the truth, as \any/ one of the many conjectures extant in Authors about the unknown Use of this part. I understand by determinate figure, the Excrements divided into rnany parts of a like shape, such as Ratts and Mice void, sheep trickles etc. Again in a greater latitude I oppose figured Excrements to liquid, as C. Celsus in some place does;4 Thus Pigeons, Geese dung, alsoe that of Man, Doggs etc. are figured. Now the Caecum in my opinion is subservient to the figuration \of Excrements/ in both senses. my meaning is, that probably the Use of the Caecum is to keep the Excrements that passe into it (and I believe all or \most/ part of them does soe) until it be sufficiently drained, baked, and of a due consistence to receive the Figure to be given it from the Colon and Rectum. This Use, I say. seemed to me much more manifest in such Animals, the parts of whose Excrements were alike naturally figured than in such others, whose Excrements are of one solid masse. In Ratts, for example, the caecum is as large and capacious as the stomack it selfe and perhapps all the small Gutts put togathar. And its Use in receiving the \much/ exhausted Chyle \or Excrement/ is not more apparent from its vast capacitie, than that other of preparing \it/ for the Colon, from the admirable contrivance and structure of this latter Gutt, which is a phaenomenon, that deserves further consideration. it is, I say, to be noted, that immediatly under the valve of that Gutt in this Animal, are certain Spiral Fibres, which make a kind of Screw.5 now it should seeme to me, that the Excrements, after they are brought to a due Consistence by the necessary stay they make in the Caecum, fall out thence into this screw of the Colon, through which they cannot descend, as formerly by the small Gutts, perpendicularly, but are wrought downe very lei- surly [[one word]] \according to/ the winding of the screw, whence arises their figure. And I am apt to beleive that if the caecum of a Ratt was tied up or otherwise close stopped up, the Animal would unavoidable fall into a Dyarrhaea; and probably the like successe would follow the Experiment upon any kind of Animal that has a Caecum (not to mention insist here upon this, that such Animals that have noe caecum, as the Talpa,6 Echinus,7 Gulo8 a certain kind 0248 Lister to Oldenburg 555 of voracious woolfe mentioned by Bartholine,9 naturally excrue liquid). There being, I say noe reason that I can forsee, why the yet liquid Excrement (such as we constantly find it at the very bottome of the small Gutts) should stop at the entrance of the Colon and not speadily glide through the Screw in a downe right-descent, that is, elude the devise of Nature, and make the configuration of that soe curiously contrived part uselesse; we supposing the Experiment to have taken away the necessary diverticulum and repository of the unprepared Excrements the Caecum. We shall not trouble you at present with our observations concerning the different Figures of Excrements in the divers species of Animal already examined by us; only we shall take notice to you, that Cows and Hoggs have Excrements \of/ a determinat figure and in the first sense, though it be a \thing/ not \well/ heeded: Also we passe by the place and manner of their becoming soe figurd. Further we shall not consider the manner of the caecums reception and praeparing the Excrements for the Colon and rectum. We likewise forbear to offer you some doubts concerning Natures End in the necessary figuration of the Excrements in some Animals as the prevention of diarrhaeas: to abide hunger the longer, thus Snailes in Winter rest with full intestines: to heighten the fermentation and digestion of the stomack and small Gutts etc. What we have hastily writ at present being only [[one word]] intended for the better understanding that Paragraph and your private satisfaction, I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke June 24 1673

We fully Understand the Tongue grafting of roots10 be the accurate description you was pleased to send us and doe return you our thankes for it.

1. This annotation at the head of the letter is in Oldenburg’s handwriting. 2. This annotation, indicating where the letter was inserted into the Royal Society’s Letter Book, is in neither Lister’s nor Oldenburg’s hand. 3. Walter Needham. 4. This discussion is not extant in Celsus’s De Medicina, although Galen does discourse about the contribution of the small intestine in digestion in On the Natural Faculties, 3.9.2., and Aristotle in his De Animalium claimed that “long-limbed animals have loose faeces,” 9.2.50. 556 Needham to Lister 0249

5. Ileocecal valve between the ileum and caecum allowing food to pass from the small intestine to the large intestine; the ileocecal valve also blocks these waste materials from enter- ing the small intestine. 6. Mole. 7. Although usually echinus refers to a sea-urchin, here Lister is translating the classical roots of the word literally, the Greek ἐχῖνος or hedgehog. The publication of this letter in the Philosophical Transactions specifies echinus terrestris. 8. The glutton, Gulo gulo gulo, or the wolverine. 9. In a letter to his son Edward of 7 March 1676/7, Sir Thomas Browne mentions the same phenomenon, attributing it to Caspar Bartholin: “In Bartholini, centuria 4ta, historia trigesima, titulo Anatome Gulonis, I find something peculiar in the gutts of a gulo.” The story was related first by Olaus Magnus, from where it was repeated by Gesner and Topsell. See Thomas Browne, Memories of Sir Thomas Browne. Domestic, ed. Simon Wilkin (London: William Pickering, 1836), vol. 1, p. 217. 10. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 29 March 1673, note 12.

0249 Walter Needham to Martin Lister London, 24 June 1673

Source: rs el/N1/30; rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 197. Needham’s queries were sent to Oldenburg, who forwarded them to Lister. Oldenburg wrote on the reverse of the letter “Dr Walter Needhams quaere upon a passage of in Mr Lister’s letter of May 21. 1673 concerning the figuration of \the/ excrements of Animals. the quaere was sent in a.” Address: No address present. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 21 May 1673 to Oldenburg.

This sent to Mr Lister, London, London june 24. 1673.1

(Entd L B 6. 182.)2

Qu. What is meant by the Colon be subserviency of the caecum to the Colon and rectum in those i[n]s[ta]nts that have determined figures of their excrements. What is meant by determined figures If the excrements be solid it receives its figure from the rectum. Of liquid If the determined figure be meant of the parts of that excrement as a sheepe voideth trickles, a horse balls so then this \the/ figure of these parts must have some correspondence to the caecu[m]. Thus the caecum of a horse must be much larger in proportion to the Colon and rectu[m] then the caecum of a sheepe; of which wee doubt. A hogge hath a large caecu[m] but no determined 0250 Jessop to Lister 557

\figures of/ excrements. Birds have two caeca \and those large/ but no determined figures, etc. A ma \man/ who hath little or no caecum; when he hath it costive3 voideth often balls like a horse; which figures seeme to me to be determined by the valvula conniventes4 of the colon and rectum, but \are preserv’d/ [[several words]] by reason of their solidity of the excrements.

1. Oldenburg’s annotation. 2. This annotation indicates the letter’s entry in the Society’s letter book. 3. Suffering from hardness and retention of the fæces; “bound” or confined in the bowels; constipated. 4. The circular folds (valves of Kerckring) (also, plicae circulares) are large valvular flaps projecting into the lumen of the bowel. The folds slow the process of food along the bowel and increase surface area for absorption.

0250 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Broomhall, Sheffield], 25 June 1673

Source: rs el/I1/164; rs Letter Book vol. 6, pp. 184–190. This letter was enclosed in Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 28 June 1673. Oldenburg in turn forwarded Jessop’s letter and reflections on theories of tides to Wallis in his letter of 3 July 1673. After reading them and adding marginal notes of his own, Wallis returned Jessop’s reflections to Oldenburg with his letter of 5 July 1673. In his reply letter to Lister of 15 July 1673, Oldenburg quoted Wallis’s remarks in full. Mathematical symbols have been italicized for intelligibility. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 70–71, letter 2262a; Beeley, vol. 4, pp. 202– 209, letter 91, enclosure 92.

(Enter’d L.B.6.184.)1

June 25. 1673.

Sir

I returne you many thankes for your extraordinary civility’s which I receaved from you both at Yorke and in your extremely obligeing letter.2 I shall not fail to serve you to the uttermost of my power in those things which you desire, which 558 Jessop to Lister 0250 will be at this time rather a pleasure then a trouble. I am within this fourtnight to go into the Peake3 and to continue there for about three weekes, I entreat you therefore that you would please to let me know in the mean time whether there be any thing more that you thinke fit to command me. I have sent you enclosed those reflexions I made upon Dr Wallis his hypothesis about the flux and reflux of the sea. which you may finde in the philosophicall transactions August 6. 1666.4 I was in hope that I could have found some remedy for the inconveniency’s I observed in it,5 which made me delay an answere unto yours for two posts. which although I cannot yet do, that I do not despair but yet althings may be set right againe. for by making two revolutions in sted of one of the circle bes the periods of the tides may be tolerably well adjusted, but then I cannot tell how to dispose of the course of the moon unto which a continuall respect must be had. I should be exceedingly well pleased if Mr Oldenberg (to whom you was pleased to intimate unto me that you desired to communicate these observations) could finde that I were mistaken in any place. for the hypothesis appeareth so handsome and probable that I should be very sorry to find it deficient. If I have trouble you with any thing which hath beene observed by others formerly, I beseech you pardon my invicible ignorance, since I live in a corner of the world, where it is impossible for me to Know all that is transacted abroad.

Your most affectionate Friend and humble servant

Fra: Jessop be pleased to direct your letters to be left with Mr Crofts a bookseller at Doncaster.6

The Reflexions themselves7

Esto8 fedg terra, b centrum terrae. L centrum gravitatis lunae, baL recta con- jugens centra gravitatis terrae et lunae, a, cummune centrum gravitatis terrae et lunae, abc circulus descriptus radio ab, bon recta \vel quasi/tangens circu- lum abc in puncto b aequalis 2/25 lineae eclipticae. supponatur, abc circulus circumvolui motu uniformi (vel quasi) super centro suo, a, versus partes bcs secum ferens centrum terrae b infixum peripheriae. atque eodem tempore moveatur terra (quotlibet revolutiones perficiens, puta 28) circa centrum suum, b, uniformiter \vel quasi/ et denique eodem tempore perambulet circulus abc tangentem suum bon motu etiam uniformi, (vel quasi.) 0250 Jessop to Lister 559

Dico.

1. curvam bikmn descriptam a centre terrae esse cycloidem. 2. Centrum terrae b per dimidium cycloidis bik ferri motu (non quidem uniformiter, \sed,) continue/ accelerato et velocissime in puncto K. in reliqua vero portione curvae Kmn motu \continue/ uniformiter accelerato retardato et tardissime in puncto n. 3. motus circularis puncti, b, adversatur motui progressivo circuli , abc, per duos arcus aequales, utrinque puncto b contiguos,9 sextentibus quidem majores quadrantibus vero minores, favet vero per reliquam peripheriam vide Tacquet: de circ: volut: p: 26. 4. si sumatur in cycloide punctum quodlibet, i, et per i ducatur h, i, o, recta eidem curvae perpendicularis, occurrens peripheriae fedg in punctis h et t dico. motum circularem fedg peripheriae, farcere motui \in curvam cycloidem/ progressive maxime in puncto h, adversari vero maxime in puncto t. 5. fiat ergo fluxus maris velocissimus in punctis h et t ob maximam accel- erationem et retardationem in iis punctis. 6. et propterea si in tempore plani lunii centrum terrae sit in puncto, b, et sol in meridie puncto f perpendicularis, fluxus velocissimus erit in punctis e et g,10 in e scilicet hora sexta matutina, in g eadem in hora pomeridiana. Quoniam enim fba recta tangit11 cycloidem in puncto b atque angulus eba rectus est, recta ebg perpendicularis est cycloidi in puncto b. Si vero centrum terrae sit in puncto, i, ubi recta hio perpendicularis cycloidi in eodem puncto, i, fecit angulum hob graduum 45, fluxus rapidissimus erit in punctis e et h et t. nimirum hora nona matutina et pomeridiana. Tempore vero conjunctionis centro terrae cum puncto K congruente, fluxerit maxime in punctis d et f sub medio noctis et diei. eadem ratione pergit per reliquam cycloidis portionem. hinc manifestum est. 7. absoluta menstrua periodo diurnas fluxuum vicissitudines simicircu- lum edg (neque ultra pervagari) ergo huic hypothesi repugnant fluxuum atque refluxuum phaenomena. Non sum [[one word]] \nescius/ mihi merito posse objici curvam bik non esse veram cycloiden ob linea atque axem terrae plane cycloidis (vel circuli ecliptici saltem) non esse perpendicularem. sed in hisce minutiis non libet immorari, quibus mature perpensionen operae pretium duxi, ut tibi taedio essem curam magis sedulum adhibendo, qua nihil in iis immutabitur quae praecipue noluerim. 560 Jessop to Lister 0250

Quoniam vero non memini ab aliquo datae rectae curvam exhibendam aequalem, non incongruum erit hic subnectere methodam, cuilibet datae rectae curvas multitudine infinitas describendi aequalis quam inveni mandato inveni atqu muneri incumbens.

Hypothesis cum Constructione.

Esto12 acdefb polygonum quod-libet ordinatum, jungantur puncta ad ae. af, producatur latus ab ad 6, ita ut sit recta ab6 aequalis perimetro polygoni acdefb. dividatur recta a6 in punctis b2345 in totidem partes aequales quot sint numero latera polygoni dati, supponatur polygonum acdefb ita circumvolui super recta ab6 ut congruente latere bf portioni b2 recta etiam fa congruat rectae 2m, atque punctum a describat arcum arcum an am. Atque iterum cum latus e f congruet cum portione 23 recta ea, congruat rectae 38 atquc punctum, a, describat arcum mg, \radio 2m sive fa/, atque ita deinceps donec peracta revolutione describatur linea amghK6 a puncto a. Rursus super latere ab construatur aequale et simile polygonum ab78910 atque tandem supponatur polygonum acdefb ita circumvolui super polygono ab78910 ut congruente latere bf lateri b7, congruat recta fa rectae 7f , atque punctum a describat arcum amf atque rursum cum latus ef congruet lateri 78, recta ea13 recta congruat rectae 7n. atque punctum a describat arcum f3n. radio 7f sive gfa atque deinceps donec peracta revolutioue punctum a descripserit lineam afnopa.

Dico.

Curvam amghK6 subduplam esse \curvae/ afnopa.

Quoniam enim (ob aequalia et similia polygona acdefb, ab78910) anguli 2bf; 2b7 sunt aequales, atque ba, bf latera sunt aequalia, atque eadem perfi\ci/antur motu anguli fb7, fba, aequalis ergo erit angulus fba angulo fb7 et proinde angulus 2bf subduplus erit anguli fba. sed eodem argumento probabitur angulus 2bf aequalis angula abm; ergo \arcus/ angulus am subduplus est arcus amf. Eadem methodo demonstrabimus arcum mg subduplum esse arcus f3n, et similiter de reliquis. ergo curva amghK6 , subdupla est curvae afnop. Q: e: d.

Applicatio.

Quoniam \circulus/ consideratur tanquam polygonum ordinatum infinita habens multitudine latera, ergo si polygonum acdefb sit circulus, curva 0250 Jessop to Lister 561 amghK6 erit cyclois primaria. porro, si polygonum ab78910 sit etiam circulus \priori aequalis/, licebit curvam afnop vocare cycloidem spuriam. et quandoquidem clarissimi nostrates Wrennius et Wallisius demonstrant cycloidem amghK6, aequari quatuor circulis diametris circuli acdefb, erit nostra cyclois spuria afnop aequalis octo diametris ejusdem circuli acdefb. Quamvis enim Cycloidem primariam describere nesciamus, ut ne unum quidem punctum in illa assignare, nihil tamen obstat quo minus satis commode inserviat ad demonstrationem nostram concinnandam. Sed ut tandem pateat methodus plures ejusmodi describandi curvas, duas adjiciam propositiones omissis demonstrationibus (quae ex praemissis facile colligi poterant) ne prolixius patientiae suae imponam.

prop: 2.

Si dati sint duo circuli inaequales et minor majoris arcum quemlibet. perambulet (ut superius) aequalem peripheriae minoris, cyclois spuria descripta a puncto sumto in minore, erit aequalis quatuor diametris minoris dati circuli, una cum recta quae se habebit ad quatuor diametros ejusdem minoris circuli, ut circumferentia minoris circuli ad circumferentiam majoris.

prop: 3.

Si dati sint duo circuli inaequales et major minorem toties perambulet donec confecerit viam aequalem peripheria majoris. cyclois descripta a puncto sumto in peripheria majoris aequalis erit quatuor diametris majoris circuli una cum recta quae se habebit ad quatuor diametros ejusdem majoris circuli, ut circumferentia majoris circuli ad circumferentiam minoris. De tangentibus hisce curvis adducendis dicere supersederi ex constructione enim patet rectas fa ea da perpendiculares esse suis respectivis punctis in revolutione qua describantur illae curvae, de areis etiam earundem mensurandis (quamvis in promptu sit) quia nimius jamdudum fui.

Translation

Let fedg be the earth, b the centre of the earth, L the centre of gravity of the moon, baL a straight line joining the centres of gravity of the earth and moon, a the common centre of gravity of the earth and moon, abc the circle described from the radius ab, and bon the straight (or more or less) line touching the circle abc at point b being equal to 2/25 of the ecliptic line. Let it be supposed that the circle abc revolves with uniform (or more or less) motion about its 562 Jessop to Lister 0250 centre a, towards the parts bcs, taking with it the centre of the earth b fixed on its periphery. And at the same time let the earth move (completing any number of revolutions, say 28) around its centre b, uniformly (or more or less), and finally let the circle abc pass along its tangent bon also with uniform motion (or more or less).

I state that:

1. the curve bikmn described from the centre of the earth is a cycloid. 2. the centre of the earth b passes through half of the cycloid bik with a motion (not indeed uniformly, but) that is continually accelerating and at its swiftest at point K, but in the remaining portion of the curve Kmn with a motion that is continually slowing down and at its lowest at point n. 3. the circular motion of point b opposes the progressive motion of the circle abc, through the two equal arcs, which are contiguous at either side at point b, and are larger than sextants, but smaller than octants, but aids14 this motion along the rest of the periphery. See Tacquet15 On the Revolutions of Circles, page 26 (Tacquet, De Circulorum volutionibus per planum dissertatio physico-mathematica, Antwerp, 1651, page 26).16 4. if any point, I, on the cycloid were taken, and a straight line h,i,o were drawn through i perpendicular to the same curve f, which meets the periphery fedg at points h and t, then I declare that the circular motion of the periphery fedg aids the progressive motion (forming a cycloid curve) especially at point h, but opposes it especially at point t. 5. accordingly the flow of the sea would be swiftest at points h and t on account of the fact that the greatest acceleration and retardation occurs at those points. 6. consequently if at the time of the full moon the centre of the earth is at point b, and the sun at the zenith is perpendicular to point f, the flow will be swiftest at points e and g,17 that is, at e at six o’clock in the morning, and at g at the same time in the afternoon.

For since the straight line fba touches18 the cycloid at point b, and eba is a right angle, the straight line ebg is perpendicular to the cycloid at point b. If however the centre of the earth is at point i, where the straight line hio, which is perpendicular to the cycloid at the same point, i, makes the 45º angle hob, the most rapid flow will be at points h and t, which will of course be at nine o’clock in the morning and evening. At the time however when the centre of the earth coincides with point K, the flow will be greatest at points d and f, around 0250 Jessop to Lister 563 midnight and midday. In the same way it proceeds through the remaining part of the cycloid

7. it is clear from this that when the monthly cycle has been completed the daily changes of flow pass through the semicircle edg (and not beyond it), and therefore the phenomena of ebbing and flowing currents are contrary to this hypothesis.

I am well aware that it might be justifiably objected that the curve bik is not a true cycloid and that the axis of the earth, which is clearly cycloid (or at least has the form of an ecliptic circle) is not perpendicular. But I do not wish to dwell on these details, as I did not think that a through consideration of them was worthwhile, and I was reluctant to prove boring rather than properly attentive in an investigation in which nothing will be changed in respect of those matters which I especially wanted to stand. Since however I do not remember anyone taking it upon himself to demonstrate the equality of curves on any given straight line, it will not be inap- propriate to attach hereto the method of drawing an infinite number of equal curves on any given straight line, which I discovered when busy with the task I had been allotted.

Hypothesis with Construction

Let19 acdefb be any regular polygon, let points to ae and af be joined, let the side ab be extended to 6, in such a way that the straight line ab6 is equal to the perimeter of the polygon acdefb. Let the straight line a6 be divided at points b 2 3 4 5 into the same number of equal parts as the given polygon has sides, and let it be supposed that the polygon acdefb rotate in such a way on the straight line ab6 that, since the side bf is congruent with the part b2 the straight line fa is also congruent with the straight line 2m, and point a describes the arc am. Again, since the side ef is congruent with the part 23, the straight line ea would be congruent with the straight line 38 and the point a would describe the arc mg, with a radius 2m or fa, and so on until after one revolution has been completed the line amghK6 is described from point a. Again let an equal and similar polygon ab78910 be constructed on the side ab, and finally let the polygon acdefb be supposed to rotate on polygon ab78910 in such a way that, when side bf is congruent with side b7, the straight line fa is congruent with 7f, and point a describes arc amf, and again, when side ef is congruent with side 78, the straight line ea is congruent with the straight line 7n, and point a 564 Jessop to Lister 0250 describes the arc f3n with a radius 7f or gfa, and so on, until, having completed a revolution, point a has described the line afnopa.

I state that:

The curve amghK6 is less than twice the length of the curve afnopa. For since (on account of the equal and similar polygons acdefb and ab78910) the angles 2bf and 2b7 are equal, and the sides ba and bf are equal, and the same things are achieved by the motion of the angles fb7 and fba. Therefore angle fba will be equal to angle fb7, and accordingly angle 2bf is less than twice the size of arc amf. By the same method I shall demonstrate that arc mg is less than twice arc f3n, and the same applies to the others, therefore curve amghK6 is less than twice curve afnop. qed.

Application

Since a circle is considered as a regular polygon with an infinite number of sides, if polygon acdefb is a circle, the curve amghK6 will be a primary cycloid. Furthermore if the polygon ab 7 8 9 10 is also a circle equal to the earlier one, one may call the curve afnop a spurious cycloid. And since our most distinguished fellow-countrymen Wren and Wallis20 show that the cycloid amghK6 is equal to four diameters of the circle acdefb, our spurious cycloid afnop will be equal to eight diameters of the same circle acdefb. For although I do not know how to describe a primary cycloid, nor to assign even one point on it, yet nothing prevents its serving appropriately in providing a demonstration of my argument. But in order that at long last a method may be revealed of describing a number of curves of this kind, I shall add two propositions while omitting demonstrations (which may be readily inferred from the foregoing), lest I impose on my reader’s patience through my prolixity.

Proposition 2

If two unequal circles are given, and the smaller passes along any arc of the larger (as is shown above) which is equal to the periphery of the smaller, the spurious cycloid, described from the highest point in the smaller, will be equal to four diameters of the smaller given circle, along with the straight line which will be about four diameters of the same smaller circle, the same ratio as that 0250 Jessop to Lister 565 of the circumference of the smaller circle in respect of the circumference of the larger circle.

Proposition 3

If two unequal circles are given, and the larger passes along the smaller one until it has completed a path equal to its periphery, the larger circle will be equal to four diameters of the larger circle along with the straight line which will be about four diameters of the same larger circle, the same ratio as that of the circumference of the larger circle in respect of the circumference of the smaller circle. I have omitted to speak of drawing tangents from these curves, for it is clear from the construction that the straight lines fa ea de are perpendicular to their respective points in the revolution by which those curves are described, and I have also said nothing of measuring the same areas (although I am ready to do so) because I have for some time been speaking at excessive length.

1. This annotation of the location of the letter in the rs Letter Book is not in Oldenburg’s hand. 2. The now missing letter from Lister to Jessop, ca. mid-June 1673. None of Lister’s correspondence to Jessop has survived. Jessop’s library was lost in a fire in 1791 when a mob rioted against the Enclosure of Land Act and attacked his house, Broomhall in Sheffield. 3. The Peak District in Cheshire, Derbyshire, and Yorkshire. 4. Wallis’s hypothesis was originally within a letter from Wallis to Robert Boyle of 25 April 1666 (rs el/W1/18). The letter is printed in Philip Beeley and Christoph J. Scriba, ed. Correspondence of John Wallis (1616–1703) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 200–222, as well as in: John Wallis, “An Essay of Dr. John Wallis, exhibiting his Hypothesis about the Flux and Reflux of the Sea,” Phil. Trans., 16 (1666), pp. 263–281. Wallis’s approach was to consider the earth and the moon to have a common center of gravity which was however not stationary, which accounted for the variation of the tides from spring to neap. In his hypothesis, Wallis argued against Galileo who [incorrectly] postulated that the motion of the earth caused tidal motion. Galileo claimed that the Earth’s dual motion—its diurnal one around its axis and its annual one around the sun—would cause a daily acceleration and deceleration of the oceans. He postulated that the motion of the earth caused the waters in the sea basin to slosh back and forth, and as the earth’s diurnal and axial rotation is regular, so are the periods of the tides; the backward movement is due to the residual impetus built up in the water during its sloshing movement. Wallis pointed out, however, that Galileo’s hypothesis did not account for variations in the times of the tides that connected with the motions of the moon, and he noted that it was not the center of the Earth describing the orbit around the sun, but rather the center of gravity between the Earth and the moon. See also Oldenburg, vol. 3, p. 109. My thanks to Philip Beeley for his assistance. 5. In his 24 April 1666 letter and his subsequent publication about the tides, Wallis provided two mathematical diagrams to indicate how the variations in the centre of gravity between the earth and moon caused tidal variation, utilizing a small section of the earth’s orbit around the sun in his diagram for illustrative purposes. Wallis himself was not particularly interested in the 566 Jessop to Lister 0250

FIGURE 4 Francis Jessop’s figures of cycloid curves. © The Royal Society, London. 0250 Jessop to Lister 567 actual shape of the earth’s orbit, stating of the “line of the Annual motion (whether Circular or Elliptical; of which I am not here to dispute.” (Wallis, Correspondence, vol. 2, p. 211.) Jessop’s enclosure shows, however, that he was apparently quite interested in Wallis’s constructions as a mathematical demonstration of cycloid curves; indeed Wallis would later acknowledge, in a letter of 2 September 1673 to Oldenburg, that “the compound of the Earth’s annual and menstrual motion, from full moon to full moon, its Center describes a line much of the nature of the Cycloide.” (See Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 170–174, on p. 170.) But, that said, Jessop’s work did not pertain directly to the problem in hand: accounting for the phenomena of tides. Therefore Wallis, probably out of some impatience, “having underestimated Jessop’s talents,” failed to realize that in the course of their discussion by correspondence, Jessop found a method for “rectifying the arc of an epicycloid.” Jessop was indeed a competent mathematician, praised by Isaac Barrow, and would later publish his own work Propositiones hydrostaticae (London: Samuel Smith and Henry Faithorn, 1687). See Mordechai Feingold, Before Newton: the life and times of Isaac Barrow (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 35; Raven (1986), pp. 35, 147–148; Isaac Barrow, Geometrical Lectures, trans. Edmund Stone (London, 1735), pp. 249–250. 6. Doncaster is approximately twenty-four miles from Broomhall to the northeast. 7. In Oldenburg’s hand. 8. Here begins Jessop’s enclosure: his reflections on Wallis’s hypothesis of tides. 9. At this point in the left margin, Wallis noted, “Intellige \motu/ magis celerum motu facit, utat minus promotum, quippe alio directum.” 10. At this point in the left margin, Wallis noted, “non; sed in f et d:” 11. In the left margin, Wallis noted, “Non; sed est ei perpendicularis. Quippe cyclois haec non est Primaria (quod figura videtur supponere) sed Protracta (propter motum progressivum celeriorem circulari) adeoque in hac forma quod hypothesi et phaenomenis convenit.” 12. At this point in the left margin, Jessop wrote, “ffig: 2.” referring to his illustration enclosed in the letter. 13. At this point Wallis wrote “fa” in the left margin. 14. [In left margin in Wallis’s hand] Understand 1) a swifter motion 2) it gives rise to motion which is swifter, the less forward-moving it is in every respect, since it is then directed in another direction. 15. André Tacquet (1612–1660), Jesuit priest and Flemish mathematician, who did important work on the generation of curves, which through its influence on Blaise Pascal had considerable importance for the emergence of the calculus. 16. Jessop was referring to Tacquet’s De circulorum volutionibus per planum dissertatio physico- math[emati]ca (Antwerp: Jacob Meursium, 1651), p. 26. This work usually was book four of Tacquet’s Cylindricorum et annularium. 17. At this point in the left margin, Wallis noted, “Not so, but at f and d.” 18. [In left margin in Wallis’s hand] Not so, but it is perpendicular to it. Of course this cycloid is not a primary one (as the diagram appears to suppose), but a protracted one (on account of the progressive motion being swifter than the circular motion, and particularly in this form, which is appropriate to the hypothesis and to what actually happens. 19. In left margin in Jessop’s hand “Fig: 2.” 20. For Wallis’s demonstration, see Wallis, Tractatus duo (Oxford, 1659), pp. 76, 91–92. 568 Lister to Oldenburg 0251

0251 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 28 June 1673

Source: rs el/L5/55 and rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 183. Address: For my much honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh | Esquire | at his house in the Palmal | London. Oldenburg noted on the wrapper, “rec. July 1. 1673 sent the enclosed papers of Mr Jessop to Dr Wallis july 3. 73. N.B. March 24. 1673/74 I sent the original of Mr Jessop’s letter of June.25. and the figures belonging thereunto, to Dr Wallis, he having desired a copy thereof in his letter to me of March. 20. 1673/74.” Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 69–70, letter 2262.

Sir

I send you the inclosed Pacquet,1 just as I received it. Mr Jessop is a person of a fair Estate and lives at Brom-hall nere Sheffield. his servis to his Countrey and pleasures take not \up/ soe much \of his time/ but that he has the leisure of following these studdies. In a visite he was pleased to give me, he discoursed this matter to me. I engaged him to pen his mind, because I am noe judge in the case, having long since laied a side all thoughts of the Mathematicks. I desire a word from you of the receipt of this, that I may let him understand, I am his servant.

Sir

Your most humble servant

M. Lister

Yorke June 28 1673

1. Jessop’s letter to Lister of 25 June 1673.

0252 Martin Lister to John Ray July 1673

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 15.1 0253 Needham to Lister 569

Advice as soon after marriage to use Diasatyria, or Diansisi.2

0253 Walter Needham to Martin Lister London, 15 July 1673

Source: rs el/N1/29; rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 197. Written on the reverse of the letter in an unidentified secretary hand is “(Enter’d L B. 6. 197)”, indicating the position of this piece of correspondence in the Royal Society’s letter book. Address: No address present. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 24 June 1673 to Oldenburg.

This sent to Mr Lister \London/ July 15. 73

Dr Walter Needham’s reflexions upon Mr Listers second letter of june 24. 1673. concerning the figuring of Excrements by the \intestinum/ Caecum.1

The conjecture of your figuring the excrements by the caecum in those animalls that have a caecum is in it selfe very ingenious, and in this 2d letter2 further explained but doth not yet exhaust its difficulty. If I remember I did in my last paper attribute that figuration to the Colon rather than the caecum. And my reason was the It \drawne/ from the valves of the colon which are numerous in all any ma animalls and variously different in diverse creatures. viz in Raja3 the whole colon is a continuous skrew of spirall valves.4 But in all there is some figure of valves etc. correspondent to the figure of the excrements. That the want of a caecum of the tying up of it should cause diarrhaea’s seemes to contradict the ordinary phaenomena of man a dogge catts etc. whose excrements are usually solid and the the [sic] caecum very small. The 570 Oldenburg to Lister 0254 excrements of most birds are very little figured yet they (viz that are not carnivorous) have two caeca. Qu. A sheepe whose caecu[m] is very large the figure of the excrement is not at all answerable in bignesse.

1. These two annotations are in Oldenburg’s handwriting. 2. Needham had written another letter about the same subject on 23 June 1673. 3. A skate or a ray. 4. The function of their spiral valve intestine is to increase the surface area for digestion and absorption of food. The structure also conserves space in the body cavity for their large livers as well as for the development of embryos (in the case of rays) or egg capsules (in the case of skates).

0254 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 15 July 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 104–105. Enclosed were transcriptions in secretarial hand of the minutes of Royal Society meetings. Oldenburg added some annotations to these transcriptions. Address: To his honored ffiriend | Dr Martyn Lister at his house | in Stone- gate | at | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/15 [July 15]; Receiving House Mark 2/Off in Circular Border. Reply to: Lister’s letters of 24 June 1673, 28 June 1673, and Jessop’s letter to Lister of 25 June 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 82–84, letter 2278; Beeley, vol. 4, pp. 219– 221, letter 103.

London July 15. 73.

Sir,

I take the liberty of swelling this paper with a letter for Mr. Brooke,1 which was recommended to my care by MyLord Roberts sonne;2 and this I trouble you with, because I know not, whether Mr Brook, who went from hence last week, be arrived at York or not. I lament my unhappiness, that I was from home when he intended me the favour of a visit. I pray oblige me to let him know so much with my humble service. 0254 Oldenburg to Lister 571

Sir, I should have sent you a copy of the last Transactions, which you have enriched with your Observations and Experiments touching the unalterable Character of the whitenes of the Chyle within the Milky vessels: but that I was unwilling to make this letter too bulky, knowing especially, that those papers come to your hand an easier way.3 At the present I am to transcribe for you what was left with me by thesame Ingenious person, that former sent you his remarques upon your note about the use of the Intestinum caecum.4 He having seen what you answer’d thereto, gave in the following lines;5 “The conjecture of the figuring the Excremants by the caecum in those animals that have a caecum, is in itself very ingenious, and in this 2d letter further explained, but doth not exhaust the difficulty. I remember, I did in my last paper attribute that figuration to the Colon rather than the caecum: And my reason was drawn from the valves of the colon, which are numerous in all animals, and variously different in divers creatures; viz. in a Raja6 the whole colon is a continued screw of spiral valves: But in all, there is some figure of valves etc. correspondent to the figure of the excrements. That the want of a caecum, or the tying up of it should cause diarrhaea’s, seems to contradict the ordinary phaenomena of men, doggs, catts, etc. whose excrements are usually solid and the caecum very small. The Excrements of most birds are very little figur’d, yet they (viz. those that are not carnivorous) have two caeca. In a sheep whose caecum is very large, the figure of the excrement is not at all answerable in bignesse.” So far He: To which I shall subjoin the notes I received from Dr Wallis upon the papers, you were pleased to send me from Mr Jessop in your letter of june 28:7 supposing that gentleman hath kept by him a copy of those papers, with which those notes are to be compared, which Dr Wallis hath marked on the margent of those, that were convey’d to me: Thus then: P. 1 § 3. after \[[one word]]/ \at/ the words, “favet vero per reliquam peripheriam,” he hath this note; intellige, motum magis celerem facit, ut ut minus promotum, quippe alio directum.8 Ead. page. 1. antepen. after the words; fluctus velocissimus erit in punctis e et g; he putts; non, sed in f et d.9 Pag. 2. l.1. After the words, Quoniam enim fba recta tangit, he saith: non; sed est ei perpendicularis: quippe Cyclois haec, non est primaria (quod figura vedtur supponere) sed protracta (propter motum progressivum celeriorem circulari) adeo que in hac forma quo hypothesi et phaenomenis convenit.10 572 Oldenburg to Lister 0254

FIGURE 5 Francis Jessop’s figures of cycloid curves, drawn by the editor.

This is all what Dr Wallis observ’d upon these papers; only that he adds these words: The marginal note in the 2d page will (I suppose) satisfy the gentleman, which you may communicate to him, with my respects and service. I suppose, Sir, Mr Brooke carried with him Dr Grews new book about his whole Idea of a phytological History, and the Anatomy and Vegetation of Roots;11 concerning which I shall be glad to receive your thoughts and remarques, who am

Your very afft. and humble servant

Oldenburg

May 21. 167312

There were Severall Curiosities concerning corals and Stones belonging to Signor Boccone, a Sicilian gentleman.13 Order’d that this Gentlemen be thanked in the name of the Society for his respect to them. There were re[a]d three letters, one from Signor Malpighi of May 10. 73 sig- nifying the continuance of the observations relating to the Anatome of plants; as also his having seen statues and pictures shining in the dark with flaming, blue, and white colours.14 The other two from Monsieur Leibnitz of April 16 and May 14. 1673. containing divers philosophically communications and notice withall of his Arithm. Engine being more very near perfected.15 All these letters ordered to be entred with thankes to their respective Authors. 0254 Oldenburg to Lister 573

May 28. 1673.

The Experiment of generating Air with Aquafortis and Oystershels pounded, was made again,16 which being done, and a wax candle having burnt in common Air of a glass-vessel, sometimes 37, sometimes 40 or 45 vibrations of a pendulum of about 3 foot long; the same candle put in the vessel of about 3 foot long; the same candle put in the vessel filled with the factitious Air would not burn in it, but only about an inch beneath the mouth of the glasse, where the outward common Air had some communication with the produced Air; for, being put lower, it went out immediately upon severall tryals. It was observed, that the candle being gone out near the orifice, it would catch the flame again when hastily drawn up close to the top: Besides it was taken notice of, that when this factitious Air was driven out out of the vessel, the flaming candle held over it was presently blown out by it.17 Mr Templer18 an ingenious gentleman, come out of the country, and upon his desire admitted to be present at this meeting, produced a very fine bed of Amethists, brought out of the East-Indies, wherein some stones of that kind were very regularly shaped, and well tinged, others not untinged, which were supposed to have not yet been pervaded by the tinging Juice. Mr Hoskins produced a Silver ore, lend him by Captain Bertue, who had brought it out of Sweden, where, he said, \that/ in the Swedish Silverberg, as he had been informed, they throw in coal over night into the rocky mine and having let it burn and calcine all night, Slaek19 it next day; whereupon, the stony part being washt out of the Oare by the waters, the metall appears, as in this piece, in long thick silvery streakes. Both these gentlemen were thanked for sharing these Curiosities. Mr Oldenburg read a letter written to him by Mr Lister from York May 21. 1673 containing diverse considerable particulars of very aged persons, sudden appearances of vast troops of Insects, a strange quantity of diverse sorts of worms found in the gutts of dogs, and in the ulcerated ancle of a girle, the Analogy betwixt the veins in plants and the nerves in animals; the actual passage of the Chyle into the lacteal vessels, together with the experiments made by him upon the subject, the result whereof was , that notwithstanding the injections by him made with tinged liquors into the gutts of live Animals, he could never find \in sound animals/ the least discolouring of the chile on the other side of the gutts, that is, within the lacteous veines, but ever white and uniforme.20 Order’d, that this letter be registered, and the Author of it thanked in the name of the Society, and desired to continue such instructive Experiments. 574 Oldenburg to Lister 0254

June 4. 1673

The Lord Herbert, oldest son of the right Honorable the Marquess of Worcester, was elected into the Society.21 The Curator22 made an \other/ experiment with Air produced out of bottled Ale, putting it into a glasse vessel, to see whether and how long a candle would burne in it; and we found that it would no more burn in this Air, than it did in Air generated out of Aq. fortis and pounded Oister shells. It was proposed that something might be thought upon for correcting this Air, so as to make a candle burn, or no animal live in it. The Curator said, he would consider of it, and try, whether it might be corrected by precipitation. Sir R. Moray23 produced a paper, which was read, containing an account of some experiments made by Dr. Walter Needham and Mr Wiseman24 with the liquor sent out of France,25 where it is famous for staunching of blood in a little time without any eschar,26 suppuration,27 or cicatrice:28 It proved successful though in these tyals not in so short a time as the Parsons say they have found it. Sir R. Moray mention’d, that Sir. S. Moreland29 had given out to have invented a kinde of a force pump that should performe better than other pumps hitherto used; that it should have no rubbing, but all impediments removed and the whole strength applyed: And that the King had referr’d it to the consideration of the councillors of the King, in order to make use of this way in shipps. The same related also, that the same person had proposed a way for weighing of anchors with Ease and Safety,30 whereupon Mr Hooke affirm’d that he had severall years agoe devised a convenient way for doing the same thing: which having discoursed somewhat of in general, he was desired to consider of it again and to acquaint the Company with particulars at an other meeting. Dr Grew made two microscopical Observations upon a piece of firre-wood an other of oake-woods of which he promised to bring in a written description hereafter.

1. John Brooke. The letter is not present, although Oldenburg did enclose minutes from the previous Royal Society meeting. 2. Francis Robartes (1650?–1718), the son of John, Baron Robartes (1606–1685), first Earl of Radnor and Viscount Bodmin. Baron Robartes was F.R.S. in 1666, and his son would be elected in December 1673. Francis Robartes was also a member of the Dublin Philosophical Society, as his father had been Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1669–1670). Francis was particularly interested in acoustics. 3. Oldenburg was referring to: Martin Lister, “A Letter of Mr Lister Dated May 21. 1673. in York, Partly Taking Notice of the Foregoing Intimations, Partly Communicating Some Anatomical Observations and Experiments Concerning the Unalterable Character of the Whiteness of 0254 Oldenburg to Lister 575 the Chyle within the Lacteous Veins; together with Divers Particulars Observed in the Guts, Especially Several Fonts of Worms Found in Them,” Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6060–6065. 4. Dr. Walter Needham. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 12 June 1673, as well as Lister’s reply of 24 June 1673. 5. See rs el/N1/29 for Needham’s original notes from which this commentary was derived. Oldenburg wrote “15 July 1673” by these notes to indicate they would be included in this letter. 6. Ray or skate. 7. See Jessop’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 June 1673 enclosed in Lister’s letter of 28 June 1673. Wallis wrote his comments on Jessop’s manuscript. 8. Jessop claimed that the motion of the earth’s center around the common centre of gravity of the earth and moon was greater in the sextants and less in the quadrants. Wallis has noted “understand it rather makes for a swift motion, as being less moved forward, and in fact, in another direction.” See Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 84, note 8. 9. Jessop wrote on “the same page” [eadem page.] that when the moon was full, the tides would be most swift at the points e and g on the surface of the earth. Wallis disagreed, claiming, “not so, but at f and d.” See Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 84, note 9. 10. Jessop claimed, “For in as much as the straight line fba touches the cycloid, at the point b and the angle eba is straight.” Wallis dissented, writing “not so; for it is on the contrary perpendicular to it; actually this cycloid isnot a primary cycloid (as [Jessop by his] figure seems to suppose) by an extended cycloid because of the progressive motion of the swifter circle; and so it is of this shape, which agrees both with the hypothesis and the phenomena.” See Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 84, note 10. 11. Nehemiah Grew, An Idea of a Phytological History Propounded. Together with a Continuation of the Vegetables, Particularly Prosecuted Upon Roots (London: Richard Chiswell, 1673). 12. These meeting minutes may be found in Birch, vol 3, pp. 89–91. 13. Paolo Silvio Boccone (1633–1704), court botanist to Ferdinando ii de’Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, as well as to Cosimo iii, Ferdinando’s son. In 1671, he published Recherches et observations naturelles which concerned paleontology, toxicology, and medicine, amongst other topics. 14. Malpighi’s letters are in the rs Letter Book, vol. vi, p. 114, as well as in rs ms 103, nos. 19, 20, and 21. ms 103 contains the Malpighi Letters, catalogued in date order. Malpighi would publish his Anatome Plantarum (London: John Martyn, 1675 and 1679). In his letter to Oldenburg of 30 April 1673, Malpighi mentioned that “a certain fellow citizen of ours, who has labored much on the preparation of the Bononian stone, [phosphorus] showed me during the last few days statues and pictures glowing in the dark with a flame-red, blue or milky color.” See rs Malpighi Letters, no. 19, and Oldenburg, vol. 9, p. 637, letter 2223. 15. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 29 March 1673, note 6. 16. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 10 May 1673, note 13. 17. The behavior of the candle may be explained by the production of carbon dioxide from the calcium carbonate of the oyster shells reacting with the nitric acid [aqua fortis]. 18. John Templer, a vicar of Braybrooke, Northamptonshire, who wrote four letters to the society in 1671 and 1673 through Walter Needham who served as an intermediary. (rs el/T/40–43.) 19. Slake. 20. See Lister’s letter of 21 May 1673. Part of the letter is published in Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), p. 6060. 576 Ray to Lister 0255

21. Charles Somerset (1660–1698), Marquess of Worcester, son of Henry Somerset, the first Duke of Beaufort. He was the youngest fellow ever elected by the Society (aged thirteen). 22. Robert Hooke. 23. Sir Robert Moray. 24. Presumably Richard Wiseman (bap. 1620?–1676), surgeon of Little Britain, near St Bartholomew’s Hospital, London. He was promoted principal surgeon and sergeant-surgeon to the king on 15 February 1672, and was best known for his Several Chirurgicall Treatises (1676). See A.D. Smith, “Richard Wiseman: his contribution to English surgery”, Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 46 (1970), pp. 167–182, and John Kirkup, “Richard Wiseman,” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 25. This styptic liquor was first reported by Jean Denis to Henry Oldenburg on 21 April 1673 (rs ms D1/5 and Oldenburg, vol. 9, pp. 612–614, letter 2212). Denis’s paper about the liquor may be found in Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), p. 6039. Denis also demonstrated his styptic liquid successfully before the Royal Society on 13 June 1673. Needham’s and Wiseman’s accounts were published in Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), p. 6052. 26. A brown or black dry slough, resulting from the destruction of a living part, either by gangrene, by burn, or by caustics. 27. The formation of pus. 28. The scar of a healed wound. 29. Sir Samuel Morland or Moreland, first Baronet (1625–1695), a diplomat, mathematician, natural philosopher, inventor, and polymath. In September 1670 mechanical pumps devised by him were shown before Charles ii and the latter ordered further trials at Chatham Dockyard. Charles gave Morland £350 for this purpose. Ultimately Morland was granted a patent for his “plunger-pump”; innovative features in this instrument were the gland and stuffing box, with which James Watt was credited wrongly as having invented. See Alan Marshall, “Morland, Sir Samuel, first baronet (1625–1695),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); H.W. Dickinson, Sir Samuel Morland, diplomat and inventor, 1625–1695 (Cambridge: Heffer, 1970). 30. Morland was credited with the invention of drum cap-stands for weighing heavy anchors.

0255 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 18 July 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fols 241–242. There are no paragraph breaks in the original letter, and they have been inserted here for the purposes of sense. Address: These | for Mr Martin Lister at his | house in the City | of | York.

Dear Sir

I thank you most heartily for your kindness, exprest in so speedily answering my last, and for the encouragement you give me, and the good advice your 0255 Ray to Lister 577

Letter imports, which I doe highly approve of and intend to observe to follow. But because possibly you may not sufficiently understand my present condition, I shall now more fully open it to you. Ego me duplici morbo lab- orare exsitimo nam cum ad coitum complendum requiratur primo ex parte Membri Virilis non tantum ut distendatur et erigatur sed ut sufficienti temporis spatio rigidus et extensus permaneat, mihi siqua erectio a forti imaginatione aut complexu succedat imperfecta ea est et momentanea. Secundo ex parte spermatis, non sine erectione ad primam rei venereae imaginatio- nem ejiciatur. Ego a complexu et imaginatione forti vix contineo τὴν γονὴν ne absque erectione exiliat. Utrique huic malo quomodo medendum sit non video. Quod ad primum attinet, cum erectio fiat a sanguine fungosam corpo- rum nervosorum substantiam influente et distendente, ibique cohibito ne mox effluat vel per musculorum contractionem vel per nervum quendam venam reductricem stringentem: si refluxus arte sisti vel impediri possit vel musculos illos vel nervum roborando, vel venam comprimendo, peris tunc ad libitum inflari et distendi possit. Verum methodus qua haec fiant a nemine hactenus (quod sciam) prodita est. Quocirca ego juvamen non aliunde expecto quam a medicamento aliquo empirico adeo potenti et valido ut erectionem etiam invitam aut tentiginem inducat quocumque tandem modo id efficiat. Est autem quod facit ne prorsus desperem, quod ante nuptias a cena lautiore aut flatulentorum esu post primum somnum cum vigilaveram fortem tensionem aliquotiens senserim. Cum ergo hoc sponte naturae succedat cur non et arte procurari possit? Quod ad importunum seminis effluxum attinet possit fortasse is medicamentis astringentibus cohiberi. Vides quam in angusto sint res meae. Tu quaeso quod facto opus est consulas. Ego quidem libentissime Eboracum una cum uxore proficisci vellem ut consuetudine tua iucundissima frui et consilio pro re nata uti pos-sem. Tuam enim jamdiu in rerum causis indagandis sagacitatem et δεινότητα, in inveniendis felicitatem miratus sum. et si medicis sub- sidiis mihi potest subveniri a te maxime favente numine leva-men et auxilium expecto. Verum eo in laevo sunt res meae, ut vereeor ne mihi hac aestate impossibile est tam longum iter suscipere per literas ergo mihi potius consulandus es. Tibi, conjugi dulcissimae tuisque omnibus prosperam valetudinem faustaque omnia precor. Vale. Tibi devotissimus et devinctissimus.

Dabam Media Villa 15to Kal. August 1673. 578 Ray to Lister 0255

Dear Sir

I thank you most heartily for your kindness, exprest in so speedily answering my last, and for the encouragement you give me, and the good advice your Letter imports, which I doe highly approve of and intend to observe to follow. But because possibly you may not sufficiently understand my present condition, I shall now more fully open it to you. I think that I am suffering from a two-fold illness, for although in order to complete intercourse it is required first on the part of the male member both that it should become distended and erect, and also should remain hard and extended for a sufficient space of time, yet, if any erection does occur as a result of intense anticipation or an embrace, it is incomplete and momen- tary. Secondly, as far as sperm is concerned, it is required that it should not to be ejaculated without an erection at the first onset of sexual anticipation. But when I am in an embrace and a state of intense anticipation I can scarcely prevent my seed from leaping out without an erection. I cannot see how either of these problems is to be cured.1 As far as the first is concerned, since an erection occurs when the blood flows into and distends the spongy matter of the sin- ewy organs, and is kept there to prevent it quickly flowing back either by some contraction of the muscles or by some sinew which constricts the vein which conducts the blood back, then, if the reflux might be stopped or hindered using some technique for strengthening those muscles or that sinew, or for compressing the vein, it could be swollen and distended by means of straps as and when one wished. And yet (as far as I am aware) no method by which this might happen has ever previously been made known. For this reason I have no expectation of any assistance from any other source than some medicine of proven efficacy, of such great power and strength that it might bring about an erection, even if this were not readily forthcoming, and stiffness, irrespective of the manner in which it might eventually achieve it. There is however something which keeps me from total despair, because when I awoke after the first period of sleep following a lavish dinner before my wedding, or had been kept awake from eating some flatulent foods, then sometimes I felt a powerful stiff- ening. Since then this occurs at the prompting of nature, why might it not also be achieved by some artificial means? As far as the unstoppable outpouring of semen is concerned, it might perhaps be curbed by astringent medicines. You can see what a mess my affairs are in. I beg you to consider what needs to be done. I should be very happy to travel to York with my wife to enjoy your most delightful company and put into practice your advice for the present situation. For I have long been amazed by your instinctive good sense and cleverness in 0256 Jessop to Lister 579 investigating the causes of things, and your success in what you discover. And if it is possible for me to be helped by medical assistance, then, with God’s blessing, it is from you that I most particularly hope for relief and help. Yet my affairs are in such a bad way that I fear that it will be impossible this summer for me to undertake such a lengthy journey, and therefore I must consult you by letter.2 I pray for good health and every blessing for you, your dearest wife and all your family. Farewell. Your most devoted and obliged friend.

Sent from Middleton on the 18th of July 1673.

1. Ray was obviously suffering from premature ejaculation. On 5 June 1673, he had married Margaret Oakeley, the governess of Francis Willughby’s children. Oakeley was about half of Ray’s age, and he clearly was having trouble adjusting himself to the intimacies of marriage. See Raven (1986), p. 177. 2. Until he inherited his mother’s home in Black Notley, Ray had no fixed home for the first six years of his marriage, which made it difficult for him to visit or to reciprocate visits. See Raven (1986), p. 177.

0256 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Sheffield],1 21 July 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 108. The letter is damaged and torn at its bottom margin, leading to loss of text. The wrapper is torn also, leading to loss of text. Address: [[one word]] the Honoured Dr Lister at | [[one word]] in | Yorke.

July. 21.—73.

Sir.

About a mouneth \or five weekes/ ago I receaved yours2 and about a weeke after I returned you an answere, and togather with it my objections against doctor Wallis his hypothesis concerning tides.3 with a method of finding out an infinite number of crooked lines aequall to any strieght one given; which I found out occasionally by chance whilst I was studying to give you satisfaction. I acquainted you also therin that I was shortly to go into the peake4 and make some stay there and desired to hear from you particularly what you \would/ desired that I have me inquire after. I intreat you (if this come unto your hand) to let me know whether the former miscarryed or no that I may prevent such accidents for the future. I shall be able I thinke shortly to send you some 580 Jessop to Lister 0256 petrifyed shells and other things of that nature allthough they be not plentifull in this country. I was promised by a friend a thing that he called a gyants tooth5 but found in Haselberg hill6 but when he searched fi for it, it was lost but he gave me two coynes one of copper the other of silver which found at the same time in the same place and a piece of an old spur whose necke is four inches long wanting about one tenth. and yet I can assure you it never belonged unto any gyant for notwithstanding the length of the necke it doth exactly fit my heel. I am also in quest after a copper coyne found in the same place with this inscription: c: i: caesars dicta Po:7 which many affirme to me they have seen and read. I have also given order to have some quantity of the fungus I mentioned unto you \gathered/ th which growes amongst the lead ore \under ground./8 The Quarry where that sorte is gotten which being broken yeeldeth an oyle is stopped up and an house built upon it.9 I will try if any can be had in the [[xxxx]]sent10 places. I am informed by one who hath deal t much in red lead11 which is is made of common lead burn’d or calcined to a certaine degree without any addition of any other st substance that notwithstanding that wast made by the fire. The weight is considerably increased, insomuch that after the delivery of an hundred weight to be so prepared they do not receave back againe 18 or 20 pounds more than they gave in they thinke themselves wrong but I shall enquire further into this experiment if you thinke fit. I suppose you do not much vallue the petrifyed drops in pooles hole12 if you do let me know. If you desire an account of the subterraneous heat, dampes, fulminating of vapours, increase and decrease of the wathers at the bottome of the groves, ebbing and flowering wells, I thinke I can give it you pretty exactly. There is a sort of ore found at Wortly13 which to the eye seemes extraordinary good, but of it self will neither melt nor turne into red ledd, the but mixt mixing 1/3 of it \with/ 2/3 of the common it smelts as they call terme it, \and/ yields \good/ lead in a great proportion. The welch ore14 doth the same, which for that reason thay sometimes bring hither to be mixed with the other. 15At newport pannel16 about the beginning of these wars17 was digged up the bones of a man whos scull was filled with lead ore and the hollow places in every bone being broken were was \were/ full of the same: one captaine Adam Eyre18 told my father he saw them digged up and old Mr Eyre of Haslehead and his lady told me they had seene some of the bones. Mr ffisher19 hath a menstruum which dissolveth glass20 I have \seene/ the experiment parformed my selfe and if you desire it I shall send you some pieces of glasse I have by me halfe dissolved. 0256 Jessop to Lister 581

he hath promised also to let me see an experiment of turning water into \a/ thicke gelly, without any addition to it but the fume of a minerall. Sr. I desire to hear from you as soone as you \can/ conveniently and to let me know which way I may serve you.

Your humble servant

ffra: Jessop. be pleased to direct your letters to be left with Mr Crofts a bookeseller at Doncaster.

1. Jessop lived in Broomhall, approximately a mile west of Sheffield, north of the River Porter. In the sixteenth century, Broom Hall came into the possession of the Jessop family after their intermarriage with the Swyft family. The Jessops added an extension to the house ca.1614 and rebuilt sections of the house later in the seventeenth century. See Joseph Hunter, Hallamshire: the history and topography of the parish of Sheffield in the County of York (London: Lackington, Hughes, Harding, Mavor, and Jones, 1819), pp. 213–216. 2. This letter of Lister’s has been lost. Jessop’s library was lost in a fire in 1791 when a mob rioted against the Enclosure of Land Act and attacked his house Broomhall in Sheffield. 3. Jessop’s letter to Lister of 25 June 1673. 4. Peak District, an area of upland in central and northern England proximal to Sheffield, where Jessop lived. 5. Possibly teeth of a fossil hominid or shark. 6. It is not known where this hill is located. 7. Possibly a coin made in the reign of Octavian, marked on the reverse C•caesar•dict• perp•po (Gaius Caesar, Dictator for Life, Pontifex Maximus), issued directly after Caesar’s death to emphasize Octavian’s kinship. See “The Coinage of Julius Caesar,” http://www.humanities .mq.edu.au/acans/caesar/Battle_RivalClaims1.htm . Accessed 25 May 2011. 8. Lister published a paper, “On a Subterraneous Fungus, and a Mineral Juice,” Phil. Trans., 8,100 (1673), p. 6179. He described the fungus as a bitumen-like substance akin to gur, a metalline juice believed by mining authors such as Glauber to be indicative of the incubation of minerals in subterranean regions. See Roos, (2007), p. 41. Pering has identified the bitumen as from Windy Knoll, north Derbyshire, England (two miles west of Castleton). The Castleton Hills are in the northernmost part of the Derbyshire lead and zinc mining district. Windy Knoll is carboniferous limestone, which has a dark-yellow bitumen, locally called Elaterite due to its unique elastic properties. See Katherine L. Pering, “Bitumens associated with lead, zinc and fluorite ore minerals in North Derbyshire, England,” Geochimica et Cosmochimica Acta 97 (1973), pp. 401–417, esp. p. 402. But for an alternative explanation, see Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 428, letter 2415, note 8. 9. Surrounding the limestone at Windy Knoll is Upper Carboniferous Edale Shale, a brown calcareous mudstone, a source of small reservoirs of crude oil. See Pering (1973), pp. 402–403. 10. The letter is torn at this point. 582 Jessop to Lister 0256

11. Lead tetroxide, also known as minium, prepared by the calcination of lead (ii) oxide or litharge in air at 450° to 480° C. There will be a gain in weight in the product: 6 PbO + O2 → 2 Pb3O4. 12. Poole’s Hole is a cavern in the mass of limestone ranging westward of Buxton. In one of the chambers, the roof and sides are made of stactalite, produced by water drops laden with calcareous matter. Some of this substance drops to the ground, attaching itself to the floor, becoming a stalagmite, presumably Jessop’s “petrified drops.” See Thomas Noble, ed., A History of the County of Derby (Derby: Henry Mozley and Son, 1829), vol. 1, p. 16. 13. Presumably Wortley Mine, a now abandoned lead mine located near the village of Bradwell in the Derbyshire Peak District. See Alexander Henry Green, Sir Clement Le Neve Foster, and John Roche Dakyns, The geology of the Carboniferous limestone, Yoredale rocks, and Millstone grit of North Derbyshire (London: H.M.S.O. by Eyre and Spottiswood, 1887), p. 131. 14. Welsh coal ironstone. 15. Lister inserted a cross here and a marginal note: “+ the same thing happened in the West Porch of Axminster Church.” Likewise, in 1748, on digging a vault at the south side of the western door of Axminster church, several bones, including the skull, were found filled with lead. See Gentleman’s Magazine (1748), p. 214; James Davidson, The history of Axminster church in the county of Devon, (Exeter: W.C. Pollard, 1835), p. 3. 16. Presumably Newport Pagnell, Buckinghamshire. Weever in his Funeral Monuments, stated “In the north isle of the parish church of Newport Painell, in Bucks, in the year 1619, was found the body of a man whole and perfect laid downe or rather leaning downe North and South, all the concavous parts of his body and the hollownesse of every bone as well ribs as other, were filled up with solid lead. The skull with the lead in it doth weight thirty pounds and sixe ounces, which with the neck bone and some other bones (in like manner full of lead) are reserved and kept in a little chest in the said church, neare to the place where the corps were found; there to be shown to strangers as reliques of admiration. The rest of all the parts of his body are taken away by gentlemen neare dwellers, or such as take delight in rare antiquities. This I saw.” The skull is apparently preserved in the library of St John’s College, Cambridge. See Davidson, (1835), p. 4; John Weever, Ancient Funeral Monuments with in the United Monarchies of Great Britain, Ireland and me Islands adjacent (London: W. Tooke, 1631). 17. Presumably the Anglo-Dutch wars, the first war occurring in 1652–1654; the second war (1665–1667): and the third war (1672–1674). 18. Presumably Adam Eyre, a captain in the Parliamentary Army under the command of Lord Fairfax, and relative of Jessop. Eyre was from Hazlehead, Yorkshire (near Sheffield) kept what he styled a “Diurnal of my life,” or a diary from 1646–1649, which is published in part in “Yorkshire Diaries,” Publications of the Surtees Society 65 (1875), pp. 62–69. The original manuscript is kc312/5/3, West Yorkshire Archive Service, Kirklees. Jessop married Barbara Eyre, his second cousin, and daughter of Robert Eyre of High Low, and of Holme Hall, Esq., son of Thomas Eyre and Anne Jessop. Their marriage settlement of May 1664 shows Jessop endowed Barbara with Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire lands in return for her dowry of £2,000. 19. Presumably Samuel Fisher, a Sheffield physician. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 January 1670/1, note 2. Fisher and Jessop did a number of chemical experiments together. 20. Hydrochloric acid, identified in Jessop’s letter to Lister of 26 August 1673 as “spirit of salt.” 0257 Lister to Oldenburg 583

0257 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 26 July 1673

Source: rs el/L5/56 and rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 206. Address: No address present. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 15 July 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 93–98, letter 2283.

Yorke. 26 Julij. 1673

(Enter’d L B.6. 206)1

Sir

What further I have to say concerning the use of the Caecum, I shall reserve to an other opportunity. in the meane time, you will beare me witnesse concerning my meaning and in this cleer me, that there is noe Paper of mine, that ever mentions the Caecum to figure the Excrements; nor the Colon not to figure them. soe that we are agreed upon the matter, Untill that Gentleman2 please to take notice of the subservient Use I assigne to the caecum, previous to the Colons figuration of the Excrements: and than I doubt not but to show the necessitie of a large and capacious Caecum in Sheepe, though the figure of \the/ Excrement be but small, as alsoe \likewise/ in Hares Rabbits, deere, Ratts Mice etc. Alsoe \of/ the smallnesse of the caecum where the excrement is of one figure, large and massie \as in Catts doggs etc/ There being very probably neer as much time required in the figuring of every small particle of Excrements in ratts, mice etc. as in the whole Masse of the other: besides other circumstances to be considered, of the nature of the food of each Animal, and the situation and position of the intestinula caeca in reference to the motion of the Animal and the descent of the chyle. but of this some other time. I have at length received a 2d Piece of Dr Grews about Vegetables:3 and because you desired in your last \of the 15 instant/ to have my thoughts and remarques upon it, I shall breifly give you them. In this last Tract, I see the ingenious Authour, hath well profited of the notion of Vessells or Veins in Plants: and I am right glad of it, for he would have run a roug[h] course to have endeavoured an Historie of Vegetation, without the taking Notice of them, as in his first Booke. I like all things in general well herin: but in my mind he hath advanced some things in this Peice a little too far: in others I differ from him: in many I have said the same things with him. we will instance in all those particulars, observing noe other method by the number of Pages, that is, as things \first/ come to our eye. 584 Lister to Oldenburg 0257

page. 5. “Leaves are long or round etc. and many other ways different, yet alwayes flatt) this needs great limitation: what does he thinke of Pines and ferulaceous plants, and many Species of the Sedum kind: the leaves of Kalj geniculosum4 are perfectly round, and there are divers marine plants, whose leaves are naturally fatt \as I may say and raised/ and of divers figures. p. 24. “Noe Tree will bleed at all times) I have tryed the Virginian Rhus5 and found the contrary, that it bleeds freely at all seasons: and undoubtedly there are many other Trees, as well as Herbes of the like nature. 62. “many tubulary Vessells in the skin) these vessells if there be any such are not Milke-Vessells, as the Experiments, with which I began my last letter on the subject, shew:6 And, if lympha ducts (which we will here support with him) a stop very probably would be made by a ligature and other discoveries: but I conceive that veines do ly a little deeper than the skinn. Again the skin is not alwayes easily to be torne the lengthwayes of the plant that is according to the position of these vessells: for it is quite otherwise in the Cherry Trees, which teares easliest round the Tree in Circles and not by the length of the Tree. 65. “the Parenchymous part of the Barke is exceeding porous: that these pores all in a manner sphyrical, a masse of fixed bubles”) This seemes to my very improbable, when I remember the Experiment of freezing, where I found strange varieties in the figures of the frozen sap. 66. “the pores of the parenchyma of the barke are receptacles of a liquour, which is ever of a limpid colour) This we have said and demonstrated from the Experiment of Freezing, but doe beleive them many times filled with liquours of different colours and consistence from a lympha. for example, in Piniguicula7 and Rorella8 they are full of an oily and glutinous Gumm. Alsoe in \the/ Hypericum9 kind some of them \pores/ seem to be filled with a blood=red liquour. But it is not only probable that these Pores contain diversly qualifyed liquours in divers plants; but in many a solid substance too. And truly I know not where to lodge the fecula’s10 of roots (a thing wholly omitteed by our authour in this Anatomy of roots) unlesse in these Pores. It is soe plentiful at certain seasons of the yeare in some roots, that to me it seemes more than halfe of the very substance of the Root, if not \to/ praeponderate that proportion. The nature of it \in/ many plants where it \is/ most visible and easily to be obtained (for there is as great Varietie in the faeculas of the roots of plants as of plants themselves and in all they are not discoverable by the same meanes noe more than we formerly said the veines of plants are, as being of different natures) is to be heavy and to sinke immediatly to the bottome of the water or its own juice, like sand. And therfore Zuelfer11 is much mistaken to call this the small dust or shavings of the body of the plant. It is tru, that is seemes neither to be Gumm nor Resin; but it is a substance of its owne kind and such as seemes 0257 Lister to Oldenburg 585 to be \in great part/ the very nourishment of the future plant. in proof of this Notion, let a yong root of Hyoscyamus12 ex: gr: (such as hath not shott up its stemm that yeare) be dugg up in August or later, it will be found to be exceeding full of Fecula firme and solid: but if a root of Hyoscyamus that is seeded, be examined in \late/ Spring, it is wholly devoid of fecula, soft, light and porous like a dry and empty spunge or Shell. The like I have experimented in divers plants. I hence conjecture, that this is to the plant, what the substance of the egg is to the cicatricula. but to goe on with our author. 71. “the succiferous13 vessells are of divers kinds in divers plants; as by the diversity of liquours contained may be judged etc) I am apt to thinke them one and the same kind of vessells in all plants whatsoever, not withstanding the diversely qualifyed contents: indeed, the like instances in sanguineous Animals are few and the qualities of the blood of divers kinds of creatures are little taken notice off and well discerned; yet we cannot but beleive the blood of every species of Animal to be really diversely qualifyed, though as to colour they are very like. it is said in the China History that the blood of a certain Ape there common is Purple and used to that purpos in dying.14 I cannot thinke that this animal has therfore different vessels. Further it is most certain that the lacteals of plants at some times of the yeare hold a lympha and at other times a milke, as is plain in the roots of Convolvulus major,15 if cut in winter as well as in Summer. Again at the same season it is very common to find the milke differently qualifyed and coloured in the divers parts of a plant. will we hence alsoe argue different milke vessells! very many instances to this purpos I could give. 73. “milke saps agree in being more oily) neither doth this hold tru, for some there are which are not at all oily: there are, I say, that bleed a thick cream and purly white, as the Virginian rhus and I little doubt but Gumm Tragacanth16 bleeds from its Scrubb after the same fashion and these are not at all inflamable, but purly and properly Gumms. Again there are some very blew, dilute and thin milkes which are very resinous, as from the Spurge. 74. “These succiferous vessells are not only of divers kinds in divers roots but in the same) if the milke vessells shall (as I have shewed above) containe differently qualifyed milkes in the divers parts of the same plant, why may they not in one and the same part and yet be the same kind of Vessells, as in the root for instance. [[three lines]]. 79. “the [[one and one-half lines]] Parenchymous part of that portion of the root, which stands within the barke, is all round about continuous with that other \parenchymous part/ of the barke”) Sometimes at least in the yeare it seems not to be soe; the barke very readily slipping from the wood. Again the wood it self is hardly to be said continuous, much less the barke and wood. 586 Lister to Oldenburg 0257

I have seen large Peices of the roots of Birch dugg up out of the Mosses in our high Moores in Craven which when exposed to the hot sun did as easily fly asunder coat from coat, that is, one wood Circle from an other, like the blowing of a Provence Rose,17 the Circles lying loose and distinct one from \within/ the other like a nest of deale boxes,18 or one of our most elegantly turned maple cupps. if we say the intermediate parenchyma was rotted away, I answer, how comes it to passe the diametrical rayes of the same parenchymous substance rott not likewise, and soe the vessells of each Circle would be loose, as well as the Circles themselves. 80. “The Lignous part is usually compounded of succiferous and Air vessels”) There is is [sic] great reason to suspect that there are succiferous vessells in the wood, that being plain resinous as in firr deale: but these vessells have yet been noe wher visible to me by the emission of any discoloured vessells liquours. 81. “The Air Vessells are empty vessells) I should be very glad to be fully informed of these vessells. I cannot say, that I ever found them in any green plant yet however diligently I have sought them. but in dry Plants, as in Turbith roots19 of the shoppe they are plainly visible to the naked eye, like soe many bunches of small reeds and will many of them admitt of a bristle; they are there each distinctly visible and are (for their bignesse) thick and substantial lignous Pipes. [[one word]] I am loath to thinke the ingenious Authour mistaken on any point, where he hath the advantage of such excellent Glasses, but I am a little suspicious that the holes portrayed in the Veine slice are meerly casual intestilia or openings of the parenchymous part of cortical body in that root they being quite different from these \hollow/ pipes in Turbith. an instance of such Openings of the parenchymous body, may be observed in \the roots of/ many water plants; as Cicutaria aquatica20 where they are soe vastly bigg, that they need noe glasse to challenge them, to be such as I have related them. 91. “the Pith is made up of Bubles [[two words]]) There will be exceptions, I doubt, given in this alsoe. the pith of the Walnut Tree, (as has been observed by others) is composed of transverse Filmes at certain distances and [[two words]] the pith of betonica aquatica21 appeared to me composed of filmes or membranes joined togathar the length wayes of the plant in flaming and waved rayes, but thick sett togathar like the leaves of a booke. Concerning the succiferous Vessells and particular or (as I have named them) Veines, we agree in these things and as much has been said by me already. that there are a certain number of them in the barke. p. 69. that the pith is sometimes compounded with a certain number of them. 90. that they are Tubulary thredds. 70. that these thredds are not single vessells, but a cluster of 20 or 30 togathar: that they run not always in direct lines (but are reticular) 0257 Lister to Oldenburg 587 which he calls braced. 71. that I suspected them not pyramidal or ramifyed, but cylindrical or of an equall bignesse. 71. that all Gumms and balsams are likewise to be reputed the proper contents of these vessells. 74. all things I have said and some thing more of them, for which I referr you to my former letters. The 3d part concerning the Vegetation of Roots deduced from and founded upon his Observations in the 2d part is very well becomming the Authour and very ingenious: but yet I had allmost said, res adhuc integra est,22 as to the tru notion of Vegetation. Sir Youle pardon this philosophic freedome, hanc veniam damus petimusque.23 I am

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Enter’d24

1. This entry indicating where the letter was entered into the Royal Society Letter Book is not in the hand of Lister or Oldenburg. 2. Walter Needham. Needham’s comments were sent to Lister by Oldenburg in letters of 12 and 24 June 1673. 3. Nehemiah Grew, An Idea of a Phytological History Propounded, together with a Continuation of the Anatomy of Vegetables, particularly prosecuted upon Roots . . . (London: J.M., 1673). This work proposed an extensive program of anatomical and physiological work to be supported by the Royal Society, and would appear as part of Grew’s later Anatomy of Plants. Although the Society failed to secure funds to support Grew’s research, Robert Hooke managed to get Grew a post as a deputy lecturer for Jonathan Goddard, Professor of Physic at Gresham College. The Annual Emolument of £40 permitted Grew to carry out his program of botanical research. See Michael Hunter, Establishing the new science: the experience of the early Royal Society (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 1989), pp. 269–271. 4. Salicornia; an English variety is samphire. According to Parkinson, its ashes contained soda; hence the adjective of “kali.” 5. A species of sumac. 6. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 8 January 1672/3. 7. Butterworts, a group of carnivorous plants comprising the genus Pinguicula. They use sticky and glandular leaves to lure, trap, and digest insects, which could have been the “gumm” to which Lister referred. 8. Drosera or sun dew which have mucilaginous glands on their leaf surface to trap and digest insects. 9. Hypericum perforatum or St. John’s Wort contains a volatile oil, a resin, tannic acid, and coloring matter; the red resin is called hypericum red, resembling carthamin red. 10. Starch obtained by washing the crushed parts of plants, such as the potato. From the Latin faecula, diminutive of faex meaning “dregs.” 588 Lister to Ray 0258

11. Johann Zwelfer (1618–?1668) a pharmacist and physician who wrote commentaries on the standard German pharmacopoeia, the Animadversiones in Pharmacopoeia Augustana (Vienna: by the author, 1652) and Pharmacopoeia regia (Vienna: by the author, 1652). 12. Henbane. 13. Producing or making sap. 14. “Among other sorts of Monkies, here is also found one call’d Singsiing: the manner of taking them in the Woods, is to set Wine before them, with which they being Fudled, fall asleep, and so are taken napping; their Blood makes an excellent Purple Dye,” from Jan Nieuhoff, An Embassy from the East-India of the United Provinces, p. 30. John Brooke had sent the volume to Lister with his letter of 2 March 1671/2. This was presumably the blood of a Chinese gibbon or hsing-hsing, a mythical medieval Chinese pigment. The Hsing-hsing appears in Chinese poetry of the eighth and ninth century, said to be in the Yangtze Valley. See Edward Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963), pp. 209–210. 15. Pharbitis hispida or Ipomoea purpurea, known as Morning Glory. 16. Tragacanth is a natural gum obtained from the dried sap of several species of Middle Eastern legumes of the genus Astragalus, used as a binder much in the same way as gum arabic or guar gum. 17. Rosa × centifolia (literally hundred leaved/petaled rose; syn. R. gallica var. centifolia [L.] Regel), the provence rose or cabbage rose or Rose de Mai, a hybrid developed by the Dutch in the seventeenth century. 18. Boxes made of fir or pine. Deals were slices sawn from a log of timber (now always of fir or pine), and usually understood to be more than seven inches wide, and not more than three thick. 19. Turbith Root is the root of a large convolvulus, growing in moist places near the sea- coasts, in Ceylon, Malabor, or Goa, and Guzarotta, brought into Europe as a purgative. Hall and Hall note that the herbalist John Parkinson remarked that those sold in apothecaries’ shops were usually just spurge. See Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 98, note 13. 20. Water Hemlock. 21. Water betony or green figwort, Scrophularia umbrosa. 22. “The thing is still intact” literally; “the whole subject is still untouched.” 23. We give and seek this pardon. 24. Oldenburg’s endorsement.

0258 Martin Lister to John Ray 26 July 1673

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 15.1

“on ye same subj[ect]., to use Cantharides, muscadicae, etc.”2

0259 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Broomhall, Sheffield], August 1673

Source: rs/I1/166; rs Letter Book, vol. 6, pp. 252–254. This letter was part of an ongoing correspondence between Jessop and John Wallis concerning theories of the tides, in which Oldenburg and Lister were the intermediaries. In the present letter, Jessop responded to Wallis’s comments on his reflections, which Oldenburg had communicated in his letter to Lister of 15 July 1673 and which Lister had forwarded to Jessop in a now missing letter. Jessop also returned the letter from Oldenburg, which Lister had forwarded to him. Subsequently Lister forwarded the present letter to Oldenburg as an enclosure to one of his own [now lost], sent ca. 15 August 1673; Oldenburg noted at the head and foot of the letter that he received this letter from Lister on 18 August 1673. My thanks to Philip Beeley for reconstructing this sequence of events. Address: No address present, as the letter was an enclosure. Reply to: Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 2 September 1673. rs el/W2/11 and Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 170–174, letter 2311. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 150, letter 2302a (partial); Beeley, vol. 4, pp. 242–244, letter 106.

(Entd L.B.6.252.)1

Mr Jessops letter to Mr Lister \desiring/ it was desiring to be further satisfaction to his Objections formerly made to Dr Wallis his Hypothesis about the Tydes. This letter was by Mr Lister sent to M. Oldenburg for Dr Wallis. It was not dated, But received Aug. 18. 1673. It refers to the letters of june 27. and july 15. 73 registered above pag. it was not dated, but received Aug. 18. 1673.2 590 Jessop to Lister 0259

Sir

I receaved not your two letters3 untill munday \was a seven-/night last, which you told me when I had the happynesse to see you at Knaresbrough4 were then wandring in search of me; and therefore could not send you backe the inclosed from Mr Oldenburg untill now. I beseech you returne my humble service and thankes unto Dr Wallis & Mr Oldenburg for their civility’s. I am very sorry that I can not say I am satisfyed by the note the Dr refers me unto, and that I am forced to trespasse further upon his patience by this troublesome importunity, which you may assure him I would never have been guilty of but that I verely believe it necessary. If he judge otherwise I do not despair but that he who hath so often and so highly obliged the whole world, will graunt me a pardon if I shall have occasion to beg it. I shall send you an answere unto your second letter as soon as I have put my selfe into a capacity of doing it something to your satisfaction. I am your humble servant

Fra: Jessop

Be pleased to convey backe againe these my answeres unto the Doctors notes, If you shall thinke it convenient.

Not: Intellige motum magis celerem facit, ut ut minus promotum, quippe alto directum.

Respondeo: Intelligo motum magis celerem fieri magisque in curva pro motum atque in unoquoque puncto a tangente directum.

Not: Non, sed in f et d.

Resp: Vide responsum ad notam sequentem.

Not: Non; sed est eidem perpendicularis, quippe Cyclois haec non est primaria (quod figure videtur supponere) sed protracta (propter motum progressivum celeriorem circulari) quod hypothesi et phaenomenis convenit.

Resp: 1. Cum multae occurrent occurrerent difficultates istiusmodi curvis delineandis, rem aliquo exemplo utcunque illustrandam duxi, et cum non multum interesse videam quo praecipue utar quamvis illustri viro aliud magis placeat, me tamen consilium mei non adhuc paenitet. 0259 Jessop to Lister 591

2. Concedo praeclarissimo viro omnes Cycloides contractas vel protractas contingi ab earundem basibus. Ergo hoc supposito recta fba erit perpendicularis et:

3. Nego hanc esse cycloidem protractam, duodecima enim vel tredecima pars circumferentiae circularis non temera pro recta sumenda est.

4. Sed his concessis quae postulat D: C: iisdem laborat difficultatibus haec hypothesis, etiam, gravioribus quam prius observatae sunt. quod iisdem laboret sic probo.

Quoniam ex hypothesi basis cycloidis descriptae major est perpheria genitoris circuli, ergo nulla recta tangens eandem cycloidem potest esse perpendicularis basi ejusdem cycloidis, ergo nulla recta perpendicularis curvae ejusdem cycloidis potest esse parallela basi ejusdem cycloidis, ergo absoluta utcunque periodo menstrua diurnae fluxuum vicissitudines (iis qui super punctis terrae f et d degunt) nunquam ad punctam i vel g hora[[mve]] sex[[tae]]5 pervenire possunt: ergo ultra semicirculum pervagari non possunt hae vicissitudines. q: e: d.

Qu. gravioribus laboret difficultatibus sic probo

Quoniam haec cyclois protracta duas habet perpendiculares sibi invicam par- allb parallelas. ergo alicubi habet punctum fluxurae quale in Conchoid[[is]]6 observatur. ergo cum punctum illud pertransierit centrum terrae, non eodem modo quo caperunt progredientur illae vicissitudines, sed ordine retrogrado revertentur, quod phaenomenis repugnat.

Dico denique, qualis sit haec linea quam quaerimus nescio sed hoc scio, rec- tam tangentem ad ejus principium ductam vel angulum facere cum illius base vel non facere. Si angulum faciat ejusmodi subjicietur incommodis qualia primum [[xxx]]otavimus, si non faciat angulum, non tantum iis sed pluribus etiam aliis.

Received this letter without date, August 18. 73 under a cover of Mr Listers.7

Translation:

Note: Understand: it gives rise to motion which is swifter, the less forward-moving it is in every respect, since it is then directed in another direction. 592 Jessop to Lister 0259

I reply: I understand that the motion becomes swifter and more forward- moving on the curved line and more direct at every succeeding point from the tangent.

Note: Not so, but at f and d.

I reply: See my answer to the following note.

Note: Not so, but it is perpendicular to the same. Of course this cycloid is not a primary one (as the diagram appears to suppose), but a protracted one (on account of the progressive motion being swifter than the circular motion, and particularly in this form, which is appropriate to the hypothesis and to what actually happens

I reply:

1. Since many difficulties occurred in sketching lines of this kind, I concluded that at all events the matter should be illustrated by some example, and since I see that that it makes little difference which particular line I use, then although another example may find greater favor with our distinguished gentleman, and I do not yet regret my decision. 2. I concede to our most distinguished gentleman that all cycloids, be they contracted or protracted, arise from the bases of the same. On this supposition, the straight line fb will be perpendicular. 3. I state that this cycloid is not protracted, for a twelfth or thirteenth part of the circumference of the circle should not be rashly taken for a straight line. 4. But even after conceding what D: C: demands, this hypothesis labors under these difficulties, or under even graver ones than have been observed previously. I prove that it labors under the same difficulties as follows.

Since in accordance with the hypothesis the base of the cycloid described is greater than the periphery of the circle from which it springs, as a consequence no straight line which touches the same cycloid can be perpendicular to the base of the same cycloid, and therefore no straight line which is perpendicular to the curve of the same cycloid can be parallel to the base of the same cycloid, and therefore, when the monthly cycle is complete, irrespective of the time of the daily changes of the tide (affecting those who live at points f and d on the earth) can never reach points i or g for even a single minute. Therefore these changes cannot extend beyond a semicircle. 0260 Lister to Jessop 593

Q.E.D. In this way I prove that it labors under graver difficulties. Since this protracted cycloid has two mutually parallel perpendiculars, it consequently has somewhere a point of flow resembling that which is observed in the case of conchoids.8 And so when that point crosses the centre of the earth, those changes will not progress in the same way as they began, but will return in the reverse order, which is contrary to what actually happens. Finally I say that I am ignorant of the nature of this line which we are investigating, but I do know that the straight line which forms the tangent, when drawn to its beginning, either makes an angle with its base or does not do so. If it does make an angle then it will be subject to the disadvantages of the kind which we first noted, but if it does not make an angle it will be subject not only to these, but to a number of others as well.

1. An annotation indicating this letter’s place in the Royal Society Letter Book, not in Oldenburg’s hand. 2. Oldenburg’s annotation. 3. None of Lister’s correspondence to Jessop has survived; Jessop’s library was lost in a fire in 1791 when a mob rioted against the Enclosure of Land Act and attacked his manor house, Broomhall. 4. Knaresborough is a market town in North Yorkshire, north-east of Harrogate. 5. The Latin is illegible at this point, but provisionally is horae sexagesima, or the sixtieth part of an hour—a minute. 6. The Latin should be in the ablative case, so this is conchoidis or possibly conchoidibus, the “ibus” abbreviated. 7. This last sentence is in Oldenburg’s hand. 8. A conchoid is a plane curve of the fourth order invented by Nicomedes.

0260 Martin Lister to Francis Jessop ca. 15 August 1673

Source: This missing piece of correspondence enclosed Jessop’s letter to Lister of early August 1673 (rs el/I1/166). Lister forwarded Jessop’s letter to Oldenburg who received it on 18 August 1673. All of Lister’s correspondence to Jessop has been lost, as Jessop’s library was destroyed in a fire in 1791 when a mob rioted against the Enclosure of Land Act and attacked the family’s manorial seat of Broomhall in Sheffield. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 149, letter 2302. 594 Jessop to Lister 0261

0261 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Sheffield], 26 August 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 110. Address: ffor his honoured ffriend | Dr Martin Lister at his house | in stonegate in | Yorke | post paide 2.

August 26—73.

Sir,

So that you may not thinke that I either forget or neglect you I will give you an account of what I have done since the reciet of your last.1 I went within a day or two unto the Captaine Wain you mentioned, being one I had some acquaintance with; he is an ingenious parson and one who to his owne cost hath had as great experience in mines as any one I know. he promised to procure me some mullion2 as you desired. he tells me also that there are sparkes of oare in most of the fullers earth which is gotten in the peake, and if he hath at this time a veine of oar enclosed in a firme \pecke/ of great stone without any spar about it and that he will help me to some of it with the great stone sticking to it and to some parcells of the fullers earth above mentioned. besides this they finde it often in gravell and almost all manner of earthes. he further tells me that he hath a rib of oar in which he often findes pebble stones inclosed round about and he thinkes he can get me some of it. I went yesterday to see whether he had been as good as his word but he was gone into Lancashire. but as soon as I can get a handsome parcell together of these and other things I will convey them unto you by some \one/ of those \part/ it usually go betwixt Sheffield and yorke. I have enquired so far into the manner of the making of red lead3 that I do no longer wonder at the increase of its weight. for afater they have burnt it sufficiently untill it be just ready to receave its colour they take it out of the furnace and wash it severall times in great quantity’s of water and then putting \it/ into the furnace again it in short times returnes red as I suppose before it hath exhaled all the water it hath imbibed. Mr ffisher tells me it is with highly rectifyed spirit of salt4 that he dissolves glasse of which I saw dissolved was green and blew. I will send you a specimen of the wortly oare5 as also of the welsh oare. I have sent unto a friend who lives near Buxton to procure some nitre drops in pooles hole.6 0261 Jessop to Lister 595

I have some of the fungus \subterraneous/7 terrestris by me but I expect a great quantity and I do not yet hear whether it be found in the old man or no. I shall hardly procure you any of the oyly stone8 until I go over my self and have so. at such a time, as I may sur have leasure to search for it my self for the reason I formerly mentioned. When they worke in the smelting houses at the flag hearth in winter and use a very strong fire, they gather in the corners of the chimney great quantitys of a white powder which they call white lead. this they tell me thay that can melt downe again into common lead, I will send you some of this if I can procure any \of/ it, at this time of year, with an account how of the manner of using it. Mr ffisher had not heard of the new liquor that stanchath bloud,9 I desire to hear the truth of those wonders confirmed which are related of it. Desire Mr Oldenburg to blot out this parenthesis in my answere to Dr Wallis his notes.10 Resp: 4. not. 3: (iis qui super punctis terrae f et d degunt) for it is both superfluous and makes the sense confused which of a with it is clear enough and more generall as it ought to be. I have a large orbis spinosus11 and a pisces triangularis12 almost two foot long if you thinke \them/ worth carriage so far I pray you let me know.

your humble servant

ffra: Jessop.

1. This letter has been lost. 2. Ribs or columns of rock on a rock face, typically composed of the local rock and usually formed by folding. 3. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 21 July 1673, note 11. 4. Hydrochloric Acid (HCl). 5. See Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 13. 6. See Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 12. 7. This addition is in Lister’s hand. For the fungus, see Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 8. 8. See Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 9. 9. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 2 September 1673. 10. See Jessop’s enclosure for Wallis in his letter to Lister of 25 June 1673. 11. A type of blowfish. In his Exoticorum libri decem, Clusius documents four fish that he identifies as blowfish, claiming he had observed them in museums in Montpellier and Amsterdam. One of these fish was the orbis spinosus. See Carolus Clusius, Exoticorum libri decem (Antwerp: Officina Plantiniana Raphelengii, 1605), Book vi, p. 139; Claudia Swan, Art, Science, and Witchcraft in Early Modern Holland: Jacques de Gheyn ii (1565–1629) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 101–102. 12. Ostraciid, a trunkfish or boxfish. 596 Lister to Ray 0262

0262 Martin Lister to John Ray September 1673

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 15.1 on the same and comf[or]ts him in it.2

0263 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 2 September 1673

Source: rs el/L5/58 and rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 263. Address: For his ever honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh | Esquire at his house | in the Palmal | London. Oldenburg noted on the wrapper, “Mr Listers to M. Oldenburg about a bloodstaunching liquor of very great and quick efficacy, invented by himself.” Oldenburg also noted that the letter was “Rec. d. 9 Sept. 73. Answ: Sept 18. 73. kept no copy; but sent \a copy of/ Dr Grews answer to Mr Listers Animadversions upon his 2d book;” Postmark: Bishop Mark se/8 [September 8]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s Letter of 15 July 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 176–177, letter 2313.

Yorke Sept. 2d 1673.

Sir

I should be glad to have a line from you to know how you doe: and alsoe whether or not you received 2 letters that I have sent you since I last heard from you.1 Mr Jessop, whose the 2d letter was,2 desires me to acquaint, that he would have \you/ if you please \to blot out/ this Parenthesis in his answer to Dr Wallis 0263 Lister to Oldenburg 597 his notes “Resp. 4: not: 3 (iis qui super punctis Terrae f et d degunt) for, as he saies it is superflous and makes the sens confused. I know \not/ whether the blood stanching liquor be yet a secret to you or noe.3 I have showed the Expt here \any time this 3 weekes/ to many worthy persons by a water I invented; which fully answers the circumstances related of the other in all respects. None of that of Mr Denis is yet come to Yorke though we earnestly long to see it. I sealed up the \way of preparing/ of [[one word]] mine and delivered it into the hands of Mr Brooke;4 that when it shall please the authors of the other to divulge it, it may be compared and known wherin they differ. This it differs most certainly \differs not/ in the effect and use. I am

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Sir you know my modestie and that I am not want to brag: but to demonstrate to you the goodnesse of our liquor, equall toe, if not exceeding that of Mr Denis; it has 3ce succeeded alike, that in dismembering some Animals, not one only drop of blood fell after the application of the liquor with a single linnen dipped in it: soe that it may be said, to staunch blood in a moment. The Animals perfectly recover without doing any thing more to them or so much as keeping the linnen above one hower or two: no swelling or Gangren or soe much as any suppuration followes: in some \I observe/ the skin is \afterwards/ discouloured as \blew as/ Hungarian vitriol5 it selfe, but it is noe sphaecelation6 or ill symptome.

(Read Octb: 30. 73. Enter’d L B. 6. 263.)7

1. Oldenburg’s last letter to Lister had been his of 15 July 1673. Lister had replied on 26 July 1673. 2. Jessop requested Lister to ask Oldenburg to make these changes in his letter of 26 August 1673. 3. Lister presumably read the translation of Jean Denis’s letter to Oldenburg about the styptic liquor published in the Philosophical Transactions (19 May 1673, p. 6039). Jean Denis (d. 1704) performed the first documented blood transfusion in humans. 4. John Brooke. 5. Ferrous sulphate (FeSO4 •7H20). 6. Mortification of the flesh. 7. This note indicating when the letter was read and entered into the Royal Society’s Letter Book is in neither Lister’s nor Oldenburg’s hand. 598 Oldenburg to Lister 0264

0264 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 4 September 1673

Source: rs el/W2/11. Information about this lost letter has been gathered from an annotation that Oldenburg wrote on a letter from John Wallis dated 2 September 1673.1 Oldenburg also mentions sending it in his letter to Lister of 18 September 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 180–181, letter 2316.

Rec. Sept. 3. 73.

Sent a copy of this to Dr Lister for Mr Jessop Sept. 4. 73.

1. Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 2 September 1673 discussed the flux and reflux of the sea in answer to Jessop’s objections; the letter also concerned the reading of Arabic or Persian manuscripts about botany and medicine. Wallis’s letter is printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 170–171, letter 2311.

0265 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister Broomhall, Sheffield, 15 September 1673

Source: rs el/I1/167 and rs Letter Book vol. 6, p. 295. The letter was enclosed in Lister’s letter of 18 September 1673 to Oldenburg. Address: No address present. Reply to: Wallis’s letter enclosed in Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 4 September 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 221–222, letter 2333a; Beeley, vol. 4, pp. 252–253, letter 111.

Broomhall Sept: 15. 1673.

Sir

I parceave by the packet I receaved inclosed in your last, that Dr Wallis and I agree well enough in the main, and that he believes any objection will hold good, if a clear answere by given to this new [[one word]] \consideration/ which \he/ formerly omitted but now urgeth; onely he seemes yet to thinke I did not manage the proof of my intention \it/ well in my first paper, which I submit wholly to his censure, as \a/ man the best able of any in the world to 0265 Jessop to Lister 599 judge of in these affaires, and if he finde any other faults, which out of civility he takes no notice of (as I believe he may) I humbly beseech him to pardon them in one who is little acquainted with geometricall matters. The clause in his letter, upon which all the rest depends is this. ffor in the Epicycle or line of diurnall motion I take that poynt for the poynt of acceleration and retardation, whose tangent is parallel, not to the tangent of the cycloide but to the tangent of the circle genitor, or line of menstruall motion at the poynt in which the center then is. Answ. This I cannot assent unto. For if we might suppose that the center \of the/ circle genitor stood still (as the figure he refers me to seemeth to suppose) the poynts of acceleration and retardation would be in the ponyts \places/ heer mentioned; therefore if we suppose (as we must needes) that the center of this circle genitor continually moves, we must say that these poynts of acceleration and retardation are some where else. for if the combination of two circular motions do settle these poynts in the places most [ fit] for his purpose, the addition of a third, of another nature will thrust them into another place lesse convenient. [[Here Jessop crossed out five lines]]. It is true; if the centers of the ecliptic, the epicycle and the earth were always in one streight line, the points of acceleration and retardation would be always in that line. but this falls out but twice \in/ a moneth, and yet another if it were so constantly it would destroy the perambulation of the vicissitudes by making high tides every day and night at the hours of twelve: but this but it is a thing impossible and therefore not to be imagined. But immediately he proceeds thus.1 Indeed had the center of the diurnal motion moved in this cycloid as in a line of equall motion like as &c: we ought to have that that part of the epicycle which lyes parallel to the cycloide or its tangent &c. Answ: We ought to do so still, unless the inequality of the motion were a circumstance which made an alteration in this particular case, which it doth not, and I prove it thus. Because whilst the center of the earth passeth through any poynt in the curve (suppose the poynt, i, suppose the motion also to be of what kind soever you please) the directrix of the progressive motion of the center of the earth is a tangent of the curve in that poynt, i, and (ih a perpendicular being drawn to this tangent in the poynt, i) a tangent of the circle ehd at the poynt h, will be parallel to the tangent of the curve in the poynt i: Therefore the circular motion of the earth will favour the progressive more in the poynt h then in any other poynt, therefore the poynt h will move swifter then any other poynt of the Earth. q.e.d. 600 Lister to Oldenburg 0266

I pray you pardon me for the blots I make, for I am in hast, and immediately of \to take a/ a journey which will keep me from the house all this weeke,2 the things I undertooke in my last to send you, are part of them with me and the rest safe hands (as I hear) I hope at my returne to give you a good account of them.

Your humble servant

ffra: Jessop

1. This sentence immediately follows the one quoted earlier. 2. Into the Peak District in Derbyshire where Jessop gathered mineral samples for Lister. See Jessop’s letter of 26 August 1673.

0266 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 18 September 1673

Source: rs el/L5/59 and rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 295. Address: For his much honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh | Esquire at his house | in the Palmal | London. Oldenburg noted on the wrapper, “Listers. Rec. the 22. Sept. 73 Answ. Oct. 3. and sent his letter of snailes Sept 14. 73,” and “Ice-cold water \to the bleeding part/, and putting the [[part end up]] in cold vinegar, will stop bleeding.” He also wrote on the back of the wrapper, “Mr Listers letter to Mr Oldenburg about blood-stanching liquors.” Postmark: Bishop Mark se/22 [September 22]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s Letter of 4 September 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 221–222, letter 2333.

Sir

I had yours of the 4th instant: and I have received this inclosed since from Mr Jessop.1 I gave you the trouble, the other weeke, of some Tryalls we have made of a certain liquor, which I tooke to be powerfull to staunch blood. Since the writing of it, An Apothecary in this Cittie has gotte a bottle of Mr Denis’ liquor2: with which we alsoe made some Experiments; for my part I am satisfyed with it, that it has real virtues, though many here did expect and could have wished 0266 Lister to Oldenburg 601 it \would/ have done its worke in lesse time, and with lesse its losse \of/ blood; however (though a considerable of quantitie of blood will be lost in the application of it yet) I cannot say but at length it does the deed and secures the rest. As for the liquor I use, we assure you that having opened the crural3 Arterie of a Dog with a large Orifice, and having put therein a button pledget4 and upon that a compress well soaked in it: in lesse than a quarter of an hower (as the buy standers judged) we tooke it off, and spunging all clean about the wound, we Turned up the Dog, who never bled one drop after though we observed him one hower longer. And yet we are not convinced (\we speake/ [[two words]] of our owne liquor) but that as much may be done with lint and fair water, observing certain circumstances in the application and in holding the Animal. but for that of Mr Denis, we have a better opinion of it, that it has real vertues. I shall be glad to hear what returne Dr Grew makes to my animadversions.5 if you please to remitt me the Table and letter of Snailes, I will amend it, and return it you for your further disposal.6 E’re long I shall have \some/ things for you about Fossils etc. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin lister

Yorke 7ber 18th 1673.

(Entered lb. 6. 295)

1. Jessop’s letter to Lister of 15 September 1673. 2. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 2 September 1673. 3. Leg. 4. A small, often medicated, compress or wad of lint, cotton wool, or other soft absorbent material for applying over a wound. 5. The animadversions were in Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 26 July 1673. Grew replied in his letter to Oldenburg of 13 September 1673; these replies were sent as an enclosure to Lister in his letter of 18 September 1673. 6. Originally sent to Oldenburg in Lister’s letter of 10 October 1672. 602 Oldenburg to Lister 0267

0267 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 18 September 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 112. Address: To his honored Friend Dr Martyn Lister | at his house in Stone- gate At Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark se/21 [September 20]; Illegible Receiving House Mark. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 2 September 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 219–221, letter 2331.

London Sept. 18. 73.

Sir,

I doubt not, but my last of Sept. 4th. came well to your hands, and satisfied that queastion of yours, which I found in your last letter on Sept. 3d, concerning the receipt of two of yours. You’l easily find, yet your last came too late to comply with Mr Jessops desire of blotting out ye Parenthesis there taken notice of; no doe I perceive, it hath occasion’d any prejudice to sense of Mr Jessops paper.1 However, if these Papers2 should be made publike, (as ’tis thought fit they should, least others should perhaps make thesame objections; and least those difficulties, \very rationally/ raised by Mr Jessop, should remain unremoved,) I shall then take care of ommitting yesd Parenthesis. And on this occasion I would intreat Mr Jessop, with my aff[[ectionate] service to him, that since the Hypothesis of Dr Wallis concerning the Flux and Reflex of the Seas, as well as his Answers to Mr Jessops Animadversions, are all in English, that Mr Jessop would please to give us his Reflexions thereon in yesame language, that all may be of a piece. Concerning your Invention of a blood-stopping liquor, we are very glad of it, and wish, that since ’tis so effectual as to staunch blood in a moment, you would gratify us with a litle quantity of it, to make tryal here and to compare with that of Monsr Denys.3 Your Carrier, or a friend that may come up to London from your parts, may without trouble bring us some of it, done up in a smal vial and case; and by ye like conveniency I shall return you some of what is made here of that kind. You see here inclosed Dr Grews Answer to your Considerations upon his 2d Book;4 concerning which I make it my request to you, that you would not take 0267 Oldenburg to Lister 603 it amisse, if you meet here and there with a word of a perhaps offensive reflexion, every Author being [[one word]] concerned for the issues of his ingenuity and industry, as well as a father is for his children; and that upon this \or any other/ account you would not stopp your farther thoughts, which the particulars of this Answer may possibly beget in you; especially since Dr. grew con- cludes his letter to me, which accompanied this Answer, with these very words; “In short, I heartily thanks Mr Lister for the free proposal of his thoughts, and of his grounds for them; having hereby given me an occasion for the further cleering of many things. And for yourself, y (which is to me) you are so far from incurring blame, that you have much obliged me, in being the first mover herein etc.” I would gladly, that by a candid and un-offensive correspondence the Learned and Intelligent should every where carry \and increase/, with Joint endeavors and contributions, that stock of zeal and Experimental knowledge, that is now upon the wheel almost in all parts of Europe at least. I doubt least of all of the continuance of your symbola’s,5 who am, Sir

Your very humble and faithf. serv.

Oldenburg

My humble service, I pray, to Mr Brook.

1. Lister passed along Jessop’s request to Oldenburg in his letter of 2 September 1673. 2. Jessop’s letter to Lister of 25 June 1673, and Wallis’s replies in Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 15 July 1673. Oldenburg is also referring a letter he received from Wallis about the matter on 2 September 1673 (el/W2/11, Royal Society, London, and Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 170–175, letter 2311). 3. See Lister’s letter of 2 September 1673. 4. Grew’s comments were enclosed in his letter to Oldenburg of 13 September 1673, and can be found in the Royal Society Letter Book, vol. 6, pp. 280–294. The original copy is in ms Sloane 1929, fols 1–3, British Library, London. The comments are printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 201– 210, letter 2324a. For an analysis of the controversy between Lister and Grew, see Roos (2011), chapter 7, passim. 5. The obsolete meaning of symbol: a brief or sententious statement; a formula, motto, maxim; occasionally a summary, synopsis. 604 Jessop to Lister 0268

0268 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Broomhall, Sheffield], 26 September 1673

Source: ms Lister 34, fol. 114. Address: ffor Dr Martin Lister.

Sept: 26——73

Sir:

According to my expectation when I came home I found out that Capt: Waine1 had performed his part in finding the things he promised me, although he was not very punctuall in writing the names upon the parcells which puts me to my guess in some things having not the opportunity to speake with him We being returned into Lancashire. but having a \sufficient/ [[one word]] parcell togather and a convenient way as I believe of conveighing them soe I thinke I made no longer delays. I shall be very glad if you meet with any thing that is agreeable unto you. the bituminous substance which you finde in the leathern bag do is found constantly sticking to the fungus subterraneus although you finde it there seperated.2 you will find one piece of the fungus wrapt up in a paper by it self impregnated with a viscous matter such as they describe the bitumen of old. you will also find some pieces of the bitumen with impressions on them rudely resembling the stampes of shells. I have not yet procured you the welsh oar, the wortely oar3 or any of the drops in pooles hole4 but shell defer it untill another time. those beanes togather with the orbis and piscis triangularis5 came from the Barbados. the bladder belongs unto the orbis I sent you these last notwithstanding you writ nothing concerning them because I perceive them are stuft and you may perhaps in opening them find some barbados plants. the white bead I sent you is not right for it is swept from the hearth and it seemes to me no great wonder that a good part of it should melt downe into lead againe.6 but it that which is sublimed and found sticking in the chimny may be melted downe againe (as the smelters do affirme) it will be worth consideration and I pray you let me know whether you have met with that experiment and I shall enquire further when the time of year will give me leave. I desire to hear more of the successe of your two blood stanching liquors7 or any other matters which you thinke fit to communicate as also whether Mr Wallis be yet satisfyed. I am your humble servant

ffra: Jessop. 0269 Lodge to Lister 605

I suppose you received my last in answere to Dr Wallis if not I pray you let me know.8

1. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 26 August 1673 for Captain Wain[e] and the promised ores. 2. For the fungus, see Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 8. 3. See Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 13. 4. See Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 12. 5. These fish were mentioned in Jessop’s letter to Lister of 26 August 1673. 6. Jessop’s letters of 26 August 1673 and 21 July 1673 demonstrates Lister was interested in the process of making red lead or minium. 7. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 2 September 1673. 8. Jessop’s letter to Lister of 15 September 1673.

0269 William Lodge to Martin Lister Arnoldsbiggin, Yorkshire, 30 September 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 116. Address: These | For his Honoured ffreind Dr Lister | at his house in Stonegate in | York. Printed: Unwin (1995), p. 211 (partial).

Most ingenious Sir

In observance to youre Commands, I have with my best endeavours imitated the stone, you left with mee at Carelton1 (which as it was curious so was it the more difficult to represent in design). I thought fitt to make two draughts one as it apeares with most advantage, plane wise the other as it is erected perspective wise, both in the enclosed. the stone it selfe I would not trust with the Carrier but will send it by a safer opportunity as you approve of this design, send any other of your curiosities and I will use all care in imitating em’ and if you please to Command me to transferr em’ on to Copper, they shall be much more naturall then tis possible for em to be represented by pen. Deare sir my utmost ambitions is do you my service within the performance of

Youre Affectionate and humble servant

Will: Lodge pra[y] my service to your Lady, Dr Watkinson2 and his fire side, etc 606 Brooke to Lister 0270

Arnoldsbiggin the last of 7br 73

1. Lister’s manor house in Carleton-in-Craven, Yorkshire. The stone was a crinoid fossil, the illustrations accomplished for a paper Lister was preparing for Oldenburg. Lister would send Lodge’s illustrations to the Royal Society in his letter of 4 November 1673. 2. For information about Watkinson, see Briggs’s letter to Lister of 27 April 1673, note 3.

0270 John Brooke to Martin Lister 2 October 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 118–119. Address: These, | For Dr Lister. Printed: Unwin (1995), p. 211 (partial).

Sir,

I am oblig’d to you, for the Entertainment of the Inclos’d,1 which contains, Remarks so curious and un-obvious; and I do not wonder, that Mr Oldenburg setts so high a Value, on your so worthy Correspondence. ’Tis very desireable, that Mr Lodg,2 should give you his Assistance that nothing may bee omitted to which our own inclinations, so studious, of what is accurate and choice. I have taken the first opportunity of satisfying my own Curiosity, by the Perusall, and I was unwilling, to delay our Acknowledgments, for the Favour you have done Mee, who am,

Sir, Your oblig’d, and faithfull Servant,

John Brooke.

Octob: 2 73.

1. The enclosure, comprising meeting minutes of the Royal Society, was not present with the letter. 2. The artist and engraver William Lodge, a member of the York Virtuosi. Brooke may have been referring to Lister’s publication of “An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Martin Lister Concerning the First Part of His Tables of Snails, Together with Some Quaere’s Relating to Those Insects, and the Tables Themselves; Sent to the Publisher from York, March 12. 1673,” in volume 9 of the 0271 Oldenburg to Lister 607

Philosophical Transactions (1674), pp. 96–99). Lodge engraved the table of snails. It is also possible that Brooke was referring to another of Lister’s papers which Lodge illustrated: Martin Lister, “A description of certain stones figured like plants, and by some observing men esteemed to be plants petrified,” Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6181–6191. Unwin (1995), p. 211 suggests the latter possibility.

0271 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 3 October 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 120. Address: To his honored friend | Dr Martin Lister at his | house at Stone- gate barr | at York. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/2 [October 2]. Reply to: Jessop’s letter of 15 September 1673; Lister’s letter of 18 September 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 274–275, letter 2353.

Sir,

Upon Mr Jessops late rejoinder to Dr Wallis,1 I have received this answer from him, which I shall give you in the Drs owne words, viz. “The Objection, Mr Jessop mentions, I think was fully answer’d; and needs only well considering what I have written already. The Annual motion, which we look upon as equall, contributes nothing to any tide at all, more than if it were at rest, if there were none unequal joined with it. The compound of the dirunall and Menstrual is that only which gives the Jogg; and therefore where this compound is greatest and least (as when the moon is at the meridian) there is this Jogg to be. And, of such times, then most, when this compound motion is parallel to the Annual, which is at New and Full Moon. This seems to me fully to satisfy: I hoped it would have done so to him. I know not how to express it clearer, unless I were to discourse it with him. For long discourses by letter do many times more entangle, than clear difficulties: which is best done by well weighting of a few words.”2 So far Dr Wallis; which you may please to communicate to Mr Jessop. As to what you are pleased to say further of the blood-stopping liquors, and the Experiments you have made with that of Monsieur Denis;3 I am very glad, that that which you have invented, is at least as powerfull and quick of performance as that of Mr Denis; and I am likewise not displeased, that you give the French 608 Oldenburg to Lister 0271 man his due.4 I hope, you have received my former letter of Sept. 18 in which I sent you Dr Grews reply to your Observations upon his book, and withall made it my request to send me some a litle of your \own/ astringent water. What you mention in your last \viz./ that you are not convinced but that as much may be done with lint and fair water, observing certain circumstances, puts me in mind of what I have sometimes met with in Authors affirming, that anciently they used ice-cold water and applied it to the bleeding part, putting at the same time the pudenda5 in cold vinegar, and that thereby the bleeding was soon stopped. I am exceeding glad to hear you have some things for us about Fossils, an excellent subject, and questionless consider’d by you. I herewith send you your letter of Snailes,6 for your enlargement, but I am \by oath/ responsible for the \every/ original that hath been taken notice of by me in the books of your Society.7 So I rest

Sir your faithfull servant

Oldenburg

London Oct. 3. 73.

1. See Jessop’s letter of 15 September 1673. 2. Excerpted from Wallis’s reply to Oldenburg of 25 September 1673 (rs el/W2/13; printed Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 258–260, letter 2343). 3. See Oldenburg’s letter of 15 July 1673, note 25. 4. See Lister’s letter of 18 September 1673. 5. The genitals. Vinegar was commonly used as a styptic and for prevention of wound suppuration and is mentioned as having such effects in Hippocrates. Hippocrates, ed, Paul Potter (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995), vol. viii, p. 357. However, other than to stop uterine hemorrhaging, the reference to applying vinegar to the wound and to the pudenda has not been found. 6. Lister’s letter of 23 October 1672. 7. Lister revised the letter for publication in the Philosophical Transactions, and returned it on 12 March 1673/4. 0273 Jessop to Lister 609

0272 Martin Lister to Francis Jessop 6 October 1673

Source: This piece of correspondence was mentioned in Jessop’s letter to Lister of 30 December 1673 in Bodleian ms Lister 35, fols 19–20. All of Lister’s correspondence to Jessop has been lost, as Jessop’s library was destroyed in a fire in 1791 when a mob rioted against the Enclosure of Land Act and attacked the family’s manorial seat of Broomhall in Sheffield.

0273 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister Broomhall, Sheffield, 8 October 1673

Source: Bodleian ms Lister 36, fols 64–65. Address: ffor Dr Martin Lister | at his house in | Stonegate in | Yorke.

Broomhall. Oct: 8—73

Sir having this oppertunity I thought it convenient to let you know that on Monday was a sevenight I sent you a box filled with such things as I had collected for you.1 I know not whether it cam unto your hands and therefore I pray you let me hear, that if there have beene any neglect in the carryer I may inquire after it. I did also about 3 weekes agoe send answere unto Dr Wallis his last letter by the post,2 I hope now he is fully satisfyed but I would gladly hear whether he be so or no. I fear the post plays the knave with me for ye your letters are never brought me by Mr Crofts3 to whom they are directed. but most comonly come round about by Ro Rotherham and sometimes from Doncaster by a fellow that receaves them there and keepes them untill he have so many others directed hither as he thinkes will pay for his paynes in bringing them. I desire you therefore to direct \inclose/ your next in a note directed to Mr Crofts and when I see him I will try whether we can find a remedy for this inconvenience for the future. I pray you let me know how these things please you if you have receaved them and what other commands you have to lay upon me. And if you have any other thing you thinke fit to communicate it will be \very/ acceptable unto your humble servant.

Fra. Jessop 610 Jessop to Lister 0274

1. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 26 September 1673 for an enumeration of what he sent. 2. Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 2 September 1673 [rs el/W2 11] was in reply to Jessop’s queries (printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 170, letter 2311). Jessop’s answer was sent in a letter to Lister of 15 September 1673, which was forwarded to Oldenburg. 3. The bookseller in Doncaster through whom Jessop received his post. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 25 June 1673.

0274 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Broomhall, Sheffield], 13 October 1673

Source: rs el/I1/168, rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 322; rs Copy Letter Book vol. 6, pp. 380–381. Lister enclosed this letter in his correspondence with Oldenburg of 25 October 1673, and Oldenburg noted this in the letter-book copy; Beeley, vol. 4, p. 218, letter 121. Reply to: Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 September 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 309–310, letter 2369b.

(Enter’d L.B. 6. 322.)1

Sir

I receaved your two last bothe togathar on thursday mourning2 and rejoyce very much you are so well pleased with the small paines I tooke in order to your Satisfaction. I shall consider some way I may serve you in those things in which I have hitherto failed, and at present shall returne only an answere to that part of yours wherein Dr Wallis and Mr Oldenburg are concerned. If Dr Wallis and Mr Oldenburgh do thinke fit to make my objection public, I desire it may be in the very wordes of my papers without any alteration.3 I desire also that of the answeres of Dr Wallis may be published in his owne words, and if he please to adde any thing further in order to the proofe of his assertion in his two last answeres (which he seemes to me yet not to have demonstrated) I shall be very well-pleased to see it done either publicly or privately as he shall thinke but ffor my part I have no more to say than I have sayd already.

Your humble servant

Francis Jessop

Oct: 13—73. 0275 Lodge to Lister 611

1. A secretarial note indicating when this letter was put in the letter book of the Royal Society. 2. None of Lister’s correspondence to Jessop has survived. Jessop’s library was lost in a fire in 1791 when a mob rioted against the Enclosure of Land Act and attacked the house. 3. Their dispute over the tides was never published. There were no further letters between Jessop and Wallis until 1674.

0275 William Lodge to Martin Lister Arnoldsbiggin, Yorkshire,1 23 October 1673

Source: ms Lister 34, fol. 114. Address: ffor Dr Martin Lister. Printed: Unwin (1995), p. 213 (partial).

Arnoldsbiggin 8br the 23th 73

The Reason why, I delayed sending you these designs was occasioned by some business which drew me towards Leeds.2 The method which I have placed the stones in is as you figured in the litle papers in the greater Box. excepting instead of 4 and 4 and 13 and 13 I have figured 4 and 5 and 13 and 14 for they are of species different enough to require different figures. likewise that ston of my own finding \at Clitheroe/ being cingangular3 I have placed it the 5th plate stone, and the fruitlike stone4 which you figured 19, I have placed it the 10th plate stone (according to directions at Coln)5 the first radix both plane and prospect-wise I have figured with A where I suppose the bole to be broke off and bcdef the double feet, the second Radix6 marked G the 3 plates of which it consists hjk these are all the variations I made from the former method, I hope you may fitt your discourse to this. I have imitated the snailes to the beste of my skill you had not sent me all the species which forced me to make use of some of my former designs in my book.7 I never followed the method you sent me in the small boxes beginning of last summer every box containing a several species, note there was 3 boxes a wanting viz 14 15 and 168 so that box which is marked 7 I have here in this method marked 14 and go on the 3 last things you have not marked in the boxe. In your writt to be lapis limax loco cranij9 the last are shells out of the Gizard of a sea something. tomorrow I am for Clodero10 to make a search for stones as likenesse at Rainsbrough scarr,11 you shall have youre box full of both for the next week, I send you by the bearer the money you laid out, pray forgett me not to 612 Lodge to Lister 0275

Mr Brookes concerning the stones. Sir I rest your affectionate friend and servant to comand

Will Lodge

1. Arnoldsbiggin is in the West Riding near Gisburne and was the ancestral home of the main branch of the Lister family, the Barons Ribblesdale. 2. Lodge’s original numbered “designs” or drawings are no longer with the original letter, but in the rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 371. Lodge’s original unnumbered drawings of “trochaitae et entrochi,” sea lilies or crinoids, are also still extant in Lister L 95, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. Lister L 95 is a working draft copy of Lister’s first book of his Historiae Conchyliorum (1685–92), entitled De cochleis tam terrestribus, but it also included illustrations for some of his articles. For the numbered and printed version of the illustrations, see Martin Lister’s published paper: “A Description of Certain Stones Figured Like Plants, and by Some Observing Men Esteemed to be Plants Petrified,” 8 (1673), Phil. Trans., pp. 6181–6191. For the numbered drawing see Lodge’s letter to Lister of 4 November 1673. 3. Five-sided. Lodge was illustrating a pentacrinoid plate of a crinoid or sea lily. The ancient sea bed had been covered with sea lilies also known as “feather stars,” echinoderms related to starfish and sea urchins. The lilies’ base was stuck to the sea floor and from it grew a flexible stem of flat plates supporting a head or calyx. (These are the plate stones to which Lodge refers.) From the head grew five branched and moveable arms, which filtered food from the sea water. Cilia in the inside of the arms manipulated the food along the arms down to the mouth situated at the tegmen at the arms’ base. The flexible branches and stem were comprised of a series of flat plates or wafers piled on each other, which were strung together by ligaments and a central coelem with a nerve cord passing through the entire sea lily. When the crinoids died, their remains accumulated to create a calcium layer cemented together by a carbonate mud which, under heat and pressure, formed the limestone fossils. 4. The head or calyx of the crinoid. bcdef marked where the five branched and moveable arms of the lily had been. 5. Possibly Colne, Lancashire, approximately nine miles from Gisburn and Arnoldsbiggin; Lister may have met Lodge here to confer about the illustrations. 6. A head or calyx of another crinoid specimen. 7. Lodge did these illustrations for Lister’s paper, “An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Martin Lister Concerning the First Part of His Tables of Snails, Together with Some Quaere’s Relating to Those Insects, and the Tables Themselves; Sent to the Publisher from York, March 12. 1673.” 6 (1674), Phil. Trans., pp. 96–99. Lister forwarded the original drawings to Oldenburg in his letter of 12 March 1673/4 (rs el/L5/70). 8. Indeed figures 14, 15, and 16 of slugs were missing from Lister’s printed work. 9. In his paper for the Philosophical Transactions, Lister included a table of snails, and number 14 (which Lodge failed to illustrate) is referred to as “Limax cinereus maximus, striatus et maculatus, lapillo sive officulo insigni, loco Cranii, donatus, locis udis et umbrosis degens.” [“The largest striped and spotted slug, having a remarkable little stone, or bone.”] The species is likely to be Marpesssa laminata. 10. Clitheroe, Lancashire. 11. In the Ribble Valley, near Burnley, Lancashire. 0276 lister to oldenburg 613

0276 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 25 October 1673

Source: rs el/L5/60; rs Letter Book, vol. 6, pp. 327–328. Address: No address present. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letters of 18 September 1673 and 3 October 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 301–309, letter 2369 and 2369a.

(Ent’d L B. 6. 327.)1 Yorke Oct: 25th 1673

Sir

I am not uset to be soe long in returning an Answer to your obliging letters. Both your last I had safe but could not find a time to answer them untill now. Dr Grews Paper2 is very tedious and I am forced to let many things, both therin and in his booke too, which this late Paper has engaged me to read over again, passe which yet are very lyable to Exception, because I would not seem to play the Chicaneur,3 and carpe at Trifles, my intention being neither to trouble nor offend him, but to promote (as far as it lyes in my poor Talent) his studdies with a philosophic freedome and without being uneasie to him. indeed there are 2 or 3 paragraphs which (innocent as they were,) he hath made matters of envie: but I shall not take notice of them to him though (if I was ambitiously inclined) they more concerne them \me to replay to/ then the rest of the Paper. You would doe well in my mind to expunge them, if you intend to publish these Papers, from the beginning bothe in my letter and his. I mean the first Paragraph and the 2 last. And some thing I shall say to such of them by way of Answer in your letter and to you only

1. Paragraph

“I have given their descriptions in divers figures under the name of Animal Root”) This I least suspected; that being figured ramous4 and these are now described to be single threds. As for the notion and name of Vessells I once tooke some paines to have mett with them in his first booke, and he would have obliged me now to have quoted the page and wordes most expressive of them himselfe. For my part I could noe where find them but in disguise, or I had not seen soe unjust to him to have denyed his mentioning them them: which (if he had had a mind and that his Hypothesis of Pores had not too much influenced his Observations) was obvious to him to have done. 614 lister to oldenburg 0276

last Paragraph but one.

“To have given some instances of what he hath added to my two Bookes”) I thinke I may truly say, and take you to witnesse that my first and 2d letters you published,5 were additions to Dr Grews 1st Booke.6 And admitting his booke was shewn to the R.S. with the Figures, which you best know: yet was not I beholden to it for my Observations in the 2d letter [[one word]] but this \is/ against my nature and the designe of my writing: he put me upon it, and I am unwilling to goe soe farr as this [[one word]] subject would lead me. For my part I doe assure I was very glad to find us punctually agreeing in almost every thing concerning these vessells, save the difference of vessells, which I had but hastily rejected. As to the concluding Paragraph. I am willing to say, I am willing to say his conjecture about the Oeconomie of the parts of Vegetables by him described are very rational: but I forsee, that if Dr Grew proceed in his industrious inquiries upon this subject he himselfe in a few yeares will expunge what he now calls demonstration. And it will be than time enough for me, when all the constituent parts of a Plant are full made out to say something of the Use. In the meane time I am one of the forewardest to give just applause to such rational conjectures, as he is pleased to gratify the world with. I send you enclosed Mr Jessops last to me.7 As for the preparation I used to staunch bleeding I will either send you a specimen of it or the preparation it selfe.8 I have not beene at home these 3 weekes soe that I have had little leisure to try any thing. before I went from home this happened very remarkable. A Boy cutt off the 1 and 2d joints of this Thumb at one blow with a hatchet: the Churgeon could not staunch the blood with the Galenic powder: he came to me in hast to desire some of my water. I gave him a botle with him. And he affirms that the thumb bled no one drop after the application of that water with lint and a single linnen only over it: the next morning it was opened in an Apothecaries shop, who had had of Mr Deny’s water;9 he \opened it and/ confessed to me \when I saw him afterwards for I was not there/ that it was fully staunched and that nothing could looke fairer than it did. after 48 houres the boy was brought to my house by the Churgeon and he confessed to me that as yet he had suffered little or noe pain, I saw the wound very fresh and red and without any signes of suppuration. I bid the Churgeon digest it with his usual [[one word]] dressings: and that he should not upon my account trifle any longer with mans flesh.

You will pardon this scrible for I am in hast. 0277 lister to grew 615

I am Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. This endorsement is in neither Lister’s nor Oldenburg’s handwriting. 2. Lister is referring to Grew’s comments upon his work, enclosed in a letter from Grew to Oldenburg of 13 September 1673. The letter is in rs Letter Book, vol. 6, pp. 280–294; ms Sloane 1929, fols 1–3, British Library, London, and printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 201–210, letter 2324a. 3. Quibbler. 4. Branching. 5. Lister’s letters to Oldenburg of 10 January 1672 and 8 January 1673. 6. Grew’s Idea of a Phytological History (1673). 7. Jessop’s letter to Lister of 13 October 1673. 8. See Lister’s letters to Oldenburg of 2 September and 18 September 1673. 9. The styptic liquid of Jean Denis. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 15 July 1673, note 25.

0277 Martin Lister to Nehemiah Grew York, 25 October 1673

Source: rs el/L5/62; Lister’s answer to Grew’s letter was enclosed in his letter of 25 October 1673 to Oldenburg. Address: No address present. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letters of 18 September 1673 and 3 October 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 303–309, letter 2369a. ansr to Dr Grew Remarks on one of his Papers of Botany, Freezing \relating to the Juices in Plants etc.1

“Gold wyer may as well be called leafe gold, as a round nerve of Fennil or other like plant be called a leafe”) The one is not said, the other is of vulgar Use and the constant language of Botanists; not only of those of the inferiour Ranke, but of the most elegant and learned John. Bauhine. he will I say very infrequently meet with the terme of Tereti folium,2 I shall give him one instance for all, [[three words]] sedum minus primus, sive minus teretifolium album. C. Bauh. sedum minus folio longiusculo tereti flore albo. Joh. Bauh.3 but this is a matter of lesse moment in the Anatomie of Vegetables. “Milke saps we doe not vulgarly say bleed”) it was not vulgarly observed; but who have observed these or any other plants to emitte their sapps upon incision have properly enough termed the one as well as the other bleeding. 616 lister to grew 0277

“Mr L. would does well to set down his Expt of freezing, soe as others may try it after him”) it has been done once already:4 but I shall again relate (for Dr Grews satisfaction) the circumstances of that observation. In the hardest frost which happened the other winter, we cutt asunder the leaves \and fruits and other parts/ of several \divers/ plants. In all these we than found the parenchymous juice perfectly hard Ice: the icikles were of different figures and magnitudes, and were easily forced out of the containing pores: and particularly I could take out, of such a part constantly of the parenchyma of the leaves of some plants, some peices of ice more than 1/4 of an intch long and regularly figured. if he say that these were taken out of the Openings of the parenchyma, I say soe too; but these openings are constant and regular and therefore of the natural configuration of the parenchyma and not accidental Cracks: besides they hold parenchymous juice, which the openings, noted as Cracks, doe not; but are void spaces only. Further the Expt made with a ligature upon the Garden Spurge, else where set downe, plainly demonstrates to the eye the pervious- nesse of the barke and skinn, and that it is naturally porous besides the contexture of the bubles: the milke (which is a thick essential body) as soone as let-loose into the barke, easily and suddainly pervades that, and springs out of infinite pores naturally open in the skin. Which we thinke could not be, if the milke \in this exit/ were first to passe through a 100 fine bubles in the barke and skin, as he some where saies it does in its appluse and entrance. “I could never yet observe that the liquors contained in the parenchyma of any plants were opacous.”) that deep coloured and bloody tincture we extract with 5 from most of the Hypericum kind is visibly contained within certain places only of parenchyma of that kind of plants and the like may be observed in Rorella and many other Plants.6 The parenchymous juices of the Roots of red Carrots and Beets, are of as deep a Purple as those contained within the Parenchyma of the berries of ligustrum,7 the bloody grape etc. And these colours are not from the tubulary juice of Beets for example, for what juice rises of it selfe is as cleer as rock water and staines not the fingers, but what is expressed does dy them purple, nor can it be the colour of the parenchyma, which he himselfe has declared to be composed of colourless membranes. Alsoe the parenchymous juices of the leaves as well as of the roots and fruits of plants are to be sometimes observed opacous. Ex. gr. Some of the Autumnal leaves of black bryonie8 yeild a sooty juice, Glastum9 and Violets very often a blew juice, Luteola10 a yellow, Jacea11 \and many other plants/ a purple etc. “a solid substance too) by which I mean, that at the time of the plans being most sappy, the root is most full of this ponderous substance or faecula;12 so that it is very probable that this substance, if contained only in the parenchymous pores, is lodged togathar with the parenchymous juice. 0277 lister to grew 617

“whatever solid substance is contained in these Bubles, it can be only the Relict, or as it were the Extract of their liquor, upon the flying away of the evaporable parts of it”) The faecula is found in the root than in greatest plenty, when it is most turgid and full of juice, as in the Spring. And for the manner of drawing it, it falls like sand to the bottome of its owne juice or water: and therfore probably it is noe extract in growth, noe more than in the making. “The Faecula of the shopps is in truth the very substance of the parenchymous part of a plant, or the fryable bubles” viz, as he else where describes them, the broaken Pieces of thinn transparent Membranes. And it is likely that these should immediatly fall to the bottom of water like sand. I shall purpose to him an Expt. let him take a pound, if he please, of the yongest and most friable and tender pith of the Elder for example, this he stiles a purely parenchymous body: let this be rasped (according to the manner of drawing the faeculas of the Shopps) into fair water. I persuade my selfe before hand that he will find he labours in vain and will not have one grain of faecula, from all that friable parenchyma. “The faecula of the Shoppes is not from the lignous part of the Plant”) And yet I can assure him, that it is alsoe plentifully contained within the lignous part of the root, as well as within the Cortical body, as I have purposly tryed in some plants. as liquorish etc. “The Sap of a plant will better answer, as to its Use, to the substance of an Egg, than any faecula”) Dr Grew will pardon me the digression I made to limit the use even of Shopp Faeculas in the nourishment of plants. In this we agree, that the white of an egg (as liquid as it is) is not fit matter of nourishment to the Cicatricula,13 untill it be further dissolved. This I say is a thing readily knowne \granted by all/ and therefore Dr Grew could not well imagine, that I intruded the solid substance as such fit nourishment to the germinating plant. But is clear that this faecula is stored up \in great plenty/ against the germinating of the plant, and that the root is quite exhausted of it (not of parenchyma) when the plant comes to perfection, and therefore it is probable, that it is spent in the nourishment of it, noe otherwise than as the substance of the egg is quite wasted in the formation and nourishment of the Chick. And I could show, if it were necessary, that this ponderous substance is easily made liquid, which is not tru of the organical parts of a plant. “The Viscera are in Animals for the making of liquours, in Vegetables the very vessels are them selves”) it has been long controverted and is yet unde- termined for ought I can see what makes the blood and rest of the liquours in Animal bodies: but for the parenchymous part of vegetables, through which the veines are distributed, me-thinks it beares a great Analogies to the viscera of Animals \most of/ which are, not long since, described to us by an excellent 618 lister to grew 0277

Anatomist, to be nothing else but bubles or vescicles interwoven with veines. For the conclusion of this Paragraph I doe not well understand what he aimes at. It is obvious, that the divers kinds of natural liquors of animals differ notably \amongst them selves/ in respect of the divers species as blood is quite another liquour from Urine, and that from the saliva, the succus pancreaticus follows, Chyle, Genitura etc. but in respect of the divers species \of animal/ species, too, as the blood of one creature is differently qualifyed from that \of/ an other and soe of the rest of the \animal/ liquours \as/ mentioned; And that these are all contained in several receptacles of one kind. The like may be thought of the several [[one word]] divers juices of Vegetables, whether venal [[one word]] or parenchymous. this is that I had to say against the divers kinds of vegetable vesells in divers roots from the diversities of the liquours they yeild; what more he expects from me I know not. I aske him if the doctrine of the learned Malpigius14 be true, that most if not all the parts of an Animal and their respective veines are praeexistant to the blood, and that the blood is dicerned for some dayes in the veines only neer the hart, whether these and the more remote veines [[several words]] (if it were in our power and convenience to cutt them, as it is in a plant) would not yeild us divers kinds of natural liquours, naturally contained in several vessels of one kind. The case may be analogous in Plants. “that the selfe same numerical vessells containe sometime a Milke and at other times a lympha might fairly have been doubted of ”) I was once of the mind that I had discerned a difference in the vessells of the same plant, as is [[one word]] \expressed/ in my first letter upon this subject: but upon fresher Observation I thought good to suspend my conjecture and to doubt of it. I shall be very glad if Dr Grew cleer this matter. In the mean time he would doe well to consider and examine the instances I gave him, and those that he himselfe has already observed. I find, I say, that the root of Convolvulus major15 bleeds a milke all summer but at this very season and all winter nothing appears to rise out of the root transversly cutt, but a limpid sap. whether they are lesse full now, as he will have it, I shall not argue against; but there may be other probable reasons given, without assigning a different \sort/ of vessells, from of this difference of the milke sap rising from the same root at divers several seasons. Possibly, I say, it may be nothing else, but a different degree of fermentation of the same juice contained in one and the same vessells. We see how soon the same venal blood will become arterial and change its hew, by the bare agitation of the parts of the liquour, as in Mr Hookes Expt of blowing into the arteria venosa of the lungs.16 To this purpos, (though I have given instances elsewhere of the Opacity of some venal juices, as in Chelidonium majus,17 Astrachilis,18 etc) yet I cannot positively say, that I ever saw a milke vein hold a white liquour, as doe Animal lacteals, I am certain many I have examined doe not, but the juice 0277 lister to grew 619 is as little white in the veines, as botled beer before the corke be taken out. And some very thick milks in bleeding turn diaphanous and lucid again after bleeding. “The Roots of Fenil yeild a double kind of sap”) Dr Grew has not told us at what season of the yeare this fenil Root is to be cutt; or what part of the root he cutt; or whether that root he cutt was an Annual root or of longer growth, these and other circumstances are very material. Possibly the lymphaducts now have been milke vessells and will be soe again: or very likely they are in Embryo yet, whilst others are in perfection and carry a compleat and highlier fermented juice. I shall not \now/ insist upon the ascent of the parenchymous sap in some plants in some degree measure which to me seemes not improbable, \and/ though that \which/ ought to be duly considered that it impose not upon us. “Where any one ever saw certain differently qualifyed milkes in the same individual part”) He himselfe seemes to say he has seen them p. 78. viz “in the inner part of the barke of the Root;” but this was \not/ at the same season. I add further, that the same individual vessells yeild certain differently qualifyed milkes at the same time, if they be the same vessells which we cutt in two at the top of the plant and at the root, in the branches and in the Trunk, if the same veines, \I say/, be distinctly continued throughout the whole length of the plant. For instance, the branches and trunk of the Maple yeild a lympha, when the tendrils yeild a milke. if you cutt the root of Elaphoboscum,19 it yeilds a yellowish milke, but the stemm of that plant a pure white one. The red juice of Chelidonium majus is much paler coloured in the stalke than in the root, and still more dilute and pale in yonger leaves and budds, than in the stalke, The \like/ may be observed in many other plants [[two words]]. “I can shew the milke vessells in some plants a 100 times bigger than the lymphaducts”) he would have obliged us if he had name them: however this does not exhaust the difficultie, unlesse he cleer the former objections, that these lymphaeducts are never milke vessells in any age or condition of the plants. a milkie sap “Gumme Tragacanth is somewhat oily and inflamable”) the least sure that can be imagined and for my part I can find little or noe difference betwixt the firing of that and Gumme Arabick: but we dispute not here the nicety of principles which would be best determined by a chimical Analysis. if I was not mistaken in my conjecture of G. Tragacinths being a milke sap (and Dr Grew had not disproved me) it seemes a very small portion of oil will serve the turne to make a milke sap; wheras the question is (as I understood it) about milke saps being mere oiles, which I tooke to mean an excesse and abundance of that principle and to be truly resinous and inflammable. But I cannot easily assent to milke saps being more oily than saps of other colours, for there are fresh bleeding saps of other colours most oily. The Ivy, for instance, bleeds a reddish 620 lister to grew 0277 juice, which is an inflammable resin, alsoe Centaurium luteum perfoliatum20 a golden coloured juice very inflammable. “For milks it holds as a general Rule, that they are immiscible with water when they bleed afresh”) This argument is of noe force to prove milkes more oily: he should have tryed good sp. of wine, and oil: those, I say, will readily dissolve Resins and some of the most oily druggs, and yet will not touch fresh bleeding milkes, but rathar preserve them in colour and figure just as they drop into them. [[a sentence]] And how knowes Dr Grew but that some such Expt as this deceived me in the [[one word]] \place/ I had \assigned/ the milke of the Virginian Rhus amongst gumms. “it is an easy thing to break a 1000 vessells in an Embryo”) right! but than methinks, we should as easily discerne the breach and raggs of these vessells: but here both the cavitie of the barke slipped off, and the convex of the wood are smooth, and as it were polished. And if it stickes in any place it is not because of the vessells to be torne asunder, but some crosse branch or inequal- itie of knotts. “the parenchymous parts both in the barke and betwixt the woody portions are continuous.”) admitt it were soe only, yet this is sufficient hold, by the conti- nuity of the diametrical parenchymous portions of the lignous body with the barke, to hinder an easy slipping, such as we constantly experience in most (if not all) Trees in the barking of them in the \late/ spring. “the great difference of Air vessels”) It was verily a surprisal to me to find them soe numerous and large in the barke of a plant \which/ I \might/ looke upon (by Dr Grews information) as a sheath only to the Air vessells and not their proper place. For that part of the root of Turbith which we have in the shopps (the plant it selfe being a stranger to us in Europe) is the barke only, the lignous plart being taken out and thrown away, as the slit in the sides of all the Peices of that root doe show and Botanists agree to. This alsoe is a very resinous and probably a milk plant too because ferulacous21 too, which is an exception against [t]his his doctrine. p. 136. of an Under proprotion of air vessells in such plants.

Received by me Dec. 11 73. Dr Grews answer to this, I lent him Apr. 4. 74.22

1. This endorsement is not in either Lister’s or Oldenburg’s hand. 2. “Round leaf.” 3. “First, lesser sedum or lesser white round leaf. Caspar Bauhin. Lesser sedum with a pretty long, round leaf, white flowered. Johann Bauhin.” See Caspar Bauhin, Pinax Theatri Botanici, (Basel: Ludovici Regis, 1673), Book seven, section 5, p. 183; Johann Bauhin, Historia plantarum universalis (Yverdon: Dominic Chabrey, 1650), Book three, p. 691. 0278 lister to ray 621

4. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 8 January 1672/3. 5. Spirit of wine (ethyl alcohol). 6. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 July 1673, notes 8 and 9. 7. Privet. 8. Dioscorea communis, a climbing herbaceous plant common to woodland and hedges that is quite poisonous. The juice of the leaves was used medically as an external irritant. 9. Woad, or Isatis tinctoria. 10. Weld, or Reseda luteola. 11. Knapweed. 12. Starch obtained by washing the crushed parts of plants, such as the potato. From the Latin faecula, diminutive of faex meaning “dregs.” 13. The germinating or formative point in the yolk of an egg. 14. In a letter published in the Philosophical Transactions, astronomer Giovanni Cassini (1625–1712) noted that an “ingenious person” in Italy, namely Malpighi who was engaged in a detailed study of plant anatomy using microscopic evidence, questioned “whether there be a Circulation of Sap in Trees, resembling that of Bloud in Animals.” Giovanni Cassini, “An Intimation of Divers Philosophical Particulars, Now Undertaken and Consider’d by Several Ingenious and Learned Men; Here Inserted to Excite Others to Joyn with Them in the Same or the Like Attempts and Observations,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2216–2219, on p. 2218. 15. Pharbitis hispida or Ipomoea purpurea, known as Morning Glory. 16. Robert Hooke, “Of an Experiment made by Mr. Hook, of Preserving Animals alive by Blowing through their Lungs with Bellows,” Phil. Trans., (1667), pp. 539–540; Sprat, History, p. 232. 17. Greater celandine, also known as tetterwort (Chelidonium majus). See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 30 November 1672. Its sap is a yellow-to-orange latex. 18. A type of thistle. 19. Parsnip, called Elaphoboscum by Dioscorides. 20. Yellow centaury (Cicendia filiformis). 21. Ferulaceous, like a cane or rod. 22. This annotation is in Oldenburg’s hand.

0278 Martin Lister to John Ray November 1673

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 15.1

Hath no great skill in Birds.2 Plu[s] of the same. Diasatyrion3 good in bad fixes.

2. Lister wrote to Ray on 20 June 1673 expressing his delight that Ray intended to publish Willughby’s Ornithology, which Ray was compiling and reconstruct from notes left to him after Willughby’s death. Lister may have been responding to a query of Ray’s about ornithology. 3. Diasatyria was used as a cure for sexual dysfunction. On 18 July 1673, the newly married Ray had written to Lister to discuss his problem with premature ejaculation, and it is likely this was the topic of this letter, which may have been destroyed due to its sensitive nature.

0279 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 4 November 1673

Source: rs el/L5/61 and rs Letter Book, vol. 6, pp. 371–380. Address: No address present. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 3 October 1673. Printed: Phil. Trans., 8 (1673/4), pp. 6181–6191; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 84–95; Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 324–334, letter 2377.

A Description of certain Stones figured like Plants, and by some Observing more esteemed to be plants petrified: Communicated to the Publisher by the Sagacious \same/ Mr Lyster, frome Yorke.

(Pr. in Trans. 100)

(Read Nov. 13: 73. Enter’d lb. 6. 371)1

Yorke November 4th 1673

Sir

In this Paper I send you an Account of some of the Parts of certain Stones figured like Plants; which Agricola (5° Fossilium) calls Trochitae,2 and the compound ones Entrochj;3 we in English, St. Cutberds beads.4 Agricola will have them akin for substance to the Lapides judaicj,5 and indeed, these are of an opaque and darke colour sparr; though I have of them from some parts of England of a white sparr or Cawke,6 as our miners call it; they all break like Flint, polished and shining. Put into Vinegar (saith he) they buble: Atque etiam reperitur interdum qui se tanquam Astroites moveat de loco.7 But this \is/ true of all Fossils of what figure soe ever, that Vinegar will corrode and dissolve as a menstruum: provided they \be/ broaken into indifferent small graines, and the bottome of the Vessel hinder not, they will be moved from place to place by it. 0279 lister to oldenburg 623

The figure of the Trochitae is cylindrical; the outmost round or Circle (we speake of one single joint, which Agricola calls Trochites) is in general smooth; both the flat-sides are thick drawn with fine and small rayes, from a certain hole in the middle to the circumference.*8 *From the shooting of these rays like Antimonie,9 and because a large Piece of this stone of many joins resembles the bole of a Tree, Aldrovandus (who yet elsewhere discourses of this sone, after Agricola and Gesner, under the name of Trochitae and Entrochi) not improperly termes it (Musaei metallici lib. 1 pag. 188). Stelechitis stibij facie;10 and there gives us a true figure of it. Two, three, or more of these Trochitae joined togathar, make up that other stone, which he calles Entrochos. The Trochitae or single joints are so sett togathar, that the Rayes of one enter into the other Furrowes, as in the Sutures of the Skull. Hi Hitherto we agree to what Agricola, Gesner,11 Boetius,12 Aldrovandus/ and Wormius13 have said of them, we proceed upon our owne Observations, which goe much further. The Places where we find them very plentifully, are certain Scarrs in Braughton and Stock,14 little villages in Craven. The stones of the above described Figure, as many as have yet come to my hands from these places, have afforded us these Particulars. As to their bignesse, I never yet mett with any \much/ above 2 intches about; others there are as small as the smallest pinn, and of all magnitudes betwixt those proportions. They are all broaken bodies; some shorter Peices, some longer, and some of them, indeed, Trochitae, that is, but single joints. I never found one intire Peice much above 2 intches long, and that very rarely too; in some of which long Peices, I have reckned about 30 joints. And as they are all broaken bodies, soe are they found dejected and lying confusedly in the Rock, which in some places, where they are to be had, is as hard as Marble, in other places soft and shelly (as they call it,) that is, rotten and perished with the wett and aire. And though in some places they are but sprinkled here and there in the Rock, yet there are whole bedds of Rock of vast extent, which are made up for the most part of these, and other figured stones, as Bivalve, Serpentine, Turbinate etc. at Braughton. As to the injuries they have received in their removal, from the natural posture, if not place of their growth and formation, they are manifest. For, besides their being all broaken bodies, we find many of them depressed and crushed, as if the joint of a hollow cane should be trod under foot: These Crushes being alsoe real crackes as of a stone or glass. Again these stones consisting of so many vertabrae or joints, they are many of them strangely dislocated; sometimes 2, 3, or more of the joints in a Peice are slipped and out of order or rank, and sometimes a whole series of joints, as when a pack of crown peices leanes obliquely upon a Table. Further, others I have that are twisted like a Cord, if this possibly may be reckoned amongst the injuries.15 Lastly, some have their 624 lister to oldenburg 0279 joints, indeed, even and in file, but are yet stuffed with a forrain matter, as when brickes are layed in mortar. There is great varieties as to the thicknesse of the Trochitae or single joints: some are so thinn, that they are scarce the full of the 24th part of an intch; others are a full quarter of an intch thick; of these latter I only found at Stock: These, I say, are the extream proportions, as farr as my Observations have yet gon; there are joints of all measures betwixt those two extreames. This is tru in divers Peices, for mostly the joints are of an equall thicknesse in one and the same Peice. Note, that there are slender and small Entrochj or Pieces, which have as thick joints, as the biggest and fairest Peices. There is alsoe some difference in the seames or closing of the joints. some are but seemingly jointed; which appeares \by this, for that/ if they be eaten downe a while in distilled vinegar, the seming Sutures will vanish, as in some I had out of Staffordshire, from about Beresford upon the Dove:16 Others Others and all here at Braughton and Stock are really jointed, and the Sutures indented; which indentures being from the termination of the rayes, they are more fine or larger, according to the difference of the rayes, but ever equall and regular. We have said, that generally the outmost Circle of each joint is flat and smooth; yet are there many other differences to be noted as to that part: Very probably because they are Parts or Peices of different Species of rock-Plants. 1. yt \That/ the smooth jointed (to say noe more of them here) are of different thicknesses to the joints. 2. On some Entrochj betwixt suture and suture in the midle of each joint, are certain Knotts in a Circle; the joints thus distinguished are very deep and large, and are very frequent and large at Stock. 3. There are likewise of these with a circle of knotts, which have many knotts besides upon each joint and looke rugged. 4. Some with much thinner joints, which yet have a Circle of knotts in the middle of each joint; and this alsoe lookes, as though it was all over knotted, and these are found at Braughton only, as far as I know. 5. As some have but one Circle of knotts, others are knotted all over the joint and ruff: soe are there some others, which have a Circle of larger knotts in the midle of each joint, and a circle of lesser on each side close adjoining to the border or verge of the suture. This is huge pretty, and they are found at Stock. 6. Others betwixt suture and suture in the midle of each joint rise with a circular edge. 7. A smooth Entrochos with a large or much risen edge on the midle of one of the Joints, and a much smaller on the midle of an other joint, and that alternatively. 0279 lister to oldenburg 625

8. The same alternative difference, the joints only much rounder and blunt, and here the joints are visibly one thicker than the other. 9. The same with alternate edges knotted. 10. A double edge in the midle of every joint; this makes the joints looke as though they were exceeding thinn and numerous, but indeed \they/ are not soe. 11. A double edge in the midle of every joint knotted by intervalls, or as it were Less [[one word]] \serrate/ edges. And these are some of the differences, that I have a present been able to make out. Some of the Peices \of most,/ if not all, of the differences of these Entrochi are ramous, having lesser branches deduced from the greater, and that without order. Some have but few branches on a Peice; others I find soe thick of branches, that they ressemble a rugged staffe. These Branches are deep inserted within the stemm, and being separated, leave great holes in the sides of it. The rayes in the joints of the branches runn crosse to the rayes of the stemm. On thick steemes are sometimes very small branches, but mostly the bigger the stemm, the thicker the branches. some Some of these branches are branched again; Yet I find not any of them above one intch intire, and yet adhaering and inserted into its stock or bole, and for the most part not above a joint or two. The Branches are known from the stemm, by being a little crooked and something tapering or conic. We meet with but few Peices (besides the branches) which \that/ are not exactly cylindrical, setting aside the injuries above mentioned, that is, that are not as thick at one end as at the other, and perfectly round, not withstanding that we said, that there are them of all degrees of magnitude within the proportions above-named. And, as we said, it is rare to meet with a Peice, that is not exactly cylindrical; soe amongst those few that are not soe, some we find tapering at both ends, and much swelled in the midle. And this is the other Species of this stone, according to the division of Agricola. “Entrochj due sunt species; aut enim aequaliter teres est; aut teres quidem, sed pars ejus media tumet, utrunque caput angustius est.”17 but this must not be understood, as though both ends were compleat; for, these are but broaken Peices, as the rest, more swelled in the midle. Others there are figured like a kind of Fruit or lapis Judaicus; but that these alsoe are truly Entrochj, and are jointed not withstanding this shape. upon a small stalke of 2 or 3 joints is suddainly raised an oval button, broaken off alsoe at both ends. To these we shall add what seemes to have been summitates or fastigia; long and [[one word]] slender Peices with a little jointed button, hollow on the very 626 lister to oldenburg 0279 topp; which topp seemes not to have been divided or broaken off from any thing else. I must not forget, that as they are hollow in the midle (and so it was easy from to string them like beads), which gave occasion to the English name \viz./) these hollows are sometimes filled with earth, and sometimes an other Entrochos is inclosed like a pair of screws, and which is (as it were) pith to the other.18 Of these inward Entrochj some I have \which are/ transparent. Note, that the hollowes or piths are of different Bores, but most are round. And yet there are of them in great plenty at Stock, whose hollow in the midle is in the \elegant/ fashion of a cinquefoil, and the rayes of the joints of these Entrochj are much deeper and fewer in number, then of any other yet observed by me: These alsoe are smooth-jointed. This is most surprising, and I know not any Vegetable, whose Pith is perforate in such a manner. Lastly we in these Rocks find certain rude stones, of the bignesse of walnutts, which have many impressions of Trochitae upon them, as though they had been the roots of them.19 And when these have been a little cleansed in vinegar, these impressions appear more than casual; for the substance that covers them (if not the stones themselves) is Sparr, and the impressions are round holes with rayes, like those holes, which we said above the Branches made in the sides of the stock, when broaken out from them. Agricola makes mention of these alsoe: “saepe numero lapis informis reperitur una cum Trochite et Entrocho, Rotae in se continens figuram quae in eo quasi quaedam radix, Trochitis iam abruptis, remansit.”20 Although there are, indeed, certain lapides informes; which may with some colour be thought to have been the Roots, from whence some Entrochi have been broaken; yet are not all such lumps of stone, one which [[one word]] we discern the vestigia of Entrochi to be called lapides informes, some of them being most elegantly figured. One or two of them, which I found intire and compleat at Stock amongst very many others strangely shattered and defaced, I shall describe to you. 1. The first is in the fashion of a Pine Aple or Cone, with a hollow bottome, about the halfe of an intch deep, and as much over at the bottome: on the very top in the round figure of an Entrochus broaken off; round about the bottom or basis, are 5 single feet at equal distances in the figure of Crescents. This stone is incrustate or made up of angular Plates; \viz./ the bottom is composed of 5 plates, which we call Feet; the midle of the stone of 5 other plates, all of a pent sex-angular figure; and \the/ top stone: all these plates are smooth on the one side. 2. the second is a large stone of the bignesse of a Walnut, one bigger much after the pyramidal fashion of the other; the bottom convex, about one intch 0279 lister to oldenburg 627 and a quarter over; on the top is the lively impression of an [[one word]] \Entrochos/ broaken off, or rather a Trochites yet remaining; round the Basis are 5 double points or Feet at equal distances, all broaken off and somewhat in the figure of Crescents: this stone alsoe is incrustate or covered with \sex-/angular plates, which are rouff \rough/. I can compare the incrustations of these stones to nothing so well, as to the skins of \the/ Piscis triangularis, \which/ described by Margravius \describes/ cuius cutis (nam caret squammis) figuris trigonis, tetragonis, pentagonis, hexagonisque mire distinguitur et notatur.21 Of these figured Plates I find soe great varietie in the Rockes, both as to the number of Angles and other beautiful Ornaments, that it has caused in me great admiration. And it will not be amisse, since they manifestly belong, as parts, to the above described stones, to enumerate them, at least, as many as have yet come to my hands. some of these angular plates, I said, are yet visible in their natural place and posture in the described stones: but I find the greatest part of them broaken up and heaped togathar in great confusion in the Rocks. And it will be as hard to set them togathar, as to skill to tell you, what the figure of an intire Entrochos (and \or/ the stone to which all the above described parts seems to belong,) is: but we will omitt noe part, that we can justly say belongs into it. We shall begin with Pentagonous plates.22 1. The first is a pentagonous stone, as broad as my thumb nail, (we speake of the fairest of them,) hollow on the one side, like a Dish: convex on the other side, where are certain eminent knotts, about the bignesse of small pinn- heads, set in a kind of square order: this plate is somewhat thinn at the edges and yet blunt. 2. The second is also pentagonous, and not much narrower than the other; it is, indeed, somewhat convex above, but not hollow underneath; it is smooth on both sides, at least without those eminent knotts, which are soe remarkable in the other plate: these edges of these are as thinn as of a knife, and sharpe. 3. The third pentagonous plate is not neer soe broad, as either of the former; yet one I found amongst a 100 kind of this sort, that is full as large as any of the above-described: these are all convex on the one side and somewhat hollow on the other; thick edged; one of the 5 sides only is indented: the indented side is ever the thinnest and the stone is most shaped towards that side. Note, that there are many amongst these last indented sort of plates, which are channelled on the concave side and otherwise notched. 4. All these pentagonous plates are to be found plentifully at Braughton or Stock: But I shall not omitt in this place the mentioning of one, I by chance espied amongst certain Figured stones, which I had out of the stone Quarrie neer Wansford bridge in Northamptonshire23 and it probably belongs to these kind of plates I am now in hand with. It has one of the 5 sides thick indented: 628 lister to oldenburg 0279 the convex part has in the midle a raised umbo,24 like some ancient sheilds, and round about the sides a list of smaller studdes. we We have since had some plates much like this from Bugthorp25 under the Woolds in York-shire. but We proceed to remarke some diferences in the sexangular plates. 5. All these stones are but small, save here and there one: the first of them is but little hollow on the one side and convex on the other, having the convex side most elegantly wrought with raised or embossed worke, that is, with an equilateral triangle bestriding each corner and a single right light in the midst; or if you will, 2 Triangles one within an other. These we found at Broughton- scarr only. 6. That plate-stone which is most common in these Rockes, there being a 1000 of these \to be found/ for one of the other, is sexangular, a little hollow on the one side and convex on the other: They are for the most part smooth on the convex side or scabrous only; some are much thicker than others; some being as thick as broad, but most are plate-like; the sides are very unequall, as in Chrystalls, sometimes 5 broader sides and one very small; again 2 sides broad and 4 much narrower and infinite other differences as to the inequali- ties of sides. Words are but the arbitrary symbols of things, and perhaps I have not used them to the best advantage. Good Design (and such is that I send you, done by that ingenious young Gentleman and excellent Artist, my very good friend Mr William Lodge,)26 or the things them selves, which I have all by me, would make these particularly much more intelligible and plain to you. I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

The Explication

The Explication of the Figures

1. A Trochites or a single joint with very fine and small Rayes. 2. A Trochites or single joint with the pith bored through in the fashion of cinquefoil. 3. A Trochites or single joint, of an oval figure, the rayes scarce appearent and a very small point in the place of the Pith. 4. A single joint of two of a midel size, with the pith exceeding large. 5. A pack of single joints dislocated, and yet adhearing in their natural order. 0279 lister to oldenburg 629

6. A very long Entrochos or a peice of many smooth joints with the branches broaken off. 7. An Entrochos with smooth joints not branched. 8. The biggest Entrochos I have yet seen, with stumpes of branches. 9. a smooth [[one word]] Entrochos with very thinn and numerous joints. 10. The largest or deepest jointed Entrochos, save the oval one noted in the third figure. 11. An Entrochos with very many disorderly knotts in each joint. 12. An Entrochos with only one single Circle of knotts in the midle of each joint. 13. An Entrochos with 3 circles of knotts. 14. A smooth Entrochos, with a large and much risen edge in the midle of each joint. 15. Alternate joint round or blunt. 16. a double edge in the midle of each joint 17. alternate joints, edged. 18. 19. 20. certain other differences noted in the Papre, etc but not perfectly expressed in the Design. 21. An Entrochos with a branch of a good length. 22. A branch of an Entrochos knocked off. 23. An Entrochos fruit-like. 24. A fastigium or Simitus.27 25. A radix of an Entrochos in Perspective, where A is a joint or Trochites yet remaining, whence an Entrochos was broaken off. C.E.F.D. are 4 of the double feet, the 5th being hid.28 26. the same radix to be seen at the best advantage: A the Trochites or basis: C.B.D.E. F. the double feet. Note also the sexangular \rough/ rooff plates which incrustate the stone or cover it all over. 27. A smaller Radix with smooth plates and 5 single Feet: H the top stone. I. one of the 5 feet. K. one of the \five/ angular plates which incrustate the midle of the stone. G. the basis, Alsoe the \same/ stone in perspective. G. the same them the \with the/ hollow bottome upwards.

Figures of Plates supposed to incrustate divers roots. 28. a quinangular pentagonous plate knotted. 29. a thinn edged smooth pentagonous plate 30. an indented pentagonous plate 31. the Northamptonshire pentagonous plate. 32. a large pentagonous smooth plate. 33. an hexagonous plate imbossed with angles. 630 lister to oldenburg 0279

34. an hexagonous plate, as deep as broad. 35. 37. odd figured plates. 36. a quadrangular plate ribbed and indented.

he far

N.B. the original Drawings are set in Letterbook 6: pag: 379.29

1. These endorsements noting where the letter was printed and entered into the Royal Society’s letter book are in neither Oldenburg’s nor Lister’s handwriting. 2. Trochites are single parts of the columnal crinoid (sea lily) stem. Lister referred to: Georgius Agricola, De natura fossilium (Basle: Hieronymous Froben, 1546), Book V; A modern translation is: De Natura Fossilium (Textbook of Mineralogy), trans. Mark Chance Bandy and Jean A. Bandy (Mineralogical Society of America, Geological Society of America, Special Paper 63, 1955), pp. 96–98. 3. The entrochi are made up of several columnal parts of the sea lily stem. 4. Single columnals of the sea lily stem with a lumen or central canal. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672, note 8. 5. Fossil spines of certain cidaroid echinoids or sea urchins, especially Balanocidaris. 6. This material is mine gangue from Derbyshire lead mines otherwise known as baryite or barium sulfate. See John Mawe, The Mineralogy of Derbyshire (London: William Phillips, 1802), pp. 86–88 for an account of cawke. (My thanks to Monica Price, assistant curator of minerals, Natural History Museum, University of Oxford, for this reference). 7. “And like star stones, [they] sometimes have the same power to move themselves from one place to another.” Astroites were usually defined as any star-shaped mineral or fossil, but in this case they were joints of pentacrinites, or sea lilies. In his letter of 23 October 1672 to Oldenburg, Lister queried to what extent snail stones would dissolve in vinegar, so he was continuing his research. Most of these fossils were calcium carbonate which would dissolve readily in acetic acid. 8. At this point, Lister inserted an addendum on the left margin of the page, consisting of the rest of the paragraph. 9. Star Regulus of Antimony or antimony metal made to form a visible crystalline structure. The antimony is reduced from stibnite (Sb2S3) by heating it with iron and saltpeter until fusion ensues. The antimony reduced initially must be purified further by repeated fusion with additional saltpeter before the stellate structure can be produced. See William Newman, The Chymistry of Isaac Newton, http://webapp1.dlib.indiana.edu/newton/reference/chemProd.do (accessed 27 October 2011). 10. “Stem-like, like the face of antimony,” see Ulysse Aldrovandi, Musaeum metallicum in libros iiii (Bologna: the Library, 1648). 11. See Conrad Gesner, De rerum fossilium, lapidum et gemmarum maxime, figuris et similitu- dinibus liber (Zurich: Jakob Gessner, 1565), chapter 2, 37r, for a discussion of astroites, and chapter 5, 89v, for a discussion of trochitae. 12. See Book 2, chapter 227 “De Astera, aut Solis gemma, Italis Girasole,” of Anselm Boetius de Boodt, Gemmarum et lapidum historia (Hanau: Wechelianis, Marnium, Aubrii 1609). De Boodt, 0279 lister to oldenburg 631 physician to the royal court of Rudolph ii of Prague, described some 600 known minerals, listed five degrees of hardness in stones, and speculated on the existence of a structure in minerals. He also compared gems from the New World to those available in Europe and Asia. 13. Olaus Worm, Musaeum Wormianum (Leiden: Elzevier, 1655), Book 1, sect. 2, chapter 10. 14. Broughton-in-Craven, North Yorkshire, three miles west of Skipton and Stock, North Yorkshire, eight miles south west of Skipton. Both settlements are underlain by beds of carboniferous limestone, part of the Craven Fault. In the area, there are several reef knolls that formed as coral atolls in the shallow waters of a prehistoric sea. 15. Possibly the crinoid Platycrinities, which has a twisted stem. 16. Beresford Dale, ten miles southeast of Buxton. The geology of Dovedale is based on carboniferous limestone; crinoids there are known as “Derbyshire Screws.” 17. “There are two species of entrochi, one rounded evenly, the other evenly rounded, but with the central part thickened and the head narrower.” 18. These “screws” are internal molds of the central coelem where a nerve cord passed through the entire sea lily. As Hall and Hall have noted, “They are revealed when, for some reason, the calcite of the fossil stem has been removed by groundwater, leaving an open cavity in the rock.” See Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 333, note 14. 19. The “roots” to which Lister referred were actually the calyxes or heads of the crinoids. 20. An unformed or shapeless stone is found together with these Trochite and Entrochi which contains it itself the form of a wheel that has remained in the stone as though it were the root rent asunder. Agricola, De natura fossilium, p. 97. 21. “A triangular fish whose skin (for it lacks scales) is wonderfully distinguished by triangular, square, pentagonal, and hexagonal figures.” In G. Piso and G. Margravius [George Marggraf], Historia naturalis Brasiliae (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1648), book 4, chapter 1, p. 142. 22. The “plates” were astroites, or the joints of pentacrinites, a type of crinoid. 23. Wansford is West of Peterborough on the west side of the A1. The Bridge is along the Great North Road in the centre of Wansford village, bridging the Nene River, and the nearest postcode is pe8 6JA. The thirteenth century was the earliest recorded date of a bridge at Wansford, and it was the main north-south link for the country for people traveling in and out of London. The current bridge dates from 1557, and has twelve arches made of ashlar masonry. The “quarrie” near the bridge was presumably along a span of Middle Jurassic Limestone; Barnack Hills and Holes, a former quarry for shelly “Barnack Rag” from the Jurassic Lincolnshire Limestone, is today a national nature reserve; the cathedrals of Ely and Peterborough and a number of Cambridge colleges were built of Barnack stone. See “Hidden Heritage,” a Heritage Lottery Funded site dedicated to historically important areas around Peterborough: http://www.peterboroughhidden heritage.org/heritage/Wansford-Bridge.html (accessed 31 October 2011). 24. Latin for “boss” or “shield.” 25. Bugthorpe or Buckthorpe is a village ten miles southeast from York; these are abundant in the Lower Jurassic rock of the Yorkshire Wolds. 26. See Lodge’s letter to Lister of 23 October 1673. 27. Sea urchin spines. 28. Calyx of crinoids. 29. This endorsement is not in Oldenburg’s handwriting. 632 lister to oldenburg

FIGURES 6 and 7 William Lodge’s drawings of crinoid fossils, subsequently published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society. © The Royal Society, London 0280 lodge to lister 633

0280 William Lodge to Martin Lister Arnoldsbiggin, Yorkshire, 18 November 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 126. Address: These | For Dr Lister at his house | in Stonegate in | York | with a Box. In a different hand, there is an unrelated annotation on the wrapper “with Shakespeares playes.” Printed: Unwin (1995), p. 219 (partial).

Arnoldsbiggin November the 18th 73

Sir,

I was misinformed concerning the stones at Rainsbrough,1 I made a diligent search and found nothing but a sort of shining agatelike stone (which I suppose to be rock-crystall) of which there is an example in one of the 3 papers, in another of the papers there is one of the longest Entrochi2 I have seen, about halfe an inch broke accidentally off in my hand, found at Clodero,3 in the 3d paper, there are plate stones4 found in the same place where the rest of the Bagg=full were all found, I perceive there is not that variety of Entrochi at Clodero as at Stock5 onely those at Clodero are found in a very hard limestone rock those at Stock in a more clayy substance, I know of severall Scarrs6 in those countryes where if I find any thing remarkable shall give them an account, I am sorry the snailes differ from youre method, but if you please to give me youre method more exactly I shall not be much of my labour to design ’em over agen, for it is my cheife desire to signifie by any meanes how much I am your humble servant.

Will Lodge pray my service to Mr Chancellour Mr Brookes7 and James Collins, I think to be at Hull suddenly and take York in my return.

1. In the Ribble Valley, near Burnley, Lancashire. 2. Sea lilies or crinoid fossils; see Lodge’s letter to Lister of 23 October 1673. 3. Clitheroe, Lancashire 4. Presumably some sort of laminar fossil, perhaps the fossil discs of the sea lily’s stem. 5. Possibly Stocks, a hamlet in the township of Easington, and parish of Slaidburn, liberty of Staincliffe; nine miles north of Clitheroe. 6. Crags. 7. John Brooke. 634 oldenburg to lister 0281

0281 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 18 November 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 124–125. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister at his | house in Stone gate | at York. Postmark: Bishop Mark ?/20 [Presumably November 20]; Illegible Receiving House Mark. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 4 November 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 363–364, letter 2389.

Sir

Your curious papers and elegant figures1 I produced before the R. Society, where being read and behold with applause, and the notion of such stones having once been plants confirm’d by divers of the Company, and pu especially by Mr Hook, I was commanded to return you the hearty thanks for the Company for your constant and unwearied communications, and particularly for this excellent account of Plant-like figur’d Stones; of which kind Mr Hook told us, he had many in the Societies Repository,2 and that he esteem’d even the stone Astroites3 to have been formerly a Vegetable. You are pleased to call them Rock-plants, by which name we presume you mean Plants petrified, whether they grew in rocks or elsewhere. I suppose, Sir, you have well received, though you never yet took notice of it to me, your letter about Snailes, which by your order I transmitted to you several weeks since, after you had insinuated to me that you intended to compleat the subject and \then/ to return the paper to me.4 And since that time I signified to you the Socities desc request that you would either send them the preparation of your Blood-staunching water, or at least a specimen of the liquor itself.5 I exspect Dr Grew in towne very shortly; which hath made me keep by me your rejoinder to his answer, wthout sending it to him to Coventry.6 I doubt not but when he hath seen and consider’d it, you will have his thoughts of it in writing, as you had his former \upon/ your first annotations. I remain

Sir Yr faithfull servant

Oldenburg

London Novemb. 18. 73. 0282 ray to lister 635

1. Lister’s paper and figures of crinoids or sea lily fossils, enclosed in his letter of 4 November 1673. Oldenburg read the paper to the Royal Society on 13 November 1673. 2. See chapter 3, “Of Vegetable Bodies petrify’d, and other like Stones,” in Nehemiah Grew, Musaeum Regalis Societatis: Or A Catalogue and Description of the Natural and Artificial Rarities Belonging to the Royal Society (London: Thomas Malthus, 1685), pp. 266–275. Crinoids feature on pp. 272–273. 3. Any star-shaped mineral or fossil, but in this case the joints of pentacrinites, or sea lilies. 4. See Lister’s letter of 10 October 1672, which Lister requested back in his correspondence of 18 September 1673. Oldenburg sent Lister’s paper on snails with his letter of 3 October 1673. 5. Oldenburg did not specify this request in extant correspondence; either he misremem- bered or the letter was lost. See Lister’s letter of 2 September 1673 and Oldenburg’s reply of 3 October 1673. Birch reports after Lister’s letter was read, “It was ordered, that Mr. Lister should be desired to send to the Society, either a specimen of his water for staunching of blood, or the preparation of it.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 99. 6. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 October 1673.

0282 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 29 November 1673

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 24, number 63. The letter is partially damaged on the left margin of the first page. Missing words will be taken from editions completed before the damage occurred. Address: These | for Mr Martin Lister at | his house in the City | of | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark de/3 [December 3]. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 120–121; Lankester (1848), pp. 104–105; Gunther (1928), p. 132. (These are all partial transcriptions.)

Dear Sir,

I received your last Letter of Novemb: 11th with your accurate observations about S Cuthberts beads.1 A strange thing it seems to me that the broken pieces of those bodies2 which you find, I mean of the main stems, should be of equall bignesse from top to bottome and not at all tapering, if they be indeed the bodies of rock-plants. These are found in Malta certain Stones called St Pauls Bastoons,3 which I suppose were originally a sort of Rock plants, like small snagged sticks, but without any joynts the trunks whereof diminished according to the proportion of other plants after the putting forth of their branches. Those roots that you have observed are a good argument that these stones were originally pieces of vegetables wonderfull it is, that they should be all broken, and not one plant \found/ remain\ing/ entire: and no lesse wonderfull that there should not at this day be found the like vegetables growing upon the 636 ray to lister 0282 submarine rocks, unlesse we will suppose them to grow at a great depth under water. And who knows but there may be such bodies growing on the rocks at this day, and that the fishers for corall may find of them, tho\u/gh being of no use they neglect and cast them away. Certain it is that there is a sort of corale joynted. The small collection of Locall words I mentioned to you is abroad.4 I had sent you one of them, but that I know not how to get it conveyed unlesse and had sent to Mr Martin for direction: and truly the thing is so inconsiderable a trifle, that I though it not worth the while to give him the trouble. Besides it is so ill corrected, that I am also in that respect ashamed of it. As for the other business, I have sent to London for the best [[two words]] I can \be/ procured, because I would leave nothing unattempted that might probably doe good.5 I had before used some made in the country, and indeed I cannot say although without \effect/. I wish you would send me your judgement of those receipts in Prevotius his Materia medica,6 which to me seem to be very good. From Cantharides7 calcined I expect not much, as supposing the vertue of them will be quite taken away by that means, there remaining little else in the ashes but the fixt salt. I am going on as fast as I can with the Ornithology. That the work may not be defective, I intend to take in all the kinds I find in other books which Mr Willughby described not, and to have a figure for all the descriptions I can procure them for. I have sent this week to Mr Martin to begin to get some figures engraven.8 In my next I shall write more largely about this matter, desiring your advice and assistance.9 I must now make an end lest the Post be gone. Many thanks to you for your reall expressions of kindesse, with hearty prayers for your self and dear relations. I rest

Sir, Yours entirely.

John Ray

Middleton

Novem. 29.—73.

1. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672, note 8. 2. There is damage at this point, the word “bodies” supplied by Lankester’s edition. 3. A batoon was a stout staff or stick used as a weapon, a cudgel, club, or truncheon; it could describe also a staff of office. St. Paul, who was shipwrecked on the island in ad 60, was associated with Malta. In an article entitled “Fossil Folklore,” the Natural History Museum of London noted: “As written in the Acts of the Apostles (28:2–7), St. Paul was bitten by a snake, which rose out of a fire built to warm the shipwrecked sailors. St Paul flung the snake back into the fire, and it was noted that he was unharmed, thereby convincing the heathen islanders that he was a god. 0283 lister to oldenburg 637

As a punishment to the snakes of the island, he reputedly took away their ability to produce poison. The cursed Maltese snakes also lost their eyes and tongues. Different fossils found in the Miocene rocks that form Malta are believed to be ‘serpents’ eyes’ (palatal teeth of another fossil fish) and ‘serpents’ tongues’ (sharks’ teeth).” See http://www.nhm.ac.uk/nature-online/earth/ fossils/fossil-folklore/fossil_types/shark_teeth03.htm (accessed 31 October 2011). 4. A reference to John Ray, A Collection of English words: Not generally used, with their significations and origins, in 2 alphab. catalogues . . . (London: Burrell, 1674). 5. It is likely that Ray is referring to aphrodisiacs for his sexual dysfunction; see Ray’s letter to Lister of 18 July and 26 July 1673. 6. Jean Prevost, most probably a reference to his De remediorum (1611). 7. The word is heavily blotched out, but it is indeed cantharides or Spanish fly, used as a sexual stimulant. 8. Presumably John Martyn, the printer of the Royal Society who printed The Ornithology of Francis Willughby in 1678. Ray would remark of the engravers in the preface to his Ornithology: “though they were very good Workmen, yet in many Sculps they have not satisfied me.” See Ray, Preface to the Ornithology, p. 6. 9. Most likely the preparation of Willughby’s Ornithology.

0283 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 1 December 1673

Source: rs el/L5/63 and rs Letter Book, vol. 6, p. 339. Address: For my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh | Esquire at his house | in the Palmal | London. Oldenburg has noted on the wrapper, “Rec.d. 4 dec. 73.” He also wrote, “Answ. Dec. 13. 73 and sent a copy of Dr Grews rejoinder to Mr Listers 2d papers; desired also to hasten the pap of Snailes for the Transact. of \this/ December.” Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 18 November 1673. Postmark: Bishop Mark de/3 [December 3]. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 368–369, letter 2393.

(Enter’d L B. 6. 339.)1

Sir

I take great pleasure in doing anything that may be agreable to the R.S. I have declined the inserting any opinion concerning the original of those stones figured like plants, because I am doubtful still.2 As for the Exception of Rock plants, it might escape me; but I mean nothing more by it, than stones found in the Rocks figured or having some common external shape like plants, though in most other particulars they wholy differ from any vegetable that I know of in Nature. 638 lister to oldenburg 0283

I have sone Notes concerning the Astroites which you had had ere this, but that I have not received the figures, tho long expected by me from the same hand.3 I shall likewise return you the Table of Snailes.4 The first opportunity of Loft the Carrier I will [[one word]] \send/ you a bottle of the water:5 and I desire that Mr Wiseman6 may have a share of it, because he has desired it of me by Mr Brooke who kisses your hands. I am

Sir Your most humble servant,

Martin Lister

Yorke Dec 1st. 1673

I shall take care likewise to pay in my contribution.

1. This endorsement is in neither Oldenburg’s nor Lister’s hand. 2. Lister continued to be equivocal about the origin of fossils. On the first page of the preface of his later Historia Animalium Angliae tres tractatus (1678), he noted that he did not completely “disregard the fact that these [fossils] are much like living things of which nature has wearied. Certainly I have thought about these possibilities.” Lister followed this comment by stating that he would “stop these ruminations in the presence of the reader; they [the specimens] may speak for themselves. If yet it is able to be judged what these earthly stones are to be, I will consider it, nor will I make rash judgments.” [Non autem ignoro, hac rerum viventium imagines multorum ingenia fatigâsse. At eorum sententiae non utique; examinandas putavi . . . Sed ipsas res coram Lectoribus sisto; ipsae loquantur. Si tamen eorum sententiae qui hos lapides terrigenos esse judi- cârunt, favere videar, non temerè id facio.] For an analysis of Lister’s thought about rock-plants or crinoids and the fossil debate in the Royal Society, see Roos (2011), chapter 8, passim. 3. From William Lodge. See Lodge’s letter to Lister of 23 October 1673. 4. See Oldenburg’s letter of 18 November 1673. 5. The “blood-staunching” liquor. See Lister’s letter of 2 September 1673 and Oldenburg’s reply of 3 October 1673. 6. Richard Wiseman, master of the Barber-Surgeons Company in 1665. The Royal Society’s meeting minutes of 4 June 1673 reveal that Wiseman was also doing experiments with styptic liquor made by Jean Denis. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 91. In his letter to Lister of 26 September 1672, Brooke also mentioned an autopsy that Wiseman had performed, so it is clear they were well-acquainted. 0284 oldenburg to lister 639

0284 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 13 December 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 132–133. Address: To my honored ffriend | Dr Martin Lister at | his house in Stone- gate-barr | in | York. Reply to: Lister letters of 1 December 1673 and ca. 3 January 1673/4. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 406–408, letter 2610.

London Dec. 13. 73.

Sir,

I here send you \a Copy of/ Dr Grews answer to your second paper;1 by in which as you will find that I obey’d your directions as to the three paragraphs, by you reflected upon in a letter to me by itself,2 so you may perhaps meet with some brisk expressions, which have fallen from the Author, rather, I am persuaded, out of a sense of some necessity to assert his care and faithfulnesse in observing, than from any vanity in his nature, or disrespect to you. I assure myself, Sir, you well take nothing amisse, so as to be offended with the Answerer, whatever return you may find cause to make to his matter. I shall be glad to understand by the first conveniency, that this is well come to hand. As to yours of the first of December, if you have, as in that letter you said to intended to do by the first opportunity, sent by your Carrier the bottle of your styptique water, and the Table of Snailes, I think myself obliged to tell you, that as yet I have heard no news of him; though I should be very glad, I might receive both, especially that of Snailes, because I would fain insert it in the Transactions of this month.3 As soon as these things come to my hands, I shall not faile, God willing, to send Mr Wiseman4 a share of the \water,/ as you have directed. Your notes concerning the Astroites, when ever you can send them, to be added to the rest of the figured stones, will be very acceptable. Those of the stones, you have already communicated to us, such as least, as represent branchines, seem to have been formerly Plants. I have now in my custody a boxe, left with me by a Sicilian, Paulo Boccone,5 (an inquisitive person, especially as to Plants and Figured stones,) for the repository of the R. Society;6 in which, amongst other curiosities, there are several pieces of Coral, red and white, some hard and solid,7 others britle sticking about pieces of wood etc. which latter may much inform us about the original of coral, and teach us, that ’tis of a stony, not vegetable nature. 640 oldenburg to lister 0284

I cannot conclude this without giving you notice of an Observation, lately sent me from Hamburg by an inquisitive person,8 which is this in his owne words: “Porci, moschum ferentes (de quibus ante hac, ad Te scripsi) nostrae sunt regionis, adeoque nullus dubito, quin et vestrae. Caeterum frustra quaeratur in testiculis, quod quaerendum in glandula capitis, eaque duplici, non redolente nisi contrita.”9 Sir, If you should find any such thing, I doubt not but you will oblige me by giving me notice of it, who am

Sir Your Humble and faith. servt

Oldenburg

Sir, after sealing of this letter, I received yours, without date,10 giving me notice of the botle sent by your Carrier loft, who will not be here, I understand, till Wednesday next; when I shall take care of securing the botle, and disposing of it according to your direction. I thank you for Mr Wrays notes upon the Entrochi but am sorry, your paper of snailes is not come along. I hope, you will hasten it to me. By my next you shall have our Treasurer’s receipt for your contribution, with thanks.11

1. See Grew’s letter to Oldenburg of 11 December 1673. 2. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 October 1673. 3. This was not published until July 1674 as: Martin Lister, “An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Martin Lister Concerning the First Part of His Tables of Snails, Together with Some Quaere’s Relating to Those Insects, and the Tables Themselves; Sent to the Publisher from York, March 12. 1673,” Phil. Trans., vol. 9 (1674), pp. 96–99. 4. For Wiseman, see Brooke’s letter to Lister of 26 September 1672, note 5. 5. Paolo Boccone (1633–1704), a Sicilian botanist who became court botanist to Ferdinando ii de’ Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, as well as to Ferdinando’s son, Cosimo iii. He became a Cistercian in 1682, taking the name Silvio. Boccone was considered one of the premier botanists in Europe and held in high esteem by John Ray; Boccone described many rare plants of Sicily, Malta, Piedmont, and Germany, and Plumier named the genus Bocconia in the family of the papaveraceae after him, a name continued by Linnaeus. Boccone had a lively correspondence with natural philosophers all over Europe, which he published with commentary as Museo de Fisica (Venice, 1697). He was also an important contributor to the fossil debate, arguing, like Robert Hooke, that fossils were the remains of living creatures. 6. Birch provides a list of Boccone’s donations of seventeen items, “his collection of curiosities in three boxes.” See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 116–118. Boccone’s donations were the subject of an article: Paulo Boccone, “An Account of Some of the Natural Things, with Which the Intelligent 0285 lister to oldenburg 641 and Inquisitive Signor Paulo Boccone, of Sicily, Hath Lately Presented the Royal Society, and Enriched Their Repository,” Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6158–6161. 7. Boccone remarked that he was able to squeeze a “lacteous juice” out of the corals which he believed led to its red color; the similarity of the shape of the coral to salts lead him to believe it was of mineral rather than vegetable nature. 8. Christoph Sand (1644–1680), Arian writer and publisher of Socinian works, and an editor and translator who spent time studying in Oxford in 1664. Sand was a frequent correspondent of Oldenburg’s, translating the first four volumes of the Philosophical Transactions into Latin, which were published in Amsterdam. As Anthony Turner has indicated, “Sand went to considerable trouble over his translation, sending lists of queries to Oldenburg, only to be sharply criticized in a review of the fourth published volumes in Philosophical Transactions itself. ” The translations then ceased. Apparently Sand had reused some translations of the Philosophical Transactions which had appeared in the Latin version of the Journal des Sçavans. See Anthony Turner, “An interrupted story: French translations from Philosophical Transactions in the seventeenth and eighteenth century,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 62, 4 (December 2008), pp. 341–354, on p. 344. Sand’s original letter was sent to Oldenburg on 10 November 1673 (rs el/ S1/126 and printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 340–343, letter 2383). 9. “In our part of the world there are boars having musk-glands and so no double in yours too (concerning which I have written to you). Moreover it would be vain to search in the testes for what is to be looked for in the gland of the head and is deceptive, not smelling unless ground up.” 10. Lister’s letter indicated by Oldenburg (probably mistakenly) to have been written 3 January 1673/4. 11. The receipt is next to the letter’s wrapper in the folio (ms Lister 34, fol. 132 verso). The receipt reads: “London December 15: 1673, Receaved then from Mr Martyn Lister by the hands of our Oldenburge fiftie two shillings for one year of his weekely payments to the Royall Society entered at Christmas \next 1673/ I agreed. Dan: Colwall, trs.” Colwall then indicated the total Lister had remitted was equivalent to £2. 12s.

0285 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 19 December 1673

Source: rs el/L5/64. Address: For his very honoured friend | Henry Oldenburg Esquire | at his house in the Palmal | London. Oldenburg has noted on the wrapper, “Answ. jan 17. 73.” In another secretarial hand, we also have the endorsement: “dec. 19. 73 concerning his Dispute with Dr Grew, and other Notices.” Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 13 December 1673. Postmark: Bishop Mark de/22 [December 22]. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 411–412, letter 2408.

Decemb. 19th. 1673 642 lister to oldenburg 0285

Sir

I had yours of the 13th instant, and all the inclosed Papers safe. Dr Grew, to whome I pray make my compliment, is very obliging to have given himselfe soe great trouble for my private satisfaction, for by his brisk way of writing I presume he intended noe more. I could wish I were in a capacitie of shewing him the respect and honour I have for this person, and the great esteem I have of \his/ labours. And to let him see how great an ennemy I am to contention (which too the great remissnesse of my 2d Paper1 doth sufficiently evidence), I most willingly acquiesce, and desire that this unpleasant way of writing may end where it begun with me. what I have said in these Papers material or what further I may have to say upon this subject, I shall take care to communicate to you in a lesse offensive way, as formerly.2 The truth is \I/ am very sorry that matters cannot be adjusted in the way you put us upon; for what reason I know not, [[one word]] \but/ it is not possible for me to reply to this last Paper without infinitly widening instead of composing things: and therfore I thinke it mere prudence to let it fall untill I have the happinesse of discoursing these matters with him, which I doe not dispaire of but that it may be this summer which comes.

Sir

I am sorry I cannot satisfy your desires in sending you the Paper of Snailes:3 it is long that I have expected them and some other things from Mr Lodge: but I feare it will be yet much longer, he being a person who is otherways employed and one that I cannot hasten beyond his owne inclination and fancy, and lives 40 miles off this place, so that I have but a slow correspondence with him. The notes about the Entrochi have litle or noe dependence upon the other, soe that, if you thinke fitting, you may dispose of them whilst these are \making/ ready.4 I thank you for the observations you sent me, I shall beare them in mind. I am

Sir, Your most humble Servant

Martin Lister.

1. Enclosed in Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 October 1673. 2. At this point, Lister probably realized that his botanical work was being outclassed by Grew’s excellent histological research into plant anatomy. Lister was also distracted by an 0286 jessop to lister 643 increasingly busy medical practice, which called him away into “remote parts” including his estate at Embsay, Yorkshire, at the edge of Barden Moor where some of his patients were accommodated during convalescence. His wife Hannah had recently given birth to their third child and first son, Michael, in March or April; a letter to Lister of 15 April 1673 from John Brooke notes, “my wife . . . wishes your Lady much comfort of her little one, & a Happy Recovery.” See Roos (2011), pp. 165–166. 3. Lister’s revision of his letter of 10 October 1672. See Lodge’s correspondence with Lister of 23 October 1673. 4. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 4 November 1673.

0286 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister Broomhall, Sheffield, 30 December 1673

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fols 19–20. The right margin of the first folio is folded and slightly torn, leading to slight loss of text. Lister would abstract this letter in his correspondence to Oldenburg of 7 January 1673/4. Address: ffor Dr Martin Lister at | his house in Stonegate | in Yorke. Printed: Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6179–6181 (partial); Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 424–428, letter 2415 (partial).

Sir

You had heard from me long before now but that I did not tell which way to sent to Captaine Waine.1 I have at lengeth met with him but he can furnish me with no more of the mullion, that small parcell being all that he left by him, and the place he got it is at some distance and he knowes when he shall have occasion to go that way againe. he gave me a white liquor resembling cream both in colour and consisence which \he/ found in great quantity’s at the bottom of a cole pit 49 yards deep—which I reserve for you.2 he gave me also a small piece of gravelly soyl amongst pebbles and a piece of Welsh oar, a good large piece of oar gotten in fullers earth, oar gotten in a gravelly soyl amongst pebbles. and a piece of Welsh Iron mine as he calls it in which the iron is so mature that they run it not into sow mettle, but get good iron out of it with the first heat. I will give the best answere I can in short to \the/ questions you put to me in your last 1 the bivalves3 were found amongest the spar at the side of a groove4 and therefore it is probable they came out with it. 2 the fungus subterraneus5 y was gotten in a rocky lime stone ground on the common about 2 miles distant from castleton in the peake,6 15 or 16 yards deep 644 jessop to lister 0286 in the old man7 covered with Earth that had either falne or was thrown in, there is no colebed that is knowne of within five or six miles of the place. As for the drops in pooles hole8 I cannot procure any intire they being all broken by people that come in to see the place. The wortly gro\o/ves I find upon enquiry are not wrought at this time and I can not yet meet with any one that hath any parcel of it \that oar/ by him. What I spoke of subterraneous heates was with reffarence to a passage in a booke of Mr Boyles,9 where he makes three regions in the earth. The first he makes to differ little from the \temper of the/ externall aire, the second warm, the third cold. the first and second every one that workes in grooves can tell me of \the third none heer abouts ever heard of/ although I have spoken with some which at this time do worke day=ly grooves of fourscore faddome10 deep which though not so deep as the hungary mines, yet reaches far beyond the limits of his second region to the best of remembrance for I have not his booke by me. it is true when they strike mine a selfe open11 they most commonly meet with cool air which also cooles the part of the groove \immediately/ above it, after it hath gotten a passage into it, which was warme before. but when they get below these selfe openings they meet with some heat againe. therefore I thinke it may be very propper to put this qua[[ery]] whether in those mines wherin cold is felt at such a depth there be no selfe op[[ening]]. Another thing observed by them all is this. that where they are forced to make of air shafts, the cold will \be/ more intense at the bottome of the shaft through where the air descends in frosty weather then in the open air, and by consequence the better part of the g other groove into which this cold aire \hath/ but a short passage must also be very cold. we need not seeke far for a reason of this accident since the streightnesse of the passage and celerity of the motions with which this cold air descends doth readyly [[s]]uggest one, for \we/ finde by constant experience whereever the air is compressed in any \a/ narrow passage the cold cold is most violent. And that even a warme air so compressed will be very sensibly cold. and \yet/ the heat of the ground is such that not onley those that are underground but those which fit in the coves (as they call them, which are small hutts built over the mouthes of the principall groues covered with sods) were so warme that often times they sweat in the coldest \day/ in winter, the air which was cold in descending being heated in its ascent and long passage through the warme region of the earth. I thinke therefore I may with reason put this further quare, whether in places which have no selfe openings the cold which is \felt/ at the bottome of deep mines [[ve]]ines do not rather proceed from the externall air which 0286 jessop to lister 645 descends with violence [[t]]hrough the air shaft into the bottome of the mine, rather then from the nature of the region. [[I]] should say something concerning dampes \as I promised/ but I will leave that till another time because [[I]] shall scarce have \roome/ enough left to write what I have yet to say. [[I]] parceave in the last philosophicall transaction12 that there is a dispute whether monsieur hugen,13 van Heurat,14 or Mr Neile15 first found out a streight line equall [[to]] a crooked.16 It is therefore necessary for me to beg pardon of you and Mr Oldenburg in the errour I was guilty of in my first paper, for had I knowne it to be a thing so notorious, I should not have been so indescreet to have pretended to [[have been]] the first inventer of a thing alread long agoe common amongst so many. I [[d]]esire therefore to know whether any of those crooked lines I have there strieght[[ened]] be the same which those gentlemen have formerly met with dispatched. [[T]]here is another thing wherin I perceave I did both then and do yet differ in my [[o]]pinion ffro both ffrom Dr Wallis, my Lord Bronker and M Sir Ch: Wren. that is although the invention be extraordinary ingenious and handsome and of [[g]]reat consequence yet Sr Ch: Wren can not be properly sayd to have found but a strieght line equall to a crooked. for if this be done as it ought to be \there should be/ reciprocallity in the proposition, for he that will say he can give a strieght [[l]]ine equall to a crooked, ought also on the other side be able to exhibite the crooked line into which this strieght line is equall, at least to describe it by poynts. but this cannot be done in this case, because there is none can give so much as two poynts in the cycloide and therefore it cannot properly be called a [[c]]rooked line given. This I write not out of a vaine desire to censure those worthy [[ge]] ntlemen but to excuse my selfe. for it would have beene a great folly in me to contradict my selfe so grossely in the same page to \by/ citing this proposition of Sir Christophers [[one word]] I had sayd I knew not of any that had found a crooked line equall to a streight before I thought this to be did not fully reach the intent of my purpose. I desire also that Mr Oldenberg would undeceave me if I have committed any error in my animadversions on Dr Wallis his hypothesis. for although the Dr hathe neither found any fault with my demonstration nor given me any demonstration of his owne assertion that \yet/ I am apt to suspect my self \rather/ then him. I know my selfe to be as subject to mistakes as any man, but it is not my custome to continue so long in an errour, and therefore he will do me a great favour if he will tell me the plain truth for he hath never yet given me his owne opinion.

Your humble servant ffra: Jessop. 646 jessop to lister 0286

Decemb: 30—73. the last letter I receaved from you was dated Octob: 6th and therefore I suspect there may be some miscarryage. I pray you direct those you send heer after to be left with Mr Dawin at Rotherham.

1. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 26 August 1673 for Captain Wain[e] and the promised ores. 2. Metalline gur or bur. See Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673. 3. Presumably fossilized molluscs. 4. A “groove” was known as a mining shaft or pit in this period. 5. For the fungus, see Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 8. 6. A village situated at the head of the Vale of Hope, in the heart of the Derbyshire Peak District. 7. “Old Man” was a term for a mine that was no longer in production. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 7 January 1673/4 where he describes this term. Furthermore, the area of limestone upland between Castleton and the Peak Forest is known for its mines, primarily lead, with several mineral rakes such as Dirtlow Rake and Moss Rake. One of the mining sites in their region, believed to be of the late seventeenth century, is called “Old Man’s Crosscuts,” is a series of three handpicked cross-cuts in the northern cheek of a vein of iron ore. This may be the “Old Man” to which Jessop refers. See Chris Heathcote, “Surface Remains of the Castleton/Peak Forest Area, Derbyshire,” Mining History: The Bulletin of the Peak District Mines Historical Society, 15, 1 (Summer 2002), pp. 43–48, on p. 45. 8. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 26 August 1673. 9. Robert Boyle, Tracts Written by the Honourable Robert Boyle About The Cosmicall Qualities of Things, Cosmicall Suspicions, The Temperature of the Subterraneall Regions, The Temperatures of the Submarine Regions, The Bottom of the Sea (Oxford: W.H., 1670). Boyle described these three regions in chapter 2, pp. 6–7 in his tract of the Temperature of the Subterraneall Regions: “That very near the Orifice of the Groove, he felt the Air yet warm; but afterwards descending towards the lower parts of the Groove, he felt it cold, till he came to such a depth, as he had scarce attained by a quarter of an hours descent, and that the Cold he felt during this time seem’d to him considerable, especially when in descending he had reached to a good depth. That after he had passed that Cold Region, he began by degrees to come into a warmer one which increased in heat, as he went deeper and deeper. So that in the deeper veins he found the Workmen digging with only a slight garment over them; and the Subterraneal heat was much greater, then that of the free Air on the top of the Groove, though it were then Summer.” Jessop appears to have reversed Boyle’s subterranean regions. 10. Eighty fathoms. 11. A mining term for a cavern or fissure. 12. The edition of 17 November 1673, containing the following: Johannis Wallisii, “Epistola Doct. Johannis Wallisii, Primam Inventionem et Demonstrationem Aequalitatis Lineae Curvae Paraboloidis cum Recta, Anno 1657. Factam, Dn. Guilielmo Neile p.m. Afferens; Proximeque Dn. Christophoro Wren Equiti, Inventionem Lineae Rectae Aequalis Cycloidi Ejusque Partibus, Anno 1658,” Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6146–6149; “Two Other Letters, Consonant to the Former; One of the Lord Vis-Count Brouncker; the Other, of the Said Sir Ch. Wren,” Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6149–6150. 0287 lister to oldenburg 647

13. Christiaan Huygens. 14. Hendrik van Heuraet (1634–1660). In 1659, this Dutch mathematician wrote a letter to his colleague Frans van Schooten (1615–1660), entitled Epistola de transmutatione curvarum lin- earum in rectas. In this work, van Heuraet invented “a rectification method which reduces, for any arbitrary algebraic curve, the rectification to a quadrature of an associated curve, that is to computing the area under an associated curve.” His work anticipated integration, and van Heuraet and Huygens engaged in a priority dispute over the discovery of this means of rectification with Wallis and Neile (see below); Hugyens claimed he had reduced the surface area of a paraboloid to a circle before van Heuraet’s discovery. See MacTutor History of Mathematics, http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/Biographies/Heuraet.html (accessed 15 November 2012). 15. William Neile (1637–1670). At the age of nineteen, in 1657, Neile discovered the semicubical parabola and computed its arc length; it was the first curve to be rectified algebraically. Neile’s demonstration was published by John Wallis in De Cycloide (1659). Jackie Stedall notes: “In 1657, William Neile, a young student at Wadham College, Oxford, found the rectification of the semicubical parabola (in modern notation 9y2=4kx3) by a method that was geometric but involved a comparison of sums of infinitely small quantities. Wallis was easily able to make Neile’s proof algebraic using the notation defined in ‘De sectionibus conicis’, while William Brouncker went further and came up with a formula for the length of a portion of the curve in terms of its coordinates. At about the same time, Hendrick van Heuraet in the Netherlands arrived independently at a general method of rectification, and applied it to the semicubical parabola, and in 1659 Fermat rectified both the semicubical parabola and the cycloid. Wallis later claimed that all these attempts were based on the hints he had given in the ‘Arithmetica infinitorum’: ‘And I do not at all doubt that this notion there hinted, gave occasion (not to Mr Neile only, but) to all those others (mediately and immediately,) who have since attempted such Rectification of Curves (nothing in that way having been attempted before).’ It is true that Wallis had outlined a method of rectification in the ‘Arithmetica infinitorum’, and Neile may have been inspired by it, but Neile’s method was expressed in traditional geometric terms and he handled a curve that Wallis had not thought about at all.” See J.A. Stedall, “Introduction,” in The arithmetic of infinitesimals: John Wallis 1656 (New York: Springer-Verlag, 2004), p. xxx. 16. In other words, the mathematical rectification of a curve. At this point, mathematicians had “believed it was not possible to compare the length of a curved arc with a straight line segment.” See MacTutor History of Mathematics, http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Biographies/Heuraet.html.

0287 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, ca. 3 January 1673/41

Source: rs el/L5/65 and rs Letter Book, vol. 7, pp. 1–2. Address: For his much honoured friend | Henry Oldenburg Esquire | at his house in the Palmal | London. Oldenburg noted on the wrapper, “Answ. jan. 17 73/4.” In an unknown hand was the note: “The letters of The viith Lett book.” Postmark: Bishop Mark de/12 [December 12]. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 383–384, letter 2401. 648 lister to oldenburg 0287

(Enter’d L B. 7. 01.)2

Sir

This day I delivered to Loft the Carrier a botle of the water we used in the staunching of blood.3 There is great contingency in the making and use of it, as I have found my selfe. whether there by any reall qualitie in it for the use destined, I shall expect to heare from you. I thinke it more applycable to humain bodies, than of other Creatures: the restlessenesse and struggling of these \manytimes/ defeating the Experiment and yet I have seen the blood stauncht on them too to my satisfaction and wonder, whether by some unheeded accident or the vertue of the water I will not determine. I desire that Mr Wiseman4 may have his share of it to try upon occasion the use that be made of it. This I have got by it, and which I thinke is the most creditable and proper use of secretts, that A Churgeon in this Towne, who has, he thinks used \it/ with great successe, has voluntarily exchanged with me the communication of a tryed Specific ad maniam5 which he and his Grandfather before him have [[one word]] \practised/ with [[one word]] wonderfull successe. And I am the more glad of it because it is the root of an English plant, not suspected to have any such virtue. I may in time be free from the present obligation of silence. Mr Wray had a sight of my papers concerning St Cutberds beads, and perhapps his wordes may divert you, I shall transcribe them for you.6 “I received your accurate Observations about St Cuthberts beads. a strange thing it seems to me, that the broken pieces of thos bodies, which you find, I mean of the main stems, should be of equall bignesse from the Top to the bottom and not at all tapering, if they be indeed the bodies of Rock-plants. There are found in Malta certain stones called St Pauls Batoons which I [[one word]] suppose were originally a sort of rock plants, like small snagged sticks, but without any joints, the trunks whereof diminish according to the proportion of other plants, after the putting forth of their branches. Those roots that you have observed are a good Argument, that theses stones were originally Peices of vegetables. wonderfull it is, that they should be all broken and not one plant found remaining entire: and noe lesse wonderfull that there should not at this day be found the like Vegetables growing upon the Submarine rocks, unlesses we will suppos them to grow at great depth under water. And who knows but there may be such bodies growing on the rocks at this day and that the Fishers for Corall may find of them, though being of noe use they neglect and cast them away. Certain it is that there is a sort of Coral joined.” Soe far Mr Wray. 0288 lister to oldenburg 649

I have nothing from my friend Mr Lodge.7 which will excuse my not sending the Papers promised.

York jan. 3. 1673/48

1. Oldenburg added this date to the bottom of the letter, but the postmark does not correspond with it; Oldenburg also answered this letter on 13 December 1673, so his annotation may be erroneous. 2. This annotation concerning the placement of the letter in the Royal Society’s letter book is not in either Oldenburg’s or Lister’s hand. 3. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 18 November 1673, note 5. Subsequently Lister promised to send the liquor to Oldenburg in his letter of 1 December 1673. 4. Richard Wiseman, master of the Barber-Surgeons Company in 1665. 5. For mania, or to treat madness. 6. The following was excerpted from Ray’s letter to Lister of 29 November 1673. 7. William Lodge. 8. Added in Oldenburg’s hand.

0288 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 7 January 1673/4

Source: rs el/L5/66 and rs Letter Book, vol. 7, p. 2. Printed: Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6179–6181; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 82–84; Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 424–428, letter 2415; Beeley, vol. 4, pp. 323–328, letter 142.

(Read Jan: 22.73. Entd lb.7.02. Prd. Trans: 100.)1

A letter of Mr Lister to M. Oldenburg about the invention of a Streight line equal to a Crooked; as also concerning Subterraneous heats, and some subterraneous substances.2

Sir

I am to acquaint you with the contents of a late letter I received from Mr Jessop;3 his words are. “I perceive in the last Ph. Transactions,4 that there is a dispute, whether M. Hugen, Van Heurat or Mr Neile first found out a streight line equal to a crooked. It is therefore necessary for me to beg pardon of you 650 lister to oldenburg 0288 and Mr Oldenburgh, for the errour I was guilty of in my first Paper; for \had/ I known it to have been a thing so notorious, I should not have been soe indescreet to have pretended to have been the first inventer of a thing long agoe common among soe many. I desire therfore to know whether any of these Crooked lines I have streightened be the same with which those Gentlemen have formerly dispatched. There is an other thing, wherein I perceive I did both than add and doe now yet differ in my opinion, both from Dr Wallis, my Lord Brouncker and Sir Chr. Wren, that is, altho the invention be extraordinary ingenious and handsome and of great consequence, yet Sr C. Wren cannot be properly said to have found out a streight line equal to a crooked: for if this be done as it ought to be, there should be reciprocallity in the Proposition for he that will say he can give a streight line equal to a crooked, ought alsoe on the other side be able to exhibite the crooked line unto which this streight line is equal, at least to describe it by points, but this cannot be done in this Case because there is none can give soe much as two points in the Cycloide, and therfore it cannot properly be called a crooked line given. This I writ not out of a vain desire to censure those worthy Gentlemen, but to excuse my selfe; for it would have been a great folly in me to contradict my self soe grossely in the same page, by citing this proposition of Sr Christophers after I had said, I know not of any, that had found a crooked line equal to a streight, unlesse I thought this did not reach the intent of my purpose. I desire alsoe that Mr Oldenburgh (to whom my humble servis) would undeceave me, if I have committed any errour in my Animadversions on Dr Wallis his Hypothesis. for although the Dr hath neither found any fault with my demonstration, nor given me any demonstration of his owne assertion they I am apt to suspect my selfe rathar than him. I know my selfe to be as subject to mistakes as any man, but it is not my coustome to continue soe long in an errour, and therfore he will doe me a great favour, if he will tell me the plain truth, for he hath not yet given me his owne opinion. That this letter may be \the/ more acceptable to you I shall communicate some other excerpta taken out the letters, which this inquisitive and learned Gentleman is pleased to honour me with.5 “I will give” \(saies Mr Jessop)/ “the best answer I can in short to the Questions you put to me in your last.” 1. What I spoake of subterraneous heates, was with reference to a passage in a Booke of Mr Boiles, where he makes 3 Regions in the earth. The first he makes to differ litle from the temper of the external air, the 2d warme, the 3d cold. The first and second, every one that workes in Groves can tell me of, the 3d none here abouts ever heard of, altho I have spoaken with some, which at this time doe worke dayly in Grooves of 80 fathom deep: which tho not soe 0288 lister to oldenburg 651 deep as the Hungarian Mines, yet reach far beyond the limits of his 2d region, to the best of my remembrance, for I have not his booke by me. It is tru, when they strike into a Selfe Open, they most commonly meet with cool air, which alsoe cooles that part of the Groove immediately about it, after it hath gotten a passage into it, which was warme before: but when they get below these Selfe Openings they meet with the same heat again: Therfore I thinke it may be very proper to put this Quaerie, whether in those Mines, wherein cold is felt at such a depth, there be noe Self Openings? An other thing observed by them all is this: that where they are forced to make use of Air shafts, the cold will be more intense at the bottome of the Shaft, thorough which the air descends in frostly weathar, than in open air, and by consequence the lower part of the other Groove in which this cold aire hath but a short passage must alsoe be very cold. We need not looke far for a reason of this accident, since the streightnesse of the passage and celerity of the motion, with which this cold air descends doth readily suggest one; we find by constant experience, wherever the air is \soe/ compressed in a narrow passage, the cold is most violent, and that even a warme air soe compressed will be very sensibly cold. And yet the least of the Ground is such, that not only those that are under ground, but those which sit in the Coves (as they call them, which are small hutts built over the mouths of the principal Grooves covered with sodds) are soe warme, that often times they sweat in the coldest day in Winter, the Aire which was cold in descending, being heated in its ascent and long passage, through the warme region of the earth. I thinke therefore I may with reason put this further Querie. whether in places, which have no Selfe Openings, the cold which is felt at the bottome of deep mines, doe not rathar proceed from the external air, which descends with violence through the air shaft, into the bottome of the mine, rathar than from the nature of the region? I should say something of Dampes, as I promised, but I will leave it till an other time. 2. The Fungus Subterraneous,6 I sent you a large quantitie of, was gotten in a Rocky-lime-stone ground, on a common about 2 miles distanct from Castleton in the Peake of Darbyshire, 15 or 16 yards deep, in the old Man (soe they call a mine formerly wrought and stopped up) covered with earth, that had either fallen as was thrown in: there is noe Coale-bed that is known of within five or six miles of the place. Of this Fungus Subterraneus by Mr Jessops procurement I received a good quantitie; of And yet I am not able to say in what forme it growes, nor did \he/ answer that Quaere; it does not seem to me to have any constant shape, at least the Peices that I received are much like Peats or Turff cutt up in the high Moores, both in the sooty colour and inward substance; this only is more clammy and tough and dryes not, And some of this fungous substance is very 652 lister to oldenburg 0288 soft and like gelly. In and about the more solid Peices (of which I have some half a foot square) are many big lumps of a bituminous substance.7 This Bitumen is very inflamable like Resin; it is very light; it breakes firme and shining like good Aloes, and for colour it is not much unlike it, save that it is more darke coloured and purplish yet ther is much of it of a \darke/ green colour. We distilled a parcel of it: it yeilded us an Acidulous limpid water; than a white liquour, which was I guesse from some of the oily parts praecipitated. And in the last place a copious Yellow Oil, not unlike that of Succinum8 or Pitch, in the Neck of the Retort we could discern noe volatil salt, as in the like Processe upon Amber. Whether this owes its original to a vegetable or is truly a concreet mineral juice and a fossil Bitumen I forbear to determin; I have not read of any such fungous earth in which Bitumen naturally growes and adheres: And the finding of it in an old Mine does much favour the first Opinion of being a Vegetable Substance; either the very substance of the Propps of wood, they make use of in lyning and supporting the Grooves thus altered, or certain fungus’ growing out of them. That Birtch (of which there is \yet/ great plenty and has been vast woodes all these mountainous parts of England over) will yeild a Bitumen, as limpid as the sap is which runs from it \by/ Tapping, if we now had the skill to extract it, Pliny is very expresse. lib. 16. cap. 18. “Bitumen ex Betula Galliae excoquunt.”9 And moreover it is certain that much of that wood, [[one word]] if not all, which is dugg up in the high Moores in Craven, in Pinne Mosse for example, and which the people there call and use for Candle wood, is noe other than Birch, as it appeares from the grain and barke; and yet this wood kindles fires and flames, and exudates a resin, which makes many pronounce it very Fire wood. Whatever this bitumen is which this Fungus subterraneus yeilds, it much differs from the Asphalthum10 of the shopps; and you may command a specimen of it, that is may be better examined by more skillful naturalists. 3. \There is/ An other mineral juice \in those parts of England/ which I have much enquired after and have longed to see, [[three words]] and \now I/ am likely to be satisfyd, as you may thinke by Mr Jessops wordes. “Captain Wayn (a very diligent and knowing person in Mines) gave me a white liquor resembling Cream, both in colour and consistence, which he found in great quaniti- ties in the bottome of a Coale pit 49 yards deep, which I reserve for you.”11 But this is not all the information that I have given me about this \white/ liquour. Mr George Plaxton12 a curious and \very/ intelligent person writes thus to me from Sheriff Hales in Sropshire13 “I shall trouble you with an observation I lately mett with in our Iron Mines, especially that which the countrey people here call the white mine, which yeildes the best iron stone: the miners do commonly upon the breaking of a stone, meet with a great quantitie of a whitish milky liquour, inclosed in the center of it, they sometimes find a Hogshead 0288 lister to oldenburg 653 contained in one Cavity, I take it to be that which van Helmont calls the Gur or Bur14 the butter of Minerals: ’tis in tast sweetish, only it has a vitriolick and iron like twang with it.” You’le pardon me the rudenesse and incoherence of this letter.

I am Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke Janu. 7th 1673

Mr Lodge15 is very unmindfull of me and I have not yet heard from him, as soone as I doe you shall have the Papers you desire. There is a Peice, of which you give us an account in the P.T. intitled Fr Lachmundi Fossilium Descriptio,16 which yet I could never could procure. You will doe me a great favour to get me one of them, or to [[one word]] lend me yours, which I shall be very carefull to return. My purpos being to run through the same subjects, I should be loath to say the same things and not to take notice of him wether there is occasion besides other advantages that I may probably reap by the perusall of it. again Yours

I wish you a happy new Yeare

1. These endorsements indicated when the letter was read, entered in the Royal Society Letter Book, and printed in the Philosophical Transactions were not endorsed by either Oldenburg or Lister. 2. This heading is in Oldenburg’s hand. 3. The original letter from Jessop to Lister was that of 30 December 1673. Oldenburg made a copy of these excerpts in rs/MSI1/169, presumably for publication. 4. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 30 December 1673, notes 12–16. 5. As Hall and Hall have indicated, “this sentence, Jessop’s paragraph number two, Lister’s comment upon it, and Jessop’s paragraph number three are all printed in Phil. Trans.” See Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 428, note 4. For annotations concerning terms in the text, see Jessop’s letter to Lister of 30 December 1673 from which these excerpts were taken. 6. For the fungus, see Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 8. 7. For the bitumen, see Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 8. 8. Acid of Amber or succinic acid (HO2CCH2CH2CO2H), also called sal succini. 9. “They distill bitumen from the birch of Gaul.” 10. Asphaltum, another name for bitumen. 11. This excerpt is from Jessop’s letter of 30 December 1673. 654 lister to ray 0289

12. Reverend George Plaxton, M.A. (d. 1720) entered St John’s College Cambridge, in 1666 and left in 1670; he may have met Lister, with whom he corresponded, there. Plaxton became vicar of Sherriffhales in Shropshire in 1673, and four years later was made Rector of Kinnarsey. In 1690, he resigned Sherriffhales, and Sir William Levenson-Gower, fourth Baronet (c. 1647–1691) presented him to the Rectory of Donnington in 1690, and again to the living of Barwick-in-Elmet, Yorkshire, whereupon he resigned Kinnardsey and Donington. He remained there until 1713, when he went to Lord Gower’s son John Leveson-Gower (1675–1709) at Trentham Hall and acted as chaplain to his patron until his death in 1720. Plaxton was a historian and antiquarian, publishing a paper in the Philosophical Transactions about the parishes of Kinnardse and Donington, as well as a poet. As Walker indicates, “nearly forty years after his death his Advice to a Newly-Married Friend . . . together with his Thirsty Petition of Dry Daniel German,” among other works of this ilk, were being advertised in Leeds for a penny. Plaxton was also a friend of Ralph Thoresby and appeared in his Diary. A selection of his letters from 1706 and a short biography of Plaxton are published in E.M. Walker, “Letters of the Rev. George Plaxton, M.A., rector of Barwick-in-Elmet [ob. 1720],” Miscellanea [xl.] 1936, Publications of the Thoresby Society, 37, 1 (1936), pp. 30–104. Some of Plaxton’s letters are also published in Thoresby’s Life and Correspondence. 13. The letter has been lost. Sherriffhales is fifteen miles east of Shrewsbury. 14. Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673 discusses gur or bur, an incompletely formed metallic substance thought to be the immature substance of metals within their mines. Johann Van Helmont, the Flemist physician and alchemist, discusses gur and bur in his Magnum oportet or a thing of great necessity or concernment (London: Lodowick Loyd, 1662), translated by John Chandler. 15. William Lodge. 16. Friedrich Lachmund, sive Oryktographiae Hildesheimensis, Admirandorum fossilium, quae in tractu Hildesheimensi reperiuntur descriptio, iconibus illustrata (Hildesheim: Jacob Muller, 1669). The work was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 3016–3017.

0289 Martin Lister to John Ray 7 January 1673/4

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 15.1

Com[me]nds ye Conspection/ Rudd (fish).2 His smelting-piece [unfit] to him who had p[ro]vided for smelting minerals/ Mr. Jess[op] writes of white lign[um] found in Cole-pits,3 & Mr. Plaxton of hale4 found in Iron Mines.

0290 William Lodge to Martin Lister Arnoldsbiggin, Yorkshire, 12 January 1673/4

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 81–82. On the wrapper, Lister wrote, “Will Loge Letters.” Printed: Unwin (1995), p. 214 (partial).

Sir

I am afraid I have tryed your patience too much in my designing youre Astroites1 further, I have been from home twas the reason, I am informed by and ingenious man (Mr Cuirer of Scipcton)2 that there are infinite variety of these stones in Scale park3 he has promised to showe me the place, where I will be curious to observe any variety that you have not already, and give you an account without any delay, I shall be much honourd with your correspondence weekly and if you please to send us what news you have at York it will be very acceptable both to Bro: Lister4 and my selfe. I have not yet finished youre paper of snailes,5 but will delay em no longer, when the design is finished I shall remitt both them and the starr stones, you now remember you bid me inquire concerning Downam6 diamonds, I borrowed this to satisfie you (I think) that they grow to a kind of rock and are rotted up by moles, I shall gather some more of the fairest fluores7 at Rainsbrough Scarr,8 and send em, pray please to remember me to all friends, I remain youres to serve

Will Lodge

Arnoldsbiggin Jan: the 12 73

1. Star-shaped fossils, presumably the joints of pentacrinoids. Lister’s “Observations of the Astroites or Star-stones” was printed in Phil. Trans., 112 (1674), pp. 274–279. 2. Skipton, Yorkshire. 656 peck to lister 0291

3. Scale Park is proximal to Kettlewell, Skipton, Yorkshire, in the Dales. 4. Lodge’s home was proximal to Westby Hall Farm in Arnoldsbiggin, the site of another branch of the Lister family, their descendents the Barons Ribblesdale. “Brother Lister” may have been a member of this branch of the family. 5. The paper was published in Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 96–99. 6. Downham or Bristol Diamonds are quartz crystals, often doubly-terminated and up to an inch in length. 7. “Fluor” was a generic name for a class of minerals first defined by Agricola, and described in De Re Metallica (1546) as resembling gems, but less hard, easily fusible, and useful as fluxes in smelting. 8. In the Ribble Valley, near Burnley, Lancashire.

0291 John Peck to Martin Lister St. John’s College, Cambridge, 15 January 1673/4

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fols 199–200. The letter is damaged at the right hand side of the first folio, as is the wrapper. Address: Martin Lister Doctor | [[one word]] att his house | in [[Yo]]rk. | in Dr Listers absence | [[Jo]]hn Peck att his house [[St]]onesgate in | York.

Dear Sir

Whatever you think on’t: I am really ashamed of this in[[xxxx]]ed commerce of letters, where I was alwayes of the gaineing hand. In my last to you (to which yett I had no answer) I begd of you, that you would att your leasure, give mee some thoughts of the most compendious and easy way of haveing a little skill in naturall history, what bookes I should read, and what obiects were the most pleaseing and likely to invite a young pretender to that study. Our ould freindship1 hath made mee to presume, I have A right to importune you a second time. Att the present I beg your assistance in a business off my own faculty: which business how soever it may seem triviall in itt self, yett the repose of A family very near to dear to mee is concerned in itt. The case is thus. My own brother is married to A widow att Emswell2 in the Woulds3 twenty miles beyond York: they have lived happily together almost two years: now their quiet is a little disturbed, by an impudent married woman, who hath told both my brother and his wiffe to their faces, and likewise avowed itt before a Justice that my brother had to deal with her. Now though but I, and my brothers wiffe, are ffully satisfyed of his innocency, both by his laborious, active, and vertuous way of loveing, and his repeated protestations by all that is holy, 0291 peck to lister 657 of his beeing clear from ever haveing to do with that Base woman (that hath confest her selfe a whore and her husband a cuckold) yet I am resolved hee shall vindicate his reputation in a publick \way/. You know that the iealou- sies of virtuous [[one word]] wives, are very Delicate in that point: and though they sometimes easily pardon, a loveing, and loved, and young husband, yet my sister-in-law, being married to him when shee was a widow with children by a fformer husband, this story, how improbeable soever, may bee a seed or pretance att least ffor animosityes in that ffamily hereafter. Iff I had the Jade in our Courts here I know how to hamper her: that I am forced to give you this trouble that if my brother comes to waites upon you (as I have advised him to sue her in the Bishops Court att York,4 and ordered him to come to you, upon the account in this letter) that you would do mee the favour, to provide him An able and nimble Proctor, that would expedite the effectually the business: to bring the woman to penance and a public recantation, and sufficient charges. You may remember when I lodged att your house (for which civilitye I am your) I designed to give Dr Brome5 a visit though unknown to him by my person: yett I thought itt would not disoblige a Person of this known civilitye, both upon the account of our ffaculty, and likewise that I have heard my father in law Turner say, that the Doctor had often honoured him with the title of Cozen. I desire you would fairly possess the Doctor in favour of my brother, either as freind or Advocate, for I assure no feees shall be wanting ffor the most vigorous prosecution of this matter. If you can learn by advice of your acquaintance about you any more speedy effectually, and chargeable way to prosecute that damned Jade at the Common Law I beseech advise my brother off itt, and in the Person of him you oblige mee. But enough of this filthy puddle. In your next, you may please to give mee Godeau6 his history: and when you have with itt, I would willingly refresh my memory with some storyes in him, that [[two words]] to please mee and edify mee exceedingly. I am Sir

your most obliged and faithfull servant

John Peck

St Johns. Jan: 15. 73/4.

1. John Peck (1639–1682) was Lister’s former sizar at the college. He was made a fellow in 1660. Peck’s short biography is in Venn, Alum. Cantab., pt. 1, vol 3, p. 333. 2. Emswell or Elmswell, Yorkshire, near Little Driffield, approximately twenty-five miles east of York. 3. Yorkshire Wolds. 658 oldenburg to lister 0292

4. Diocesan Courts of the Bishopric of York. There is one case for sexual slander brought by Juliana Forster [Foster], wife of John Forster, against John Peck in 1674, reference cp.H.3170, Borthwick Institute, York. It is possible that Juliana Forster sued Peck for defamatory comments he made in support of his brother. 5. It is not known who Dr. Brome is; he is not a member of the York Corporation of Physicians. 6. Antoine Godeau (1605–1672) Bishop of Grasse, exegete and poet. In his student notebook (ms Lister 19, Bodleian), Lister records reading several works by Godeau, including his paraphrase of the Book of Hebrews, and his La Vie de l’apostre St. Paul (1647; English translation by Edward Lord Vaux, 1653).

0292 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister, London, 17 January 1673/4

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols. 139–140. Address: To his honor’d ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister at his | house in Stone- gate | at | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/17 [January 17]. Reply to: Lister’s letters of 9 December 1673, 19 December 1673, and 7 January 1673/4. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 437–438, letter 2424.

London Januar. 17. 73/74.

Sir,

I must stay my thanks no longer for your many late favours and commmunica- tions; viz. of your Blood-staunching liquor, Mr Wrays considerations upon your Paper about Cutberts-beads, your sense of Dr Grews last Botanical return, and \the Extracts/ of Mr Jessops Letters to yourself. As to the first of them, I cannot as yet give you an account of it, not having heard of \from/ Mr Wiseman since I sent him his proportion, nor found the R. Society (which is very sensible of this as well as all your other generous communications) hitherto at liberty to make tryall with it; which yet, I believe, they will be very shortly.1 The second, I mean Mr Wrays notes, was read at our Meeting, and there found some of yesame mind with the Annotator concerning the Origin of those Stony roots.2 For the third, Dr Grew presents you his affect. service, expressing his gladness at the news of your intentions \shortly/ to visit London. Concerning the fourth, I thought it most proper to consult Dr Wallis about the first and mathematical part of Mr Jessops concern; presenting the other Excerpta to our Society and privately to Mr Boyle. Dr Wallis hath made this answer, in his letter to me from Oxford jan. 12. 73/74; 0292 oldenburg to lister 659

“As to what Mr Jessop says3 of the Dispute whether Hugens, Heurat, or Neil, first found a streight line equal to a crooked; he mistakes the name of Hugens for Fermat. For Mr Hugens does not pretend to have first found it himself; but onley supposes Heurat to have taken the first hint of that invention, from somewhat Hugens had done before: as it is certain Mr Neil did (but I do not blame him for it) from somewhat of mine.4 But for the Priority of Mr Neil, beside what you have published, you might have had, if there were need, the attestation of the B[isho]p of Sarum,5 and of Sir Charles Scarborough;6 who told me, when I was last in London, they do very well remember it. And indeed the thing was stale with us, and as such the talk of it laid aside, before those abroad had anythoughts of it. Many more of such Paraboloeids, and of spirals answering to them, (and indeed, as many sorts as you please) equal to streight lines assignable, you have at large in my Epistolar Treatise subjoined to that of the Cycloid; with a general discovery, of what of them are, and what are not, capable of such rectification.7 What Mr Jessop animadverts concerning the Cycloide, that it cannot be Geometrically constructed, as depending upon the quadrature of the circle known: he doth no therein at all differ from my Ld. Brounker, Sir Christopher Wren, or my self. Fermat and others made the same animaadversion long since;8 and it hath been owned all along: and the construction of the Cycloid, with the quadrature of the Circle on which it depends, is expressely premised as a Postulate by the Proposer of those Enquiries about the Cycloide, in the 2d of his two printed papers:9 and it hath consequently been all along presumed in those Enquiries. Nor doth Sir Christopher Wren pretend therein to any more, than, that supposing the Cycloide to be constructed, he give a streight line equal to it: and, contrarywise, a streight line being given, he will tell you, what Circle it is whose Cycloide (if constructed) will be equal to it. Whether or no this shal be called, A finding a streight line equal to a crooked, is but to dispute about words. Mr Jessops’ Line was, as I remember (for I have no copy of his paper) a kind of Cycloid made by the rolling of a circle about a circle, as the ordinary Cycloide is by rolling a circle on a streight line. The one may be supposed to be done, as well as the other; though we have no Geometrical construction of either. And we have in Geometry many Affections demonstrated of subjects, whose Effection10 we know not; or do but imagine. And things are many times sayd to be given, if sufficiently determined, though we do not know the Geometricall effection of them. And though Euclide do seldome suppose an Effection which he doth not shew how to effect (except in his Postulates, or things of like nature;) Yet Archimedes, Apollonius, and others, do content themselves (as to the subject of Theoremes) to shew that the thing is possible, though do not 660 oldenburg to lister 0292 shew how to do it; and do inquire into the magnitude and effections of such possible quantities. And all the Inquiries about the Cycloide (as well as that of the length of its line) are such. I did suppose he had known of what was publike of this nature; whic made me take the less notice of it. Had I thought he had not been aware of it; I should have given him notice thereof. As to his reflections on my Hypothesis of the Tydes; whether he have committed/ any Errour committed therein. If he mean, an Error in civility; I know no one at all: nor have I taken any thing amiss in it. For the thing itself: In the first paper, his Objection was not put home: and was therefore avoided upon the mistake. In the 2d; he had better stated the objection: which, in my reply, I answer’d (in my apprehension) very fully; and shewed, how it was obviated in the Hypothesis; because the line of Annual motion, and the Compound of the Menstrual and diurnal, gives the acceleration and retardation. His third paper adds nothing of new difficulty; and therefore I referred him to my second; which I did think (and do still) contain’d full satisfaction, and wanted but to be well considered. My Hypothesis had its demonstration with it; and needed no more repeating. If he think his objection against it be not answered; therein he and I differ: and I shall rather leave it in medio, than draw the saw too long.” So farr Dr Wallis Sir, you will be pleased to send, with my humble service, a copy of this to Mr Jessop, and let him know withall, that I was shy of sending him my own opinion upon the whole, because I know Dr Wallis to be a far more competent Judge of these matters. Mr Boyle, having seen the other particulars of Mr Jessops communications to you, which you have been so generous as to diffuse to us, desires very much, as well as myself, to be master of a piece of that fungus subterraneus,11 of which Mr Jessop saith he sent you a large quantity; as also of a litle of that White liquor, resembling cream, found at the bottom of a Coal-pit, of which sometimes a Hogshead is found contained in one cavity. If it be possible, Sir, oblige us with a present of these two particulars, and it will be a great addition to your other liberalities, and shall be on all occasions acknowledged by us, and particularly by

Sir

Your very humble and faithful servt

Oldenburg. 0292 oldenburg to lister 661

Sir, I shall, God permitting, send you very shortly the Tract, call’d Lachmundi Fossilium descriptio.12 I pray my humble service to Mr Brook.

1. On 5 February 1673/4, the Royal Society meeting minutes indicated, “An experiment was made with Mr. Lister’s styptic liquor upon a dog, by opening one of his crural arteries lengthwise without cutting it asunder. The water was renewed three or four times, and at the end of about a quarter of an hour and a half the blood seemed to be stopped; whereupon the dog was set at liberty, and committed to the care of the operator.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 123. 2. Birch does not indicate these notes were read, although a box of mineral “concretes” donated by Dr. Lucas Hodgson was discussed thoroughly. Perhaps this discussion led to a consideration of Ray’s notes about fossils, another sort of mineral concrete. Hall and Hall speculated that Oldenburg may have read Lister’s letter of 9 December 1673, which contained Ray’s comments. See Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 438, note 2. 3. Jessop’s comments were included in Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 7 January 1673/4. 4. In a letter to Oldenburg of 4 October 1673 (rs el/W2/14, and Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 276–283, letter 2355), John Wallis indicated that he wished to publish his defense of William Neile’s priority in the rectification of curves against claims made by Christian Huygens in his Horologium oscillatorium on the behalf of Hendrik van Heuraet. His letter was published later as John Wallis, “Epistola Doct. Johannis Wallisii, Primam Inventionem & Demonstrationem Aequalitatis Lineae Curvae Paraboloidis cum Recta, Anno 1657. Factam, Dn. Guilielmo Neile p. m. Afferens; Proximeque Dn. Christophoro Wren Equiti, Inventionem Lineae Rectae Aequalis Cycloidi Ejufque Partibus, Anno 1658,” in Phil. Trans., 8 (1673), pp. 6146–6149. Previously Wallis had defended Neile’s priority in his De Cycloide (1659). See also Jessop’s letter to Lister of 30 December 1673. 5. Seth Ward, Bishop of Salisbury from 1667–1689. 6. Sir Charles Scarburgh (1615–1694), original fellow F.R.S. (expelled 1666), F.R.C.P., physician, an anatomical reader for the Barber Surgeon’s Company (1649), and an assistant of William Harvey in his work on the generation of animals. He was also a tutor to Christopher Wren while at Oxford, and he received his M.D. from Merton in 1646. Scarburgh was later physician to Charles ii, James ii, William iii, and the Royal Household, as well as M.P. for Camelford (1685– 1687). Scarburgh was the author of a treatise on anatomy, Syllabus Musculorum, used primarily as a textbook. He also had a great interest and reputation in mathematics, amassing a fine library of mathematical books. Scarburgh was a translator and commentator of the first six books of Euclid’s Elements (1705), and a close friend of William Oughtred. 7. Wallis is referring to his Tractatus duo (Oxford, 1659), an analysis of cycloid and cissoid curves. The cissoid was a curve invented by Diocles (ca. 180BC) used in attempts to duplicate the cube using geometric methods. 8. “And others” refers to Blaise Pascal. Using a primitive technique of integration, Pascal could determine the area of any segment of the cycloid as well as the center of gravity of any segment of the curve. Publishing under the pseudonym of “Amos Dettonville,” in June and July 1658, Pascal wrote a series of letters challenging the mathematicians of Europe to solve the same series of problems involving areas, volumes, and centers of gravity related to the cycloid. Pascal’s friend, the Duke of Roannez, offered a monetary prize for the best solution and served as judge. 662 ray to lister 0293

Wallis, Huygens, Wren, and Sluse wrote letters containing solutions, but Pascal published his own solutions under his pseudonym and claimed the prize himself. In February 1659, he published four pamphlets—Lettres de A Dettonville contenant qualques-unes de ses inventions de géo- métrie—which provided solutions to the challenge problems and a description of his method for working with cycloids, including his method of integration which was important to the development of calculus. Although revolutionary, his work omitted the contributions of several mathematicians, and so a controversy over the cycloid curve ensued. 9. Pascal’s Dettonville letters. 10. The construction or working out of a geometrical proposition or problem. Also, a construction, a proposition. 11. See Lister’s letter of 7 January 1673/4 and Jessop’s letter of 30 December 1673. 12. See Lister’s letter of 7 January 1673/4.

0293 John Ray to Martin Lister 17 January 1673/4

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 50i. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 7 January 1673/4. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 132 (selections from abstract only).1

Mundeck;2 wish success in ex [[several words]] on minerals.3

0294 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg London, 19 January 1673/4

Source: rs el/L5/67 and Letter Book, vol. 7, pp. 14–15. Address: No address present. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 13 December 1673. Printed: Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 274–279; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 102–109; Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 438–442, letter 2425. 0294 lister to oldenburg 663

Mr Lister to Mr Oldenburg containing some Observations about the Astroites.1

(Entd lb. 7. 11)2

Sir

You are pleased to tell me, that my last Notes concerning certain Stones figured like Plants, found in the Mountains of Craven, were well received:3 this encour- ages me to give you the trouble of what I have observed of the Astroites,4 which are stones alsoe jointed like the other, but not found, that I know of, in the same Rockes. And we must crosse the plain Countrey, and seeke for them hard under the York shire Wooldes: For what store I could procure of them, were brought me from Bugthorpe5 and Leppington.6 At the former place my selfe have seen them dugg out of a certain blew clay on the bankes of a small Rivulet, betwixt the Towne and the foot of the Wooldes.7 There are plenty of them washed into the brooke, but the most fair and solid are those we gett out of the Clay. I pretend not to discover to you their Original, noe more than I did of the Entrochi: but having used some diligence in causing the places, where they are found, to be a little more searched that is usual, I was by that meanes furnished with a good quantitie of them, which gave me the opportunity to make the following Observations. What light may be hence had, I leave to more judicious persons, acknowledging my selfe at present not to be able to demonstrate (if they are not stones of their owne kind) what they have been done before Petrification. It is very litle and inconsiderable, what any Authour, that I have yet seen, has said of them: save a very breif Description of them of \in/ Gesner, and the like in Wormius, of \in/ the rest, all is transcribed.8 The matter and substance of these Stones, if broaken, is flint-like, of a darke-shining politure; but much softer and easily corroded by an acid menstruum: Vinegar, indeed, makes them creep, but a stronger spirit, as of nitre, tosses them. I doubt not, but they will readily calcine, as the Belemnites9 to a very strong and white Lime. These stones (as we now find them) are all Fragments, as we have noted of Entrochi: either one single joint, or 2, 3, or more joints sett togather, making a pentagonous Cylindrical figure or 5-sided colummes.10 And I have not \yet/ had any Peice much above one intch long, which consisted of 18 joints: but I have seen one Peice, somewhat shorter than the former, which had 25 joints. These last thinn-jointed peices are quite of a different make as to all circumstances from the other, as will appear. Every joint consists of 5 Angles, which are either drawn out and sharpe, and consequently the sides of peices, made up of such joints, are deep channelled: and this is the condition of some of the thick-jointed peices, as well as of all 664 lister to oldenburg 0294 the thinn-jointed ones; or the Angles are blunt and round, and the sides are plain or very litle hollowed. There are as big, and as small peices of this sort, as of any other more sharpe angled and therefore I account them a 3d Species of star-stone. And of this sort was, I guesse, that Peice which Wormius describes; which therfore, he saies, is more like the blown flower of Pentaphyllum,11 than a Starr. Besides, the manner of the engraving of the joints in every one of the 3 respective Species is alsoe very different, as will be declared. when the joints are thinn or deep, they are soe equally throughout the whole Piece, yet are there some, but very few exceptions to this alsoe, of peices which consist of joints of unequall thicknesse. Many of the thick jointed peices have certain joints a thought broader, or a very litle standing out at the Angles, and therby the joints are distinguished into certain Conjugations of 2, 3 or more joints: And these Conjugations are very observable in the thinn-jointed stones, and are marked out with a set of Wyers12 of which by and by. The thickest peice, which has yet come to my hands, is not above one intch and a halfe about, and those very rare too: from which size to that of a small pinn, I have all the intermediate proportions; and those soe exceeding small peices are as exactly shaped as the greatest. Most peices if not all of any considerable length are not straight, but visibly bent and inclining. All the Peices of any sort are much of an equall thicknesse or but little Tapering: yet one of the ends by reason of a Top-joint, is visibly the thickest. This Top-joint hath 5 blunt Angles, and is not hatched or engraven or but very faintly on the outside. Every joint else of a peice (save the top-joint) is an Intaglia13 and deeply engraven on both sides alike, and will accordingly serve for a seal. whence Gesner did properly call this stone sphragis asteros or the starr-seal. The midle of each Angle is hollow, and the edges of the angles are thick furrowed; the terminations of these hatching are the indented sutures, by which the joints are sett father, the ridges of one joint being alternatly let into the furrows of the other next it. The Hatchings of the flat-sided Peices are in circular lines, but of the other 2 species they are straight lines or neer the matter. In the very center of the 5 Angles, is a small hole, conspicuous in most joints. Note alsoe, that in the midle of each joint betwixt angle and angle in the very suture, is an other such like small pinn hole very apparent, if the stones be first well scoured. Besides all the former particulars, may be observed, in the deep jointed Peices, just under the top-joint above described, the vestigia of certain Wyers rathar than branches; and sometimes 2, 3, or more of the joints of the Wyers yet adhaering: These Wyers are ever 5 in number, viz one in the midle or hollow part betwixt Angle and Angle. Again in thinn-jointed Peices, there are ever 0294 lister to oldenburg 665

5 of these Wyers or a Sett of them inserted into every conjugation of joints; soe that it were some repraesentation of the thing, to imagine the stalke of Asperula14 or Equisetem.15 Alsoe I have seen, but that very rarely (not in one piece amongst 500) a sett of Wyers in the midle of a deep-jointed Peice. One thinn-jointed peice I have by me, where a Wyer of 20 joints and upwards (and how much longer they may be I know not) lyes double within the hollow side, and by that accident was preserved in its natural place. Further some lumps of Quarrie I have from the same places above named, where the Wyers as well as the stones them selves are seen in long peices. It is noe wonder, that these Wyers are knocked off, and but very rarely found adhaering to the stones they belong, being very small and slender, of a round figure and smooth jointed being sett togathar per harmonium and not indented suturs. Nothing that I can thinke of it soe like these Wyers, as the antennae of Lobsters. Lastly some of these Wyers are knotted, and others of them fairly subdivided \or branched/. I have by the assistance of Mr Lodge, illustrated all these particulars with Figures. I am Sir

Your most humble Servant

M. Lister

Yorke. January 19th 1673/4

(Entd L.B.7.13. The fig: are in the Letterbooks. ib.)

The Explication of the Figures

1. The Top-joint of an Astroites: figured on both sides, on the one it is deep engraven, on the rayes \other the hatchings/ scarce visible. Alsoe the ends of the 5 Angles are very blunt. 2. A \second or/ sharpe-angled joint with fair hatchings on both sides. 3. A peice with very narrow and sharpe angles: alsoe the Top-joint designed, as it naturally appeares smooth and without hatchings. 4. A round angled joint. 5. A flat sided-Peice; where the hatchings are somewhat circular. 6. a thinn jointed Peice: where note alsoe the Angles are much narrower, and of a protracted oval figure. 7. The biggest \Peice/ I have yet seen: note alsoe its bending. 666 lister to oldenburg 0294

8. The smallest peice I have yet meet with. 9. The longest Peice: where every 4th joint is asthought bigger or more prominent than the rest, as in the 7th figure alsoe is well designed. 10. A large \and/ round angled or flat side Peice, to which belongs that single joint noted in figure 4. 11. A flat or not-hollow sided Peice, of which sort alsoe in the 5th figure; that 10th: and 4th not much differing. 12. A thinn jointed Peice: where the conjugations are market out by the Vestigia of A \the/ several sett of Wyers or branches. 13. A Peice where the joints are unequal in thicknesse. 14. A Peice with \some part of/ the Wyers yet adhaering in their natural order at the \biggest sides/ end of the Peice. 15. A thinn-jointed Peice, where note on the left side a single Wyer accidentally preserved in its natural place, though snapt asunder. 16. A thick jointed Peice with a set of [[one word]] \Wyers/ in the midle of it. 17. a good long Peice of a Wyer, and a single joint therof.

1. This endorsement is in Oldenburg’s hand. 2. This indication of the location of the letter in the Royal Society Letter Book is not in either Lister’s or Oldenburg’s hand. 3. Lister’s work was read to the Royal Society on 13 November 1673. Oldenburg indicated their enthusiastic reception to Lister in his letter of 18 November 1673. 4. For astroites, see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 4 November 1673, note 6. 5. For Bugthorpe, see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 4 November 1673, note 24. 6. Leppington is approximately fourteen miles north-east of York. 7. Here Lister was describing a layer of Lower Lias clay, which is covered by strata of carboniferous limestone. The Blue Lias, dating from the later Triassic and earliest Jurassic eras is famous for its fossils, particularly ammonites; the blue-gray color is due to iron content, particularly iron pyrites. See John Philips, Illustrations of the geology of Yorkshire: or, A description of the strata and Organic Remains: Part One, the Yorkshire Coast (London: John Murray, 1835), pp. 5–6; K. Ambrose, “The lithostratigraphy of the Blue Lias Formation (Late Rhaetian—Early Sinemurian) in the southern part of the English Midlands,” Proceedings of the Geologists’ Association, 112, 2, (2001), pp. 97–110. 8. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 4 November 1673. 9. A fossil that is straight, smooth, and cylindrical object, a few inches long, convexly tapering to a sharp point. It was known formerly, from its shape and supposed origin, as a thunderbolt, or elf-bolt, but now it is recognized as the internal bone of an animal allied to the cuttlefish or cephalopod. 10. These “stones” are stem fragments (pluricolumnals) of the sea lily (crinoid) Isocrinus (Chladocrinus) sp., probably Isocrinus (Chladocrinus) tuberculatus. My thanks to Hans Hess for this identification. 11. Cinquefoil. 0295 oldenburg to lister 667

12. The ‘wyers’ are the cirri attached to the arms of the crinoid. The cirri facilitate feeding by moving the organic media down the arm and into the mouth. 13. Intaglio. 14. Woodruff. 15. Horsetail or snake grass.

0295 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 22 January 1673/4

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol 141. Address: For Dr Lister Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 443, letter 2426.

Sir,

I herewith send you Lachmunds booke,1 as I promised you in my last of jan. 17th, wherein I wrote largely concerning Mr Jessops late communications and your owne, hoping, that letter is welcome to your hands. In this book of fossils there is occasionally mention’d a thing uncommon enough, viz. of a Cherry stone taken out of the cheek of a woman, crusted over with stony matter;2 and another, as uncommon, I think, which is, that many stones came out of the corner \of the Eye/ of an other woman. I had lately sent me from Paris a relation of a \human/ faetus, born with the navil \so/ shut that there needed no tying of it at all.3 If you have met with the like, either in your reading, or elsewhere, pray be pleased to signify it to

Sir Your humble and faithful servant Oldenburg

London Jan. 22. 73/74

1. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 7 January 1673/4, note sixteen. 2. It is interesting to speculate if Oldenburg mentioned this case as Lister himself had suffered from a stone under his tongue, reported in his letter to Oldenburg of 13 September 1671. 3. The reference to this source is unknown. It is possible that the infant suffered from a her- nia in the abdominal wall, gastroschisis or omphalocele. 668 oldenburg to lister 0296

0296 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 24 January 1673/4

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 137–138. Address: To his honor’d ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister, at | his house in Stone- gate | in | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/24 [January 24]; illegible Receiving House Mark. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 443–444, letter 2427.

Sir,

This is litle more than to let you know that yesterday I deliver’d to Burnhil, the York Carrier, a pacquet for you, containing Lachmunds Tract, formerly promised you.1 I hope, you have well received what I sent you, a few days before, of Dr Wallisses answer to Mr Jessop etc.2 If the R. Society, and particularly Mr Boyle might, without robbing you have a litle of that white mineral liquor, and the fungus Subterraneus,3 you wrote of, they would be much obliged to you for it, in the persuasion of

Sir

Your humble and faithf. servt

Oldenburg

London jan. 24. 1673/74.

I hope, I shall shortly give you some acct of your Styptique water.4

1. Oldenburg is referring to his letter to Lister of 22 January 1673/4, which contained Lachmund’s work. 2. Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 17 January 1673/4. 3. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 7 January 1673/4. 4. Oldenburg kept his promise in his letter to Lister of 14 February 1673/4. 0297 lister to oldenburg 669

0297 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 28 January 1673/4

Source: rs el/L5/68. Address: For my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburg Esquire | at this house in the Palmal | London. Oldenburg endorsed the wrapper: “Rec. jan. 31. 73.” Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/31 [January 31]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 17 January 1673/4. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 445–446, letter 2429.

Sir

I have send by Will. Pell a Yorke carrier, who lodges at the red Lyon in Aldergate streete)1 the remainder of the store I had of the Fungus Subt[erraneus] which is near 2 pound weight.2 I wasted the rest in some Tryalls, and I gave you an account of the distillation I made of part of it. I am glad I have any thing that may be acceptable to the honourable Mr Boile.3 As for the universal liquor, none of it is yet come to hand, either from Staffordshire or from Mr Jessop. I transcribed your letter and sent it to Mr Jessop,4 from whence I daily expect an Answer and likewise the bottle of the \white/ liquor. which shall be yours as soon as it is mine. I hope you have well receive my notes about the Astroites and the Figures which illustrate them.5 I will give you noe more trouble at present. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

M. Lister

Yorke Jan. 28 1673

1. Samuel Pepys mentioned going to this pub in his Diary on 13 October 1664 and 22 May 1667. John Strype’s Survey of London (London: by the author, 1720) also mentions this inn as being in Long Lane, which intersected with Aldergate Street (book 3, chapter 7, p. 122). 2. For the fungus, see Jessop’s letter of 21 July 1673, note 8. 3. See Oldenburg’s letter of 24 January 1673/4. 4. Oldenburg’s letter of 17 January 1673/4, also containing information about the white liquor. 5. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 19 January 1673/4. 670 lodge to lister 0298

0298 William Lodge to Martin Lister Arnoldsbiggin, Yorkshire, 2 February 1673/4

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 83. On the dorse, Lodge included a drawing of a man walking. Address: These | For his honoured ffreind Dr Lister | at his house | In York.

Sir

I have by the bearer Tom Corlas sent you the paper of Snailes,1 they may be are not so well as you could have wished em, but my endeavours were neverthe lesse. I have sent likewise your two boxes of Snailes and Astroites.2 It has been such unreasonable weather that I could not yett fearnish these plates. I before mentioned to you, you say you have other things of this nature to send, wherin if I be so capable of serving you you shall find me very ready. According to youre order I shall keep account of your letters of news, for which wee are all extraordinarily obliged to you, I am much indebted to Mr Brooks (to whom pray give my service and thanks) for his new tunes when I am at London I shall be glad to return him kindness in kind. wee are to morrow for a Lancashire visitt (to Sir Ralph Ashtons of Midleton)3 where we shall stay aweek) my service to all oure freinds at York, I remain youre Affectionate freind and

humble servant Will: Lodge

Arnoldsbiggin, tuesday Feb the 2d 1673

1. Lister’s paper would be published as: “An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Martin Lister Concerning the First Part of His Tables of Snails, Together with Some Quaere’s Relating to Those Insects, and the Tables Themselves; Sent to the Publisher from York, March 12. 1673,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1674), pp. 96–99. See also Lodge’s letter to Lister of 23 October 1673, note 7. 2. See Lodge’s letters of 12 January 1673/4 and 21 August 1674. 3. Presumably Sir Ralph Assheton [Ashton] ii of Middleton (1652–1716), near Manchester. Assheton’s ancestors had been landowners in Lancashire since the twelfth century, and his father received a baronetcy at the Restoration. Ralph Assheton matriculated at Brasenose College, Oxford, in 1668 and, after travelling abroad in 1673, returned to his estate at Great Lever, where he served as a member of parliament, returned for Liverpool at a contested by-election in 1677. The History of Parliament notes that Assheton’s “one committee was for a local estate bill promoted on behalf of Lord Morley, and he did not speak, nor does his name appear on either list of the court party in 1678. Nevertheless he was probably a court supporter, for he was not reelected in 1679, and he was out of Parliament for 15 years. He was removed from the commission 0299 jessop to lister 671 of the peace in 1687, which suggests strong Anglican sympathies. Under William iii he voted with the Whigs, subscribing to the Association in 1696. He died on 3 May 1716 and was buried at Middleton. His brother Richard, who sat for Lancashire from 1703 to 1705, was the last of this branch to enter Parliament.” See http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1660–1690/ member/assheton-(ashton)-sir-ralph-ii-1652–1716.

0299 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Broomhall, Sheffield], 3 February 1673/4

Source: rs el/I1/170; rs Letter Book, vol. 7, pp. 18–22. This is a scribal copy in Oldenburg’s hand; the original has been lost. After its receipt by Lister, this letter was sent on 7 February 1673/4 to Oldenburg as an enclosure. Oldenburg received Lister’s letter and its enclosure on 10 February 1673/4. Subsequently, he incorporated the mathematical part of Jessop’s letter into a letter he sent to Wallis ca.12 February 1673/4 (printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 473, letter 2441). The part concerning minerals he showed to Robert Boyle. At the author’s request, Oldenburg returned Jessop’s letter as an enclosure in his letter to Lister of 14 February 1673/4 after making a copy for the archives of the Royal Society. Mathematical symbols have been italicized for intelligibility. Reply to: Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 12 January 1673/4 (printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 432–435, letter 2420). Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 467–471, letter 2436a; Beeley, vol. 4, pp. 337–340, letter 147.

Copy of Mr Jessops letter of Feb. 3 1673/74 to Mr Lister, who sent it to Mr Old[enburg] with order to remit it back, as appears by Mr Lister’s own letter of Febr. 7. 1673, See below p.

(Enter’d lb.7.18.)1

Sir,

If Dr Wallis be weary with drawing the saw (as he calls it) so long, it is certainly no fault of mine. For, had he answer’d me with an other (non,) placed in the margent as opportunely as he did formerly (which he might easily have done, had my demonstration been as defective as formerly,) he had spar’d both himself and me a great many words. For my part, I am heartily sorry for 672 jessop to lister 0299 the last trouble, which I innocently gave him, quite contrary to my intentions; for my designe was no other than the ordinary one (natural unto all who find themselves engaged in such litle disputes) to have recourse to the bystander, to see, whether he could give me any light, when I thought I could not civilly presse the Doctor to explain himself more cleerly. But, since he is not pleased to let me see either the weakness of my own assertion, or the strengthaning of his, I am very well satisfied to let the matter rest; for it ever was and ever shall be my desire, to serve and honor and not to trouble him. In answer to the other part of his letter, I must confesse in the first place my ignorance to be greater than perhaps he imagins it. For, not having been at London this 12. or 13. years nor meeting with any one who could inform me, what passed there in things of \this/ that nature, nor having read any of those pieces mention’d by him, I am not only ignorant in \this/ particular, but in many others. I do fully believe all that is said concerning Mr Neil, and I think, I exprest not the lest distrust of it: My desire only was to know, Whether any of those crooked lines, which have been streightn’d,2 could be described geometrically, at least by points, and whether my lines were such as have been taken notice of by others; that so I might perceive, whether I had done any thing or nothing; for, if I have done nothing but what is already done, I account it as good as nothing. But this answer of Dr Wallis’ hath given me no satisfaction in either of these particulars. For he neither tells me, that any of those lines, taken notice of in his epistolary treatise, may be geometrically described, or the points of them geometrically found, or that these bastard cycloids are any of those many, which may be discover’d by the method he there lays down. Altho I have not had the happines to know any of his methods, yet I am not unacquainted with several ways whereby an infinit multitude of Curves may be rectified; but these curves can neither actually be described either by motion or by points; and I am apt to believe, that some of them are the same he refers me unto. And by another way I can also describe by points as many crooked lines as I please, equal to any streight line given; and yet I do not look upon the construction of these curves so described as geometrical, although they be a degree before the former, because, although I can describe them by points, yet I cannot describe them by motion, or any other way properly geometrical. But these bastard cycloids are the only curves (I know of) capable of a compleat Euthynsis3 with all its requisite conditions. And I must beg your pardon, if I be not the Doctors opinion (\viz./ that they are not to be constructed geometrically any more than the common cycloid;) for, I have already given a geometrical construction of them by motion, and this which follows will also give the points geometrically which I had done at first, but I thought it so obvious that it seem’d needless. 0299 jessop to lister 673

FIGURE 8 Francis Jessop’s figures of cycloid curves, drawn by the editor.

Let the circle genitor, ab, touch the arch or circle adg to be perambulated according to the order observ’d in any of the three propositions. Draw the common tangent ac, and any subtensa ab, let the arch ad be taken equal to 5 the arch ab, than draw the tangent de, and make the angle fde equal to the angle bac, and the streight line fd equal to the subtense ba. I say, the point f is at a bastard cycloid. After the same manner you may find as many points as you please. Therefore since this line may be described both by motion and points, the construction of it is as geometrical as that of the other curve. But enough, if not too much, of these matters. Mr Fisher4 thinks, the white substance I sent you, cannot be the Bur of Helmont,5 which is an oily matter, as he saith. He rather imagins, that limpid oyle found in the black limestone (which I have so often told you of, but could never yet procure,) to be the true Bur: which I cannot believe. For, I take that oyle to be nothing else, but this very bitumen6 that I sent you, with which I suspect the rocks to be impregnated as well as the fungus. For, I have observ’d it to have the very same smell, and in the fungus I have met with drops of the bitumen very liquid and clear. But I will say no more of a thing, concerning which I cannot discourse with any certainty, because I have it not by me. If Mr Boyle have a mind to try any Experiments upon the fungus7 and bitumen, I can send him a parcel by the Sheffield carrier, if you send me word how to direct it. It is something more than I sent you, altho the pieces be not so fair. 674 jessop to lister 0299

Mr Fisher distilled 3 ounces of the bitumen, which I gave him 4 or 5 years agoe, and, to the best of my remembrance, it yielded 2 ounces of a very fetid oyl, and half an ounce of phlegme and vinegar. The cap. mortuum8 was black, very deep and sparkling. I sent it to Mr Willughby.9 I remember, Mr Ray in some part of the relation of his travels mentions, that I told him, upon the information of a credible person, that the Ignis fatuus, or Will with the Wispe, was nothing else but a swarm of flying glow-worms.10 My Author was Mr Thomas Eyre11 of Streatton in the Peake,12 thesame who furnished me with this bitumen. But he called them shining Gnatts, and not Glow-worms; and saith, they are so small that singly they can hardly be perceived. I cannot tell what to think of it; for, it is not only his observation, but the common opinion of many thereabouts, I myself have observed their motions to be rather resembling those of a thing animate, than carried accidentally by the wind; but then the sudden leapes I have seen them take, seemed too large and too swift to be performed by gnats. The mentioning of these fires putts me in mind of the Light, which the Mossy grounds in many places hereabouts yields, as we ride over them. My man riding before me in the night about Christmas was a twelve month, chanced to step into a bog with his horse, and was presently incompassed with a bleuish flame, which at the first seemed to arise about a handbreadth above the surface of the bogg, and continued so long as I still had time to alight and observe it. It disappear’d very slowly by degrees; but there were smal dropps hanging upon the grass and rushes, which gave a light as long as I staid there, in colour and bignesse nothing differing from those which I have observed upon the alga in Oyster-barrels, which Mr Oldenburg takes notice of in one of his Transactions.13 I am very well satisfied, that I have not left my self room to say any thing concerning Damps;14 for I have an Inquiry or two to make to one, whom I can not at the present speak with, and I should be very unwilling to write you any thing, which I have not very good grounds for.

Sir Your humble servant

Franc. Jessop

Febr. 3. 73/74

Q. Whether it appear now in other grounds, then mossy or, boggy grounds, and at other times than wh[en] dew falls, his having found it in a hard ground [[several words]]15 0300 ray to lister 675

1. This annotation where the letter was entered in the rs Letter Book is not in Oldenburg’s hand. 2. For Wallis’s discussion of Neile’s, Christopher Wren’s, and Lord Brouncker’s solutions to the rectification of curves, see John Wallis, Tractatus duo de Cycloide (Oxford: Typis Lichfieldianis, 1659), pp. 91–96. See also Jessop’s letter to Lister of 30 December 1673, note 15. 3. Straightening. 4. “Mr Fisher” referred to Samuel Fisher, a Sheffield physician and chemist who was a friend of Jessop’s. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 25 January 1670/1, note 2. 5. For bur or gur, a metalline juice and source for metallogenesis, see Jessop’s letter to Lister of 21 July 1673, note 8. See also Walter Pagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont: reformer of science and medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 57–58. 6. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 21 July 1673 and of 26 September 1673. Lister also reported on this bitumen sent to him by Jessop in his letter to Oldenburg of 7 January 1673/4. 7. For the fungus subterraneous, see Jessop’s letter to Lister of 21 July 1673, note 8. 8. Caput mortuum, the distillation dregs. 9. Francis Willughby. 10. John Ray, Observations . . . made in a Journey through part of the Low-Countries, Germany, Italy, and France (London, 1673), p. 410. 11. Thomas Eyre, son of Robert Eyre of Highlow, Derbyshire, who matriculated at Merton College, Oxford, in July 1659. Jessop married Barbara Eyre, his sister. 12. Stretton, a village seven miles south of Chesterfield in Derbyshire. 13. Presumably Jessop was referring to “Observations about Shining Worms in Oysters,” Phil. Trans., 1 (1665–1666), pp. 203–206. The original observation was made by Auzout and de la Voye and was published in the Journal des sçavans on 12 April 1666. 14. Initially Jessop promised the information about damps in his letter to Lister of 21 July 1673. 15. This query written in pencil is almost illegible, but it does relate to queries sent in a letter from Oldenburg to Lister of 14 February 1673.

0300 John Ray to Martin Lister 3 February 1673/4

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 50. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 132 (selections from abstract only).1

Fishes described. Qu. of halibut, etc.2

0301 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg London, 7 February 1673/4

Source: rs el/L5/69 and Letter Book, vol. 7, pp. 22–23. Oldenburg has endorsed the wrapper with “Rec. Feb. 10. 73. Answ. Febr. 14.73. Sent the composit. of Mettals and return’d Jessop’s paper [[two words]] of which I left a copy of.”1 Address: For my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh Esquire | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/8 [February 8]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 22 January 1673. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 466–467, letter 2436.

(Entd. L.B.7.22.)2

Mr Lister to Mr Oldenburg, referring to the next foregoing Letter, together with an account of some \odd/ stony substances taken out of human bodies.3

Yorke. Febr. 7. 1673

Sir

This day I retourned [[one word]] from a long and wearisome journey: I found the inclosed at my house: which I would noe longer [[one word]] keep by me, desiring you to remitt it \back/ to me after perusall. I alsoe found Lackmund,4 for which favour I thanke you. I will either: return it you again, or the money it cost you if you intend it for me. The letter of Jan. 22d that came along with it5 has some things admirable in it; as that shutting up of the navil: in \ripe/ Fruits the navil or stalke is [[one word]] naturally shutt up; that is, the fruit falls off and the veines bleed not; which they will doe, if the fruit shall be torne off untimely. And this in leaves too: I instance in Rhus Virginianum.6 That of a cherry stone take out of the cheek of a woman, crusted over with slimy matter is wonderfull. There is a parallel instance in the Phil. Trans. of the bullet incrustated, given in by D.N. Fairfax.7 Alsoe you will find in Tulpius Med. observat. lib. 3. cap. 78—a \couple of/ shells incrustated and voided by urine togathar with a large stone by a woman: and which is yet admirable, those shells are \of the/ 18 species in my Tables,9 as you will see when the figures come to hand: viz a sort of snaile found plentifully in all running waters. 0301 lister to oldenburg 677

I hope the white liquor is well come to your hands as alsoe the bitumen:10 they were both sent thursday sennight by Will Pell though noe advice was give of the letter, because it came late and unexpectedly by a speciall hand. Sir

Your most humble Servant

Martin Lister

1. Oldenburg referred to his letter of 14 February 1673/4 in which he sent Lister the metallic composition of telescopic mirrors being created in the Royal Society; Francis Jessop had requested the recipe. Mr Jessop’s letter was that of 3 February 1673/4 to Lister which he requested be forwarded to Wallis. 2. Not in Oldenburg’s or Lister’s hand. 3. Endorsed by Oldenburg. 4. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 17 January 1673/4. 5. The letter accompanying Oldenburg’s correspondence of 22 January was not present. 6. Sumac. 7. Reverend Nathaniel Fairfax (1637–1690), who sent a letter to Oldenburg on 18 September 1668 containing news of the bullet. (rs el/F1/18 and printed in Oldenburg, vol. 5, pp. 47–50, letter 960). Fairfax’s letter was printed subsequently in Phil. Trans., 3 (1668), pp. 803–805. Fairfax was a Corpus Christi, Cambridge, graduate who obtained his M.D. from Leiden and had a private practice in Suffolk. He was a protégé of Dr Thomas Browne and contributed several reports to the Royal Society about monstrous births and anatomical abnormalities, as well as writing a work on matter theory: A treatise of the bulk and selvedge of the world. Wherein the greatness, lit- tleness, and lastingness of bodies are freely handled (1674). Fairfax also had considerable literary, topographical, and heraldic interests, particularly centering around Suffolk. See J.M. Blatchly, “Fairfax, Nathaniel (1637–1690),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 8. Nicholas Tulp, Observationum medicarum libri tres (Amsterdam: Elzevir, 1641, 1652, 1672 and 1685). Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 21 May 1673 demonstrates he probably owned the 1672 edition. 9. Lister is referring to his table of snails, enclosed in a letter to Oldenburg of 10 October 1672 and published in Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 96–99. Lister believed that there was a similar chemical mechanism behind bodily stone formation, shell formation and fossil formation. See Anna Marie Roos, “Lodestones and Gallstones: the Magnetic Iatrochemistry of Martin Lister (1639–1712),” History of Science, 46 (2008), pp. 343–64. 10. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 7 January 1673/4. 678 oldenburg to lister 0302

0302 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 14 February 1673/4

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 86. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister, at his | house in Stone- gate in | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/14 [February 14]. Reply to: Lister’s letters of 19 January 1673/4; 28 January 1673/4; 7 February 1673/4. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 480–481, letter 2443.

London Febr. 14. 73

Sir,

What I could not tell you by my last,1 I can now, viz. that the dog, on whom we tryed your liquor, by opening one of his crural arterys, was, on Thursday last, when the R.S. met again, found very well, and his wound in a manner quite healed up.2 Mr Wiseman3 hath not yet given me any account of the succes, it had with him, though some days agoe I pressed him to make the tryal. I have received all your late communications, of the Astroites, of the fungus subterraneus and the mineral creame.4 The Society, and Mr Boyle in particular (who intends to make some tryals with the min.[eral] substances,) return you their hearty thanks; and will be very glad, to receive a litle more of it, and that in its natural liquid state, if per you can possibly procure any such. [[one word]] I herewith return you, according to your order, Mr Jessops paper,5 with my humble thanks both to you and him. I have sent the mathematical part to Dr Wallis. As for the mineral part, Mr Boyle (who presents him with his very affectionat service, to which I Joyne mine, most cordially,) hath a sufficient quantity of the fungus and bitumen, to make tryals withall: But he desires the favor of Mr Jessop to informe him concerning the light appearing in mossy grounds, Whether the like doth not appear also in other grounds, than such as are mossy and boggy, and at other times then after the fall of dew upon the ground; a servant of Mr \Boyle’s/ having some years agoe in Lancashire found seen such a phaenomenon upon hard ground in a Common in a dewy night? Mr Jessop having desired me to send him an account of the Mettals compounding our speculums for reflecting ye light etc. I herewith send you for his service what I could learn hitherto; viz. Take to 4 lb of copper, 1 lb of Tin, and having first melted the copper, putt in the Tin to the Copper melted, and then add to it 1/8 lb of Antimony; and a litle before your powre \it/ off, putt in 1/8 of Arsenic, shaking all well together, and 0302 oldenburg to lister 679 so powring out all for a plate;6 for which the best polish, is hitherto known, is affirm’d to be water with the finest sand, wheras putty will vitat the figure. But I have a friend,7 that hath another composition of this nature, which, I think, I may assure to be better than what I have described, knowing the curiosity and skill of the possessor; from whom I am more than half persuaded that I might procure it, if Mr Jessop could assure me, that, if I obtain it and impart it to him, it shall be kept privat. Lachmund8 is yours, and any other thing, that is in the power of

Sir

Your humble and faithfull servt

Oldenburg

1. Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 22 January 1673/4. 2. According to the meeting minutes of 12 February, “The Society inspected the dog, upon whom the experiment had been made at the last meeting with Mr Lister’s styptic water, and found the dog very well, and the wound in a manner quite healed up. It was ordered that Mr Lister be acquainted of the success of this experiment by a letter from Mr. Oldenburg.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 123. 3. See Oldenburg’s letter of 15 July 1673. 4. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 21 July 1673, note 8. 5. Jessop’s letter to Lister of 3 February 1673/4. 6. As Hall and Hall have commented, it is not entirely clear whose recipe this is. However, it is likely that it Newton’s. Newton’s most famous recipe for telescopic mirrors contained one part of arsenic, to six of copper, to two of tin, with no mention of antimony. However, Newton had written to Oldenburg in a letter of 18 January 1672 that, when making his mirrors, “what the stellate Regulus of Mars (which I have sometimes used) or other such like substance will doe, deserves particular examination.” The stellate Regulus of Mars is metallic antimony that has been reduced with iron and niter (saltpeter) or tartar and allowed to cool slowly under a thick slag or scoria to give a crystalline star-like pattern. Newton’s manuscript laboratory notebook (1678–1696) also includes a section De metallo ad conficiendum speculum componendo et fudendo [“on compounding and casting a metal for making a mirror”]. Newton noted that “Copper can be purified before it is mixed with the tin, by melting and adding to every 12 ounces of molten copper, first, one ounce of arsenic and two or three ounces of crude antimony, then three or four ounces of salt of nitre at a time, till the salt has burnt away.” See A.M. Roos, “A speculum of chymical practice: Isaac Newton, Martin Lister (1639–1712), and the making of telescopic mirrors,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 64, 2 (2010), pp. 105–120, on pp. 111–112; H.W. Turnbull, ed., The correspondence of Isaac Newton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959), vol. 1, p. 217; Isaac Newton, “An Accompt of a New Catadioptrical Telescope Invented by Mr. Newton, Fellow of the R. Society, and Professor of the Mathematiques in the University of Cambridge,” Phil. Trans., 7, (1672), pp. 4004–4010; Newton, ‘A Manuscript by Newton c. 1671/2, ms Portsmouth University Library Cambridge University, Add 3493’, in Turnbull, vol. 1, p. 95; For more on the star 680 oldenburg to lister 0303

Regulus, see William R. Newman, Gehennical fire: the lives of George Starkey, an American alchemist in the scientific revolution (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, ma, 1994), p. 129. 7. This may refer to Newton. 8. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 17 January 1673/4.

0303 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 21 February 1673/4

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 88. Address: To his honor’d ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister, at his | house in Stone- gate | in | Yorke. Postmark: Receiving House Mark 2/Off in circular border. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, p. 484, letter 2446.

Sir,

This is meerly to serve for a cover to the enclosed, being a copy of Dr Wallis’s answer to Mr Jessops last,1 both as to the matter of rectifying Curves, and that of the Tides. I hope, you have received my last letters,2 sent you lately by

Your very humble and faithf. servt

Oldenburg

London Febr. 21.73

1. John Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 14 February 1673/4 (rs el/W2/18 and printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 473–480). The copy that Oldenburg sent has been lost. 2. Oldenburg’s letters to Lister of 22 January 1673/4 and 14 February 1673/4.

0304 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Sheffield], 9 March 1673/4

Source: rs el/I1/171; Letter Book, vol. 7, pp. 36–39. Half of the wrapper is missing leading to loss of text. Address: [To Martin Lis]ter at | his | [House in S]tonegate | [Yo]rke. 0304 jessop to lister 681

Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 504–507, letter 2454c. Reply to: John Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 14 February 1673/4 (rs el/ W2/18 and Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 473–480).

(Enter’d L.B. 7. 36.)1

Mr jessop for M. Oldenburg, in prosecution of the argument contained in some former letters, to be seen pag. 2 etc.2

Sir

I am infinitely obliged unto Dr Wallis for his excessive patience and civility in so freely satisfying my impertinent curiosity and so gently bearing with my indiscretion, and as much ashamed of my selfe that I am so unfortunate as not so clearly to apprehend the sense of the latter end of his letter as I do the beginning. I shall therefore endeavour to be as little troublesome as I may and by commenting upon some passages of his rather labour to excuse my selfe, than to create him any further toyl.3 “And when all is done the lengeth of the crooked base in proportion to a strieght line, as well as the ambit of the circle generant is still unknowne and as I remember the area etc.” Answ: In the first case the concave space comprehended betwixt the periphery of the circle and the bastard cyclode line is equall to five times the generant lin circle, and consequently the whole area double to the cycloide. In the second case the space comprehended betwixt the arch of the greater perambulated circle and the bastard cycloide is equall to three times the generating circle, more by a circle which hath the \is/ to twice the diameter of the perambulated circle. In the third case the argument proceeds on in the same manner as far as the line will give you leave to observe it, but at lengeth it crosseth it selfe and thereby puts an end to any further consideration. The first part of this clause I agree to and never pretended to have done, what is there denyed to be done. “if he would have it so to be he must fix some other definite sense on the word geometricall (then any I yet know to have been) which may make such a discrimination etc:” I fixed upon no other definition of the word geometricall then that of Des Cartes in the 2d page of his 2d booke of geometry.4 Geometricum dico illud (ut fieri solet) quod omnino perfectum et exactum est. and a little below he gives the following reason for the onely one, which made the ancients scruple to call some lines geometricall,5 quandoquidem illas duobus motibus describi 682 jessop to lister 0304

imaginamur, qui use invicem sunt diversi, nec ullam inter se re relationem habent, quae exacte mensurari possit. By these words he excludes the common cycloide and yet the bastard cycloides are comprehended, ffor as to the first of them (to use his words) illam duobus motibus describi imaginamur, qui non sunt diversi. for they are \two/ equall motions of two equall circles, and as for the rest the motions by which they are compounded, relationem inter se habent, quae exactè mensuran possit. It is true the rolling of one circle about another makes the construction appear cumber- some, but that was done for the conveniency of the demonstration, not out of necessity. for if you turne the strieght line abc bisected in b about the terme a and at the same time the part bc about the terme c. the part b will describe the first sort of bastard cycloides. you may describe the rest the same way mutatis mutandis. therefore take it in what sense you will the construction of these curves is as geometricall as the any other curve except the circle; for no composition can be of a lower degree then that which hath but two ingredients and these two of the same kinde, But if you take it in the sense of des Cartes (which I presumed to do) they are as geometricall as the circle it selfe. “Those other curves which I sayd were paraboloids in so saying I did thinke I had sufficiently expressed they were all geometricall lines etc:” Answ: I knew paraboloeides to be geometricall lines, but there are some whose poynts cannot be given without the quadrature of the circles, namely those whose latera recta have no ratio to the axis expressible by strieght lines. And I knew not then but these might have been such, but since he tells me thier poynts may be found by ruler and compasse I am fully satisfyed. “Somewhat, it should seeme there is wherein Mr Jessop does not apprehend me aright or I not him etc.” Answ: I thinke it hath been a very great misfortune unto us both that this doubt was no sooner started, and although I cannot perceave there is any mis- understanding betwixt us about the termes we use, I will briefly let you know how I apprehend him and how I desire he should understand me. for expressing my selfe in another manner I may either make my selfe better understood if I be in the right, or give him an \some/ opportunity of a clear way of convincing me if I be in the wrong. the question is in what point of the earth according to his hypothesis it should be full sea at this present time, I say in the point of the earth which moves swiftest at this time this he denyes, but sayth “it must be in that poynt, where this acceleration or retardation (be it more or lesse) doth most disturbe the equability of the compound motion of all the three.” these words of his are true and seem as fully to agree with my sense as can be: and therefore I cannot but extremely wonder how we come to differ. ffor although I sayd the greatest concussion is in that point of the Earth which moveth swiftest, yet it 0304 jessop to lister 683 was not because I thought swiftnesse in it selfe simply considered could be the cause of any concussion, but because it falls out in this case, that there is the greatest increase of swiftnesse in that poynt which moveth swiftest, and in the very same poynt the greatest disturbance of the equability of the compound motion of all the three (at lest if there be any equability at all in that motion which I am not astronomer good enough to determine). the shortest way to a\r/rive at some certainty in this controversy must be to consider the line it selfe which the compound of all the three motions makes that so we may know in what part of it any poynt of the earth moves swiftest, in what part the greatest acceleration \is/ and in what part any other disturbance which may arise from any other cause. By the first motion is described an arch of the ecliptic, by the compound of the first and second a bastard kind of cycloide whose base is the foresayd arch, and by compounding of all three, every point of the earth describes another kind of cycloid whose base is the arch of the former cycloid which the center of the earth runs over in a day. This last curve hath four eminent poynts in it, the beginning and the vertex and the two poynts of flexure (if we may allow it these two last which I believe we may) and I cannot imagine where to place any other in which we can have any reason to suppose any change of equability or any signall disturbance. ffrom the first poynt to the vertex the swiftnesse continually increaseth (for any thing I know to the contrary) aequably. I am sure there is no poynt betwixt them two wherein it can be sayd to increase lesse or more equably then in another (unlesse perhaps about the poynts of flexure which I have not so well considered as to be positive) therefore the greatest increase of swiftnesse is at the vertex, which is the very poynt I formerly noted in other termes. When it hath passed the vertex the motion changeth its nature, and turneth from an equably accelerated into an equably retardated motion and therefore there is reason that this change should cause some eminent disturbance. And although (as the doctor observed) the retardated motion be some times swifter, then the immediately preceding accelerative, yet the change and by consequence the disturbance will be still in that poynt where I first fixed it, since it is not the swiftnesse, but the change of the degrees of swiftnesse which causeth the concussion as is agreed on both hands. as for the poynts of flexure whether they will make any alteration or no in pay as to concussion is not worth the examining for they will seldome fall out to be neer the place which is for his purpose. To conclude the annuall motion being as the Dr observes about 66 times swifter then the menstruall it will follow that the cycloide described by the common center of gravity does almost insensibly differ from an arch of the ecliptic and therefore the diurnall cycloides will be almost the same as if they 684 jessop to lister 0304 had beene described upon parts of the sayd ecliptic arch immediately. and consequently by that greatest concussion proceeding from what cause so ever will constantly be not far from the houres of twelve no great distance I am sure can be allowed them from so small a difference betwixt the lines much lesse is there any probability that the vicissitudes should perambulate the whole circle or as I too largely graunted at the first, the semicircle. Now after I have thus fully given you my sense I thinke it convenient to let you know how I understand his. And these words following in his second letter seeme to most clearly to expresse it.6 “ffor in the epicycle or line of diurnall notion I take that poynt for the poynt of acceleration whose tangent is parallel not to the tangent of the cycloide but to the tangent of the circle greater or line of menstruall motion at the poynt in which the center is.” The meaning of these words I understand and those that follow untill I come to those where the strengeth of the demostration should lye. “But the motion of the center in the cycloide is very unequall, its line of equall motion being not that of the cycloide, but the circle generant, and therefore we are to take a parallel to the tangent of this etc:” The thing I understand not is how this wer therefore followes from the premises. If he will please (to take paines to clear this poynt he will both overthrow all that I have sayd and firmely establish his owne hypothesis, which will never stand for me unless this can be done. for I do not apprehend the force of this argument, But the motion of the center of the cycloide is very unequall therefore we are to take a tangent of to the parallel to this etc. And I can finde no other allthough I have searched both his printed hypothesis and every letter very dilligently, for all the rest seeme rather illustrations of the meaning than con- firmations of the truth of this. And thus (Sir) you see I make good my word all though I I passed at the beginning \although I have written a long letter/ to create as little trouble as I could, since if he will but give me this little small satisfaction in this particular, I promise never to trouble him more with my impertinency’s. I had many other things to write, as a recantation to be made to Mr Boyle, thanks to be returned to Mr Oldenburg, and an answere so to be given to the other particulars of your severall letteres, but I have so strieght- ened my self that I must defer those untill the next tuesday.7

your humble servant

ffr: Jessop

March. 9. 1673 0305 lister to oldenburg 685

1. This indication where the letter was copied into the Royal Society’s letter book is in neither Jessop’s nor Lister’s hand. 2. Oldenburg’s endorsement, although the damaged wrapper makes it clear that the letter was sent to Lister. 3. Jessop includes quotations from Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 14 February 1673/4. Oldenburg sent a copy of Wallis’s letter to Lister in his correspondence of 21 February 1673/4. 4. “I say (as it is usually done) that Geometry is that which is precise and exact.” Rene Descartes, Oeuvres de Descartes, eds. Charles Adam and Paul Tannery (Paris: Libraire Philosophique J. Vrin, 1983), vol. 6, p. 389. 5. “Because they are imagined as described by two separate motions, and that there is no connection between them which can be easily measured.” Oeuvres de Descartes, vol. 6, p. 390. 6. Jessop in this quotation and the following is referring to Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 2 September 1673 (rs el/W2/11; printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 170–175, letter 2311; Beeley, vol. 4, pp. 244–248, letter 107). 7. Jessop’s next surviving letter to Lister was not until 14 April 1674.

0305 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg London, 12 March 1673/4

Source: rs el/L5/70. The letter was read to the Royal Society on 2 April 1674. It is a very close revision of Lister’s letter to Oldenburg concerning snails of 23 October 1672, and we refer the reader there for annotations and translations of Lister’s snail table. In addition to his enclosure of a table of snails with this letter, Lister also sent a transcription “On Animal Stones” by Nathaniel Johnston, and a letter from Jessop of 9 March 1673/4. Address: No address present. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 18 November 1673. Printed: Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 9–10 (Lister’s enclosed transcription of Nathaniel Johnston’s work on animal stones) and pp. 96–99; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 95–97; Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 497–503, letters 2454, 2454a, and 2454b.

Yorke. March 12. 1673.

Sir

I at length returne you, that part of the Tables, which formerly you received from me. I have now corrected it, with as much care and exactnesse, as I could. You will alsoe receive the Figures done by Mr lodge. He has designed \them/ prona et supina facie1 which, indeed, was my request to him. but it will serve the Designe of this Specimen to ingrave only the upper side, which is 686 lister to oldenburg 0305 that which has the Numbers immediately writ over them. if I ever have the leisure to finish to my mind the Histories of some Insects, amongst which this of Snailes, and that other of Spiders2 are in good forwardnesse and I shall be easily persuaded to part with them after this summers studie, I purpos them to have them engraven in both postures, soe that when you have done with the sheet of Figures, I desire it may be returned me again. You had received the 2 other parts of the Tables, if this wett summer, and a raging Epidemic distemper in this Cittie \(the small Pox)/ had not wholly taken up my time and diverted me from my purpos of visiting some noted places of our sea Coasts. As for rock-shells3 they come in to me in greater Numbers, than I could ever have imagined: and I can assure you that of neer 30 Species I have now by me found in this Countie alone, not any one can be sampled by any sea, fresh water, or land snail, that I have or ever saw. Soe that you see I have still good reason to doubt of their Original, besides many other arguments that my Observations about Fossils doe afford, and which you may possibly one day see.4 And that there are the Elegant representations of even bivalve shells which never owed their original to any Animal, I can demonstrate, and thinke well \none/ that \has/ considered the thing with me has yet has denied \of which hereafter/; but whether all be soe or noe, I choose this methode, as the most convincing, viz to give a comparative view. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister. Read April 2: 1674 Trans No. 101–105 accompanying and giving an account of the following Tables of Snails and with some Queries on that subject5

You will receive the first part of [[one word]] \our/ Tables \of Snails/ and some Queries upon the \same/ subject; alsoe the lively figure of each shell for illustration. I reserve by me the Sea-shells and shell-stones. That part I send you at present being at a stand with me, these other increase upon my hands daily; which tho that be not a signe of perfection (for there is undoubted worke for many ages) yet it is of good advancement and progresse; this other of the copiousnesse of the subject. Again in that part of the Tables you have from me, Authours are very litle concerned, in the other of sea-shells and stone- like shells there are many authours, which are to be consulted and taken in, if 0305 lister to oldenburg 687 possibly we can understand them treating of the same species. Lastly, the two lesse compleat Draughts, being the remaining parts of these Tables, are much a kin, at lest in most mens thoughts, and therfore ought to be most neerly examined, that the dispute may not always be depending, whether the Rocks have not their owne proper Animal like breed different from the Sea. Some general Queries concerning land and fresh water snailes

1. Whether there \are/ other shell-snailes at land, than Turbinate? 2. Whether this kind of Insect are truly androgyna, and equally participate of both sexes, as Mr Ray first observed, and whether both of them two, which shall bee found in the act of Venery, doe accordingly spawn or lay those perfectly round and cleer eggs, soe frequently to be mett with in the surface of the earth and in the water too, and the circumstances of those eggs hatching? 3. Whether the way of fatting snailes, in use amongst the Romans, that is, to make little paved places incirculed with water, be not alsoe very expedient in order to the tru noting the manner of their Generation? 4. What light the Anatomy of this kind of Insect may give to the rest? 5. Whether the black spotts, observable in the hornes of some snailes, are Eyes, as some authours affirme; and not rathar parts meerly equivalent to the Antennae, of other Insects; as the flat, and exceeding thinn shape, alsoe the branched hornes in other species of snailes seems to confirme. 6. Whether the coccinea sanies, which some of our water snailes freely and plentifully yeild, be not a saliva rathar, than an extravasate blood; the like \may be thought/ of the juice of the Purple fish, now out of use, since the great plenty of chochineil? 7. in what sort of snails, are the stones mentioned by the Ancients to be found: and whether they are not to be found (in such as yeild them) at times of the yeare: and whether they are a cure for a Quartan, or have \what/ other real Vertues? 8. What Medicinal Vertues snailes may have, as restorative to Hectic-Persons; highly Venereal, at least the necks of them, if we credet the Romans and particularly C. Celsus commends them to be “bonj succij—stomacho aptas etc.” 9. Also inquire concerning the mechanical uses of the saliva of those Animalls, as in dying, whitning of Wax, haire etc? Note, that the Figures are Numbered and explained by the Tables. The Figures of the naked snailes are omitted in this specimen; being not material to that \part/ of the designe, which is (when the other parts \of these Tables/ are finished) to give the reader an exact Veiw of animal-shells, as well as of Fossils figured like shells, whereby he will be best able to judge, What to thinke of their Original. 688 lister to oldenburg 0305

Follow the Tables themselves

Tabulae Cochlearum Angliae, tum terrestrium fluviatiliumque, tum Marinarum; quibus accedunt lapides ad Cochlearum similtudinem atque alias vel suo modo figuratj. Vid. Tab ii.

Cochleae Terrestres testis intectae Turbinatae breviore figura. Numero V. 1. Cochlea cinerea maxima edulis, cujus Os operculo gypseo per hyemem tegitur, agri Hardfordiensis. 2. Cochlea cinereao-leviter refescens, striata, operculo testaceo Cochleato donata. 3. Cochlea et colore et fascijs multa varietate ludens. 4. Cochlea subflava, maculata atque unica fascia castanei coloris per medium voluminis insignita. 5. Cochlea vulgaris major, hortensis, maculata et fasciata. longiore figura ad sinistram convoluta. N.IV. 6. Buccinum exiguum subflavum mucrone obtuso, sive figura cylindrica. 7. Buccinum alterum exiguum \in Musco degens/ 5 anfractuum, mucrone acuto. 8. Buccinum rupium majusculum \senis orbibus/ protracum. 9. Buccinum \parvum/ sive Trochilius sylvaticus agrj Lincolniensis. ad dextram. n. II. 10. Buccinum pullum, ore compresso, circiter denis spiriris fastigatum. 11. Buccinum alterum pellucidum, subflavum, intra senos fere orbes mucronatum. compressae. N.II. 12. Cochlea cinerea fasciata, Ericetorum. 0305 lister to oldenburg 689

13. Cochlea altera, pulla, sylvatica, spiris in aciem depressis. nudae, Limaces dictae quibusdam. n. III. 14. Limax cinereus maximus, striatus et maculatus, lapillo sive ossiculo insignj, loco cranij, donatus, locis udis et umbrosis degens. 15. Limax cinereus alter, parvus, unicolor, pratensis. 16. Limax ater. Fluviatiles Turbinatae Cochleae n.I. 17. Cochlea fasciata. ore ad amussimum rotundo. Buccina n. V. 18. Buccinum flavum, pellucidum, intra tres spiras terminatum. 19. Buccinum alterum majus, paolo obscu- rius pellucidum tamen, 4 spirarum, mucrone acutissimo. 20. Buccinum fuscum, 5 spirarum plenarum, mucrone saepius mutilato, obtusoque. 21. Buccinum subflavum alterum, 5 spirarum, atque operculo tenuj et pellucido, testaceo tamen cochleatoque donatum. 22. Buccinum longum sex spirarum, in tenue acumen ex amplissima basi mucronatum. Compressa testa, Coccum fundentes, N. III. 23. Cochlea pulla, ex utraque parte circa [[one word]] umbilicum cava. 24. Cochlea altera parte plana, et limbo donata, 4 circumvolutionum. 25. Cochlea minor altera parte plana, sine limbo, 5 circumvolutionum. Bivalvae. N. II. 26. Musculus, parvus, subflavus, testa pellu- cida, pisi magnitudine, palustris. 27. Musculus alter, flaminum maximus, sub- viridis, Marinae etc. 690 lister to oldenburg 0305

Nothing of all this page to be published.

That noe page be empty, I shall transcribe an Observation of Dr Johnsons of Pomfret6 for your perusal. In the German Philosophic Ephimerides of the year 1672,7 I meet with these wordes of Wedelius.8 Obs. 246. page 349 “possideo particulam Calculj vaccinj instar aurj foliorum fulgidi,”9 the subject of that Observation, being an ennu- meration and the description of the several stones found in divers Animals, as in Doggs, Hoggs, Staggs, and in Cowes, of which last the now quoted wordes are all he saies. I doe begg Dr Johnsons pardon, for having kepp by me 2 yeares an Obligation of this nature, which [he] was pleased to communicate to me, and which yet was soe surprising to me, that I had not the assurance to offer it to you, being in this, as well as in other matters, relating to the phaenomena of natural Historie very diffident. What reasons I had than to doubt of the truth of this Observation he best knows, and I shall not trouble you with; being a little more confident, since I read the words of Wedelius, that the stones the learned Dr sent me, were such indeed, and not some Insects eggs, as I once did verily persuade my selfe they were. His letter beares date April 22d 1672 from Pomfret.10 About this time 12 month (saies the Dr) Thomas Capidge a Butcher of Pomfret killed an Ox for 0305 lister to oldenburg 691 the shambles; in which nothing was observed praeter natural, till the Blathar being blown by the servant, there was something observed sticking to the inside with a duskish Froath: keeping the blathar halfe blowne, the Butchers sonn, who first discovered it, knockt with his hand on the side and the bottom of the blathar, to make it settle to the Neck, and by shaking and squeezing it gott out the froth, and about 200 little globular stones of several sizes, the biggest being about this (O) circumference, other like pinn-heads or mustard seed: he rubbed the slimy froth from them, and they appeared of a duskish yellow colour and smooth: some he broake, and the rest he kept in a Paper: which when dry they were like seed Pearle, but more smooth and of a perfect gold colour, and soe ever after continued as you see them. Viewed in a Microscope, they appeared very polished and without and rugosities; the figure in most was sphaerical, in some a little compressed, the colour like burnisht gold. I broake one or two of them with some difficulty, and I found by the microscope, that it was only a thinn shell, that was soe orient and bright, the inner side of which shell was like unpolished Gold; the inmost substance was like brown sugar Candie to the naked eye, but not soe transparent: the Tast was not discernable. In spirit of vitriol they srunke much and wasted, but continued their colour (\possibly/ by reason of the outward skin, which it seemes in these was difficult to dissolve, as in tru pearles) likewise aq.fortis would corrode and dissolve them tumultuously. Thus farr the Dr. I doe not question but he has store of these guilt stones in his Cabinet; for, as I remember, he was soe choice of them, that the parcel he sent me to vieu, was ordered to be returned again, at lest none of them remained with me. again Yours. But that I am very confident from a passage in Mr Boile, that he and others are masters of the way of Extracting the volatil salts out of all plants,11 I should venture to sent it \you/ as it is and has (I am well satisfyed) been practised here this 12 yeares. I doe not understand, why it should be kept a secret; Mr Sturdy12 that gave me the way of doing it, assured me a \certain/ mineral substance, will afford the same Urinous \spirit/ that plants and Animals doe. Soe that we have as well a Volatile Urinous spirit from the 3 kingdoms, as they said, as an Acid.

1. Front and back face. 2. Lister would finish these works, publishing them in his Historiae animalium Angliae tres tractatus (London: J. Martyn, 1678). The first tract was on spiders, the second on land and freshwater snails, the last on sea-snails. His initial letter to Oldenburg about spiders was dated 10 January 1670/1. 3. Fossilized shells. 4. For his preliminary remarks on fossils, see Lister’s letters to Oldenburg of 4 November 1673 and 19 January 1674. 5. These annotations indicating when the paper was read, where it was printed, and an abstract are not in Oldenburg’s hand. 692 lister to ray 0306

6. Nathaniel Johnston of Pontefract. 7. George Wolfgang Wedel, “Calculo Equino et Porcino,” in Miscellanea Curiosa Medico- Physica Academiae Naturae Curiosorum, sive, Ephemeridum Medico-Physicarum Germanicarum Curiosarum (Leipzig and Frankfurt: Johannes Fritzsch, 1672), Observation 246, pp. 375–376, on p. 376. This was the journal of the Deutsche Akademie der Naturforscher Leopoldina, known today as the Leopoldina. 8. Georg Wolfgang Wedel (1645–1721), who assumed the chair of anatomy, surgery, and botany at the University of Jena in 1673. Wedel was a leading iatrochemists of the time, working under the influence of Sylvius. His students included Stahl and Friedrich Hoffman, and he served as the personal physician to the Duke of Weimar and to the Prince of Saxony. Climbing the social ladder through his role as a physician, he received many state and imperial honors, including being named a Kaiserlichen Rat (Imperial Councilor) by Emperor Charles vi. See Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, 41, p. 403. 9. “I have a fragment of a stone from a cow which shines like gold-leaf.” 10. Lister summarized Johnston’s letter of 22 April 1672, to which we refer the reader. Johnston’s letter was published as: Nathaniel Johnston, “An Observation of Dr Johnstons of Pomphret, Communicated by Him to Mr. Lister, and by him Sent in a Letter to the Publisher, Concerning some Stones of a Perfect Gold-Colour; Found in Animals, Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 9–10. 11. The “others” likely referred to Daniel Coxe, Robert Boyle’s protégé. For volatile salts and the practice of extracting them from plants and palingenics, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 31 March 1674, note 1, and 29 June 1674, note 3. 12. Presumably John Sturdy, or Sturdie, a correspondent of Lister’s, member of the York virtuosi, and mineral collector from Thurnham, Lancashire. Thurnham is a civil parish on the south side of the River Lune estuary in the City of Lancaster. See his letters to Lister of 16 July 1675, 25 September 1675, and 14 November 1675.

0306 Martin Lister to John Ray 28 March 1673/4

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 15.1

28 March—73. Sends \copy of/ his L[ette]r of the Astroites which he sent Mr Olden[burg] [publ. in Ph. Trans.]2

0307 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 31 March 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 159–160. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martin Lister at his | house in Stone gate | at York. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 12 March 1674. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 554–555, letter 2475.

London March 31. 74.

Sir,

For your generous and enriched return of your Table and Inquiries of Snailes, we are much obliged to you, as we are likewise to Mr Lodge for the neat figures. And you are afresh to be thanked for all \in the name of the R.S./ as well for that return, as the curious addition of Dr Johnstons Observation of the gold colour’d stones, which I take the freedom to insert in the Transactions of this month. I suppose, you will not have your busines of Snailes publick till it be finish’t; which maketh me forbear till you shall \please to/ direct me in it. You are not mistaken in your confidence, that here in London there are some, that are masters of extracting the volatil sales out of all sorts of Plants; and you will see a Discourse of the way of performing it thesame Transactions, given in to the R. Soc. by Daniel Coxe,1 who hath known it these many years, witness the Society’s Register,2 and Mr Boyles affirmation, to whom the Author did from time to time communication the Experiments, he made upon that subject, but was so modest as not to publish his method, till he was prompted to it by a book lately printed in Germany, described in the last Transactions, no 100.3 If, upon the view of Dr Coxes way, your and that of Mr Sturdy’s be \either/ coincident with it, or different from it, I hope, you will inform us of either. I think, Mr Boyle speakes in his book of Gems of an Earth, that will afford an Urinous Spirit, as Plants and Animals doe;4 If it be no secret that mineral substance, which in your post-script you mention to yield such a spirit, you and Mr Sturdy would oblige us in the communication. I suppose, Mr Martin hath, ere this, sent into your quarters some Copies of Mr Hooks printed Attempt to proving the Motion of the Earth from Observations made by himself, manifesting, that there is a sensible parallax of the Earths Orb among the Fixt stars; which, if there be no default in them, will amount to a demonstration of the Copernican System against that of Ptolomy and Tycho.5 Pray, Sir, oblige me to acquaint Mr Brook \and Mr Jessop/ herewith, and present them \both/ with my humble services. 694 lister to oldenburg 0308

I send you here inclosed a large answer of Dr Wallis for Mr Jessop,6 which I recommend to your particular care, remaining

Sir

Your humble and faithful servt

Oldenburg

1. Daniel Coxe (1640–1730), a London physician, F.R.S. and “alter ego” of Robert Boyle. Coxe wrote several articles in the Phil. Trans. about volatile salts and palingenics, or “resurrection of plants, and the chemical method of achieving their astral appearance after destruction.” Coxe took a plant, bruised it, burnt it, collected its ashes, and, in the process of calcination, extracted from it a volatile salt. He then made a compound with the salt, and submitted it to a gentle heat, and there gradually arose from the ashes, salt crystals which resembled a stem, leaves and flowers; or, in other words, an apparition of the plant which had been submitted to combustion. Information on palingenics for this note was taken from Lewis Spence, Encyclopedia of Occultism (New Hyde Park, ny: University Books, 1968), s.v. “palingenics.” For information about Coxe, see Antonio Clericuzio, Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles: A Study of Atomism and Chymistry in the Seventeenth Century (Dordrecht and Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001), p. 161. 2. Although Coxe’s paper was read to the Royal Society on 26 March 1674 and “much applauded,” it is not in the Register Book. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 132. 3. The book is George Wedel, Specimen Experimenti Novi, de Sale Volatili Plantarum (Frankfurt: Johannis Fritschii, 1672), reviewed in Phil. Trans., 8 (1673/4), pp. 7000–7002. 4. Boyle describes precipitating a urinous spirit from a gemstone in his Essay about the Origine and Virtues of Gems (London: William Godbid, 1672), p. 90. 5. This was one of Hooke’s Cutlerian lectures: An Attempt to prove the Motion of the Earth from Observations (London: John Martyn, 1674). Using a thirty-six-foot zenith telescope in a tower at Gresham College, Hooke observed the passage of the bright star γ Draconis near the zenith on four occasions. Measuring the distance of γ Draconis from the zenith, Hooke concluded he had observed parallax of fifteen seconds due to the Earth’s motion around the Sun, thus establishing the annual motion of the Earth. See Robert Purrington, The first professional scientist: Robert Hooke and the Royal Society of London (Basel and Boston: Springer, 2009), pp. 216–217. 6. Wallis’s letter to Jessop of 24 March 1673/4 (rs el/W2/20 and printed in Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 533–538, letter 2464; Beeley, vol. 4, pp. 370–376, letter 163).

0308 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg London, 6 April 1674

Source: rs el/L5/71 and Letter Book, vol. 7, pp. 60–61. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper, “Rec. April 15. 74. Answ. june 19.74.” He also indicated, “the \two papers of the/ Observations of Mr Lister upon the Astroites were sent by me to him, upon his desire, Oct. 24. 0308 lister to oldenburg 695

74. With an authority to return them if possible, in Decemb. next, to be publisht.” Address: For my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh Esquire | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark ap/8 [April 8]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 31 March 1674. Printed: Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), 278–79; Oldenburg, vol. 10, pp. 562–563, letter 2482.

Mr Lister to Mr Oldenburg, about the publication of his inquiries of Snailes, and Mr Rays Notes upon his observations of the Astroites.1

(Entd L.B.7.60.)2

Sir

I carfully sent away the inclosed to Mr Jessop. As for the inquiries, Table, and figures of the Snailes, I shall be well pleased, if you \please/ to publish them, not staing for the rest.3 Thus much of the designe I know, will incite others, that enjoy more leisure than my self, to be doing upon the like arguments. And, indeed, I cannot say when the rest will be fit to publish; though I neglect noe opportunity to store my selfe with materials from all parts, but it may be very long before they be fit to see the light. I shall transcribe for you Mr Rays annotations upon my observations of the Astroites.4 “I was much taken with your Observations concerning the star-stone, and informed in several particulars. For although I had often see and my selfe alsoe sometimes gathered of those bodies, yet I never curiously note the texture, parts and differences of them. As for their Original, if you can allow the Trochites and Entrochij to have been fragments of Rock-plants, I see not, why you should make any difficulty of admitting these to have been soe too; the several internodia being alike thinn in both, and the Commissures not much different; only the external figure doth not correspond. But it is to be considered, that many of the Trochites have a pentagonous hole in the middle of them, which if we admit for the receptacle of the pith, it will be as hard to exemplify such a figured pith, as such a figured stalke in land-plants. Your note concerning the Wyers springing out of the Furrows or concave angles of some of the Internodia, and encircling the stalke like the leaves of Asperula or Equisetum was surprising, and seemes to me to argue these bodies to belong to the Genus of Vegetables, noe less than Coral, Coralline, and the several sorts of Porj;5 696 lister to oldenburg 0308 some of which are alsoe jointed: But noe vegetable either of land or sea, that I know of, hath such frequent joints and short or thin internodia: and soe they are things of their owne kind, whose species is, for ought we know, lost. If they were Vegetables, I guesse they were never soft, but grow up on the Rockes like Corall, and the other stone-plants, just now mentioned, hard as they are. As for Equisetum, we know that the leaves of some sorts of it are joined, as well as the stalke; else I know noe plant that hath jointed leaves, except some sorts of Rush-grasse; tho these bristles of Equisetum surrounding the stalk, neither these reputed leaves of Rush-grasse, can properly be called leaves, being round, and leaving noe differences of upper and lower superfices. Now that I have upon this occasion mentioned Equisetum, give me leave to mind you of what I have already published to the world;6 that I have found on the banks of the river Tanar in Piedmont, plenty of the fragments of the stalkes of Equisetum perfectly petrifyed, with litle or noe encrease of bulke, soe exactly like the plants, that all the stria did all along clearly appear; the colour of these petrifyed stalkes was white.”

So far Mr Wray.

I am Sir

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke. April. 6 1674

1. Oldenburg’s endorsement. 2. This note indicating where the letter was placed in the Royal Society Letter Book is not in either Lister’s or Oldenburg’s hand. 3. A reference to Lister’s letter of 12 March 1673/4. 4. A reference to Lister’s letter concerning pentacrinoids of 19 January 1673/4. This excerpt from Ray was published in Lister’s article about the fossils in Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 278–279. The original letter from Ray to Lister has been lost. 5. Leeks. 6. Ray discussed finding sea urchin and shark-teeth fossils, if not Equisetum, on the banks of the river Tanaro near Asti in his Travels through the Low Countries: Germany, Italy and France, 2nd ed. (London: J. Walthoe, et. al., 1738), vol. 1, p. 98. 0309 jessop to lister 697

0309 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Broomhall, Sheffield], 14 April 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 24. There is some minor damage to the right edge of the letter, which led to loss of some text. This letter is in response to comments made by Wallis in his letter to Oldenburg of 24 March 1673/4, which Oldenburg forwarded to Lister in his letter of 31 March 1674. Subsequently Lister mentioned he had sent Wallis’s comments to Jessop in his letter of 6 April 1674 to Oldenburg. Although Jessop responded here, his letter never reached Wallis. In a letter of 15 July 1674, Lister mentioned to Oldenburg, “Mr Jessop . . . indeed, returned me an Answer to the last of Dr Wallis, but because of his promise he is resolved to give the Dr not any further trouble. Youre selfe may command a sight of his last to me, if you desire it.” Although Oldenburg did request Jessop’s remarks in his subsequent correspondence to Lister of 13 October 1674, there seems to be no further record of the matter. Address: ffor Dr Lister at his house in | Stonegate in | Yorke. Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark. “pt pd 2d Yorke” written on wrapper. Reply to: Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 24 March 1673/4.

Sirs

If I must beg your excuse both for what is past (what is to come, for I have been so busyed of late with my husbandry, an imployment which I was never acquainted with untill this year, having so\me/ land turned into my hands by tenants and some other troublesome affaires, that I have not leasure to answere those letters of yours, which lye by me yet unanswered. But if you will please to pardon me for about a fourthnight longer, I will indeavour to come out of your debt, and be more punctuall for the time to come. I need not say much in answere to Dr Wallis his letter, ffor although he seemes not what to approve of what I say did write in generall yet he takes exeption against nothing that is materiall in particular. Indeed he seemes to doubt whether I heeded the difference betwixt the third cyc cycloid upon the cycloid and the other, but I find that them as fully and plain that I not onely heeded them as plainly as he hath done, and but demonstrated that those differences made no alteration in the case.1 He also says, twice over, that I tooke no notice that the annuall motion was about sixty six times as swift as the menstruall till he minded me if that 698 jessop to lister 0309

proportion to which I answere, that I lay no claim to the invention of it, I confesse finding this proportion large enough for my purpose. I complyed with him as far as not to contradict him, rather than enter into an unnecessary dispute about astronomicall observations until which my denyall might perhaps have been an introduction, otherwise if I had then spoken mine owne thoughts, I should not have sayd the annuall motion was about 66 as times as swift as the but above 800 times as swift as the menstruall. As for his demonstration I thinke he hath done as much towards the proofe of what he undertooke, as is possible to be done, but he undertooke an impossibility, and therefore it is no wonder if he have falne short (pardon the confidence of my expression for I thinke I have reason now to speake as I do having undergone so long a tryall). His non plus ultra is this. The compound celerity of the menstruall and diurnall motion doth more or less favour the annuall as it is more or lesse parallel to it and there most where it is exactly parallel to it, but whereas he should have concluded therefore we are to take that poynt in the diurnall in the line of diurnall motion for the poynt of acceleration whose tangent is parallel to the tangent of the circle genitor (which was the thing he undertooke to prove) there he is silent, I suppose for these reasons. ffirst because the compound celerity of the menstruall and diurnall motions tis not parallel to the annual in that poynt which agrees best with his purpose at any time in the mouneth exept \at/ the full moon and new moon, but is parallel to it twice every four and twenty hours in another place. which I prove thus. we ought not to speake of the parallelisme of motions without reference to the parallelisme of the lines which those motions make. for the motions of two poynts are sayd to be parallel becaus when the lines in which they move are parallel and upon no other account. now by the compound of the menstruall and diurnall celerity’s a contracted cycloid is generated whose base is very little (being the arch of about the 23 part of the circumference on the menstruall epicycle). Therefore if we desire to know where the compound [[one word]]2 that generates this curve is parallel to the annual motion, we must find the \poynt/ place where, a tangent of this curve is parallel to the tangent of the eccliptic in that poynt where the common center of gravity of the Earth and the moon there is. now this cycloid is generated anew every day and every day throughout the mouneth \stands in a/ severall posture, but the nature of \it/ is such that in what soever posture it stands the poynt sought for may be found. So that this part is proved that there but this poynt will be at vertex twice in a mouneth and no oftener, and \yet/ the vertex will be always in that place poynt which he thu hath pitcht \upon/ as fittest for his purpose and no other. therefore the parallelism of this compound celerity will not be in that poynt, but some where else at all other times. the other reason is because the greatest acceleration and other causes of concussion will not be when the menstruall and diurnall motions most favour 0310 lister to ray 699 the annuall but where the diurnall most favours the progressive. which as I have often sayd and [[one word]] is directed by the tangent of the cycloid in that poynt when the center of the earth then is. At the last he says the greatest difficulty in the buisnesse is a thing which I have not lighted upon. that he ever apprehended the greatest difficulty to be from the nature of the motion and not the proportion, and by by the way he gives me a gentle memento of the oversight I was guilty of in my first papers as he hath seldome failed to do \almost/ in any of the letters he hath written since allthough I long agoe asked him forgivenesse3 to which I answer this objection is made against this demonstration which he hath \last/ sent togather with it and it was impossible for me to foretell what objections it would be lyable unto, it was enough for me to know that there could be no demonstration made which would not prove defective. If this objection be of any force why did he send a demonstration which he in the very next words \was able/ to confute? if it be not why did he send his objection? what ever he thinkes, I could have made many objections from the proportion of the motions, but I forbore to urge them because I knew they might be easyly answered by any one that had a mind to say the annuall motion of the earth was but thrice as swift as the diurnall, or which is almost the same that menstruall the annuall is about sixty six times as swift as the menstruall.

your humble servant

ffra: Jessop

Aprill. 14—74

1. See Jessop’s letter to Lister of 25 June 1673, note 5. 2. There is damage to this part of the letter. 3. See Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 12 January 1673/4 (enclosed in Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 17 January 1673/4) for the corrections of Jessop’s misapprehensions. See Jessop’s of 3 February 1673/4 for his apologies to Wallis.

0310 Martin Lister to John Ray May 1674

Source: nhm mss Ray, fol. 78, abstract 16.1 The right margin of the abstract is obscured by binding in the folio.

May—74. Received plant of a young S[[xxxx]]2 or its dryed flesh, which used by the country people to this purpose for their cattle/ Had found an odd Glossopetra,3 the fig[ure] whence he sends (neatly drawn). 700 townes to lister 0311

0311 Thomas Townes1 to Martin Lister London, ca. May 16742

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 228. Lister wrote on the wrapper, “Letters from Dr Townes From the Barbados,” and “Dr. Townes.” Printed: Stearns (1970), p. 215.

Sir

I came to wait on you, with the presentation of thanks from my Lady Foulis.3 I goe shortly to the Barbados, where of I can serve your curiosity of inquiring after any thing, that is rare to these Northern parts, you may command me. I was bold to leave you this notice because I have heard, you are in inquisitive after any novelty in nature. If you think it worth the while, you may send your commands to me at Mr. Edw: Lasscells4 merchant in threadneedle street near the French Church in London. and in Barbados at Mr Henry Harding’s5 plantation in St George’s parish.

Your friend and servant

Thomas Townes

For Dr Lister.

1. Townes, the son of Lancastrian James Townes, was born in the Barbados, matriculated at Christ’s College, Cambridge, in 1664, and received his M.D. there in 1674; subsequently he returned to the Barbados. See http://venn.lib.cam.ac.uk, the Cambridge Alumni Database. 2. The letter was undated; the date is assigned due to other correspondence sent to Lister by Townes. 3. Lady Catherine Foulis, eldest daughter of Sir David Watkins, Kent. See John Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Peerage and Baronetage of the British Empire, 6th ed. (London: Henry Colburn, 1839), p. 426. 0312 townes to lister 701

4. Possibly related to Daniel Lascelles (1655–1734), landowner and M.P. for Northallerton. Daniel’s grandfather Francis Lascelles (1612–1667) of Stank Hall, Kirby Sigston, had been M.P. for Thirsk, the North Riding of Yorkshire, and Northallerton. Thus the family was local to Yorkshire and may have been acquainted with Lister in this way. In approximately 1711 or 1712, their son Henry Lascelles went out to Barbados to join his eldest brother, George (1681–1729), as a merchant, so the family also had a connection to the colony. See D. Smith, “Lascelles, Henry (bap. 1690, d. 1753),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 5. Henry Harding apparently emigrated to New York. His 1704 will referred to himself as “of the Parish of St. Georges in the Island of Barbados, Esqr. at present residing in the city of New York.” It appears that Townes married into the Harding family, as in the will he is referred to as Harding’s “son-in-law, Dr Thomas Townes.” See Joanne McRee Sanders, Barbados records Wills and Aministration, Vol. 1, 1639–1680 (Marceline, Missouri: Walsworth Publishing Company, 1979), p. 446 and p. 505.

0312 Thomas Townes to Martin Lister London, 12 May 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 22. Address: For my honoured friend | Dr Lister | in | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark ma/16 [May 16]. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 4 May 1674, which has been lost.

Sir,

Yours of the 4th Instant I found \yesterday/ with Mr Lascells,1 and am very glad you so kindly entertain my bold wishes of nearer acquaintance with you, whose company I once fortunately enjoyed at Ingleby, but extreamly long’d for it second time in Yorke. Sir, if you please to honour me with a correspondence, the directions I felt you are secure both for London and Barbados, whatever you send to me in Barbados, or I to you from thence in York, wil be securely conveighed by Mr Lafeets. I am sorry, I missed the sight of your Cabinet, but if you please by the next, to let me know our method, that I may order myself accordingly, you wil extreamly oblige me; and I assure you, I’le send you whatever raritys in nature that shall offer themselves to my observation, with as good an account as my indeavours and occasion will give leave. I hope to hear from you before I goe to Sea, for I know not of any ships that are ready to sail forth in 14 days. My Lady Foulis2 presented her serve to you, and took it very kind\ly/ness that you were pleased to write to her after your visits; I promised her I would speak with you concerning her fears of a quartan,3 which by this time I hope are past; if you write again to her, pray, present my humble service to her and Sir David.4 And forget me not to Madame Elizabeth Foulis.5 If you 702 townes to lister 0313 please to send me another letter before my voyage, it wil find more than ordinary welcome and respect from

Your most humble servant

Tho: Townes

London. May 12. 1674.

1. Possibly related to Daniel Lascelles (1655–1734), landowner and M.P. for Northallerton. See Townes’s previous letter of May 1674. 2. Lady Catherine Foulis, eldest daughter of Sir David Watkins, Kent. 3. A fever that occurs every fourth day, such as malarial fever. 4. Sir David Foulis, third Baronet (1633–1695) of Ingelby Manor, in the County of York. Sir David sat as M.P. for Northallerton in 1694. 5. It is unknown how Elizabeth was related to Sir David and Lady Catherine, as they had no children or siblings by this name.

0313 Thomas Townes to Martin Lister London, 23 May 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 23. Address: For Dr Martin Lister | in | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark ma/23 [May 23]. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 20 May 1674, which has been lost.

Sir

Yours of the 20 instant I receive a return thanks for your short directions, which I am very glad of. you may be sure (if God preserve my life and health) not any thing worse the while shal come in my way, that I wil not carefully take notice of and indeavour to transmit it safely to you. Mr Lascells1 has faithfully promised to take care of whatsoever yourself on I shal send; and I dare put confidence in him. Now in time of peace ships are often going to Barbados, and coming from thence, so I hope to receive now and then a letter from you, for which I will not \fail/ to receive my thanks. You wil mightily oblige me by sending me that History of birds, when it comes out.2 The ships will saile very shortly and from on board you shal hear from me, if convenience of sending 0314 lodge to lister 703 wil give leave. In the mean time, I must thank you for accepting the offer of my service. I am

Your real friend and most humble servant,

Tho: Townes

May 23. 1674. London.

1. See Townes’s letter to Lister of 12 May 1674. 2. Presumably a reference to Francis Willughby and John Ray, The ornithology of Francis Willughby . . . (London: John Martyn, 1678). Lister aided Ray in the completion of this work. Ray acknowledged Lister’s assistance in the preface, providing “two or three Observations communicated by Mr. Martin Lister of York, my honoured Friend,” which included feeding habits of Buntings and Robins, and an experiment in which Lister “subtracted daily” a Swallow’s eggs, spurring her to lay “nineteen successively.” See “Preface,” to The Ornithology of Francis Willughby, pp. 6–7.

0314 William Lodge to Martin Lister Penrith, 11 June 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 153. The letter apparently once contained Lodge’s designs, which have been lost. Address: These | For my worthy friend Dr Lister at | his house in Stonegate in | York. Postmark: “pd. at Penrith.”

Penrith June the 11th 1674.

Sir,

I received yours by my man, and have since begun my northern Journey, at Midlam I found in an old stone reall1 with some drye earth in it, these 4 sorts of spiders, the first marked A was of a chestnut colour shining, that neare down the taile was of a much deeper chestnutt. the 2d marked B was of a sad gray inclining to blacke with a whitish tipp down the tail prettily marked with white and black spotts. this I supposed to be the 17 of your Catalogue viz: Araneus fuligineus è Craven, infini Candore distinctus Cauda bifurcâ.2 704 wolsey to lister 0315

The 3d marked C have a black square spott on the taile and like a black chev- ron on the extreme part of it, the whitish place in the designe which invirons the square spott is a perfect duskish gold colour in the spider, the rest a very sad brown. The 4th marked D was of a sad Browne with a lighter shining browne up the midle of the tail inclining to white towards the shoulders. I found a great many of each of these sorts (especially of these marked B) in the same wall and neare Penrith I found of the same sort but more distinctly marked. I have designed it under B. Under one of the stones when I found \them/ the spider A I likewise found an egg bagg broken, perfectly like leafe gold, note that the bower of those marked C is much exactlier designed. this morning I am for Carlisle; [and] will drink your health in a stirring cupp. I intend to come back by Newcastle and Durham so down the sea side to Whitby and Scarbrough,3 where if your occasions will permitt, I should be glad to meet you. from Durham, I will give you an exact time when I will be att Scarbrough. If I find anything of this nature in my journey I will give you an account, for I am youre affectionate and humble servant.

Will: Lodge. my service to your good lady and all at Dr Watkinsons,4 Mr Brooks,5 etc.

1. A device on to which yarn or thread is wound during production or processing and from which it may easily be wound off; a yarn-winder. 2. A sooty spider from Craven, noteworthy for its unusual brilliance, with a forked tail. Textrix denticulata, or the toothed weaver. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 January 1671, containing his list of spiders. 3. Scarborough, North Yorkshire. 4. See Briggs’s letter to Lister of 27 April 1673, note 3, for a biography of Watkinson. Briggs’s letter to Lister of 14 July 1674 indicates that Watkinson was on a journey north to pay Lister a visit. 5. Presumably John Brookes.

0315 [Thomas] Wolsey1 to Martin Lister Thornhaugh, Northamptonshire 11 June 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fols 26–27. The letter is torn on the bottom margin. Address: These | ffor his hon[ore]d friend Dr | Martin Lister at his | house in Yorke | present. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 26 December 1673 (now lost). 0315 wolsey to lister 705

Deare Sir

I received yours of December the 26: and I was gladd to see a line from your- selfe; bec:[ause] it assured me your life and health and gave me opportunity of maintanceing correspondency with one that I have so great respects for. It was not my happiness to see my good friend Mr Harrison2 either going or comeing, but pray tender my service to him, and lett him know I should have been glad to have seen him. Against his return I had prepared a line for your self, though I could not have given you that accompt of the stone pitts that now I can bec:[ause] they were covered over with snow. I have searched them since but finde noe such figured stones3 as yours mention. But discoursing a Mason which works in that stone, found that in his sawing of them once in 2 or 3 yeares such a stone as you speake of but as bigg as an Oister would breake from under the Saw. I desired his specially observances and to secure and send when he happened of them. He has brought me a couple as bigg as Cockles, which I have waited the opportunity of the Yorke coach to convey them to you: I thanke God I have no cause to complaine of my settlement in this place and shall rejoice to heare you are better settled in York. And to continue the stile of a St Johns man I subscribe my selfe

your most affectionate favor

[[Thomas]]4 Woolsey

Thornhaugh

June the 11: 74:

1. Thomas Woolsey, or Wolsey, D.D. was Archdeacon of Northampton (1680–1707) and Rector of Thornhaugh (1672–1707); he relocated there from Beechamwell St John, Norfolk. Woolsey matriculated at St John’s College, Cambridge, in 1651, and he was elected a fellow in 1658 where undoubtedly he became acquainted with Lister. See Joyce M. Horn, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1541–1857, volume 8: Bristol, Gloucester, Oxford and Peterborough dioceses (London: IHR, 1996), pp. 122–123. url: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=35340, date accessed: 08 August 2011; http://venn.lib.cam.ac.uk, A Cambridge Alumni Database. 2. It is not known who Mr. Harrison was. 3. Fossils. 4. The letter is damaged at this point. 706 oldenburg to lister 0316

0316 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 20 June 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 161–162. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martin Lister | At Stone gate in | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark iv/20 [June 20]. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 6 April 1674 and 29 May 1674. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 35–36, letter 2506.

London June 20. 74.

Sir,

What kindness I can doe to the young Chirugeon,1 recommended by yours of May 29th (which I received not till yesterday,) I shall not at all be wanting in; and I intend to speak on his behalf to two of that profession, very Expert masters, and my good acquaintance. Mean time I thank you for the pretty gild stone, and beg your assistance in acknowledging the present to Dr Johnston.2 I am also very glad, that in yrs your late excursions you have been mindfull of philosophical curiosities for us and I need not doubt, but you will be as mindfull of imparting them to us at your first leisure. I hope, Mr Jessop is well, and since he hath made no return to you what I sent him last from Dr Wallis, I am apt to conclude, that he acquiesces in the Doctors explication. I believe, you have seen ere this, what Dr Daniel Coxe,3 a very ingenious and searching young Naturalist, and sober Chymist, hath publish’d in N. 101 and 103 of the Transactions, concerning his way of Extracting a Volatil Salt and Spirit out of all sorts of Vegetables; as also about Vitriol, tending to find out the nature of that body, and to clear up more and more the Inquiry after the principles and properties of other Minerals. I hope he \will/ goe on to communicate more of each of those subjects, if his practice doe not divert him from it. The R. Society hath been of late upon Magnetical Experiments;4 and ’tis intended, that hereafter such of the Members thereof, as are proper for it, shall be desired to make and present the company at their meetings an Experimental well studied Lecture, that may be grounded upon, or lead to, some considerable Experiment, both instructive and usefull. In order to this, the Absent have been as well consider’d as the Present members; and you may be sure, their esteeme of you induce would not suffer you to passe you by, but with great affection they have pitch’t upon you as one of that number, that is to be employed for those Lectures, which they will embrace, if but sent by such as cannot be here to the Secretary, and he impowered to deliver and read them. And that none may be inconvenienced by any expence that such Experiments shall require, it will be order’d, that 5 lb. sterl. shall be allowed for every such 0317 townes to lister 707

Experimental Discourse to be made use of for defraying such charges;5 the remainder to be left to the disposal of the Lecturer. This I was bound to informe you of, being

Sir, Your faithf. servant

Oldenburg

1. It is not known who this surgeon was. 2. Nathaniel Johnston. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 12 March 1673/4. Johnston described the gild stones (bladder stones from an ox) in his letter to Lister of 22 April 1672. Johnston’s letter was published as: Nathaniel Johnston, “An Observation of Dr Johnstons of Pomphret, Communicated by Him to Mr. Lister, and by him Sent in a Letter to the Publisher, Concerning some Stones of a Perfect Gold-Colour; Found in Animals,” Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 9–10. 3. For Coxe, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 31 March 1674. Oldenburg was referring to Coxe’s articles: Daniel Coxe, “A Way of Extracting a Volatil Salt and Spirit Out of Vegetables; Intimated in Numb. 100. p. 7002; Experimented, and Imparted by the Learned and Intelligent Dr. Daniel Coxe, Fellow of the R. Society,” Phil. Trans., 9 (January 1, 1674), pp. 4–8; Daniel Coxe, “A Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe’s Discourse, Begunin Numb. 107. Touching the Identity of All Volatil Salts, and Vinous Spirits; Together with Two Surprizing Experiments Concerning Vegetable Salts, Perfectly Resembling the Shape of the Plants, Whence They Bad Been Obtained,” Phil. Trans., 9 (January 1, 1674), pp. 169–182. 4. In a letter of 16 April 1674 to Lord Charles Herbert, Oldenburg mentioned he acquainted him with a series of experiments and discussions about magnetism. The minutes of the Society demonstrate that Robert Hooke initiated the experimental program for the Royal Society between 26 February 1673/4 and 16 April 1674. See Hall and Hall, vol. 10, p. 566. 5. The Royal Society minutes reveal that on 27 August 1674, “it was considered by the council, that to make the Society prosper, good experiments must be in the first place provided . . . and that the expences for making these experiments must be secured by legal subscription.” In a following meeting of 29 September, Sir William Petty suggested to “fix a certain number of fellows, able and willing to entertain the Society every week with a considerable experimental discourse.” The scheme was further discussed in meetings of 7 and 13 October 1674. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 136–138.

0317 Thomas Townes to Martin Lister Deal, 20 June [1674]

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 229. Dating was determined by context of the letter.

Sir,

Thursday I cam to Gravesend, but my ship was gone, which I followed in a Wherry boat1 \at/ night in vain; after which I [[xxx]]fied into a smack2 and was 708 oldenburg to lister 0318 put on shoar 12 miles from the Downes, so much out of heart and near the way of al flesh,3 that I could not get on a hors[e] without the help of 2 men. Parsons had better save their pains in making sermons, and send their sinners on this short voyage of mine; which I dare say wil make them pray more in one hour than al the preachments can in 7 years. I just now imbraced the Captain of our ship, who intends within a few hours to sail for Barbados, from whence (if I live) you shal not fail to hear from me hoping to receive a line from you sometimes. I was in hopes of being with the Barbados Governor4 and in order to it I had letters from Sir David Foulis5 to him, but at least 4 weeks indeavors could not bring me to his speech, wherefore I took the opportunity of this ship. but I heard Sir David is displeased at me as slighting his kindness in this, though I would have given a considerable summe might I have gone with the Governor. It’s my misfortune that my temper wil not let me beg pardon for what I hope not willingly offended. My service to Madame Elizabeth Foulis and desire her to do the same for me to Sir David &c. In hast I am

Yours Tho: Townes.

Deal6 June 20.

1. A wherry was a clinker-belt boat with long overhanging bows so that, before landing stages were built along the river, patrons could step ashore easily. It was traditionally used for carrying cargo and/or passengers on canals and rivers in England, usually on the River Thames. 2. A smack was a single-masted sailing-vessel, rigged like a sloop or cutter, employed as a coaster or for fishing, and formerly as a tender to a man-of-war. 3. The way of all flesh, or to die, to follow a course leading to death. 4. Jonathan Atkins, Governor of Barbados (1674–1680). Atkins was commissioned as Governor-in-Chief of Barbados on 6 February 1674, and arrived in late October or early November 1674. Apparently Townes wished to travel with him there. See W.N. Sainsbury, “America and West Indies: February 1674,” Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America, and West Indies, Volume 7, 1669– 1674 (London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Office, 1889), 442; Peter Hoare, “Sir Jonathan Atkins— Holborn House, Barbados—The Marble Relief of King’s Lynn, Norfolk (1687): A Puzzling Link?” Norfolk Archaeology, xlvi (2010), pp. 48–62. 5. See Townes’s letter to Lister of 12 May 1674. 6. Deal, Kent, a major early modern port.

0318 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 11 July 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols. 164–165. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martin Lister, at his | house in Stone- gate | at York. 0318 oldenburg to lister 709

Postmark: Illegible Bishop Mark. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 52–53, letter 2516; Unwin (1995), p. 216 (partial).

Sir,

Reading over again the Tables of Snailes in order to print them this month, I find, that in the Figures of them there are wanting1 No. 14. 15. 16. viz Limax cinereus maximus,2 Limax cinereus alter,3 and Limax ater.4 I pray let me know wth all possible speed, whether it be an oversight, or not; and if it be, be pleased to supply this defect, if conveniently you can, by the first post, that the Graver,5 who hath undertaken to grave the rest, may not be stopped too long from finishing the plate. The defect is most certain, and I [[one word]] doubt \not/ of your favor of supplying it, who am

Sir

Yr humble and faithfull servant

Oldenburg.

London July 11. 74.

1. Lodge noted three drawings of snails were missing in his letter to Lister of 23 October 1673. Lister indicated that the omission was purposeful at the foot of his Table of Snails in his letter to Oldenburg of 12 March 1674 (rs el/L5/70); Lister forwarded William Lodge’s original drawings to Oldenburg in this piece of correspondence. The drawings were for Lister’s paper, “An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Martin Lister Concerning the First Part of His Tables of Snails, Together with Some Quaere’s Relating to Those Insects, and the Tables Themselves; Sent to the Publisher from York, March 12. 1673,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1674), pp. 96–99. 2. In his paper on snails, Lister referred to this species as “Limax cinereus maximus, striatus et maculatus, lapillo sive officulo insigni, loco Cranii, donatus, locis udis et umbrosis degens.” [“The largest striped and spotted slug, having a remarkable little stone, or bone.”] The species is likely Cocholodina laminata, also known as Marpessa laminata or the plaited door snail. 3. Probably Arion intermedius, otherwise known as the hedgehog slug as its tuburcules on its back look like small spikes. 4. The large black slug, Arion ater. 5. William Lodge only did the illustrations, not the engravings. His letter of 21 August 1674 to Lister reveals he was dissatisfied with the quality of the engravings that appeared in the Philosophical Transactions. 710 briggs to lister 0319

0319 Thomas Briggs to Martin Lister Doctors’ Commons, London, 14 July 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 25. Address: To his honred ffreind | Mr Martin Lister | at his house in | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/? [July].

Drs Commons. July. 14 74.

Deare ffrend

I am very glad to Understand by Dr Watkinson1 that you are in good health and better practice you shall allways have my prayers for the continuance and increase of both and if I know any more effectual way at this distance to serve you I am obliged to embrace it and should act accordingly. Ile not trouble you with any history of my selfe or others in these parts Dr Watkinson who is now on his journey towards the North or espesaly our old ffrends D Morton2 and J Boughton3 who very suddanly will be with you will save that labour. I only will it might have fallen to my sort to have accompanied them, but I am bound for Sussex and thither I must. I would not seem to remind you of that little account pendent4 betwixt us because I would allways have you take your \owne/ time and convenience but if it should suite them it would bee very acceptable to mee to have your order accordingly. I remayne Deare Sir

your most ffaithfull ffrend and servant

Tho Briggs

1. See Briggs’s letter to Lister of 27 April 1673, note 3, for Watkinson’s biography. 2. Possibly David Morton (b. 1632), who received his B.A. from St John’s College Cambridge, in 1651, his M.A. in 1655, and was made a fellow in 1652. He received a B.D. in 1663. Morton was a Senior Proctor at the College from 1661–1662, during Lister’s time there. See: http://venn.lib.cam .ac.uk, the Database of Cambridge Alumni. 3. John Boughton (1636–1693), who received his B.A. from St John’s College, Cambridge, in 1656, his M.A. in 1659, and his B.D. in 1666. He was a fellow of the college from 1658 until his death. See: http://venn.lib.cam.ac.uk, the Database of Cambridge Alumni. 4. Unsettled account. Briggs was the bursar of St John’s College, Cambridge, or this account may have been a personal loan. 0320 lister to oldenburg 711

0320 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 15 July 1674

Source: rs el/L5/72. Oldenburg has indicated on the wrapper: “Ref. july 22. 74. Answ.” Address: These | For my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh | Esq at his house in the | Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/17 [July 17]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s Letter of 20 June 1674 and 11 July 1674. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 54–55, letter 2519. concerning the foregoing Tables etc.1

Sir

I had both your letters. In answer to your last, I purposely omitted the figures of the 3 limaces or naked snailes my intuition being in those Tables only to represent the shells of these Animals and \not/ are of the differences of the animals themselves, which I refer for the history. instead of There is only of the Limaces certain stony substances taken out of the backes or heads of one of them figured.2 if I mistake not, I write something to this purpos at the foot of the Table, at least I intended soe to doe, and I wonder if I should omit it and give you this trouble. To your first; I am willing to serve the Society in what comes in any way and am very sensible of the honour they have done me.3 Mr Jessop is your humble servant he indeed, returned me an Answer to the last of Dr Wallis; but because of his promis he is resolved to give the Dr not any further trouble.4 Your selfe may command a sight of his last to me, if you desire it. Sir I begg your pardon that this letter comes Empty to you. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke July. 15 1674. 712 lodge to lister 0321

1. Not in Oldenburg’s or Lister’s handwriting. 2. Lister noted in his table of snails that the figures were omitted. His reference to the stony substance is to the shells of Limax snails. The shell of Limax maximus is reduced and internal, and perceptible under the skin. 3. Oldenburg in his letter of 29 June 1674 asked Lister to present a lecture to the Royal Society. 4. Concerning the mathematical dispute between Jessop and Wallis about cycloid curves, enumerated in past correspondence. In a letter to Oldenburg of 22 June 1674, John Wallis remarked, “As to Mr. Jess[op] from whom you say you hear no more; I suppose he may not be fully satisfy, (for then it’s like he would say so.) but at least so far as to acquiesce.” See rs/el/ W2/23, printed in Oldenburg, vol. 11, letter 2507; Beeley, vol. 4, pp. 403–405, letter 177.

0321 William Lodge to Martin Lister Arnoldsbiggin, Yorkshire, 27 July 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 165–166. There is a drawing by Lodge on fol. 166. The letter appears to be written on faded newsprint. Address: These | For his Honoured freind Doctor | Lister at his house in Stonegate | in York | with care and post | pd Carrier.

Sir

I receved youre Booke and the plott, but feare I cannot copy ’em out whilst I stay in the Country for I set forward for London to morrow morning. if you can with conveniency meet me on Wednesday next at night, or thursday noon, at Leeds I shall be ready to receive youre commands, if you dare trust your book to london I shall take care on it thither; and the first tinge I transferr on to Copper shall be the spiders.1 In hopes of meeting you, I conclude, Sir, youre Most Affectionate and humble servant; Will Lodge

Will: Lodge

Arnoldsbiggin July the 27th 1674

1. These drawings would eventually appear in the tract on spiders in Lister’s Historiae animalium Angliae tres tractatus (1678). 0322 townes to lister 713

0322 Thomas Townes to [Martin Lister] St. George Parish, Barbados, August 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fols 28–29. There is damage to the right margin. Address: No address present. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 20 May 1674, which has been lost.

Sir

I arrived at Barbados after a pleasant passage the 7 Instant. By the way I took no manner of fish, but some flying fish1 and another strange fish, which I know not what to make of. as soon as I can conveniently, I’le send them to you with all the circumstances I could learn. Besides one night when the mariners were disagreeing about our distance from Barbados, a bird by the seamen usually called a Booby,2 lighted upon a man sleeping on the quarter deck, which from its stupidness has its name, for it sate very quietly looking about until it was taken by a seaman’s hands; and by the cry of this (which is like and almost as lowd as the sound a buck makes upon the rut) immediately came another booby, which was taken after the same manner; and many more nights have been so taken (the seamen said) had there been more about the ship. but they were welcome guests, because they put us out of doubt, as usually appearing about 40 or 50 leagues from land; they are of no beauty at al, yet ile send them to you because they are great enemys to the flying fish. As [[one word]]3 as we crossed the Tropick we were met by a bird called the Tropick bird,4 because they commonly are first seen at the two or three or twentieth degree of la\ti/ tude: they are about the bigness of a Parret, the feathers appear’d \white/ with red intermix’d, the beack crooked and of a scarlet colour; their taile at a distance to be seen, but right at hand about the thickness and length of an ordinary tobacco pipe. I wonder what their food may be so far fro’ land, for I can’t learn that they have been observed to prey upon any fish or birds, unless they resort to some smal Iland yet undiscover’d. I heard since I came hither that they frequent the rocks on the windward (of east part) of this Island, which if true, I’le indeavour to procure some.5 The trade-wind or ventus sub solanus6 as the Meteorologist terme it is not onely peculiar to the space within the Tropicks, but like wise on each \side/ of them to the 27 or 28th degree of either latitude for we met it in the 28th degr: and perpetually saild by it to the 13 degre \10 mins/ (the latitude of Barbados) where we on the first Instant in the morning perceiv’d a strom [sic] breeding in the west, which we suspect for a Hurricane, as it prov’d about 18 a clock at night, but it did us no harm, onely whirld us like a top about al points of the compass for 2 or 3 hours together; it being also quite 714 townes to lister 0322 tired, when it reacht us, with belabouring Barbadoes the whole day and night before; it threw on shour 11 or 12 ships, whereof 8 were destroied, beside the great damage it did in timber trees and corn etc: certainly nothing is more terrible than it’s horrible drumming and black face.7 The seeds of Strammonium spinosum8 (which will grow with you) and a kind of shrub-trefoil I send you ante manum,9 with these flowers which I had in the Medera,10 it lasteth alwais or long in its colour, and therefore, as I was \told/ to there by some Jesuites, it is cald Perpetua.11 Of these etc: more hereafter, company now with me wil not let me write any more; after some daies, I hope to be quiet from visants, who have wholy ingaged my attendance ever since I came. My service to Madame Eliz: Foulis, Sir David and his Lady. You must pardon my abruptness, I am, Sir

Your real friend and servt

Tho. Townes

Barbados Aug: 1674 from Mr Hen: Harding’s12 plantation in St George’s parish.

1. A name given to two kinds of fish (Dactylopterus and Exocœtus), which are able to rise into the air by means of enlarged wing-like pectoral fins. The flying fish is the national fish of Barbados. 2. A name for various species of gannets or boobies, particularly Sula fusca. See J. Bryan Nelson, The Sulidae: Gannets and Boobies (Aberdeen: University of Aberdeen Press, 1978). 3. Most likely “soon.” 4. Birds of the family Phaethontidæ: sea-birds resembling terns, found in tropical regions, and characterized by webbed feet, rapid flight, and varied coloration. 5. Lister transcribed this letter to this point, enclosing it in a piece of correspondence to John Ray (13 December 1674). 6. Because this wind blew continually from east to west, it was called Ventus subsolanus, because it follows the motion of the sun. 7. Presumably the midseason hurricane of 10 August 1674 in which three hundred houses and eight ships, as well as two hundred people were killed. See David Longshore, “Hurricane,” Encyclopedia of hurricanes, typhoons, and cyclones (New York: Infobase Publishing, 2009), p. 41. 8. Datura stramonium, known as jimson weed or thorn apple. This annual herb’s seeds and leaves are sometimes used as a hallucinogen. 9. Beforehand. 10. Madeira Island, Portugal. 11. Helichrysum arenarium or Helichrysum stoechas, in the sunflower family. 12. Henry Harding apparently emigrated to New York. His 1704 will referred to himself as “of the Parish of St. Georges in the Island of Barbados, Esqr. at present residing in the city of New 0324 lodge to lister 715

York.” Will of Henry Harding, Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1892 (New York: New York Historical Society, 1893), vol. 1, pp. 443–44, and 406.

0323 William Lodge to Martin Lister London, 12 August 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 167–168. Address: These | For his esteemed freind Doctor | Lister at his house in Stonegate | in York. Postmark: Bishop Mark au/? [August].

Sir

I was in great hopes to have mett you at Leeds but I suppose either my letter miscarried or you was not at home,1 it was two dayes stay on my way to London on purpose to know your method concerning the spiders, if you resolve on the method you sent me or otherwise I pray send me by the return of the post youre resolution, and withall of those V Spiders which are awanting tell me how and where I shall know and find ’em. In the mean time I shall be carefull of your Book, and after I hear from you shall be diligent in performance of youre directions, if my Bro: Lister be at York pray my service to him, and all freinds, no more but that I am

Youre most humble and Affectionate servant,

W: Lodge

London August the 12th 1674.

1. See Lodge’s letter of 27 July 1674.

0324 William Lodge to Martin Lister London, 21 August 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 169–170. Fol. 170 has Lodge’s drawings of spiders. Address: For D Lister at his house in | Stonegate | in York | ffour baggs. Postmark: Bishop Mark av/? [August]. Printed: Unwin (1995), p. 221. 716 lister to lister 0324

Worthy Doctor

I perceive you are resolved of the size and method for the Generall plate. I desire you will pitch upon the sizes of the particular plates. I would have 3 plates longer than the rest to express the manner of the Netts, turn over and see my meaning or when to show the sitting in the midle of the nett as some doe.1 I will send you a tryall of a particular plate and have youre approbation before we go to farr,2 for if I can doo one I can doo em all. I desire you will give me an account in youre next of the full bigness that each sort will arrive to, if any parcells of Tinn Ore \remit to me/ and I shall take care to convey em to you at York.3 I rest \youre/ very \youre/ Affectionate freind and servant.

W: Lodge

London August the 21th 74

If I knew how to come \to/ the design of the Astroites,4 I had rather transfer em onto copper then any other. I saw the Snayiles in the last P. Transactions they are indifferently done.5 this size in my opinion will serve for each particular history, and room enough to express the order of the eye, and manner of the Egg Bagg

This size will serve we there is Addition to represent the nett.

1. The net referred to the spider webs. Eventually these drawings would appear in the tract on spiders in Lister’s Historiae animalium Angliae tres tractatus (1678). 2. A reference presumably to the difficulties Lodge had with the plates for Lister’s paper, “An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Martin Lister Concerning the First Part of His Tables of Snails, Together with Some Quaere’s Relating to Those Insects, and the Tables Themselves; Sent to the Publisher from York, March 12. 1673,” 6 (1674), Phil. Trans., pp. 96–99. See also Lodge’s letter to Lister of 23 October 1673, note 7. 3. Lodge was serving Lister as an intermediary in arranging for the receipt and dispatch to York of samples of mineral ores; Lister also was given samples by John Ray, who sent them by post. See Unwin (1995), p. 220, and Ray’s letter to Lister of 12 September 1674. 4. See Lodge’s letter to Lister of 12 January 1673/4, note 1. 5. A reference to Lister’s paper described in note 2. 0325 lister to ray 717

FIGURE 10 William Lodge’s figures of a spider web and egg sac. The Bodleian Library, The University of Oxford.

0325 Martin Lister to John Ray 26 August 1674

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 16.1

26: Aug—74. Th[omas] Willisel2 called & left Haematites;3 glad he goes to Jamaica4/ Ores desired / A Lapis Judaicus fig[ure]d5 [[xxxxx]] laments the death of (I suppose [[xxxxxx]] largely) invites to his cause. 718 Ray to Lister 0326

1. Among the Ray Letters in the Natural History Museum is a lengthy list of briefly abstracted letters to and from Ray in the handwriting of William Derham, who edited The Philosophical Letters of Ray (1718). Although these letters were available to Derham at the time, subsequently many have been lost, and his abstract-inventory is now the only clue to their former existence. The writing is contracted and illegible. Gunther’s Further Correspondence of John Ray (1928) includes some of these abstracts, and they are included in this edition in their proper chronological place. 2. For Willisel’s biography, see Ray’s letter to Lister of 15 November 1669, note 40. 3. Part of Lister’s program to collect ores for his History of Iron, extant in manuscript as ms Lister 1, Bodleian Library, Oxford. 4. In 1674, Willisel became the Earl of Carbery’s gardener in Jamaica, recommended for the post by John Aubrey. According to Aubrey, Willisel “dyed within a yeare after his being there.” See John Aubrey, The natural history of Wiltshire, ed. J. Britton (London: Wiltshire Topographical Society, 1847); facs. edn (1969), p. 48; G.S. Boulger, “Willisel, Thomas (bap. 1621, d. 1675?),” rev. F. Horsman, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 5. Fossil spines of certain cidaroid echinoids or sea urchins, especially Balanocidaris.

0326 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 12 September 1674

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 26, letter 67. The letter has suffered some damage at the margins and is tightly bound. Address: These | for his honoured friend | Mr Martin Lister at | his house in the | city | of York. There are six crossed out words after the address. Postmark: Bishop Mark se/14 [September 14] and “Pd 3d to London.” Reply to: Lister’s letter of 26 August 1674. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 123–124; Lankester (1848), p. 107; Gunther (1928), pp. 133–134. (All partial transcriptions.)

Middleton. Sept. 12. 1674.

Dear Sir,

At my return hither out of Essex (where I have been for about a moneth) I found a Letter from you, to which \had it been received in time/ alsoe you had not so long wanted an answer. I have according to your desire written both into Sussex and Cornwall for tin and iron-ore, and I have advice, that out of Sussex there is a bag of the Latter already come up to London and delivered in to Mr Lodge,1 according to your direction;2 Out of Cornwall I can not yet expect an account, but yet am confident, that if my Letter miscarry not, my friend there 0326 Ray to Lister 719 will procure for me and send up to London as many of the particulars desired as can easily there-about by had. But we must have a little patience with him, the tin-mines being at some distance from his habitation; and when he shall have furnished himself, possibly there may not be a vessel ready instantly to set sail for London. Though I think it be hardly worth the while yet because you define \it/, I shall the next opportunity send away Sgr Boccone’s Epistles3 to Notingham, to be thence conveighed to you at York. In the last Philosoph. Transact: I saw a table of Land and fresh water Snails of your drawing up; which is indeed very full \and/ disposed in an excellent method; and the lively figure of each shell, being elegantly engraven, added, so that there is little wanting to a compleat history of them.4 I have not been very curious in searching out and noting the varieties of our English Land-snails: Many of yours Land snails I have not taken notice of the second kind I think is that you and I observed about Montpellier, but I doe not remember to have seen it in England.5 Of your water-snails I have discovered most, if not all. Your first buccinum, which is the 18th in the plate I use to call conchula Persica for some resemblance, if I mistake not it hath \to that shell, it hath also/ the likenesse of those they call Porcelain shells beyond seas, and use for cosmetics. I have observed a small water-snail in our brooks, which I used to term Nerites fluviatilis6 for its similitude, which I thinke is not in your table, unless it be the 18, but then it is not rightly figured, for the bottome \or vertex in mine/ is round and not at all produced. I have also observed abundantly in our brooks a Patella fluviatilis no broader then a Lentill stiking to the stones.7 But of those things, being thus by you quickned, I shall heerafter (God granting life and health) take more exact notice. I thank you for your communications, and exhort you as earnestly as I can, to proceed with all vigour in your search into the history and mysteryes of nature, in the prosecution whereof the successe you have already had and discoveries you have already made, have both rewarded your endeavour and given you encouragement to persist. I shalle adde no more at present but that I highly prize and acquiesce in your friendship, and looking upon your kind expressions as the issues and effects of a reall and hearty affection, I cannot but gratefully resent them, embrace your good will and reciprocally love and honour you; and so take leave, Sir, Your very \affectionate/ friend and most devoted in all service Jo: Ray.

Pardon my scribling and the mistakes and incongruities committed through hast. 720 Plaxton to lister 0327

1. See Lodge’s letter to Lister of 21 August 1674, note 3. 2. Previous correspondence suggests that Ray had been collecting ores for Lister for some time; Lister was engaged upon a “History of Iron” which eventually influenced his work on mineral waters and mineralogy, the De Fontibus Medicatis Angliae (York: by the author, 1682). For the “History of Iron,” see Bodl. ms Lister 1. For Lister’s work in mineralogy, see Roos (2011), chapter 9, passim. 3. Paolo Silvio Boccone (1633–1704), an Italian botanist from Sicily. Boccone served as a court botanist to Ferdinando ii de’Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, as well as to Ferdinando’s son Cosimo. Boccone’s Recherches et observations naturelles (Paris, 1671; Amsterdam, 1674) was concerned with paleontology, medicine, and toxicology. Boccone also published works describing rare plants in Sicily, Malta, Piedmont, Italy, and Germany, such as the Icones et Descriptiones rariorum Plantarum (1674) and Museo di pianto rare della Scilia, Malta, Corsica, Italia, Piemonte, et Germania (1697). In a letter of 15 September 1674 to Ray, Oldenburg summarized Boccone’s latest letter, a reaction to Ray’s work on plants. See Lankester (1848), pp. 108–110. 4. Martin Lister, “An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Martin Lister Concerning the First Part of His Tables of Snails, Together with Some Quaere’s Relating to Those Insects, and the Tables Themselves; Sent to the Publisher from York, March 12. 1673,” 6 (1674), Phil. Trans., pp. 96–99. 5. In his table, Lister described it as the striped grey nail having a spiral shell cover. It is Pomatia elegans, or the round-mouthed snail. The snail was originally of Mediterranean origin, but adapted to life on land. 6. Some sort of river nerite, described by Lister in his table of snails as “another larger, clear buccinum, having four whorls.” 7. A type of river limpet. Patella fluviatilis is identified as such in Lister’s Historiae conchyliorum (1685–92), table 141, figure 39, and in Mendes da Costa, Historia Naturalis testaceorum Britanniae or the British conchology (London: Millan, White, Emsley, and Robson, 1778), p. 1, pl. 2, fig. 8.

0327 George Plaxton1 to Martin Lister Trentham, Staffordshire, 24 September 1674

Source: Bodl. ms. Lister 35, fol. 30.

Sept. the. 24th. 1674

My dearest Dr

I think I may now very justly now be accused of the breach of Friendship and branded by all the infamous names that are due to an ungratefull person, tis allmost an age since I saw you, but more since I writt to you with excuse to invent, I cannot tell \but/ must reform my self wholly to your Censure and patiently undergoe what pennance you please to inflict. 0327 Plaxton to Lister 721

Since I saw you I have viewed most of our Shropshire and Staffordshire Rarities, espetially such as I thought suitable to our purpose but my Journey into Wales was obstructed by some intervening business of honest Dr Fowles. I have by me a considerable quantity of Oares with some of our English Antimony found about Brosely2 neare the Severn, with many other small things which I hope will not be unacceptable to you. I have also a very fair Entroches3 but differing from any of yours in shape and magnitude being about 1 inch in Diameter found in Wales, with some of the Linea Incombustible4 \likely/ the same which they call Lapis Asbestos, which I shall send you with severall sorts of Limestone, and Iron Stone figured.5 As for the plants of these parts I find \hitherto/ few which are Extraordinary, the most unusuall which I have not met with are these Following, Pentaphyllon rubrum palustre,6 Levisticum vulgare,7 Hypericon minimum, Sed erectum,8 Aparine \minima/ folius tenuioribus huius repens;9 with some others such like, not commonly taken notice of by our Botanicks but the most odde are a sort of Mushromes which I never met withall before being as I guesse the Fungus Terrestri Esculentus digitiformis, the same which the Ital[ians] call Digitelli,10 I have given you the Cutt of them for your better conception.11 I have found an Oake Tree here, the Trunk of which is covered over with those husks which you guess to be the Grana Kermes.12 I shall gather some of them to send you, but I feare the Tyme of yeare is too farr spent. Ere long you shall hear farther from me, but I am now at Trentham13 and soe not in a condition of giveing you a particular account of some things which I have noted down at home, at Sheriffe Hales.14 My service to your Good Lady and all our Friends. I am Dearest Sir

Your most humble and ever affectionate Servant

Geo Plaxton.

These I found in Litteshall park15 Aug: the 2.3.4.5. they grow mixed amongst \with/ the grasse, are very white, of \a/ good pleasant smell, many small species issuing from one root, some of which are forked like the horne of a door as at A. others semed ab if 2 of them had been soldered to g: this haveing a fair lift down the middle as b. I think that the deer delight to feed upon them, for I found none after 3 or 4 dayes Continuance.

I shall send you a root Bunch of them Dryed, they were about the thicknesse of a barly straw, and about 3 inches or 4 in length. 722 Plaxton to Lister 0327

FIGURE 11 Fungus Terrestris Esculentus, graminiformis, aut Digiformis. The botanical illustrations of George Plaxton. The Bodleian Library, The University of Oxford. 0328 Webster to Lister 723

1. Reverend George Plaxton, M.A., (d. 1720) entered St John’s College, Cambridge, in 1666, leaving in 1670. He may have met Lister there. Plaxton became vicar of Sherriffhales in Shropshire in 1673, and four years later was made Rector of Kinnarsey. In 1690, he resigned Sherriffhales, and Sir William Levenson-Gower, fourth Baronet (ca. 1647–1691) presented him to the rectory of Donnington in 1690, and again to the living of Barwick-in-Elmet, Yorkshire, whereupon he resigned Kinnardsey and Donington. He remained here until 1713, when he went to Lord Gower’s son, John Leveson-Gower (1675–1709), at Trentham Hall and acted as chaplain to his patron until he died in 1720. Plaxton was a historian and antiquarian, publishing a paper in the Philosophical Transactions about the parishes of Kinnardse and Donington, as well as a poet. As Walker indicates, “nearly forty years after his death his Advice to a Newly-Married Friend . . . together with his Thirsty Petition of Dry Daniel German,” among other works of this ilk, were being advertised in Leeds for a penny. Plaxton was also a friend of Ralph Thoresby and appeared in his diary. A selection of his letters from 1706 and a short biography of Plaxton are published in E.M. Walker, “Letters of the Rev. George Plaxton, M.A., rector of Barwick-in-Elmet [ob. 1720],” Miscellanea [xl.] 1936, Publications of the Thoresby Society, 37, 1 (1936), pp. 30–104. Some of Plaxton’s letters are also published in Thoresby’s Life and Correspondence. 2. Broseley, Shropshire, thirteen miles south-east of Shrewsbury. It is located on the west bank of the river Severn. 3. Entrochus, or wheel-like plates that compose crinoids or sea lilies. 4. Asbestos at this time was also known as incombustible linen or lapis asbestos. 5. Pyritic fossils. 6. Marsh cinquefoil, now known as Potentilla palustris, a common waterside shrub that pre- fers peat soils but can grow in moist sandy areas. 7. Lovage, or Levisticum officinale. 8. Great St. John’s Wort, or Hypericum ascyron L. 9. The Least Goosegrass; also known as Lamarck’s bedstraw. The modern taxonomic name is: Galium divaricatum. 10. Fingered Mushroom or morels, literally from the Latin “the delicious fingered land mushroom.” 11. The engraving is no longer with the letter. 12. See Lister’s 22 December 1670 letter to Ray, note 5. 13. Trentham Hall, Staffordshire, the home of Plaxton’s patron, Lord Gower. 14. Sherriffhales in Shropshire where Plaxton was vicar. 15. Presumably the parklands around Litteshall Hall, Shropshire.

0328 John Webster1 to Martin Lister Clitheroe, Lancashire 27 September 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 239. Address: To his worthily honoured friend | Dr. Lister at his house in Stonegate | in Yorke these present. 724 Lister to Ray 0329

Worthy sir

I did receive the two bookes very safely by Mr Corlesse,2 as also your former letter with them, and now this second; for which civil favoure I returne you many thankes.3 But I must begg your excuse in that I had returned no account until now, for in truth I have bene, and am for the present so intangled in my medicall practise, that I have had neither leasure to write, read, or to cull you forth such mineralls as may be most acceptable unto you,4 which shall be done with the first opportunity that I can gaine, and though I may be slow, yet you shall find me sure. So far untill then, wherein I shall more fully satisffie you, I take leave, remaineing

your faithfull friend to serve you

Jo: Webster. Cliderhow5 7ber. 27d. 1674.

1. John Webster (1611–1682), polemicist, mineralogist, chymist, reverend, doctor, and schoolmaster. Although Webster’s importance rests on his “participation in the debates concerning the reconstruction of religious and social life during the Commonwealth,” particularly his contro- versial Academiarum examen (1654) his relationship with Lister primarily centered around their mutual interest in mineralogy. Webster published his Metallographia or, An History of Metals (1671), a valuable contribution to the science of metals and mining. See Antonio Clericuzio, “Webster, John (1611–1682),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 2. Possibly a nonconformist minister in Long Marston, a village near York. See J. Horsfall Turner, The Nonconformist Register, Of Baptisms, Marriages, and Deaths (Brighouse: J.S. Jowett, 1881), p. 46. 3. These letters from Lister to Webster are not extant. 4. Not only was Lister collecting minerals, but Webster of course had written his Metallographia, Or An History of Metals (London: A.C, 1671) which was devoted to a study of ores and minerals. 5. Clitheroe, Lancashire, approximately one-and-a-half miles from the Forest of Bowland in the Ribble Valley.

0329 Martin Lister to John Ray October 1674

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 26, letter 67. This has also been abstracted by Derham in nhm mss Ray, fol. 78. 0329 Lister to Ray 725

Address: No address present. Reply to: Ray’s letter of 12 September 1674. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 127–128; Lankester (1848), pp. 110–111 (partial).

Dear Sir—

I hast yours of the 12 of September: and have sence safly received the Iron Stones out of Sussex; they were exceeding welcome to me for I make the blast a great part of my philosophical exercise the Winter.1 Those other out of Cornwall will \be/ as welcome to me and I shall long till I have them. I am well pleased you like \the/ Table of Snailes;2 somethings I have thought fitt to alter since they were sent up. particularly the Title of the 3d snail, which I now call (after a great collection of them) by this Title, which I thinke will comprise all the differences, Cochlea citrina aut leucophaea3 unicolor, vel unica, vel 2, vel 3, vel 4, plerumque, verò quinis fasciis pullis distincta.4 Again, some of the Figures are unhappily mistaken by the Graver,5 which I hope to get corrected; particularly the 19, which I guess to be that you mean by your Nerites fluviatilis.6 This I say, if any, is that you meane; but I hope yours is a new species. I have myself figured it by \the/ life, and indeed it was as [[one word]] truly designed before in the plate \designe,/7 but I know not how \monstrously/ mistaken by the Graver in the plate. ’Tis true, the 2d8 is that you and I found about Montpelier; but I have found it in divers places in England since my return, in Kent, in Lincolnshire, here at Oglethorpe, in a woody bank, upon the wharf plentifully near the paper mills. The Patella fluvialis9 you mention is a curious discovery, and is wholly new to me; I shall look for it here if perchance it may be found in these parts. I cannot but kindly resent your endearing expressions of love for me, I have [[one word]] passion for you. many thanks for this present of Iron stone: but that I am in hast I had provide better: you will excuse me and pardon my freedom. I am

Sir

Your most affectionate and truly humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke October. 1674. 726 Lodge to Lister 0330

1. Lister’s letter to Ray of 26 August 1674 indicates his interest in obtaining ores, as part of his research for his History of Iron, extant in manuscript as ms Lister 1, Bodleian Library, Oxford. 2. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 23 October 1672, which contains the table, published in Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 96–99. 3. At this point, the word “leucophaea” is annotated, possibly by Derham. Leucophaea is of Greek origin, meaning gray or white. 4. The yellow or gray multi-colored snail, with five distinct whorls, and when young with single, two, three, or four whorls. Originally Lister called it: Cochlea et colore et fascijs multa varietate ludens, or the snail displaying great variety of color and banding. The species is Cepea hortensis, the white-lipped snail, a terrestrial gastropod which is a close relative of the Capaea nemoralis, or brown-lipped snail. 5. William Lodge did the illustrations, but it is unknown who the “graver” was as the print is unsigned. For more on Lodge’s mistakes in drawing the snails, including the omission of three figures, see Unwin (1995), p. 216. 6. A type of river nerite, described by Lister in his table as “another larger, clear buccinum, having four whorls.” 7. At this point, the word “design” is annotated, possibly by Derham. 8. Lister described it as the striped grey snail having a spiral shell cover. It is Pomatia elegans, or the round-mouthed snail. The snail was originally of Mediterranean origin, but adapted to life on land. 9. A type of River Limpet. Patella fluviatilis is identified as such in Lister’s Historiae conchyliorum (1685–1692), table 141, fig. 39, and in Mendes da Costa, Historia Naturalis testaceorum Britanniae or the British conchology (London: Millan, White, Emsley, and Robson, 1778), p. 1, pl. 2, fig. 8.

0330 William Lodge to Martin Lister London, 3 October 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 171. Address: These | For Dr Lister at his | house in Stonegate | in York. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/3 [October 3]. Printed: Unwin (1995), p. 221 (partial).

Deare Sir

These came lately to my hands some ores out of Sussex. I have according to youre order sent ’em down, by one William Pell a Carrier they are in a little canvas bagg, you may enquire for ‘em at William Pells ware-house in Swinegate.1 I have done some of the spiders but I am afraid there are some of the small ones which I can hardly represent so well on the copper as they are drawn with the pen.2 I have been of late much afflicted with melancholly and spleen,3 I took physick one day, and I was advised to lett blood. I would not doe that till I had 0331 Webster to Lister 727 acquainted you. I desire youre opinion whether it be proper or not. I have my health very well excepting these melancholly fitts, and I eat, and sleep hearti- lyer then I did in the country. I think tis want of exercise makes the blood stagnate so I intend to go with my gun into the country for a month. I am Sir Youre Affectionate and humble servant

W: Lodge

London October. the 3d 1674

1. Swinegate, York. 2. These were drawings of the spiders that would appear in Lister’s tract on spiders in his Historiae animalium Angliae tres tractatus (1678). See Unwin (1995), pp. 221–222. 3. Depression and dejection.

0331 John Webster to Martin Lister Clitheroe, Lancashire, 9 October 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 173. Printed: Peter Elmer, “The Library of John Webster,” Medical History Supplement, 6 (1986), pp. 15–43, on p. 17 (partial).

Sir

I have now after some delay sent you a boxe of such mineralls as (I suppose) will be agreable to your desire, and expectation, I could have sent you more variety but I did not judge it materiall, because there are no distinct names for them amongst the miners.1 These that I have sent, I have written upon them the common names they are usually called by of those that digg in mines, and how they agree with what authors touche of them, your reading, and observation will informe you. I have also returned you, your two bookes with many thanks, and as for Borrichius,2 he is a person of much and various reading, great learneing, and a sound way of argueing, and in a word is such a piece as I have much desired to see, for of all the malicious enemyes of the Hermetick learneing,3 I have often wished to have had couragius [[courageous]] undertaken, which he hath done, and performed beyond all expectation. In your first letter you seme to desire to know, whether the Aqua foetens,4 I showed you, and the Sanguin Leonis,5 be drawne either of them forth of Antimony, which they are not, and whether the lat[t]er by a Tincture,6 or have bene brought over the helme7 in 728 Webster to Lister 0331 that Colour, the lat[t]er of which is true, but it being a worke of an high nature, I must begg your excuse, for saying no more, except (it please god), I may live to bring it to perfection. Sir though my present labours tend onely to the prosecution of the great secrets in mysticall chimistrye yet for my dimensions, I looke upon any thing that experimentall philosophy doth produce, and doe much reioyce that a person of your parts, and abilityes, doth make a great part of your labour to seeke after, and discover fossiles, in which I wish you all happyness, and good proceeding. And for that accurate industrye you have used in finding out the severall sorts of Snayles, and theire shells I am very much glad of it, and must make bold to intreat your opinion in your next, about these two particulars.8 1. What you thinke of the motion of the Snayles, which to me seems not by way of undulation, as in wormes, but by the protrusion of the whole body, as swimming in their own moysture. 2. And what you thinke of their shells, whether congenerate with them, or by them afterwards made, and framed. So far craveing pardon for this freedome I take leave, and remaines

your faithfull friend and servant

Jo: Webster.

Cliderhow9 Octob. 9d. 1674

1. See Webster’s letter to Lister of 27 September 1674. 2. Ole Borch (1626–1690), or Olaus Borrichius, a Danish chymical physician, Professor of Philosophy, Poetry, Chemistry, and Botany at the University of Copenhagen, and teacher of Nicholas Steno. Borch traveled throughout the Continent and Britain from 1660–1665, meeting several members of the early Royal Society such as Robert Boyle, John Wallis, and John Wilkins. See Olai Borrichii itinerarium 1660–65: the journal of the Danish polyhistor Ole Borch, ed. H.D. Schepelern, 4 vols (Copenhagen: C.A. Reitzels; London: Brill, 1983). Borrichius extracted oxygen out of saltpeter in 1678, and wrote several works about alchemy and hermeticism, including De Ortu et Progressu Chemiae Dissertatio, 1668; Hermetis, Aegypiorum et Chemicorum sapientia, 1674; Conspectus Scriptorum Chemicorum Celebriorum, 1696. He also wrote the Docimastice metallica (1667), devoted to analysis of metals, as well as a medical textbook: De usu plantarum indigenarum in medica (1668), which described how to heal illness with the help of domestic plants. 3. Webster was referring to Borrichius’s reply to the famous adversary of the Paracelsians, Herman Conringius (1606–1681). The work to which Webster referred is Borrichius, Hermetis, Aegypiorum et Chemicorum sapientia ab Hermanni Conringii animadversionibus vindicata (Copenhagen: Petrus Hauboldus, 1674). Elmer’s study of the inventory of Webster’s library 0331 Webster to Lister 729 revealed that Webster possessed two works by Conringius, including his “full-scale assault upon the ancient origins and veracity of hermetic wisdom,” De Hermetica Aegyptorum vetete et Paraclesiorum nova medicina liber unus (Helmstadt: Henningus Mullerus, 1648; 2nd ed., 1659). See Peter Elmer, “The Library of John Webster,” Medical History Supplement, 6 (1986), pp. 15–43, on p. 17. 4. Also known as aqua mercurii, the mercurial waters, synonyms for the philosophical mercury (see below). 5. Blood of the lion or the Philosophical mercury. The concept of the green lyon appears in works by George Ripley (1415–1490), Michael Maier (1568–1622), and Thomas Vaughan (1621– 1666), as well as in an anonymous medieval work called the “Hunting of the Green Lyon.” These works were exposed to larger circulation in England due to Elias Ashmole, who in 1652 published them in his Theatrum Chymicum Britannicum, a sort of an alchemical anthology. In works such as these, the green lyon was vaguely described as the prime material of matter, and the ore from which philosophical mercury was extracted; philosophical mercury would lead to the philosopher’s stone. The philosophical mercury was not normal elemental mercury. It was spirituous mercury which combined with philosophical sulfur could make all metals and also dissolve all substances into their most basic principles. It was believed by many alchemists that sulfur and mercury were the two main elements, and their exhalations would combine in the womb of the earth to make metals. Philosophical mercury was also able to penetrate all substances, including gold, and release its vital spirit, making the philosopher’s stone, which was a form of gold that was “alive” and would “grow” and “vegetate.” Thus the alchemists were giving life to inanimate matter, and harnessing this life spirit in the philosopher’s stone could make anything. So the green lion was a “lion” because the philosophical mercury it made it could “devour” gold to unlock its “life” reducing it to its most base components. One must remember that at the time, gold was notoriously difficult to dissolve. By the seventeenth century it was known that aqua regia (mixture of hydrochloric acid and nitric acid) could dissolve gold, but that was not thought to really break up the gold into its constituents; it was thought that aqua regia only dissolved gold into small particles, which were still gold in their essential nature, just as grinding it would do. The dissolution or gold into its constituent substances was much more difficult, so knowing what the green lion was and how it worked was a valuable thing, because that was the key to dis- solving gold into its constituent parts and understanding how to make it. The identity of the lion itself was in dispute; some alchemists argued that it was sulfuric acid or oil of vitriol, but other alchemists such as Isaac Newton or George Starkey believed it was stibnite, the ore of antimony, which when transformed contained a philosophical mercury or red blood that had the power to penetrate the sun or gold, making it into the philosopher’s stone. The Aqua Foetens to which Webster refers was another term for the philosophical mercury, which could penetrate gold. See B.Y.T. Dobbs, The Foundations of Newton’s Alchemy or the Hunting of the Green Lyon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975); William R. Newman, Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005); Lyndy Abraham, A Dictionary of Alchemical Imagery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 6. A coloring liquid, and hence the philosopher’s stone and elixir that tinges base metals to gold. 730 Oldenburg to Lister 0332

7. A helm or helmet was a name for the alembic, the upper part of the still. Webster appears to be claiming that he was on the way to discovering a process to create the philosophical mercury; he appealed then to alchemical secrecy. 8. For Lister’s work on snails, see his letters to Oldenburg of 23 October 1672 and 12 March 1674. 9. Clitheroe, Lancashire.

0332 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 13 October 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 174–175. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martin Lister at his | house in Stone gate | in York. Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/13 [October 13]; Illegible Receiving House Mark. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 15 July 1674. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 106–107, letter 2556.

London Octob. 13.

Sir,

I have acquainted our Presid[en]t, My Ld Brounker,1 with your willingness exprest in your letter of july 15th, of contributing your symbola to the publick Entertainments of the Royal Society; which being now \shortly/ to return to their weekly meetings again, viz on the 29th of the month,2 his Lordship hath desired me to mind such members of our Body, as are able and willing and, amongst them, you in particular, that they would be pleased to prepared what they intend us of nature. And the first meetings untill the end of November \next/ being already provided for, as to these Exercises, which are \for that time/ to be performed by the Presid[en]t himself, Mr Boyle, Sir Wm Petty and Mr Hook;3 we shall be very glad to receive yrs in the beginning of December next, viz. about the 3d or 10th of that month: And if you shall be pleased, to (in case your occasions will not permit you to come up yourself \about that time/) to send to me by Carrier your discourse (whether it be upon an Experiment, or Observation, one or more) it will be with much \kindness/ received by the Society, and registered to your honor. I would gladly sound, by your means, our ingenious and worth friend Mr Brook4 (to whom my very humble service, I pray) whether he also may not be prevailed with to contributed to those Philosophical Entertainm[en]ts, for which we judge him very 0332 Oldenburg to Lister 731 able and very well furnish’t. I pray therefore, Sir, oblige me so far, as to discourse it with him, That the Society hath resolved to select out of their whole Catalogue such a part of their Members as are willing to bring in weekly some piece of the History of Nature or Art, and wthall to set up a standing Apparatus for Illustrious Experiments; and that we hope, he will make one of that number; For which if you shall find him any way disposed, I shall soon make my addresse to him by a Letter, and wthall acknowledge your kindnesses in making this motion, who am

Sir Yr very humble and faithf. servt.

H. Oldenburg

Pray, let me know your answer hereto, as so as conveniently you can.

My humble service, I pray, to Mr Jessop, whose answer to the last of Dr Wallis,5 which you say he sent to you, I should be glad to have a sight of, if you will doe me that favor.

1. William Brouncker, second Viscount Brouncker (1620–1685) served as president of the Royal Society from 1662 until 1677. The Royal Society meeting minutes reveal that Brouncker was present at a meeting of 7 October, and that the Society first entertained making a yearly presentation a requirement of its fellows. Petty proposed, “that such of the fellows, as regard to the welfare of the Society, should be desired to oblige themselves to entertain the Society, either per se or per alios, once a year at least, with a philosophical discourse grounded upon experiments made or to be made, and in case of failture, to forfeit five pounds. And that Sir William Petty be likewise desired to draw up a form of such an obligation, as may bind in law.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 137. 2. The Society met on 15 October, 19 October, 30 October, and 9 November, but they did not resume their weekly meetings until 12 November. As Hall and Hall have pointed out, “the Society did not meet on 29th October because it was the date of the Lord Mayor of London’s Show, nor on 5th November (Guy Fawkes’ Day).” See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 137–142, and Oldenburg, vol. 11, p. 107, note 2. 3. On 19 November, Boyle presented his “Experimental notes of the mechanical origin or production of fixedness, as opposite to volatility,” which was read and registered; on 26 November, Petty presented to the Society, “his discourse concerning the important and usefulness to human life the consideration of duplicate and subduplicate proportion,” a study of kinetics. Hooke did not present in these meetings, as he was concerned with arranging the Society’s purchase of some property in Hog Lane as the Society had received a recent bequest of £400. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 144–157. 4. Sir John Brooke. 5. See Lister’s letter of 15 July 1674. 732 Oldenburg to Lister 0333

0333 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 24 October 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 176–177. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martin Lister, at his | house in Stone- gate | in York. Lister endorsed the wrapper “Mr Oldenburgs letter.” Postmark: Bishop Mark oc/25 [October 25]; Receiving House Mark W. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 15 July 1674.1 Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp.112–113, letter 2561.

Sir,

We are all very sensible of your reality and readiness to serve the R.S, and therefore might not to press you further than is consistent with our owne generous inclinations and your other occasions. Only I used the freedome to pute you in mind of the expressions in a former letter of yours, wch upon my first intima- cion given you of the Societies resolutions of carrying on their work with new vigour; you then returning me this answer, july 15. 1674; that you were willing to serve the Society in what came in your way, and were very sensible of the honor they had done you.2 Since you tell me, that you are not provided at present with any finish’t discourse, nor have in your power [[one word]] leisure and opportunity to experiment what you purpose; yet are pleased to offer to send us some Observations about the beginning of December; I am confident, the Society will very kindly accept what you shall thus present them with, and stay for your own conveniency of perfecting other matters designed by you. I shall expect these promised Observations of yours about the time abovesd; and with them a return of the enclosed papers augmented, of which I have take as yet no copy, but am responsible for them to the Society, upon whose Journal-book it is recorded, that they were sent to them by you.3 And when they shall be return’d to me, I intend them, God willing, by your permission to publish them in the Transactions, and to joyne the Figures of them to another Cutt,4 which will also be ready in December: And then I shall endeavour to find out Mr Lodge, and be glad he may grave the Astroites himself.5 yet if you would have me deliver to him the designe before that time, I shall readily comply with your order. I received lately from Dr Swammerdam (who is now composing, I heare, Historiam Apum)6 an Account of an uncommon Affectus Iliacus lethalis, ex rup- 0334 Lister to Oldenburg 733 tura et circumvolutione Mesenterii, intestina constringentis7 which I purpose, as soon as I can, to print. I remaine

Sir

Your very humble and faithfull servant

Oldenburg.

I keep by me Mr Rayes annotations upon the Observations of the Astroites; and intend to present you with your owne account.8

1. This is the last extant letter from Lister to Oldenburg in the sequence. It is possible that there is a missing letter in the interim, as Oldenburg wrote Lister on 13 October 1674. 2. Oldenburg is indeed quoting Lister’s letter to him of 15 July 1674 correctly. 3. Oldenburg noted on the wrapper of Lister’s letter of 6 April 1674 he had sent the papers on Astroites to Lister, “with an entreaty, to return them, if possible, in Decemb. next to be published.” Lister’s work on the Astroites to which Oldenburg is referring was in his letter of 19 January 1674. 4. Hall and Hall speculate this was the drawing for Swammerdam’s letter to Oldenburg of 29 September 1674, printed in Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 93–95, letter 2548. 5. See Lister’s letter of 19 December 1673, expressing his frustration with Lodge. 6. Swammerdam published his Historia Insectorum Generalis or General History of Insects (1669); an enlarged edition in two folio volumes, it contained a history of bees and it was published posthumously in 1737 as the Biblia natura, under the auspices of Boerhaave, from Swammerdam’s manuscript. 7. See Swammerdam’s letter to Oldenburg of 29 September 1674, printed in Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 93–95. This was a reference to his work on hernias. 8. See Lister’s letter of 6 April 1674.

0334 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg London, 20 November 1674

Source: From the copy in the rs Letter Book, vol. 8, pp. 112–117. The secretary made several errors in the copying of the lost original; the text has been corrected from the printed version in Philosophical Transactions and Letters and Mixt Discourses. Address: No address present. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 24 October 1674. 734 Lister to Oldenburg 0334

Printed: Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 221–226; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 98–104; Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 127–134, letter 2570.

Mr Lister to Mr Oldenburg, containing some Notes of the efflorescence of certain mineral Glebes, of an old figured iris1; Glosopetra tricuspes non-serrata;2 of certain true lapides Judaica3 found in England, of the Electrical power of stones in relation to a vegetable rosin.

Sir

I shall venture to entertain you at present with a few loose notes of small moment which you will be pleased to take in good part and dispose of them, as you thinke fitting.4 1. of the efflorescense of certain mineral Glebes. I keepe by me certain big-peices of crude Allom-mines,5 such as it was taken out of the rock. I has also in the same cabinet like pieces of the ordinary Firestone or Marchasite6 of the cole pits, which we call here Brasie-lumps. In process of time both these Glebes shott forth Tuffts of long and slender fibres or thredds, some of them halfe an inch long, bended and curled like haires. In both these Glebes, these Tuffts were in some measure transparent and crystalline. these Tuffts did as often perpululate,7 as they were struck and wiped clean off. herein these Fibres diffred in taste, the alluminous very allumy and pleasantly pungent, the vitriolic, stiptic and odious,8 again the allom-ones being dissolved in fair water raised a small ebullition;9 whereas the vitriolic fibres dissolved quietly. The allom-fibres were generally smaller and more opaque, snow-like; the vitriolic larger, many fibres equalling an horse haire in thicknesse, and more crystallin. The water, wherein the allom-fibres were dissolved, did give no red tincture with gall,10 not by all the means I could devise to assist them what ever had (and that with great confidence) been sayd to the contrary, by some of the writters of the Yorckshire Spawes;11 the vitriolic did immediately give a purple tincture with gall. Having laied pieces of the same Marchasite in a cellar, they were in a few months covered over with green copperas, which was these fibres shott and again dissolved by the moist air, cloddered12 and run together.13 Exposing other pieces of the same vitriolic Glebe in my window, where the sun came, they were covered over with a white farinaceous matter, that is, with these fibres calcined by the rays of the Sun and warme aire beating upon them. Of what figure these fibres were, whether round or angular I could not well discerne, but I take these fibrous and thred-like shootings of allom and vitriol 0334 Lister to Oldenburg 735 to be most genuine and natural, and their angular shootings after solution, into cubes romboides to be forc’d and accidental; salts of different natures, as well vegetable as fossil by a like processe in chrystalizing of them being observed to shoot into like figures. but this is not my purpos at this time. 2. of an odd figured Iris I have not observed any rock or sort of stone, whether metalline or more vulgar, which has not its different sort of sparr, shott in some part or other of its bed or seames. And these sparrs differ not only in their colours and other accidents, but eminently too in their figure. To passe by divers, which I have collected, I shall describe one of a very curious figure, and which (tho very common in our blew-lime-stone rocks, out of which plenty of lead-ore is gott) yet is not, that I know off, mentioned by any Author. These chrystalls are mostly of a black-water, like the black flint in chawk- hills, but there are of them, which have a purplish or amethistine colour and some there are as clear as chrystall. They adheare to the seames of the rock, be it betwixt bed and bed, or where ever there are cross and oblique veines, through the very substance of the bed. The smaller the vein the less the Iris, that you will find of them, [some] as small as wheat cornes, and others a 100 times bigger that they shoott from both sides the seame, and mutually receive one the other. They are figured thus: viz, a columne of 6 plaines very unequall as to breadth, the end adhearing to the rock is alwayes rugged, as a thing broaken off, the other end of the colume consists of 3 quinangular plains very little raised in the midle, those plaines too are very unequall. Let them hugg one the other, or be any wayes streightened and compressed in their shooting, yet the number of plaines mentioned, both of the colume and top is most certain. The places where infinite of them may be had are Rainsborough scarr upon the Rible:14 also in a stone quarrie neer Eshton Tarne15 in Craven. See the figure. 3. Glossopetra tricuspis non-serrata. Mr Ray in his travels has these wordes concerning the Glossopetras, “of Glossopetras” (says he) “I have not yet heard, that there have been any found in England, which I doe not a little wonder at, there being sharkes frequently taken upon our coasts.”16 I have had out of the Isle of Shepy in the river of Thames very sharkes Teeth dug up there, which could not be sayd to be petrifyed, tho, as to the colour, they were some what gilden with a vitriolic tarnish at our first receiving them, but they were white and in a short time came to their natural colour. In the stone Quarries in Hinderskelffe park near Malton17 I had this stone, (which I send you for the greatest raritie of this kind I ever met with) and which 736 Lister to Oldenburg 0334

I took out of the rock there my selfe. It is a fair Glossopetra with 3 points, of a black liver colour and smooth, its edges are not serrate, its basis is (like the true Teeth) of a rugged coarse substance; it is carvet round the base with imbossed worke, it has certain eminent ridges or lines like rayes drawn from the basis to each point. See the figure. 4. of certain dactili idaei,18 or the tru Lapides judaici for kind found with us in England. The stones called dactili idaei and lapides judaici are brought over to use from beyond seas in divers shapes; and some of them are described in Authours. We have plenty of them for kind in these parts, as in the stone Quarries at Newton near Hemsley19 and at Helmigley20 by Malton. There is some varietie in the figure of them here also, but the most common one in those rocks is after the fashion of a Date-stone, round and long, about an intch and some times longer, they are a little swelled in the midle and narrower towards each end, they are channelled the length wayes, and upon the ridges knotted or purled all over with small knotts, set in a quincunx order, the inward substance is a white opaque sparr and breakes smooth like a flint, not at all hollow in the midle, as are the belemites. See the figure. 5. of the Electrical power of stones in relation to a vegetable rosin. It so hapned, that having occasion in Jully to view certain Fossils, which I had disposed off into divers drawers in a cabinet made of Barbados cedar,21 I observed many of the stone to be thic-covered over with a liquid rosin like Venise turpentine.22 Examining further, there was not a drawer, wherein there was not some more some fewer stones thus drenched. That this could be noe mistake, as from dropping the bottomes of the drawers are of oake. Again many stones which were lapped up in papers were yet wholy infected and covered with this rosin, besides after diligent search there appeared noe manner of exudation in any part of the cabinet. Two things I thought very remarkable. 1. that of the many sorts of stones I therein had, divers escaped but not any of the Haematites23 kind, having therein Manganes,24 Scistos,25 botryades,26 etc: which were all deeply concerned. 2. that amongst perhapps 500 pieces of the Astroites here and there, one or two in an appartment and some time more were seised, and the rest dry; as it fares with people in the time of the sicknesse in one and the same house. I further observed that stones of a soft and open grain as well as those of a hard and polished superficies were concerned in a manner alike. It is most certain that the whole body of the Turpentine of the cedar wood was carried forth into the air and floating therein, was again condensed into its owne proper forme upon these stones. This make it more than probable 0334 Lister to Oldenburg 737 that odoriferous bodies emitt and spend their very substance. Thus Camphir is sayd, if not well secured, totally to fly a way. Again it is hence evident that there is a great difference betwixt the distillation of vegetable Juices and the emission of the effluviams or this natural distillation; that really separating and dividing the substance into different parts, but this carries out the whole entirely and unaltered in its nature. 6. of the flower and seed of Mushromes. The general and received opinion of Botanists concerning Mushromes, is that which Caspar Bauhinus in his Pinax Expresses in these few woordes. viz “Fungi neque plantae, neque radices, neque flores, neque semina sunt, sed nihil aliud quam terrae, arborum, lignorum putridorum, aliarumque putrilagi- num humiditates superfluae.”27 I am of the opinion that they are plants of their owne kind and have more than a chance original. We will instance in that species called fungus porosus crassus magnus I.B.28 the texture of the gills is like a paper prickt full of pinholes. In August this is very frequent under hedges and in the midle of the moores in many places of this contry. It seems to me, (and noe doubt it will to any person that shall well examine it) that the gills of this Mushrome, are the very flower and seed of this plant. When it is ripe, the gills here are easily separable from the rest of the head; each seed is distinct from the other, and has its impression in the head of the mushrome, just as the seeds of a hartichoaks has in the bottom of it, the bigg end of the seed is full and round and they are disposed in a spiral order just as those of the hartichoake.29 The like we doe thinke of all other Mushrome however differently figured. And if it shall again happen to him that shall sow them, that these will not produce their kind but be sterill. It is noe strange thing amongst plants, there being whole genus’s of plants which come up and flower and seed, and yet their seed was never known to produce plants of their kind, being naturally steril and volatil dust, as all the orchides or Beeflowers. We shall not here omitt to tell you further concerning this Mushrome, that when fresh gathered it is of a buffe colour inside, outside, and yet cutt through the midle it will in a moment change from a pale yellow to a deep Purple or blew and stain linnen accordingly, a drop of juice leisurely squeesed out, will change, holidng it betwixt your eye and the light, through all the colours of the rain-bow in the very time of its falling and fix in a purple, as it does in the springing out of its veines. 7. of the speedy vitrifying of the whole body of Antimonie by Cawke.30 The several vitrifications of Antimonie are either opaque or transparent.31 to the first kind I shall add one, which is in it selfe very curious, and has these advantages above the rest, that it is done with great ease and speed; And by it 738 Lister to Oldenburg 0334

I have performed some things upon minerals and metalls, which with crude Antimonie alone I could not effect. Take Antimonie lib. 1. flux it clear. have an ounce or two of Cawke-stone in a lump red hot in readinesse, put it into the crucible to the Antimonie, continue the flux a few minuts, cast into a clean and not greased mortar, decanting the melted liquour from the Cawke. This processe, gives us above xv of Antimonie like polished steel, and as bright as the most refined quicksilver, the cawke seems not to be diminished in its weight but rather increased nor will be brought to incorporate with the Antimonie, tho fluxed in a strong blast. This cawke-stone is a very odd mineral and I always looked upon it to be much a kin to the white milkie mineral Iuices, I formerly sent you a specimen of.32 and this experiment is demonstrative that I was not mistaken, for the milkie juice of the lead mines vitrifyes the whole body of Antimonie in like manner. That this vitrification is from the proper nature of cake, I little doubt, for I could ne’er light upon any one mineral substance which had any such effect upon Antimonie, and I have tryed very man as lapis calaminaris33 stone sulphure or sulphur vivum,34 Galactites,35 sulphur Marchasite, allom- glebe, divers sparrs etc. Cawke is a very ponderous white stone found in lead-mines it will draw a white line like Chawke or Galactites and tho it be so free, yet it is more firme and hath a smooth and shining grain sparrelike yet not at all transparent. Of the spirit it yelds by distillation an other time. I am Sir

Yorke November 20th 1674.

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

1. “Iris” in Latin literally means rainbow; here it is a prismatic mineral crystal which refracts light. 2. Literally tricuspid, non-serrated tongue-stones, or fossilized sharks’ teeth. 3. Fossil spines of certain cidaroid echinoids or sea urchins, especially Balanocidaris. 4. The paper was read to the Royal Society on 7 January 1674/5. Lister’s specimens were delivered to Hooke for the Society’s repository. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 174. 5. Alum mineral or hydrated potassium aluminum sulfate. 6. Iron pyrites (FeS2), used in wheel lock pistols, that when struck created the spark needed to fire the gun. 7. Sprout again. 0334 Lister to Oldenburg 739

8. Left in a slightly damp environment, at times pyrites will make spectacular green crystals of vitriolic salt [iron (ii) sulfate, or FeSO4]; alum shale (also known as alum schist and alum slate) is a variety of shale containing pyrites. Decomposition of pyrites by weathering forms sulfuric acid. Sulfuric acid acts on potash and alumina in the alum shale to form alum, which often effloresces on the surface. 9. When alum is added to water it undergoes the reaction below. The alum reacts with bicarbonate to form aluminum hydroxide, a precipitate, as well as carbon dioxide, the gas causing the “ebullition” that Lister described. Al2(SO4)3* 18H2O + 3Ca(HCO3)2 <=====> 2Al(oh)3 + 6CO2 + 3CaSO4 + 18H2O 10. Lister was correct; there is no iron in the solution that the gall test would detect. For more on Lister’s theories of pyrite chemistry, see A.M. Roos, “Martin Lister (1638–1711) and Fool’s Gold,” Ambix, 51, 1 (March 2004), pp. 23–42. 11. In chapter 11 of his later publication, De Fontibus Medicatis Angliae (York: by the author, 1682 and 1684), Lister wrote, “I consider it most true that every rock insofar as it is aluminous . . . is incapable of turning the water in which it has been steeped inky-black in conjunction with gall-nuts.” Lister and his colleague Robert Witty were in a bitter debate with the physician and chemist William Simpson (ca. 1640–1680), who published his views about Yorkshire spa waters in his Hydrologica Chymica (London: W.G., 1669), so it is likely Simpson is the writer to whom he referred. See Roos (2007), pp. 115 and 265; F.N.I. Poynter, “A Seventeenth-Century Medical Controversy: Robert Witty versus William Simpson,” in Science, Medicine and History, ed. E.A. Underwood (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1953), vol. 2, pp. 72–81. 12. Clotted. 13. Left in a slightly damp environment, pyrites will produce a green vitriolic varnish. 14. The River Ribble. 15. Eshton Tarn is situated close to the section of the Pennine Way between the parishes of Gargrave and Airton in the Yorkshire Dales. In the Yorkshire dialect of Craven, Eshton means “the town of ash trees”, and is an extension of the township of Winterburn where Lister owned the manor house Friar’s Head. 16. John Ray, Observations Topographical, Moral, and Physiological . . . (London: John Martyn, 1673), p. 115. The printed version of this letter in the Philosophical Transactions gives the correct page reference. 17. The site of Henderskelfe Castle is now Castle Howard, which was built between 1699 and 1712 for the third Earl of Carlisle. Henderskelfe is six miles from Malton, which is on the river Derwent, approximately twenty miles north-east of York. 18. Fossils of belemnites or extinct squid-like cephalopods from the Mesozoic era. 19. Helmsley, North Yorkshire, fifteen miles north-west of Malton. 20. The location of this settlement is unknown; the printed version of this letter in the Philosophical Transactions identifies this town as Hellingley, which is in East Sussex. 21. Cedrela odorata, also known as Spanish cedar or cigar-box cedar as it is commonly used for humidors. Spanish cedar has a good deal of gum or resin, which can ooze or “cry” if the particular pieces have sap pockets in them. 22. Venice turpentine is produced from the Western larch, Larix occidentalis. 23. Iron oxide (iii) (Fe2O3). 24. Manganese dioxide 740 Lister to Ray 0335

25. Schist, which refers to any crystalline rock with parallel layers or strata. 26. Haematites botryoides, whose surface consists of knobs resembling a bunch of grapes. 27. Caspar Bauhin, Pinax theatri botanici (Basle: Ludovici Regis, 1623), Book X, section five, p. 369. “Fungi are neither plants, nor roots, nor flowers, nor are they seeds, but nothing else than the superfluous humidity of earth, trees, rotten wood and other kinds of putrifaction.” 28. Jean Bauhin, who called the mushroom “great thick porous fungus.” Presumably Lister was referring to vol. 3, Book xl of Bauhin’s Historiae Plantarum Universalis (Yverdon-les-Bains, 1650–51). 29. The printed version in Philosophical Transactions has “Artichoak.” 30. Barite or barium sulphate. For an in-depth analysis of the chemical reaction described in this letter involving barite and antimony, please see A.M. Roos, “A speculum of chymical practice: Isaac Newton, Martin Lister (1639–1712), and the making of telescopic mirrors,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 64, 2 (June 2010), pp. 105–129. 31. Lister referred here to glass of antimony, which traditionally was created by using what Lister referred to as “crude antimony” or stibnite (Sb2S3, antimony trisulfide), which was ground and then slowly calcined at high heat. The remaining antinomy calx or oxide was then vitrified in a wind furnace, and it was poured into a wide flat dish of metal, generally copper or brass, where it cooled quickly, resulting in the “glass.” A wide, flat dish of brass or copper with high heat conductivity ensured rapid cooling, the retention of the unchanged sulfide hindering the crystallization of the pure oxide sufficiently to allow glass formation. Antimony oxides, together with residual trisulfide, compose a white ash, which on heating to fusion should produce a yellow or golden transparent glass of antimony. See Lawrence Principe, “ ‘Chemical translation’ and the role of impurities in alchemy: examples from Basil Valentine’s Triumph-Wagen,” Ambix, 34, (1987), pp. 21–30. 32. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 7 January 1673/4. 33. Calamine or zinc carbonate. 34. Naturally occurring sulfur. 35. A calcian variety of natrolite, a milky white and semi-precious stone.

0335 Martin Lister to John Ray York, 13 December 1674

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 26, letter 69. This letter has also been abstracted by Derham in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 16. The recto of the letter has sustained damage to its right lower margin. Missing words will be taken from published editions. Address: For my honored friend | Mr John Ray at | Midleton in Warwicke | shire| forward | pd to London. Postmark: Bishop Mark de/14 [December 14]. Reply to: Ray’s letter of 12 September 1674. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 128–129; Lankester (1848), pp. 111–112 (partial). 0335 Lister to Ray 741

Yorke. Decemb. 13th. 1674.

Dear Friend,

I had a Letter from the Barbados from a learned and ingenious physician of that Island the other weeke:1 He practised long in Cleveland; and in his passage this Summer to the barbados, gives me an account of 2 Birds he met with at Sea. I though[t] to ask your opinion of them. I shall transcribe that Part of Dr Towns’s Letter to me that mentions these birds “one Night, when the Mariners were disagreeing about our Distance from Barbados, a bird, by the Sea=men usually called a booby,2 lighted upon a man sleeping on the quarterdeck, which, from its stupidnesse, has its name, for it sate very quietly looking about it, untill it was taken by a Seamans Hands; and by the cry of this (which is like and almost as loud as the Sound of a Buck makes upon the Rut) immediately came an other Booby, which was taken after the same manner; and many more might have been soe taken (the Seamen said) had there been more about the Ship. but they were welcome guests, because they put us out of doubt, as usually appearing about 40 or 50 leagues from land: they are of no beauty at all, yet I’le send them to you, because they are3 great enemies to the flying Fish.4 As soon as we crossed the Tropic, we were met by a Bird called the Tropic=bird,5 because they commonly are first [[seen]] at 22 or 23 degree of latitude. They are about the [[bigness]] of a Parret:6 the feathers appeared white, with red intermixt: the beake crooked, and of a scarlet colour; the Tail at a distance not to be seen, but, nigh at hand, about the thickness and length of an ordinary Tobacco pipe. I wonder what their food may be so far from land; for I cannot learn that they have been observed to prey upon any fish, or birds, unless they resort to some small Island yet undiscovered. I heard, since I came hither, that they frequent the rocks on the wind ward (or east part) of this Island; which, if tru, I’le endeavour to procure some, etc. I had alsoe from the said Doctor some parcels of lead inclosed inclosed, which If I thought they would be acceptable to you, I would send you some of each. I have not yet received the Tin=Ore.7 And that I may well informe your friend what it is I desire I have transcribed and inclosed a particular taken out of the P.T.,8 of such things as may be had in those mines. I am

Dear Sir

Your most affectionate and humble servant

Martin Lister 742 Oldenburg to Lister 0336

I have just now received Bocone’s Epistles9 safe I shall take care to return it to you when I have so used.

I pray let me heare from you, I hope you are in health and good hart. Farwell again deare friend.

1. Lister referred to Towne’s letter of August 1674. 2. A name for various species of gannet, particularly Sula fusca. 3. At this point, Derham has written, “Find 129” and a square bracket, a reference to the page number of Derham’s edition of Ray’s correspondence. 4. A name given to two kinds of fish (Dactylopterus and Exocœtus), which are able to rise into the air by means of enlarged wing-like pectoral fins. The flying fish is the national fish of Barbados. 5. Any bird of the family Phaethontidæ, comprising sea-birds resembling terns, found in tropical regions, and characterized by webbed feet, rapid flight, and varied coloration. 6. At this point, Derham has written “parrot.” 7. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 12 September 1674, as well as Lodge’s letter to Lister of 21 August 1674, note 3. 8. Philosophical Transactions. The extract is no long extant. Lister was probably referring to “An Accompt of Some Mineral Observations touching the Mines of Cornwall and Devon . . . ,” Phil. Trans., 6 (1671), pp. 2096–2113. 9. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 12 September 1674, note 3.

0336 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 19 December 1674

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 178–179. Address: To his much honored | ffriend Dr Martyn Lister | at his House at Stone-gate | in | York. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 20 November 1674. Postmark: Illegible Bishop House Mark. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 147–148, letter 2584.

London Dec. 19. 74.

Sir,

I am obliged to thank you both for your excellent Observations, and for your rarities in the boxe, as also for the five pound, I have received \for the use of the R. Society./ As to the two first, I must acquaint you, that I have not presented 0336 Oldenburg to Lister 743 them as yet, because severall other Members of the Society, here in towne, had appointed to give Entertainments for such and such meetings, before yours came to hand, \so as/ that they reckon’d upon those days, they had determin’d to give their several Discourses and Experiments.1 At the present, the Society hath adjourn’d till the approaching Festivals be past; and then your papers will take place, and doubtlesse meet with applause.2 As for the mony; having inquired of our Treasurer, how much you were in Arrears, and understanding it to be but 39 shillings; he will so state your account, as to take notice, that you have paid so much, as the overplus is, by way of advance, and thereby prevent your trouble of sending up any more money, till good overplus \more/ become due. The persons, that have, since our new regulation, entertain’d the Society with their Experimental Exercises, are, Mr Boyle, Dr Wallis, Sir Wm Petty, Mr Hooke, Dr Grew, Mr Ray; the first treated of the Mechanical Origine or Production of Fixtnes;3 the second, of the Gravitation of Fluids;4 the 3d, of the Usefulness of the Consideration of Duplicat and Subduplicate Proportions to Human Life;5 the 4th, Of a New Astronomical Quadrant;6 the 5th, Of Mixture;7 the 6th of the Seeds, and Specifique Difference of Plants.8 As these pieces will, doubtlesse, all be printed in due time, and those that shall follow them; so it was thought good, forthwith to print that of Sr Wm Petty’s; the reason whereof will appear in his Dedication.9 About New Years tide, I suppose, it will come abroad. I beg your pardon, Sir, for inclosing this letter for Mr Brooks,10 which I did for the greater safety, not knowing, whether he be at present at \in/ York, and therefore confiding in your favour for a safe conveyance to him. You may again freely command Sir

Your very humble and faithful servant

Oldenburg

1. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 13 October 1674, note 3. 2. Lister’s paper was read at the next meeting of 7 January 1674/5, the letter was entered into the letter book (rs Letter Book, vol. 7, p. 112), and the Council desired Lister “to perfect and publish it.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 174. 3. Boyle presented his corpuscularian treatise on 19 November 1674. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 144–153. 4. Wallis presented his treatise on 12 November 1674, as well as another “Difficiles nugae: or some Observations touching the Torricellian Experiments, etc.” resulting in a discussion with Hooke about the “spring of the air.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 143. 744 Ray to Lister 0337

5. Petty presented his work on 26 November 1674. An application of mathematical proportion to physics, his treatise also contained a corpuscularian treatise of elasticity. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 156–157. 6. Hooke presented his treatise “concerning the uses of his new quadrant for making remote observations with great exactness,” on 3 December 1674. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 159. 7. On 10 December 1674, Grew present his “discourse concerning the nature, causes, and power of mixture,” which was registered in the Register-book, vol. 4, p. 271. The discourse was printed in his Anatomy of Plants (London, 1682). See Birch, vol. 3, p. 161. 8. Ray’s treatises were read by Oldenburg on 17 December 1674 and registered in the Register- book, vol. 4, p. 286 and p. 291. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 162. 9. Petty’s work was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 209–210. His treatise was presented as a “Sample, pro tanto, of what the Royal Society is doing . . . to make mysterious things plain; to explode and difuse all insignificant and puzling words; to improve and apply little small threds of Mathematiques to vast Uses; and yet not to neglect the finest Consideration, even of Atomes, where the same is necessary.” 10. John Brooke concerning his dues to the Royal Society, which were in arrears. The letter from Oldenburg to Brooke has been lost, but see Brooke’s reply to Oldenburg in his letter to Lister of 20 February 1674/5.

0337 John Ray to Martin Lister Middleton Hall, Staffordshire, 19 December 1674

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 26, letter 79. Recently, on 23 March 2010, the original letter was auctioned from the Enys Collection by Bonhams (sale 17807, New Bond Street, London). The letter is now part of a private collection. The folio contained only an abstract of part of the letter not published in Lankester, written by the plant collector and geologist John D. Enys (1837–1912). Enys had sold his collection of eighty-eight letters by Ray, Lister, and his contemporaries to the Natural History Museum in 1884 for £40. This transcription will use Enys’s abstract, therefore, as well as extant editions of correspondence. Address: For his honoured friend | Mr Martin Lister at | his house in the City | of | York | Pd to London | 3d. Postmark: Bishop Mark de/21 [December 21]. Reply to: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 26, letter 69 (13 December 1674). Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 129–130; Lankester (1848), pp. 112–113; Gunther (1928), p. 134; Raven (1986), p. 319; Bonhams Catalogue, Printed Books, Maps and Manuscripts, New Bond Street, 23 March 2010 at 11am, lot 119 (partial). 0337 Ray to Lister 745

Dear Sir

I have now so long deferred writing to you that you may justly esteem me negligent of what concerns me as a friend, I mean corresponding with you by Letter. I am sensible that I am in your debt, and have only to plead for my excuse, that I waited for an answer from my correspondent in Cornwall, that so I might give you an account of that affair.1 But none coming after two Letters sent, I do now almost despair of procuring you what you desire from thence, for either my Letters must miscarry, and then I have little hope of directing them so but they will always miscarry, or else my friend is dead; or unwilling to gratify me as he promised when I saw him here the last summer. However, I will venture another letter to him, in which I shall enclose your note of the particulars you desire. I am glad you have received Boccone’s epistles.2 I thank you for the information sent about the birds. I have read of the one in some books of voyages, viz. the Booby, but know nothing else of it but the name.3 I wish I had a particular description of it, that so I might insert it in our Ornithology. The Doctor, your friend, seems to promise you the bird dried, which, when you receive, I shall beg a description of it from you. The Tropic-bird dried I have seen in the Repository of the Royal Society,4 and have described as well as I can. I find it to belong to that sort of birds which I call Palmiped, with all the four toes webbed together, such as are the Cormorants5 and Soland-goose;6 and therefore, without doubt, preys upon fishes and lives only upon them. That which I observed most remarkable in it was, that the tail consisted only of two very long feathers; at least, I was informed that it had only two feathers in the tail, and there were but two left remaining in the case, which accords well with what Dr. Towne writes; yet I am suspicious, that besides those two long feathers, there are other shorter in the tail. Having finished the History of Birds, I am now beginning that of fishes, wherein I shall crave your assistance, especially as to the flat cartilaginous kind, and the several sorts of Aselli.7 Especially I desire information about the Colefish8 of Turner,9 which I suppose may sometimes come to York. When I was in Northumberland I saw of them salted and dried, but could not procure any of them new taken. Besides the common Codfish, the Haddock10 Whiting,11 and Ling,12 I have in Cornwall seen and described three other sorts of Aselli from which I would gladly know whether the Cole-fish be specifically distinct. I am also at loss about the Codling13 of Turner, what manner of fish it should be, and how certainly differenced from the Cod-fish. Of the flat Cartilaginous I have seen and described 4 or 5 sorts, but I am to seek what our Fisher men mean by the Skate,14 and what by Flair,15 and what by Maid.16 By the affinity of 746 Ray to Lister 0337 name one would think that the Skate should be Squatina, which yet I believe it is not. The sorts of Raia that I have seen and described are the Thornback, or Raia clavata, a certain and characteristic note of which is want of teeth. 2. The Raia laevis vulg.17 3. Raia laevis oculata with only two black spots on the back, one on each side.18 4. The Raia oxyrhynchos.19 5. The Rhinobatos,20 or Squatano-raia. Rondeletius,21 and the following authors out of him, have many more sorts. But I have not time to add more, than that I am, etc.

Your most affectionate friend and humble servant

John Ray.

Middleton Decemb. 19—74.

1. Lister was supposed to be sent some tin ore from Cromwell, but in his letter to Ray of 13 December 1674, noted that he did not receive it. 2. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 12 September 1674, note 3. 3. Ray is referring to Thomas Townes’s report of the booby included in Lister’s letter of 13 December 1674. 4. The bird is indeed listed in the catalogue of the Royal Society’s Repository, listed under “Palimpedes of Webfooted Fowls.” See Nehemiah Grew, Musaeum regalis societatis (London: Thomas Malthus, 1685), p. 74. Grew’s entry stated, “The Tropick Bird. So called, because said never to be seen but between the Tropics. Avis Tropicorum. Well described by Mr Willughby. He only omits the Denticulation of the edges of his Bill, or those small oblique Incisions, which, from their inward respect, are plainly made for the better retention of the Prey. Besides some very short Feathers on his Tail, he hath two Quills above half a yard long.” Ray and Willughby in their Ornithology wrote, “It is of the bignesse of a Duck, hath a red Bill, about two inches long, somewhat bending downward, and sharp-pointed. A line of black is drawn on each side from the corner of the mouth to the back of the Head. The Belly is white: The Back also is white, but variegated with transverse line of black thick set, which make it very beautiful to behold. The Wings are very long, yet each single feather short, as in the Soland-goose . . . the Feet are black, the legs White: All the four Toes web’d together. In the Tail . . . are only two very long feathers, or about eighteen inches, narrow, and ending in sharp points.” Ray notes that he took the description from the case of the bird conserved in the Repository. From the description and the illustration in the Ornithology, this is probably a Red-billed Tropicbird, Phaethon aethereus. 5. Cormorants, part of the bird family Phalacrocoracidae. 6. Northern Gannet (Morus bassanus), a seabird and the largest member of the gannet family, Sulidae. 7. Cod fish, of the family Gadidae. 8. Also known as the American Pollack or Sillock, Pollachius virens. 0338 A.C. to Lister 747

9. William Turner (1509/10–1568). Turner, an herbalist, physician, clergyman, and religious controversialist, was born in Morpeth, Northumberland, and died in London on 13 July 1568. Although his major claim as a naturalist was for his botanical studies and particularly for A New Herball (1551, 1562, 1568), he also did a good deal of zoological work. He published a book on birds, Avium praecipuarum quarum apud Plinium et Aristotlem mentio est . . . (Cologne: Johann Gymnich, 1544). Ray is referring to Turner’s extended essay on fishes (primarily English), which was printed by Conrad Gesner in his Historia animalium (Zurick: C. Froschauer, 1551–1558), vol. iv. See Whitney R.D. Jones, ‘Turner, William (1509/10–1568)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; Whitney Richard David Jones, William Turner: Tudor naturalist, physician, and divine (London: Routledge, 1988). See also Alwyne Wheeler, Peter S. Davies, and Elizabeth Lazenby, “William Turner’s (c. 1508–1568) notes on fishes in his letter to Conrad Gessner,” Archives of Natural History, 3, 13 (1986), pp. 291–305. 10. Melanogrammus aeglefinus. 11. Merlangius merlangus. 12. Molva molva, a member of the cod family. 13. Young cod. 14. Raia batis. 15. The Fireflaire or Sting Ray, Dasyatis pastinaca. Fire-flare may have referred to the fiery color of its meat. See Francis Day, The Fishes of Great Britain and Ireland (London: Williams and Norgate, 1884), vol. 2, p. 351. 16. Females of the species, so for instance, Skate-maid. 17. Dipturus batis, the common skate. See Raven (1986), p. 339. 18. Probably the Cuckoo Ray, Leucoraja naevus. See Raven (1986), p. 339. 19. Dipturus oxyrinchus, the long-nosed skate. 20. Guitarfish, a genus of fish in the Rhinobatidae family, known for an elongated body with a flattened head and trunk and small ray-like wings. 21. For Guillaume Rondelet, see Ray’s letter to Lister of 2 March 1672.

0338 A.C. to Martin Lister ca. 16751

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 69. Lister has written on the dorse “Bedford of Tinn oar.” Address: No address present.

Sir

I have sent you here in the bagg 4 sorts of Iron mine \wich/ wee cast our guns for his Majesty viz: 1. Ball mine.2 2. White veine mine. 3. Pitter mine and \4/ Bottom mine. The Ball mine Lyeth under the white Clays, before wee come unto the white veine, they are digged: but there are not many of them in a pit. about 2 or three ffoot 748 Townes to Lister 0339 deeper Lyeth the white veine: and beneath it about 2 ffoot 1/2 lyeth the Pitter veine: and \as/ the like distance Lyeth the bottom mine, if rich and well taken. these 3 Last Lye in thire severall regions or beds close as a pavement and beyond (nature beinge more exquisite than Art in her operations). the ball is of a gentle, pure Nature, and Coole; the white vein cometh not much short of it in all its properties; the Pitter is observed by our ffounders to be Hot, and the bottom allso is hot \which quicker the others by thire heat in runninge/ but the bottom if good Contributes and yields more to from than any other mine. all the veine mines wer[e] lay in a heape by themselves promiscuously but the bottom mine wee lay it by its Selfe, as well as wee can. and in the spendinge of it wee \use/ but a fourth part the veins bakinge the other 3 parts. the bottom produceth a Course mettall hard and Brittle yet there is a vast difference in them as to gentlenesse as will appeare to you in the two peices of bottom mine. much bottom wee have as allso of the veins which is as a meere Rock and in no Case to be used, all these mines Lye for the most \part/ in gray marle that but if in blew marle3 they are utterly nought, rough and Churlish. not to be used. Sir the Judgment cannot be so well saistfyed by these scraps as if you saw the mine heap and thire pitts in Drawinge of them Sir

Your humble Servant

A: C:

1. The date is inferred by the content and Lister’s note about Henry Bedford, who was also sending him ores in 1675. 2. Ironstone found as fossiliferous nodules. 3. Marl was an earthy deposit, typically loose and unconsolidated, consisting chiefly of clay mixed with calcium carbonate; the color indicated its appearance.

0339 [Thomas Townes] to Martin Lister ca. 1675

Source: rs Letter Book, vol. 11.2, pp. 76–77. The original letter has been lost. From the locale and information discussed, it is likely the correspondent is Thomas Townes. Although the letter was not printed in Phil. Trans. until 1695, the period of active correspondence between Townes and Lister was in 1675. Lister noted in the Phil. Trans., “Sir, I have here Transcribed the Two Letters you desired; 0339 Townes to Lister 749

I had the Copies from the Book at Oxford, which Dr Musgrave lent to a Kinsman of mine there, to copy them, in 89 or 90, who not being huius res peritus [expert in these things], I have had some difficulty to make them intelligible.” His note indicates the letter was received much earlier; in the 1690s, Lister also submitted several pieces of earlier correspondence to the Royal Society for publication. In his note Lister referred to Dr. William Musgrave (1655–1721) who, during 1685, acted as secretary to the Royal Society and edited Phil. Trans. nos 167 to 178. Musgrave was also a member of the Philosophical Society of Oxford, the “Book at Oxford” probably containing the minutes of meetings. However, the guardbooks for the Society do not contain this letter (Bodl. ms Ashmole 1816). Printed: Phil. Trans., 19 (1695), pp. 417–418. A small excerpt of this letter was also published in William King’s satire of the Phil. Trans., “The Transactioneer.” See The original works of William King (London: N. Conant, 1776), vol. 2, p. 38.

Part of a Letter from Fort St George in the East-Indies, giving an Account of the Long Worm which is trouble some to the Inhabitants of those parts, —Communicated by Dr Martin Lister.

On the second of May we arrived here, and in a few days after, the Fruits of my Gomroon1 journey shewed themselves; for a little below the instep of my left foot, a Worm put out his head, which afterwards cost me much trouble:2 These Worms are bred by the Water, between Gomroon and Schiraz3 especially that about Laur4 they come out in any part of the Body, and are very troublesome and dangerous; for I have known those who have kept their Bed for them, some Six, some tenn Months, and some there are who have lost sometimes their Leggs, sometimes their Lives by them;5 they come out sometimes to the length of Six or Seven Yards; when they first come out, they are small like a thread, and afterwards grow bigger and stronger by degrees; they wrap them up upon a little bit of Stick or, Cotton and put upon them Onions and flower of Rice boiled in Milk. The chiefe care is to be taken not to break them, for then it is that they doe mischeif. when my first came out for, about Forty or Fifty dayes it came out every day by little and little, without putting me to much pain, but that I could go up and down till it was come out a Yard and a Quarter; but afterwards, one day stirring too much, I hurt the Worm and inraged him, so that he broke off of himself, and going in, caused my foot and leg (up to the Calf) to swell till 750 Bollard to Lister 0340 the Skin was ready to burst, which kept my sleepless, and cast me into a Fever. I had a Chirurgion, and kept my Bed for about twenty dayes in which time had severall fitts of the said Fever; the Worm was broke to pieces, and came out in severall parts of my foot; but the Chirurgion applied such things as killed the worm, and turned it to matter; he then Lanced my Leg a little about the Ankle, and another place of my foot, and so with drawing plaisters drew it all out, so that I am now by Gods blessing clear altogether of that troublesome Creature, the Chirurgion having left me about town days ago.

1. Bandar-Abbas, capital of Hormozgān Province on the southern coast of Iran, on the Persian Gulf; known as Gombroon or Gamrun to English and Dutch merchants. 2. The Guinea worm, Dracunculus medinensis, common in India and in Africa. The round- worm enters a host via stagnant water contaminated with copepods (snails of the genus Cyclops) that are infested with guinea worm larvae. A year later, the female worm forms a blister, usually on the lower limb, which ruptures, exposing one end of the emergent worm. Symptoms of infection at this point include nausea, fever, and vomiting. Blistering causes a very painful burning sensation as the worm emerges, leading hosts to immerse the affected limb in water to relieve the burning sensation. Once the blister or open sore is submerged in water, the adult female releases guinea worm larvae to begin the cycle again. To extract the worm, a person must wrap the live worm around a piece of gauze or a stick which can be a long process taking anywhere from hours to months. Breaking the worm off leads to its putrefaction and secondary infection. The worm was also reported by the physician and explorer Engelbert Kaempfer in his doctoral thesis Disputatio medica inauguralis exhibens decadem observationum exoticarum (University of Leiden, 1694). See John Z. Bowers and Robert W. Carrubba, “The Doctoral Thesis of Engelbert Kaempfer on Tropical Diseases, Oriental Medicine, and Exotic Natural Phenomena,” Journal of the History of Medicine (July 1970), pp. 271–310, on pp. 294–297. 3. Shiraz, captial of the Fars Province in Iran. 4. Lar, capital of Larestan County, Fars Province, Iran. 5. From secondary infection.

0340 John Bollard1 to Martin Lister ca. 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 15. Lister has written on the wrapper, “John Bollard of the Scallope scale.” John Sturdy is mentioned in the body of the letter, and as his most active period of correspondence and specimen exchange with Lister was in 1675, this letter has been dated accordingly. Address: These for his honored ffrend | Dr Listar in Stonegate | Yorke | with a parcell. 0341 Lodge to Lister 751

Honored Sir

I received your tokne longue2 since by Mr Sturdy for which I give you thanks. I have hearwith sent what I canne procure thear is none of the scaloped scale3 to be gott for thear hath not a pitt bene sunk this last sumar. but I hear thear is one next sumar to be put down, and if it canne meet with any things worth your notis you shall not fayle to receve them from

Yours to comand

John Bollard

1. Bollard has not been identified. 2. “token long” 3. A scallop was also known as a scale-oyster. As Bollard was speaking of finding them in pits, he was referring to fossilized scallops.

0341 William Lodge to Martin Lister London, 5 January 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 149. Address: These. | For Dr Lister at his house in | Stonegate in | York. Printed: Unwin (1995), p. 220 (partial).

London January the 5 74

Dear Dr

I have 2 of yours,1 without the least thanks from for your kind invitation to York but now I doo and begg pardon for my remissness in makeing my acknowledgements to so good a freind. I intend to be at York this summer to finish my plate of York etc.2 but I shall take a room or two, for etching is too slovenly an employement for a freinds house. I thank you for youre advise, in point of my health I did not make use of it for I have been very litle troubled with melancholly ever since. I feare I am inclining to the scurvie or dropsie,3 for if I press hard on any thing with my hand the mark will not suddenlie out; I feare my blood does stagnate, and though I sleep well, eat and drink with good appetite and more then I did in the country, yet for want of expertise 752 Lodge to Lister 0341 which I have been alwayes used too, I beleive it may not turn to good nourishment. I can observe otheres to have greate pufft up veines, and mine I can scarce perceive em unless I be a litle heated with wine, I suppose my blood is gross and but of slow circulation, I will take some course this spring, and youre advise will be very acceptable, in ordering what diet shall be most proper in my case, whether physicking and letting blood will be necessary etc. I have been already with Mr Place, I feare not but to doo the spiders on copper, I have done the oak leafe already which comes off well, and in a larger plate then ordinary because of his different sort of nett which I bring in, when I have done a few more I will send em to have your approbation.4 I writt to you the other day and enclosed a letter to you which came to me from one Mr Bedford of Falmouth,5 and when I thought to have delivered it to the post I had lost it, but the sum of it was, that one Mr Midleton Ray of Midleton in Warwickshire6 \desired him/ to save some Ores, he desir[e]d to know what parcells and whether for no or not, he writte me he has some ready to send but as yett none came to my hand, he said you may have what Quantities you will and command any thing upon his freind Mr Rays account, to night I am to meet with Mr Hook7 and Mr Kirk8 twas Mr Hooks desire to meet to night, for I am not acquainted with him but I hope I shall be happy in the acquaintance of so ingenious a person. I will enquire out Captain Hicks9 as likewise Mr Gills Coffee house for I love Curiosities.10 My service to youre lady Dr Watkinson,11 Mr Brooke12 hopeing you are all well. I rest your Affectionate and humble servant

Will Lodge.

1. These are no longer extant. 2. Joseph Strutt’s entry on Lodge in his biographical dictionary of engravers indicates that Lodge did a “middling-size plate” of a View of the city of York. See Joseph Strutt, A Biographical Dictionary of Engravers (London: J. Davis, 1786), vol. 2, p. 98. Lodge may have done this etching for his Book of divers prospects produced in the late 1670s and published by Pierce Tempest, which contained several scenes of York. He also etched a plate ca. 1678, “The Antient and Loyall City of York,” ca. 1678. See Mark Hallett and Jane Rendall, Eighteenth-century York: culture, space and society (York: Borthwick Publications, 2003), pp. 27–29. 3. Oedema. 4. See Lodge’s letter to Lister of 21 August 1674. 5. See Bedford’s letter to Lister of 20 February 1674/5. As Lodge lost his letter, Bedford apparently rewrote it, and Lodge included it in subsequent correspondence to Lister. 6. John Ray. Lister had asked Ray for ore samples, and Ray complied, mentioning he delivered them to Lodge in his letter of 12 September 1674. 7. Robert Hooke. 0342 Oldenburg to Lister 753

8. Thomas Kirke (1650–1706), an antiquary and topographer, and F.R.S., born in Cookridge, Leeds. On 28 May 1668, Kirke matriculated at Trinity College, Cambridge, where his tutor was the Yorkshire antiquary and cleric Miles Gale, but he did not graduate. Kirke was a distant relative and friend of Ralph Thoresby, and like Thoresby, he set up a fine library and museum of curiosities in Cookridge. It is not known if Kirke kept in touch with Hooke after their meeting; however, Sir Godfrey Copley, F.R.S., wrote to Kirke before Hooke’s death with the gossip that Hooke failed “to feed the elderly relative called in to take care of him.” The original reference is Copley to Kirke, 2 March 1702/3 Folger V.B. 267, Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington D.C. The letter is also printed in John Nichols, Illustrations of the literary history of the eighteenth century (London: Nichols, Son, and Bentley, 1822), vol. 4, p. 78. See also Clare Jackson, “Kirke, Thomas (1650–1706),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); see Lisa Jardine, The Curious Life of Robert Hooke: The Man Who Measured London (New York: HarperCollins, 2004), p. 298. 9. The keeper of a cabinet of curiosities, mentioned in Lodge’s letter of 6 February 1674/5. 10. It was fairly common to have curiosities in coffeehouses, the most famous example being Don Saltero’s Coffeehouse in Chelsea, founded in 1695. See Brian Cowan, The Social Life of Coffee (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), pp. 121–125. 11. For Watkinson, see Briggs’s letter to Lister of 27 April 1673, note 3. 12. John Brooke.

0342 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 9 January 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 143–144. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister at | his house in Stonegate | at | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/9 [January 20]. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 20 November 1674. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 153–154, letter 2590.

London januar. 9. 74.

Sir,

The R. Society, before whom your Observations were read jan. 7th, commanded me to return you many thanks for them, and taking especiall notice of the vitrification of the whole body of antimony by Cawke,1 and observing the sample, you were pleas’d to transmit, to be of an extraordinary polish, which some of the company thought might by of good use for perspectives, especially of such as are of Mr Newtons invention,2 they would desire you, to oblige them further with sending some more of that Cawke, by which that substance is made, 754 Webster to Lister 0343 that so they may five order to some of their body to prepare some quantity of it for further tryall.3 Wherin I doubt not but you will readily comply with their desires, who have a peculiar report to you and your merit, as he also hath, who is,

Sir

Your faithf. humble servant

Oldenburg

1. Oldenburg is referring to the creation of the glass of antimony using barite (the cawke), as a flux. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, notes 29 and 30. 2. Oldenburg is referring to mirrors for Newton’s reflecting telescope. Since 1668, when he made a miniature reflecting telescope, Newton had been experimenting with making mirrors for his instruments, presenting the second telescope to the Royal Society for its inspection in December 1671. Newton commented several years later that the speculum was “two inches broad” and about one-third of an inch thick, and he ground the mirrors to their spherically concave profile and polished them with the assistance of John Wickins, his “chamber fellow” at Trinity College, Cambridge. Better alloys would increase telescopic efficiency and magnifi- cation, so Lister’s “quick and speedy” means of attaining glass of antimony would have been of interest to Newton. When Newton measured the refractive indices of materials, eventually compiling them into a table for his Opticks, he realized that besides diamonds, glass of antimony had the highest index of all, which may have sparked also his interest in the material. In addition, Newton had mentioned to Oldenburg in a letter of 18 January 1672 that, when making his mirrors, “what the stellate Regulus of Mars (which I have sometimes used) or other such like substance will doe, deserves particular examination.” The stellate Regulus of Mars is metallic antimony that has been reduced from stibnite with iron and nitre (saltpetre) or tartar and allowed to cool slowly under a thick slag or scoria to give a crystalline star-like pattern. It was clear that he was intrigued about antimony’s properties for specula in the early 1670s. See Roos (2011), chapter 10, passim; Isaac Newton, “Letter 35, Newton to Oldenburg, 18 January 1671/2,” in The correspondence of Isaac Newton, ed. H.W. Turnbull (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959), vol. 1, p. 82. 3. Birch indicates that on 13 February, “There was presented from Mr Lister some cauk for the vitrifying the whole body of antimony.” Birch, vol. 3, p. 190.

0343 John Webster to Martin Lister Clitheroe, Lancashire, 12 January 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 146. Address: No address present. 0343 Webster to Lister 755

Sir,

I forbear to answere yours of the 29th of November,1 because Mr Pindar came not to Yorke and until I had tryed the oar sent me, of which I now give you this account. At the first vew I much doubted that it held nothing, because it was not verry ponderous and with a magnifieing glass it apeared to be a congeries of verry small pebbles (filices) and some bright and conglutinated together. But haveing beaten it well, I calcined, or roasted it (as we call it) and after careful washing, did very well dry it againe, and then with my usual flux powder or Addittament did labour to melt it downe and congregate it into a body, but after all was done there appeared not the least graine, or Atome of any metalline substance, and if there were any hopes of holding gold, the best way were to try it with Quicksilver, but I feare it would not be worth labour. As for what you write of cauke,2 and that which they call blew-blindake there are very various sorts, whose differences or of Sparr I shall give you here after a better account of. ffor my obliging the world with my secrets, I should desire that none should expect much from me, that am but maister of few, for what I know relates onely to mystical chimistry, whose authors I find few men acquainted with, and that take much paines in reading them,3 and there are some things in my History of Metalls4 that I have meet with none that understand them, nor have taken much notice of them. As for what ffossiles I have or meet with, you shall be sure I shall not forbear to communicate. But there is onething I would minde you of, that possibly some of your Citty, or acquantance may have correspondents at Hambourgh,5 Lubock, or some parts of Germany from whence might be procured some such quantityes of the crude oar of Zink and Bismuth as they are digged forth of the earth, and should be at any reasonable charge to obtaine some little, which perhapps you may remember to inquire after. I return you thanks for Mr Scudamores6 visit, and so shall take leave, and remaine

youre assured freind, and servant

Jo: Webster.

Ciderhow Jan: 12. 1674 756 Lister to Oldenburg 0344

1. This letter has been lost. 2. For cawke, see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 30. 3. In his study of Webster’s library, Elmer notes that Webster possessed not only fifteen volumes of the writings of Paracelsus, but all six volumes by Michael Maier, as well as earlier exponents of “mystical chimistry,” such as Ramon Lull, Roger Bacon, George Ripley, and Basil Valentine. See Elmer, “The Library of John Webster,” p. 22. 4. Webster’s Metallographia (1671). 5. Hamburg and Lübeck, the twin centers of the Hanseatic League. In Book 10 of De natura fossilium (1546), the German Georgius Agricola provided the first clear description of bismuth as a separate metal, calling it wissmuth, an “ashgrey lead.” 6. Possibly John Scudamore (bap. 1649–1697), the second Viscount Scudamore, who took his M.A. from Christchurch, Oxford, in 1667. Scudamore served as M.P. for Hereford in 1673 and for Herefordshire in the three Exclusion Parliaments. His grandfather (also named John) developed the redstreak apple (the best cider crab of the seventeenth century) upon his estate to surpass French cider, and was a friend of several virtuosi including John Beale. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 15 April 1673, note 17; Ian Atherton, “Scudamore family (per. 1500–1820),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

0344 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg London, 16 January 1674/5

Source: rs el/L5/73; rs Letter Book, vol. 7, pp. 124–125. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper, “Rec. jan. 19. 20. 74./5.,” and “Extract of M a Letter of Mr Lister to Mr Oldenburg, about an extraordinary viz \a/ strange manner of bleeding in an infant of 4 months old.” Address: For my honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh Esquire | at his house in the Palmal | london. Postmark: Bishop Mark ia/20 [January 20]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 9 January 1674/5. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 158–160, letter 2593; Roos (2010), p. 110 (partial).

(Entd L.B.7.124.)1

Yorke Jan. 16. 74/5

Sir

I am glad I can \in/ any [[one word]] \thing/ gratify and serve the R.S. I little doubt but I shall soon furnishe you \with/ a sufficient \quanteite/ of Cawke,2 0344 Lister to Oldenburg 757

I daily expecting a parcel from the Mines; which, as soon as it comes to hand, you will receive by the carrier. The vitrum3 was here judged to serve well the businesse of perspective, and especially Concave speculums of which we cast some. There is some difficulty in the exceeding tendernesse of the mettal, but we have in part corrected that; the mould we use to cast them on, is a Christal-glasse. my letter must not goe empty. I had the following short and (I believe) tru account from Mr George Plaxton4 minister of Sheriff hales in Sropshire of a very extraordinary and strange manner of bleeding in an infant of 4 Months old.5 “Richard Light of Littleshall in Sropshire, about a mile from the place where I live, had his wife safely delivered of a daughter about October, the childe was of a seeming healthy constitution, and thrived very well for about 3 months or more; but towards the latter end of January, it was observed to bleed several times at the Nose and earr, which continued a day or two; after which time it bleed or rathar sweat out a thinn serous blood at both sides, and alsoe at the bled back part of the head and in the nape of the neck, and at the eyes, shortly after in both the armes, about the vena mediane,6 at the shoulder blades, at the wrists, and at the joints of every finger (except the upp most \uppermost/ joints) and even at the fingers ends, at the sides, breasts, and navel; at all or most point of the spina dorsi, at the Toes, in short it bled at most parts of the body, except the Knees, Ancles and Elbowes, and the extreame joints of the Toes and fingers: the blood was thin and serous for the first 6 or 7 days, and would frequently spinn out from most parts of the body, even from the ends of the Fingers and Toes like to small red threads, or like water from the small vents of a conduit pipe. Thus it continued bleeding for 6 or 7 days togathar. Afterwards the blood became more florid, pure, and of a better consistance, yet the bleeding continued 3 days longer, soe that about the 9th day the childe dyed; the quantity of blood was incredible; it losing many ounces every day.7 Before a spring of blood broake forth in any part, a small reddish pimple did arise, like to a meazl spott, and than a small drop of a serous-bloody dew would strain through it, after which it would run \more/ flow freely, spouting forth, as before I told you. When it was dead noe orifice appeared in any part, for the blood seemed only to have strained through the pores of the skin. It was not observed to be sick all the time, only about a day before it dyed, one of its eyes were closed, it suckt the breasts very hartily, yet the mother told us, she could perceive it daily to grow weaker by its sucking, it had the benefite of nature by seige8 and urine, as well as at other times. The woman was about 34 yeares of age and had had 4 children before, yet she thinkes she never had soe much milke in all her life, as at this childe. 758 Bedford to Lister 0345

This is a short and tru account of it, as I had from the Fathar and Mothar and midwife and from several other good credible persons, who saw it and doe faithfully attest it: several of the cloaths I saw which were cutt from it, for they could noe way shift it.” This Mr. Plaxton.

I am Sir your most humble servant

M. Lister.

1. This endorsement indicating the placement of the letter in the rs letter book is in neither Oldenburg’s nor Lister’s hand. 2. For the cawke, see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 30; Roos (2010), pp. 105–120. 3. Glass of antimony. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 31. Lister was casting mirrors for telescopes. See Roos (2010), pp. 105–120. 4. For Plaxton’s biography, see his letter to Lister of 24 September 1674, note 1. The letter from Plaxton to which Lister referred has been lost. 5. An account of this child was also sent by Mr. Samuel du Card, Rector of Forton in Shropshire, to Ralph Bathurst, and it was published in Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), pp. 193–194. 6. Median vein in the arm. 7. Though a definite diagnosis cannot be made, it is possible that the child was suffering from thrombocytopaenic purpura due to abnormal platelet count, resulting in petechiae or small red or purple spots on the body caused by minor hemorrhaging of capillaries. Another possibility is meningococcemia. 8. A siege was a privy, and to “go to siege” was to go to stool.

0345 Francis Bedford1 to Martin Lister Falmouth, Cornwall, 20 January [1674/5]

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 13. Address: No address present.

ffalmouth Jan 20

Sir

According to Mr Rayes desire2 I present some parcels of Oar. if you send from them to Ms Mary Chambers at the Rose and Crown in Duke place near Algate3 0345 Bedford to Lister 759 you may have them. Ther’s sowd up in 4 parcels one Marked M for Mundick4 R for the Rock or Spar as here called T for the Oar as tis ready prepared for our Blowing houses or furnace. P for pryant pryant or plyant but we call it here pryan or pryant.5 The P and the R by beating \and/ pounding and washing are prepared for the furnace, but neither of them will melt in our furnaces till they be wel cleansed. The Mundick is an Oar that spoyleth Our lead ore mines: We cannot make it run. A Gentleman half a mile oft tryed lately this experiment he took about an hundred to two seams of Mundick and about as much of good tyn and had well prepared fro the furnace hoping that one might help the other to run: but the effect was the Mundick spoyled the other. I forgot to tel you that there is in your parcel P: one sort harder than the rest called Marlin I suppose tis a word allyed to the bastern word Marle.6 We have very many sorts of Tyn Oar some 10 times the value of others. Some lyes in the ground not above a foot two or 3 others above 50 fathoms. I have put into one of Parcels a certain white pair of a rock haveing on it Cornish Dyamonds I suppose one or two of them may be good I know some of them that wear very handsomely in rings. I have sent you but small parcels if they may do you a pleasure I will upon notice send you with quantities of each or all as your please. I desire you to accept of these; with any parcels here after you shall need I shall redily send them with the price what they Cost. In the mean time I am

Your humble servt

F. Bedford.

1. The identification and dating of this letter is based on related correspondence from Bedford to Lister of 13 February 1674/5. The Reverend Francis Bedford was the first rector of Falmouth, Cornwall in 1664. He received his M.A. from King’s College, Cambridge, and his B.A. in 1663/4 from Lincoln College, Oxford. Bedford died on 22 March 1675. See Susan E. Gay, Old Falmouth (London: Headley Brothers, 1903), p. 182. 2. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 12 September 1674. 3. Aldgate. Duke Place is now the site of Mitre Street in London. See Henry A. Harben, A Dictionary of London (London: Herbert Jenkins Ltd., 1918). 4. Mundick usually referred to pyrites. 5. Soft white gravelly clay. 6. An earthy deposit, typically loose and unconsolidated, consisting chiefly of clay mixed with calcium carbonate. 760 Lodge to Lister 0346

0346 William Lodge to Martin Lister London, 6 February 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 151. Address: These. | For Dr Lister at his house in | Stonegate in | York. Printed: Unwin (1995), pp. 219–220.

London, Feb: the 6th 74

Sir

There came last week a parcell of Oares out of Cornwall with a letter from Mr Bedford of Falmouth, which I have here inclosed.1 I shall deliver the parcells to the Carriers on monday next. I have sent the catalogue of these things in the tinn mines, which you want to Mr Henry Bedford. here is a proofe of the Oake leafe,2 and now that the dayes grow longer I hope I shall dispatch the rest to youre likeing. I was yesterday at Captain hicks his closett of curiosities I was in company with an ingenious and curious Gentleman (one Captain Fisher) soe that Mr Hicks was very free in showing. first he showd us severall fflint stones wherein had been included severall sorts of petrified shells (as wee could easily discern by the hollowness and the print that was lefte in the Flint). Secondly the shells themselves petrified, in very perfect shape, as museles conches scallops et cetera, but amongst the rest he has a fflint found in England, which perfectly resembles a Concha Malachiae3 in the East Indies, a shell of different shape from any I ever \saw/. he found a large Scallop shell petrified (I think in Wales) with above 200 young ones within it, being clotted together in a white caul, two of which he gave me, they are in a white cloth within the Canvas bagg of Ore. Severall flints of fruit like stones included within large flints. on the margent4 A. several start5 stones included like the rest in flint of which there is no pattern but by design on the margent. Severall Capp stones6 included like the rest in fflint there are Examples in the linnen bagg of one taken out and another growing in the fflint but neither of em of the prettily wrought sort, there is likewise within the linnen cloth a piece of a various wrought shell which he tells us growes on a tree. I unluckily broke it in putting up. the fruit (or whatever it is) growes to the bignesse of the largest lemmon. I hope you may join it together. Captian fisher thinke it some sort of earthen ware, which he sayes he has seen in Portigall7 buried in the nature of China. 0346 Lodge to Lister 761

He shewd us the Brainstones8 or sea roses, of which Captain fisher tooke particular notice and has sent his observations inclosed. A heart stone the inside whereof was full of small diamonds, the hollow places where petrefied shells had been, severall on em where crusted over with small diamonds. then he showd us what he values himselfe upon and getts his liveing by, in furnishing Ladyes Closetts I mean infinite variety of Shells, which he collects from most parts of the world. they did strangely differ in pretty shapes and colours, that I had great pleasure in observing em. Lastly he shewd us divers strang habits, and weapons, used in the East and West Indies and other remote parts, sharks, Aligators, Ratle-Snakes from a ratle in theire tail, which gives the inhabitants notice to stand cleare, strange jaw- bones and skins of creatures, humming birds,9 they are about not so big as a wren the colour of a Mallards neck they have a long small beak which they thrust into flowers, feeding there like Bees. I question not but most of these things you know of already, nevertheless if you be mindfull I should take a second veue10 of any thing, Captain Hickes has promised I shall be welcome to take a draught of any thing in his closett, finding him to be one that made money of showing, I stopt a Half-Crowne in his hand which he received with many thanks. I desire your advice whether I shoud take physick or lett blood this spring. my service to youre Lady, Dr Wattkinson,11 Mr Brookes, etc.

I am your Afectionate and humble servant.

Will Lodge.

The Tinn Ore was sent last monday by the same carrier, Will Pell at this Warehouse in Swine Gate.12

1. See Bedford’s letter of 20 January 1675. 2. The proof is no longer with the letter. 3. Aristotle started using the name malachia for cephalopodae (cuttle fish, squid and octopus), which kept evolving into the currently valid expression mollusk (invertebrate). This unknown taxonomic name may be derived from his classification. 4. Margin. 5. Star stones, or crinoid (sea-lily) columnals. 6. A fossil Echinite of the genus Conulus, so called from its cap-like shape. 7. Portugal. 8. Brain coral. 762 Lodge to Lister 0346 0346 Lodge to Lister 763

FIGURES 12 and 13 “A hart stone with the stem where it growes to the flint the bottom and side vewe of cappstones both plain and wrought naturally Capp Stones a humming bird.” Illustrations by William Lodge of natural history specimens, including a hummingbird. The Bodleian Library, The University of Oxford. 764 Lister to Oldenburg 0347

9. A hummingbird, as well as sea urchins, were illustrated by Lodge in the left margin of the letter. 10. View. 11. For Watkinson, see Briggs’s letter to Lister of 27 April 1673, note 3. 12. Pell is also mentioned in Lodge’s letter to Lister of 3 October 1674.

0347 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg London, 7 February 1674/5

Source: rs el/L5/76. Oldenburg endorsed the wrapper, “Rec. Febr. 10 1674/5. Answ. Febr. 14. 74.” Address: For his much honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh Esq. | at his house in the | Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/10 [February 10]. Reply to: Second reply to Oldenburg’s letter of 9 January 1674/5. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 183–184, letter 2606; Roos (2010), p. 110. accompanying a parcel of Cawke etc.1

Sir

This is only to acquaint you, that I have sent you by Thomas [Loft]2 Carrier at the Red Lyon in Aldersgate3 a bagg of Cawke, according to your desires. There is one caution necessary to the making the metall with [it] well,4 that it touch noe kind of metal [[two words]] else it will loose its lustre and grain. And this is requisite not only in the boiling of it, but in the casting of it too. Nothing but Glasse or Chrystal will preserve its lustre, as farr as we have tried. but you have persons most dextrous. If you shall at any time thinke of publishing the last Notes I sent you, I would desire of you to expunge the parenthesis about the confidence expressed by our spaw writers concerning Alloms striking a red colour with gall. which tho I have convinced them off by shewing the very persons the Experiment yet for quietnesse sake I think that parenthesis may be as well left out.5 I am

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke Feb. 7th 1674 0348 Bedford to Lister 765

1. This endorsement is in neither Oldenburg’s nor Lister’s hand. 2. Lister’s sealing wax obscures the carrier’s surname at this point. On 10 January 1671, Lister mentioned Loft as a carrier to send Oldenburg specimens. 3. A common coaching inn for carriers. See Lister’s note to Oldenburg of 28 January 1674, note 1. 4. Glass of antimony. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 30. 5. The issue of Phil. Trans. for 25 January 1674/5, where Lister’s letter of 20 November 1674 was published, does not show these modifications, presumably because it was already in print before his request. In chapter 12 of his De Fontibus Medicatis Angliae (1684), Lister remarked that his friend Robert Witty, a physician and writer about spa waters, “attested this fact,” that aluminous waters would test negatively in a gall test, and that Lister “proved it by careful experiment.” See Roos, Salt of the Earth, p. 265.

0348 Francis Bedford to Martin Lister Falmouth, Cornwall, 13 February 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 21. Lister has written on the verso of the letter, “Bedford of Tin Oare.” Address: No address present.

Sir,

From Mr Ray1 and Mr Lodge2 I have received two notes toe give as out of this Countrey. I question but that you have received that parcel directed to Mr Lodge for you which in I conceive were 6 or 7 of what you desired for that were two sorts in the presant parcel the marle and a loose shoal. So also in the Spar or rock parcel which I separated not they are of neare affinity and \they/ are taken out of the same places. I would desire a line or two from \you/ to know what quantity of the particulers in youre note you desire, whether you would have any more of those that I have sent already: for till I hear from you I shall onely look out for the other sorts, which most of which I shall I think be able to stead you. You need onley onely [sic] direct you here to ffalmouth passing the post to London, and it will finde me out. I shall have I think no opportunity of sending before Easter: for I are our [[one word]], and then our ships go for London, besides the perls3 desired must be returnd from div[er]s place, and therefore cannot be suddenly done, and every body is not to be trusted. Sir I 766 Bedford to Lister 0348 have no more at present but to promise you that I shall be very ready to gratify your desires. In the meantime am

Your humble servt

ffran: Bedford. ffalmouth ffeb 13 1674 this from ffalmouth came enclosed to me for you, ere long I will give you an account of a revewe of Captain Hicks his closett.4 I would know whether the Loadstones I sent be to your desire, the litle diamonds one the outside are so hard they will cutt Glass5 I am Youres, W. Lodge pray my service to Mr Brooks,6 and tell him that (at Mr Collins7 his requeste) I have sent Jack English the treble and base of Bannisters8 newest things, if Mr Brooks approve on em. I shall send him the second treble. I should be glad of a letter from him wherein I might receive his orders.

1. John Ray. This may have been Ray’s letter to Lister of 19 December 1674, as it also concerned the collection of Cornish ores. 2. William Lodge. Lodge wrote a separate letter to Lister included at the bottom of this piece of correspondence. 3. Pearls. 4. Lodge provided an account of Hicks’s curiosities in his letter to Lister of 6 February 1674/5. 5. In his letter to Lister of ca. 20 February 1674/5, John Brooke mentioned Lodge’s intent to send Lister loadstones. 6. John Brooke. 7. James Collins, mentioned in Lodge’s letter to Lister of 18 November 1673. 8. Presumably Lodge is referring to the work of composer and court violinist John Banister (1625/6–1679), who contributed to the development of the first public concerts in England. He was a friend of Pepys and is mentioned in the Diary several times. Banister composed sacred music; songs for plays (Davenant and Dryden’s version of Shakespeare’s The Tempest, 1667; Shadwell’s Epsom Wells, 1672); and chamber music (some in Courtly Masquing Ayres, 1662, and New Ayres and Dialogues, 1678). He also composed several songs for lute. See Peter Walls, “Banister, John (1624/5–1679),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); Jeffrey Pulver, “James Banister the Elder (Born 1630),” The Musical Times, 72, 1064 (1 October 1931), pp. 891–893. 0349 Oldenburg to Lister 767

0349 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 13 February 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 155. Address: No address, as the wrapper has been almost completely torn away. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/13 [February 13]. Faint Receiving House Mark. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 7 February 1674/5. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 190–191, letter 2610.

London Febr. 13. 74.

Sir,

Your last letter of Febr. 7th I received, and this day I fetched the bagg of Cawke,1 which that letter gave me notice of. I intend to produce it at the next meeting of our Society, that they may give order, what use to make of it, and command me to return you their thanks.2 I am sorry, I had not your caution of not printing that line of your last notes, which relates to the confident expression of your spaw-waters, \a little/ sooner, because those Observations were then already printed, when that letter of yours came to my hands.3 ’Tis not very hard, what you say; and since you have shew’d the very persons concern’d the Experiment, they, I suppose, [[one word]] if they be candid, will reproach themselves for so much confidence. On Thursday last we had an Exercise perform’d by Dr Croon concerning the matter, in which Flying is perform’d by Birds; which was illustrated by the dissection of a Duck and an explanation of the structure of its wings, muscles, etc.4 Whereupon \several of/ the company after made very ingenious reflexions, there being present many of our best Mathematicians and Mechanicians, and amongst them the Lord Brouncker, Sir William Petty, Dr Pell, Mr Hook. Whether this Discourse will be printed, or not, I cannot yet tell: However it deserves it in my opinion. Mean time Dr Grews Exercitation of Mixture is now in the Presse,5 as also that of Dr Wallis concerning Gravity and Gravitation:6 which, when publick, you will be well pleased with, in the persuasion of

Sir

Your very humble servant,

Oldenburg 768 Webster to Lister 0350

Pray let Mr Brook7 read \here/ of my very affectionate and humble service to him, and my request of being mindfull, when he sees it as convenient, of the business recommended to his favor and care.

1. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, as well as his letter of 7 February 1674/5. 2. Birch indicates that on 13 February, indeed “There was presented from Mr Lister some cauk for the vitrifying the whole body of antimony.” Birch, vol. 3, p. 190. 3. See Lister’s letter of 7 February 1674/5. 4. The discussion took place on 11 February 1674/5. Birch remarked that William Croon “intimated a quite different structure of the body of man from that of birds, and thence concluded his utter unfitness for flying, gave occasion to some of the members to remark, that what nature had denied to the body of man, might be supplied by his reason and by art.” Hooke then remarked that he knew of a way to strengthen muscle mass in men to “contrive muscles for him of an equivalent strength to those in birds.” He “hinted likewise, that a contrivance might be made of something more proper for the feet of man to tread the air, than for his arms to beat the air.” Petty then speculated upon the use of gunpowder to raise a man into the air, and they all agreed it “would be of real use to contrive something for flying, if it were but to raise a man so high, as to fly over a wall, and the besiegers of a town to carry and bring back intelligence.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 181. 5. Nehemiah Grew, A discourse made before the Royal Society, Decemb. 10. 1674. Concerning the nature, causes, and power of mixture• By Nehemiah Grew, M.D. and Fellow of the R. Society (London: John Martyn, 1675). 6. John Wallis, A discourse of gravity and gravitation, grounded on experimental observations, presented to the Royal Society, November 12. 1674 (London: John Martyn, 1675). 7. John Brooke. It concerned the payment of his Royal Society dues. Brooke’s reply was written immediately after the postscript of this letter. Oldenburg had written to Brooke on 19 December 1674 concerning finance and possibly a request to Brooke to sign a bond for payment of his subscription, which was probably in arrears. See Hall and Hall, vol. 11, p. 147.

0350 John Webster to Martin Lister Clitheroe, Lancashire, 13 February 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 145, 147–148. Address: To his honoured friend | Dr. Martin Lister at his house | in Stonegate in these | present.

Honoured Sir

In confidence of your generous Philosophick Spirit I have made bold to trouble you with the inclosed, by which you may coniecture the nature of the Treatise itselfe, which the Ecclesiasticks refuse to license, pretending I have attributed 0350 Webster to Lister 769 too much to natural cases, and in maintaineing falne Angells to be corporeall.1 And now it is with a member of the Royall Society to say if it will be licensed there, that you would be pleased to write to some of your friends there to further it, and if you iudge otherwise, I shall withdraw it, and though it cost me more pains I shall habit it in Latine, and then I am sure I can get it printed beyond seas. So with the sender of my kindest respects I remaine

Your faithfull friend, and servant

Jo: Webster.

Cliderhow2 ffebr. 13. 1674

The Displaying of supposed Witch-craft.3

Wherein the existence of two sorts of Witches is granted.

1. Such as are active deceivers, and Imposters.

2. Such as are under a passive delusion, of melancholy and fancy. But the existence of such a Witch, as is supposed to performe the things underwritten is utterly denyed, and disproved.

1. That the Witch doth not make a visible, and corporeall league with the \devill./

2. That the Devill doth not suck upon the witches body.

3. That they have not carnall copulation together.

4. That Witches are not Transubstantiated into catts, doggs, or the like, that they doe not flye in the ayre, nor rayse tempests.

Wherein also is handled

The Corporeity of Angells and spirits, the truth, and substance of Apparitions, the nature of the Astrall, or Sydereall Spirit, the causes of the bleeding of the bodyes of murthered persons, and also the force of charmes, and Words, with other such abstruse matters pertaining to this subiect. 770 Webster to Lister 0350

By John Webster, practitioner in Physick, and chiurgery. ffalsae etenim opiniones hominum praeoccupantes, non solùm surdos, sed et caecos faciunt, ita ut videre nequeant, quae aliis perspicua apparent. Galen. lib. 8. de compositione medicam.4

Ut in operationibus illis earumque causis error cavendus est, it quoque danda vel imprimis opera est, ne effecta nobis imponant, temere judicantibus talia esse, quae euosque nonum processerunt. Sic prudentes judices, praescriptâ velut normâ, fidem haberi temerè nolunt confessionibus Sagarum, nec etiàm factorum contra illas probationi. Sagas enim turbat imaginationis vertigo, ut putent se illud facere quod non faciunt; populumque hic ludit credulitas, ut naturae opera imputent fascino. Verulam. Sylva Sylvarum cent. 10. p. 556.5

A Register of chapteres.

Chap. 1. of the false irrationall, and Unchristian censures, that have been, and yet one cast upon learned men, for writeing of abstruse subiects: As also for treating of Apparitions, and Witchcraft, especially if they crossed the common stream of vulgar opinion.

Chap. 2. of the notion, conception, and description of Witches and Witchcraft according to divers Authors, and in what sense they may be granted, and in what sense and respect they are denied.

Chap. 3. The denying of such a Witch as is last described in the foregoing Chapter doth not infer the denying of Angels, or Spirits. Apparitions no war- rantable ground for a Christian to believe the existence of Angels or Devils by, but the word of god.

Chap. 4. That the Scriptures, and sound reason are the true and proper medi- ums to prove the actions attributed unto Witches by, and not other improper ways that many Authors have used. And of the requisites necessary truly to prove a matter of fact by.

Chap. 5. That these things now in question, are but barely supposed, and were yet never rationally or sufficiently proved; And that the Allegations brought \to prove them/ by are weak, frivolous, and absolutely invalid: with a full confuta- tion of all the four particulars. 0350 Webster to Lister 771

Chap. 6. That divers places in Scripture have been mis-translated, and forcedly drawne thereby to uphold this opinion of the power of Witches, when there is no one word that signifieth a familiar Spirit, or a Witch in that sense that is vulgarly intended.

Chap. 7. of divers places in the old Testament, that are wrested, and falsly expounded, thereby to prove Apparitions, and Witches by.

Chap. 8. of the Woman of Endor that pretended to rayse up Samuel and of some other places in the Scriptures, and of other objections.

Chap. 9. of Divine permission, providence, and prescience.

Chap. 10. Whether the falne Angells be corporeal, or simply incorporeall, and the absurdity of assuming bodyes, and the like consequents.

Chap. 11. Of the knowledge, and power of falne Angels.

Chap. 12. If the devill or witches be granted to perform strang things, they bring them to pass by meer naturall meanes. And of Helmonts opinion concerning the effects wrought by spirits, or witches.

Chap. 13. That the ignorance of the power of art and nature, hath much advanced these foolish, and impious opinions.

Chap. 14. of divers strang Impostures devised to prove false and lyeing miracles by, and to accuse persons of Witchcraft, from late, and undeniable Authorityes.

Chap. 15. of divers creatures that have a reall existence in nature, and yet by reason of their strang propertyes, or seldome being seen, have been taken for spirits or devills.

Chap. 16. of Apparitions in generall, and of those pretended to be made in Berills6 and Crystals, and of some unquestionable storyes, that seem to prove some such thing: And of the Astrall, or Sydereall Spirit.

Chap. 17. of the force and efficacy of words, and charmes, whether they effect anything at all, or not, and if they doe, whether it be by natural or diabolicall virtue, and force. 772 Webster to Lister 0350

Sir

Since the sealing of my letter, I received one from my friend about the licensing of my booke, wherein I am informed that they question not to have it to pass and therefore if you be pleased to write to some friend of yours, it would be a great favour unto him who is

your reall friend

Jo: Webster.

1. Webster referred to The Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft (London: J.M., 1677). Webster also sent a copy of the work to Oldenburg, who forwarded it to Hooke, who read it on 19 March 1675. The work was given the imprimatur for publication by the Royal Society on 29 July 1676. Clericuzio notes, “The work, which opens with a vindication of freedom in philosophical matters, is aimed at answering the arguments in favour of the existence of witchcraft held by Meric Casaubon and by Joseph Glanvill. Although he denied that demons have a pure spiritual nature, Webster stated that men can only have mental, not physical, contact with the Devil. He main- tains that what is commonly taken as a sign of possession is to be imputed to melancholy, impos- ture, or ignorance. Having denied the Devil’s capacity to intervene in the natural world, Webster engages in a vindication of natural magic, which is largely indebted to Van Helmont’s arguments. The Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft was attacked by Glanvill and by Henry More (Sadducismus triumphatus . . . with a Letter of Dr. H. More, 1681), who asserted the real existence of witches. Webster’s demonological views were also attacked by Benjamin Camfield, a Leicester cleric, who accused him of denying the existence of spiritual substances (A Theological Discourse . . . also an Appendix Containing some Reflexions upon Mr. Websters Displaying . . . , 1678).” See Antonio Clericuzio, “Webster, John (1611–1682),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 2. Clitheroe. 3. Webster’s excerpt is largely reproduced in the title page and table of contents of his published work. 4. For those preoccupied with the false opinions of men, they are not only deaf but blind to things that appear self-evident to others from Galen, De compositione medicamentorum loca- lium . . . libri decem [Ten Books on the composition of local remedies (site-specific drugs)]. Janus Cornarius published a Latin translation with commentary (Basel, 1537), and Webster’s quotation in this edition is in Book 8, chapter 1, p. 200. The chapter is dedicated to “de pharmacis stomacho congruis,” or stomach remedies. 5. “Men are to be admonished, that as they are not to mistake the causes of these operations; so much less they are to mistake the fact or effect; and rashly to take that for done, which is not done. And therefore, as divers wise Judges have prescribed, and cautioned, Men may not too rashly believe, the confessions of witches, nor yet the evidence against them.” The edition Webster used was: Francis Bacon, Sylva Sylvarum, sive Hist. Naturalis, et Novus Atlas (Amsterdam: Elzevir, 1648), p. 556. 6. Beryls. 0351 Brooke to Lister 773

0351 John Brooke to Martin Lister ca. 20 February 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 155.1

Pray Sir return my humble Service to Mr Oldenburg. and let Him know, that I have set apart this day for the fixing, and securing, that Affair; as farr as lies in my Power. tho I cannot learn, that the 1000, or 1500 I expected for the paying off Creditors, is yet return’d. Mr Lodg2 gives you his humble Service, and promises, to send you some un- polish’d Loadstones, next week.

1. This note by Brooke was written immediately after the postscript of Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 13 February 1674/5. The date of Brooke’s note is a surmise taking rates of postal delivery into consideration. The content concerned the payment of his Royal Society dues. Oldenburg had written to Brooke on 19 December 1674 concerning finance and possibly a request to Brooke to sign a bond for payment of his subscription, which was probably in arrears. See Hall and Hall, vol. 11, p. 147. 2. William Lodge, who indeed sent Lister loadstones and discussed them in his letter to Lister of 6 February 1674/5.

0352 John Webster to Martin Lister Clitheroe, Lancashire, 6 March 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fols 157–158. Address: To his honoured friend Dr. Martin | Lister at his house in Stonegate in | Yorke these present.

Honoured sir

I received your last from Carleton,1 and I returned you very speciall thankes for your favourable opinion of my piece,2 and your success to promote the licensing of it. Though I would not (as farr as I am able) be guilty of that Epidemic disease of mankind, in being too fond of our owne productions; yet it haveing cost me much paines in the composure of it, I would gladly have it publisht, that I might know the sentiments of other persons, concerneing the points treated of. I also received your box with the parcells therein contained, which were very acceptable unto me, and for your peice of Cauke,3 which I confess to be right, and the best sort, yet there be other kindes beside it, and I beleeve that 774 Webster to Lister 0352 which I formerly sent you, might be mistaken: But of this sort you sent, we have neerby store enough, and if you desire any, I shall furnish you the Vitrum ♁4 made as you say by casting in a lumpe of cawk, may as it seems to the eye, serve for the making of concave speculums, if it can be well polished, for of such we have great need, to promote Calcination in the beams of the Sunn, thereby to meliorate some operations in Chimistry.5 For your newes (which would be newes indeed) that Dr Simpson6 profess- eth himselfe master of the Alkahest,7 or Philosophers mercury,8 I shall be bold to trouble you with a little inlargement upon it. A good many yeares agoe I have had his company in Yorke, with one Mr Sturdy,9 who since was schoolemaister at East Bradford, who hath often com’d to visit me, for some time held correspondency with me by letters, with whome I have bene very open, and free in discoursing of that subiect, but now I am informed is turned a Popish priest, and is some where neer Yorke, of whom I pray you inquire, and certifie me. And if you have any friend that useth Dr Simpsons company, pray put these two questions unto him. Whether ever any by deceivers, did openly profess that they were maisters of the Alkahest? 2. That the Philosophers have three mercuryes,10 and therefore desire to know which of them the Alkahest is? I will trouble you no further, but onely tell you, that I have a piece written by me of the Philosophers Universall Dissolvent, that hath laid by me above this five yeares, being unwilling to make it publicke, untill I had by assured practise verified the virtues and effects of the same. of which I will not yet declear much, though I am sure (as Lully11 speaketh) that I understand it perfectly, by the speculation of an intellective virtue, but of this enough. Sir with the tender of my kindest respects I take leave, and remaine

Your faithfull friend, and servant

Jo: Webster

Cliderhow march: 6˚ 1674

1. Carleton-in-Craven, North Yorkshire, the site of his wife Hannah Parkinson’s childhood home. 2. A reference to Webster’s The Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft. See Webster’s letters to Lister of 13 February 1674/5. 3. For cawke, see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 30, and Webster’s letter to Lister of 12 January 1674/5. 0352 Webster to Lister 775

4. Glass of antimony, for which see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 31. For its use in concave speculums (telescopic mirrors) see also Roos (2010), pp. 105–129. 5. Presumably Webster is referring to the solar calcination of antimony described in works such as Nicaise Le Fèbvre’s A compleat body of chymistry (London: O. Pulleyn, 1670), pp. 214–217. Antimony was thought to be a precursor to the philosopher’s stone. The mineral could be transformed into a regulus with a star-shaped crystal formation that was thought by sympathy to attract the generative and astrological power of stellar emanations. Le Fèbvre stated, for example, that this “noble Mineral hath a kind of natural Magnes in it self, which makes it capable to attract from the highest Heavens this noble Kin and similar Light, by which it is produced and supplyed with its Vertue.” See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672, note 10, and William R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 50, p. 108. 6. Presumably physician and chemist William Simpson, who was in a bitter debate with Lister about the composition of Yorkshire spa waters. Simpson was a physician from York who settled in Chapel Street in London, a chymist and an English Helmontian. Simpson’s father was a brewer, and he himself has been described as an experimentalist more comfortable in the laboratory than the study. Other than his works on spa waters, he formulated theories about the fermentation of saline spirits or acids in the atmosphere and the body, discussed in his Zymologia Physica (1675). His work owed some of its premises to Van Helmont, some to the Iatrochymical School, particularly the works of Dele Boë Sylvius and Tachenius, and some to the chemistry of Isaac Newton. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 11, and Roos (2007), chapter 4, pp. 108–131. 7. A hypothetical universal solvent sought by alchemists. 8. For the philosopher’s mercury, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672, note 10. 9. Possibly John Sturdy, or Sturdie, a correspondent of Lister’s, member of the York virtuosi and mineral collector from Thurnham, Lancashire. See Sturdy’s letters to Lister of 14 March, 16 July, 12 August, 25 September, and 14 November 1675. 10. Mercury was often associated with triads by early modern alchemists. Some alchemists believed also that mercury was the mother of all metals, containing simultaneously three principles of water, fire, and air, or animal, mineral, and vegetables, and that mercury could stand not only for the matter of alchemical work but also for all the processes to which the matter is subject. So, simultaneously, mercury would be the matter of alchemical work, the process of the work, and the agent by which it was all effected, again represented as a triad. In his remark about the three mercuries, Webster could be referring also to the belief that the philosophical mercury was a mediator in the chemical wedding of sol and luna (gold and silver), reconciling their opposing natures. Through this “marriage” of opposites, the philosopher’s stone could be generated. So from three substances, came one. See “Mercurius” in Abraham, Dictionary of Alchemical Imagery, p. 125. 11. The Majorcan philosopher and mystic Ramon Lull (1232–1316). Although the historical Lull denied the possibility of alchemical transmutation, over 120 posthumous texts composed between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries were attributed to him. 776 Johnston to Lister 0353

0353 Nathaniel Johnston to [Martin Lister] 10 March 1674/5

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 36. Address: ffor his honoured ffriend | Dr Lister these | Stonegate Yorke.

Honoured Sir

I send my sonne1 to waite upon Mr Brooke2 and your self requesting that you will sett a parte some litle tyme show him what you know may be instructive to him ffor though he is a stranger to multitude of things you can show him and it will be a trouble to you yet I hope your kindnesse to me will gain me the ffavor from you to show him what you have. I designe this spring he shall among thes[e] things make experiments about petrifaction we having a current water neare us that may afford him the opportunity.3 He hath yet onely entered into Institutions of physick and a litle view of Anatomy and plants and I think to send him to London till he may commence Bachelor of physick to live either with some eminent physician or be tabled4 with some Apothecary that hath the custom of the best practitioners to get him an insight into the method of practise. If you have any acquaintance with any you can recommend to me I pray ffavor me with the information. I hath had nothing notice this winter besides some 5 or 6 irregular posture of children in Utero that could not be delivered without the help of my hand and instruments by which I have gained some competent knowledge in that particular the which I shall give you an account at meeting my sonne will inform you of a monstrous testicle of a cowe he dissected. Sir I know this throng5 tyme will not allow you much leisure but I shall be heartily glad he may have the good luck to ffinde you at that liberty that he may hath an houres uninterrupted discourse with you and I shall take it a great obligation done by

Sir your ffaithfull servant

N. Johnston

March 10 1674/75

1. This is a reference to Johnston’s eldest son Cudworth Johnston (1654–1692) who became an eminent physician in York and who married Margaret, the daughter of John Pelham of Hull. There are several letters between Nathaniel and Cudworth in the Shrewsbury Papers, ms 706, ff. 2–6, Lambeth Palace Library, London. There is also a post-nuptial settlement of lands near 0354 Jessop, et al. to Lister 777

York for Cudworth and Margaret (bfm/602, 29 October 1680, Sheffield Archives). Cudworth was named after the surname of Nathaniel’s wife, Anne Cudworth. As his father was a Jacobite, Cudworth and Nathaniel were for a time under the protection of the Earl of Holdernesse, noted in a lawsuit brought to Parliament of 25 November 1690: “Horsfield versus Johnston, protected by the E. of Holderness. Upon reading the Petition of Robert Horsfeild, Thomas Thompson Gentleman, and George Whitchcott; praying, ‘That they may be at Liberty to proceed at Law against Doctor Nath. Johnston, and Doctor Cudworth Johnston, who is protected by the Right Honourable the Earl of Holdernesse, a Peer of this Realm, as his Lordship’s Secretary and Agent in Yorkeshire.’ ” A second entry reads, “E. of Holderness to be wrote to. It is ordered, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, That Sir Rob’t Atkins, Speaker of the House of Peers, do write to the said Earl of Holdernesse, to know whether he owns the said Cudworth Johnston to be his Secretary and Agent or not.” See “House of Lords Journal Volume 14: 25 November 1690”, Journal of the House of Lords: vol. 14: 1685–1691 (1767–1830), pp. 564–566. url: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=13308. Date accessed: 21 October 2011. 2. John Brooke. 3. Johnston wrote extensively to Lister about the nature of mineral waters. See his letter to Lister of 22 April 1672. 4. To table is to board with the apothecary, or to have stated meals as a lodger there. 5. Crowded, full of work, or busy.

0354 Francis Jessop, [Samuel or John] ca. 11 March 1674/5 Fisher1 and William Lodge to Martin Lister

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 169. The letter was dated on the basis of context, as Lodge’s letter to Lister of 6 February 1674/5 discussed their visit to the collection of Captain Hicks. The hand identifies the writer as Francis Jessop, and the letter was signed by Lodge and by Samuel or John Fisher. Address: These | To Dr Lister att | his house in Stone-gate in | Yorke | present. Postmark: Bishop Mark mr/11 [March 11]. Reply to: Lister’s letter to which this is a reply, has been lost. Printed: Unwin (1995), p. 220. Mistakenly, Unwin has identified this letter as solely by Lodge.

Sir

I should ere this time have returned my humble thankes to you for the honor you was pleased to do me by your remembrance of me in your last letter to my dear and worthy freind Mr Lodge, but I know not of his last writeing and 778 Sturdy to Lister 0355 therefore have taken this oportunity to give you thankes and tender my service in any thing that you will be pleased to command within in my power. Wee have been againe at Capt. Hicks collection,2 which affords abundant variety of such thing as you have take no small pleasure I find to search into the nature of; those that wee viewed today were of such things as you desired an account of, and some samples of them as the Capt. could spare and would come att a moderate price: the inclosed gives you an account of what they are which wee have laid by supposing they may some of them att least prove acceptable; such as you approve of, when you let Mr Lodge hear again; hee will take care to send that of the Flint with metall in it like what is vulgarly called Thunderstone,3 togeather with the rest of Bristoll Diamond4 with their outward crust or Boart5 are richly worth 5 times his value; the rest, to me that have been but of late acquainted with such kind of curiosities are not meane Rarities; and if you had \an/ oportunity of seeing them, as I did today with my ingenious freind, to compare them with others that are in his Collection you would possibly be of the same opinion but I must beg your pardon for my bold conjecture of the opinion of so learned and expert a philosopher who hath investigated Nature in the paths of her most secret Retirements; I only humble offer my weake sentiments, who but a novice, am apt to admire what I understand not so well as I should; but frequent goeing thither and viewing it may be I may be able to give a better account; att present be pleased to accept this with mine and our good friends humble services with the hearty offer whereof wee rest Sir, yours

Ffisher W: Lodge

1. For the Fishers, see Ray’s letter to Lister of 6 December 1668, note 8. 2. The keeper of a cabinet of curiosities, mentioned in Lodge’s letter of 6 February 1674/5. 3. A term applied to various stones or fossils that had been identified with thunderbolts, as belemites, pyrites, or meteorites. 4. Downham or Bristol Diamonds, which are quartz crystals, often doubly terminated and up to an inch long. Lodge refers to them in his letter to Lister of 12 January 1673/4. 5. “Bort,” the fragments removed from diamonds in cutting that are too small or coarse for jewelry, often used to make diamond powder.

0355 John Sturdy1 to Martin Lister Townley, Lancashire, 14 March 1674/5

Source: The original letter has been lost. This extract is taken from “Extracts of Some Letters from Mr John Sturdie of Lancashire concern- 0355 Sturdy to Lister 779

ing Iron Ore; and more Particularly of the Haematites, Wrought into Iron at Milthrop-Forge in That County, Communicated by Dr Martin Lister, S.R.S,” Phil. Trans., 17, (1693), pp. 695–699, on pp. 695–696. Address: No address present.

Townley, March 14. 1674

Sir,

You will receive herewith some of the Cinder you desir’d, as also a little of Iron- stone both burnt and unburnt.2 They have several sorts of iron-stone, and of different natures; for some makes Coldshire-Iron,3 that is, such as it brittle, when it is cold; another sort makes Redshire,4 that is, such as apt to break if it be hammered, when it is of a dark red Heat, and therefore are never melted down but in mixture, and so they yield an indifferent good sort of Iron. They have of late made it much better than hereto fore, by melting the Sow-metal5 over again, as likewise by using Turf and Charcoal, whereas formerly their Fuel was only Charcoal. They once made Trial of Pit-Coal,6 but with bad Success. The small dusty part of their Charcoal is useful for burning the Iron-stone; for every 17 Baskets of this burnt Stone they put in one of Brimstone unburnt to make it melt freely, and cast the Cinder. There is no other Cinder swimming above but such like as this I sent you, only sometimes it is more vitrified than it is at other times. They always take it off from the melted Iron with a Coal-rake at a hole in the Furnace-mouth before they let the Metal run. There is nothing remains in the bottom of the Hearth, all becomes either Iron or Cinder. The Furnace is built on the side of an Hill, the bottom is about two yards square, and so rises perpendicular for a yard or more, which is also lined within with a Wall of the best Fire-stone7 to keep off the force of the Fire from the Walls of the Furnace: The Bellows (which are very large, and played with Water) enter about the middle of the Focus.8 The rest of the Furnace is raised upon this 6 or 7 yards square wise, but tapering; so that the sides draw towards each other by degrees, and the top-hole (where they thrown in Baskets of Stone and Fewel) is but about 1/2 a yard square. Into this place they put down a Pole, to know how far it hath rested after a certain time; and when they find it to have subsided about a yard and 1/2, then they put in more, till the Furnace be full again.

1. John Sturdy, or Sturdie, a correspondent of Lister’s, member of the York virtuosi and mineral collector. Townley is presumably the Townley Estate, near Burnley, Lancashire. Burnley is twenty-seven miles north from Manchester. This may be the same Sturdy to whom John Webster 780 Townes to Lister 0356 refers in his letter of 6 March 1674/5 as previously being a schoolmaster in East Bradford, Yorkshire. 2. Part of Lister’s program to collect ores for his History of Iron, extant in manuscript as ms Lister 1, Bodleian Library, Oxford. 3. Coldshire refers to iron that is brittle in its cold state. 4. Redshire is iron or steel that is brittle when red hot, typically because of an excess of sulfur in the metal. 5. Sow iron is cast iron in sows or large ingots as it comes from the blasting- or smelting-furnace. 6. Pit coal is obtained from a pit or mine, as distinct from charcoal; the term can refer also to black or bituminous coal (as opposed to anthracite or lignite). 7. A stone that resists the action of fire; one used for lining furnaces, ovens, etc. 8. A focus could refer to a center of radiant heat.

0356 Thomas Townes to Martin Lister Barbados, 26 March 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fols 32–33. The letter was accompanied by a note from Samuel Penn to Lister of 19 July 1675. Address: For my very honourd friend | Dr Martin Lister | in | York. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 9 November 1674, which has been lost. Printed: Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 399–400; Stearns (1970), pp. 215–216 (partial).

Barbados, March 26. 1675.

Dear Sir

On the 4th of this Instant was brought to me your letter dated Novemb. 9th last. How glad I was at the receipt of it, you may easily imagine. now I am so remote from the learned world; and I hope and heartily beg you would continue your kindness this way, if for nothing else but out of pitty to an American, who think myself happy in your friendship, which can onely supply the want of converse hardly to be found so suitable to my [[xxxx]] in this place; most men here being wholly intent upon riches and pass their leasure in merryments: for which this Island affords materials enough viz: Turkies, Dunghil-fouls,1 Muscovy and English ducks, Pigeons, Rabbets, Sheep, Goats, Hogs (the best, I believe, in the world). Of al these plenty and if every considerable plantation doe not furnish the Masters table every meal with some of these, it’s for want of good husbandry. As for Beif and Veal, the necessity of maintaining working cattel makes them somewhat scarce up in the country; yet daily to be had in 0356 Townes to Lister 781 the market at a reasonable rate. Wild foul is scarce here, unless towards the latter part of the year and then there’s great store of Plover, and Snipes of several sorts, which flie here in large flocks; many wild Pigeons; and sometimes a smal sort of Duck is seen here; and Turtle doves of two kinds, of both which I’le indeavor to send you some alive, as soon as I can light on a trusty friend to care of them. The Fisherman bring in daily good quantitys of fish cheap enough; such of them as I can drie and uncase, you shal have. Our general draught of wine is from Madera,2 which contrary to al other I know of, wil not indure a cool cellar; French wines and Rhenish3 neither keep nor agree wel with our stomacks, if so constantly drank as in England; Canary4 few here care for, counting it fulsome, so that it is seldom brought hither, but by way of Presents. Hither is likewise brought store of Brandy, Beer, Cider, Mum.5 besides we make several drinks of which hereafter I’le give you an account. Truly, here’s sufficient belly provision, and I have wondered to see tables spread with so much plenty and curiosity; for what ever is transportable hither we have the same with you. In cloaths they are gallant, and particular luxurious in linnen. For my part I would wish to live in this Island, as it is now setled, before any other place; it being besides so temperate, that we need not hang over the fire to keep out cold; nor shut up doors about noon (as I heare the custome is in Spain) nor set our beds on the tops of houses (as they do in some places in the Mediterranean Sea) to fence of heat; for the Sunne notwithstanding his neighbourhood is very gentle, being fanned with a constant gale from the East. For these 5 moneths have I been in expectation of removing to another plantation, but have been staied by the building of a hous there, which as soon as finished, I shal have conveniency enough to make a collection of plants etc: for you; some of them I hope you will see before next winter. I have heard it questioned whether America have no some plants common with those of Europe, especially the more Northern parts of it; and probably supposed that tops of mountains here might produce such, as being cool and somewhat approaching to the temperature of those places in the North, that are level and more forceably influenced by the Sunne. To the clearing of this doubt, Purslane6 is seen here as an ordinary weed al the country over (where I have been) and troublesome to the Planter in the fields. I have many times gathered a Sallet of it, and east as wel with oil and vinegar as that of English gardens. here is likewise a Sonchus,7 Lens palustris.8 I found also a Melilose9 or one so like it in al circumstances (except that the branches are not so erect) that I can’t find any difference from that in England. I wil send you patterns of them, that yourself in some measure may judge by the dried plant. But that they grew in low and warm places as wel as in high ground, was beyond my comprehension. 782 Townes to Lister 0356

Here are likewise some Insects at Millepedes, Pond-flies, Crickets and also Shel-snails very like, or the same with those in England. I wish you had these to examine before the publishing of your book. I have seen two sorts of Spiders there, that weave \wheel/ net, as you cal them. No sailing Spiders10 are with us, that I have seen or heard of. We have a smal bodied spider with very long legs, that wears a confused net, and when many of these chance to hang in one place they are very strong in some much that a Humming-bird has been taken in them.11 Some of these birds you may expect by the first, with a nest with two egs in it. I live pretty far from the Indigo-plantations,12 and wanted a good opportunity of seing any yet, but within a few daies intend a journy thither on purpose to give you an account of the Indigo and its pla\n/t. I doubt not but many good gums pray be found here. I have 3 sorts of them. one burns like a torch; another sents like Turpentine. I’le resolve to be diligent in gathering them assoon13 as I am fully settled. The Springs here are al near the Sea, so that those who live up in the country have no benefit of them. They made Ponds formerly to receive rain, which served wel enough, being kept cool by a broad leavd weed and Ducks-meet, which overgrow most ponds. But now almost every sugar-plantation has a wel, that gives very good water. The Soil is fertile, though not above a foot or two thick upon a white and spungier rock, which affords good quarrys here and there, that serve very well for building. Every dwelling house with the Sugar work and other out-housing looks like a handsome town, most being now built with stone and covered with pan-tile or slate (brought hither in ballast of ships, as are likewise sea-coal for forges, and so are brought cheap enough) Indeed the whole Island appears in a manner like a scatterd towne; which with the perpetual green fields and woods, makes this place very pleasant. They make very good lime of this stone burnt with wood laid S:S:S and with Sea-coal too as in England. The making of brick has by several been attempted without success; for the clay wil not back very firm; yet many Potmakers are here, who furnish al the Planters with their Sugar-pots etc: It wil not be unwelcome perhaps, if I tel you that the blood of Negroes is almost as black as their skin. I have seen the blood of at least twenty both sick and in health drawn forth, and the superficies of it al is as dark as the bottome of any European blood after standing a while in a dish. So that the blackness of Negroes is likely to be inherent in them, and not caused (as some imagine) by the scorching of the Sunne; especially when other creatures here that live in the same Clime and heat with them, have as florid blood as those that are in a cold Latitude viz: England. though much farther to the North there \are/ 0356 Townes to Lister 783 people, that can’t brag of much clearer skins than Ethiopians; so that complexions are no less cold-brunt (of it may so be phr[a]sed) than sunne-burnt. You mention the sending of Mr Oldenburgh’s letter, which I found not; it may be you forgot to inclose it. Nor have I received your letter sent by the Hull- ship,14 which I fear is lost; for I hear by a vessel laterly come from the same place, that another vessel set sail from thence about 4 or 5 weeks before her, but is not yet arrived, as I know. I should be glad to hear of the success of your Chymical designes15 this last winter. When you are pleased to write to me again (which I hope will be often) I desire you would send your letters to Mr Samuel Penn Merchant in London, which is commonly sufficient directions to one known upon the Exchange.16 however I’le get him to give you more particular directions. If you acquaint him with any newe books etc: especially your own about spiders17 and Mr Ray’s Ornithologie,18 he will procure and send them to me. My friends upon the unjust dealings of a former merchant have pitched on this Mr Penn for a Correspondent, which is the reason I am unwilling Mr Lascels19 should be onely at the bare trouble of conveighing letters without any benefit of other commerce. Sir, I promise myself your pardon for this ramble because it proceeds from a real affection, and a great esteem I have had of your Worth for the time I first and last saw you at Inglebie Manor in Cleavlands.20 I wish you good health and happiness, and am, Sir

Your unfeigned friend and humble servant

Tho: Townes.

1. A dunghill fowl was a common breed of barn-door fowl. 2. Madeira, which is exposed to high temperatures when it is made, sustains exposure to heat more easily than other more delicate wines. 3. Dry white wines produced along the banks of the Rhine. 4. A sweet white wine from the Canary Islands. 5. Mum is a kind of beer brewed from wheat malt, flavored with aromatic herbs, originally made at Brunswick (Braunschweig) in Germany. 6. Portulaca oleracea, also known as pigweed, little hogweed, or pusley, which has a slightly salty and sour taste. 7. Sonchus is a genus of flowering plants in the family of Asteraceae or daisies. Annual herbs in this genus are commonly known as sow thistles. 8. Lemna minor, also known as duck-meat or common duckweed, which grows upon ponds and stagnant waters. 784 Ray to Lister 0357

9. Meliot or sweet clover, Meliotus officinalis. 10. Townes’s reference to ballooning spiders, which Lister discovered. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 22 November 1668. 11. Hummingbirds use spider webs to make their nests, but their collection of this building material is obviously quite risky. 12. During the early 1640s, there was a widespread shift in the Barbados towards indigo production, as there was a fall in the price of cotton due to overproduction. Subsequent overproduction of indigo then led to a shift to sugar cane and, by 1670, most of the arable land was under sugar cultivation. This may have been why Townes would have had to travel a substantial distance to see indigo. See Hilary Beckles, “Plantation Production and White ‘Proto-Slavery’: White Indentured Servants and the Colonisation of the English West Indies, 1624–45,” The Americas, 41, 3 (January 1685), pp. 21–45. 13. “As soon.” 14. From Kingston-upon-Hull in England. 15. Lister’s work with the glass of antimony. See Lister’s letters to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, as well as Webster’s correspondence with Lister of 1674 and 1675. 16. The Royal Exchange. 17. Lister’s Historiae animalium Angliae tres tractatus (London, 1678), which contained a treatise on spiders. 18. Lister wrote to Ray on 20 June 1673 expressing his delight that Ray intended to publish Willughby’s Ornithology, which Ray was compiling and reconstruct from notes left to him after Willughby’s death. 19. Possibly Daniel Lascelles. See Townes’s letter to Lister of 12 May 1674, note 2. 20. Ingelby Manor near Cleveland, now in the North York Moors National Park. The manor is the seat of the Foulis family, who are mentioned in earlier correspondence between Townes and Lister. See John Walker Ord, The History and Antiquities of Cleveland (London: Simpkin, Marshall, and Co., 1846), p. 431.

0357 John Ray to Martin Lister 7 May 1675

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 16. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 135 (selections from abstract only).1

Has translated ye Ornith[ologia] into English.2 20 sheets of ye Latin printed. Rudd . . .

2. The Ornithologiae libri tres or Ornithology by Francis Willughby. The original Latin version was published in 1676 by the Royal Society, with a corrected and enlarged English version following in 1678.

0358 Thomas Briggs to Martin Lister London, 8 May 1675

Source: Bodl. ms. Lister 3, fols 26–27. Address: To my worthy ffrend Mr | Martin Lister as his | house within Monkes bar | in | Yorke.

Doctors Commons. Lond: May. 8. 75.

My Deare Old ffreind.

Notwithstanding I have had a very great change in my Condition (which I will presume you have heard of) and that I am not yet well at quiet [quite] being falne into the Lurtch of Westminster Hall about some part of my Wifes Estate,1 I can make an escape to aske yu how you doe, your Lady, and little ones, and to tell you that I often reme[m]ber you and shall never \forget/ the old endear- ments that have passed betwixt us, and because it may not bee our hap to meete one another I aske one word or two from you which will be very acceptable to mee and so much the more if therby you would order mee by your Correspond in London if you have any here the payment of that Bond and little Bill you still owe mee, the summ upon the Bond Octob. 1669. is £24. 17s. 6d and upon a Bill under your hand £3.10s which I then likewise lend yu, and there was paid for your ffaculty ad practicandum 7s.2 I have not wasted my small fortune I hope by marrying but I have now more occasion for monys than before and doe therfore intreate yu to excuse this remembrance as to that particular and that you would finde out an oportunity to gratify mee with the payment of the said Bond and Bill about the beginning of the next Terme in London where God willing I purpose to bee, being at present going for Chichester3 wher my habitation is, farewell Deare ffreind

your assured ffrend and humble servant

Tho Briggs

1. Briggs married Elizabeth Stapeley, daughter of Sir John Stapeley, Bart. (1628–1701) of Patcham Sussex. Stapley was in financial difficulties, claiming privilege on behalf of servants. His 786 Oldenburg to Lister 0359 parliamentary biography notes that as surveyor of petty customs from 1683 until his death, “he would afford his creditors sufficient security to keep him out of prison, although his widow later admitted that ‘he was not always so circumspect in his affairs, as he might, or in prudence ought to have been.’ ” Indeed, he was forced to sell Patchem, though he retained his wife’s properties. As co-heiress, it is little wonder Elizabeth Stapley faced legal difficulties, probably due to debts. See “Stapley, John (1628–1701),” History of Parliament online, http://www.historyofparliamentonline. org/volume/1660–1690/member/stapley-john-1628–1701; Reverend Andrew Trollope, An inventory of the church plate of Leicestershire, with some account of its donors (Leicester: Clarke and Hodgson, 1890), vol. 1, p. 148. Thomas Briggs had left plate to Wyfordby, Leicestershire. 2. In other words, Lister’s license to practise medicine. Lister would have just resigned his fellowship at Cambridge to go into private practice and marry, and he may well have borrowed money from his friend to cover expenses. Briggs was senior bursar at St John’s College, Cambridge, from 1662–1668, so he may also have lent Lister money whilst Lister was studying in Montpellier in the 1660s. 3. Briggs settled in Chichester where he was made Chancellor of the Dioceses of Chichester in 1672, which post he held until his death on 13 October 1713.

0359 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 13 May 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 182–183. Address: No address present. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 308–312, letter 2662.

London May 13. 1675.

Dr Lister. Sir,

To give you the minute of what hath been of late done in our Society, I shall begin with our Transactions, since we sett upon the method of bringing-in Experimental Discourses;1 These were begun with Dr Wallis’s Exercitation of the Gravitation of Fluids, lately printed:2 who was follow’d by Sir Wm Petty and Mr Boyle; the former entertaining us with the Usefulness of the Doctrine of Duplicate Proportions, likewise publisht; the latter with the nature of Fixednes,3 yet to be printed. These were succeeded by Dr Grew,4 \Mr Hook,/5 Dr Croon,6 Dr King,7 Dr Dan. Coxe,8 Dr Vossius,9 Dr Beale,10 Mr Henshaw,11 \Sr Rob. Southwell,/12 Mr Evelyn,13 Mr Boyle again. The first of these entertained us twice, once, with the Anatome of Trees; the 2d time, with the Differences of Tastes, and with an intimation, how the specifical vertues of Plants might be 0359 Oldenburg to Lister 787 discerned by their peculiar taste. Mr Hook presented us with a Discourse of the Nature and Properties of Light; 1. That there is an Inflection of Light differing both from Refraction and Reflexion, and depending upon the unequal den- sity of the Constituent parts of the Ray, whereby the Light is dispersed from the place of Condensation, and rarified or gradually diverged into a quadrant. 2. That this deflexion is made towards the superfices of the opacous body perpendicularly. 3. That in this deflexion of the rays those parts of the diverged radiation that are deflected by the greatest angle from the direct radiations are faintest, and those that are deflected by the least, are the strongest. 4. That Rays, cutting each \other/ in one common foramen, doe not make the angles ad verticem aequal. 5. That colors may be made without refraction. 6. That thesame rays of Light falling upon thesame point of the Object will turn into all sorts of colors, only by the various inclination of the object. 7. That Colors doe being to appear when two pulses of light are blended so very well and neer together, the sense takes them for one.14 Dr Croon explained to us by the Anatome of a Duck, How Flying was performed by Birds, shewing, in order thereunto, the structure of a Ducks wing and Body, especially of the Muscles and their Insertions to the humerus.15 The Doctor, having intimated a quite different structure of the body of man, and thence inferr’d his total unfitness for flying, gave occasion to some of the Company, and particularly to Mr Hook, to say, that what nature had denied to the body of man, might be supplied by mans reason and by art; Adding, that there was a way, he knew, to produce strength, so as to give to one man the strength of 10 or 20 men, or more and to contrive artificial muscles for him, of an equivalent strength to those in birds. Dr Kings Lecture consisted of these particulars: 1. That most, if not all the parts of an Animal body, doe consist of Tubes and Liquors 2. That all the vessels of the body are chiefly made up of other vessels. 3. That all vessels and other tubular parts have their share of Carneous16 or other moving fibers, and do in their several spheres act as litle muscles. 4. That all the Contents of all the tubular parts are carried about into all the parts of the body, or out of it, according as they are severally designed, by muscular motion, voluntary or involuntary. 5. That most diseases, our bodies are afflicted with, take their principal rise from the impeded or the irregular motion of the liquors and spirits or their rec- rements left in the tubes or cavities. 6. He added an Essay explaining the reason of the Pulse, grounded upon the fabrick of the Heart and Arteries. Dr Dan. Coxe presented us with a Prospect of what he had done as to the Chymical Analysis of Plants: giving us a Scheme of what he intended for the future to entertain the company with in several Lectures; but having been hitherto kept by his practice from executing his designe. 788 Oldenburg to Lister 0359

Dr Vossius sent in two Latin Discourses, the one, De Apparentibus in Luna Maculis; the other, De Speculo Archimedeo. These being read, Mr Hook gave his thoughts of both, and said to the former, That the Authors opinion was very ingenious, but did not in all particulars answer the phaenomena. For, though it were granted, that a Lens did so invert the object beyond it, as to make a protuberancy appear hollow, and the right side on the left, and vice versa; and we should concede, that there is such a pro- priety in the parts of the Atmosphere of the Moon, extended over and be about the sides of the Mountains, so as to be able to produce such an inversion; yet that would not suffice to make out the appearances. For, in the coming on of the Light and shadows upon those Spots, which M. Vossius esteems Mountains, (but we believe to be cavities) the midlemost part of the Spot being the most prominent, is not first enlightened, as it ought to be according to M. Vossius his supposition; but the Tops and Sides of those Circular ridges that encompass the Spot, and are next the Sun, are so; and the Shadow is, as it ought to be, cast regularly upon the other parts of the Moon, according to the true Rules of Shadow. Insomuch that at the beginning the whole midle of the Cavity is perfectly dark, as being overshadowed by the ridge of the Sunny Side; but, as the Sun rises higher, and enlightens the bottom of the cavity, one may in several of them discover, not only divers other lesser cavities or spots, encompassed with ridges as the greater, but also severall smal hills, such as M. Vossius would supposed inverted by the refraction of the Lunar Atmosphere, which do appear in their true shapes, and the Light and Shadow properly posited. As to the other paper, relating to Archimedes’s Burning Glasses, M. Hook declared, that he could not say, whether it were made that way described by Vossius, or not:17 But he was sure, that a speculum made of a Paraborical figure would much surpasse one of the same bigness, made up of several specular Plains: And that both in the one and the other, the image of the sun would grow bigger and bigger (and consequently fainter) according as the focus was further distant from yes[ai]d Burning glas. And that therefore this did not solve that great question about Burning Glasses, viz. How to make one of a determinate bignes, that shal burne at any distance assigned. Dr Beale transmitted to us out of the Contry an Accompt of some Advantages, that may be made by Graffing in Roots, for the speedy raising of an orchard, and a Grove, or a Nursery of Mulberry Trees; and for the Alteration or Mixture of Vegetables: And how to make one Tree or Stock bear many much differing kinds of fruit as Apples, Pears, Nuts, Grapes, Plums, Cherries etc. Mr Henshaw read to us the Observations he had made in his late publick Ministry in Denmark; among which there was one very remarquable, viz. of Amber found deep under ground, above 20 English miles distant from any Sea. 0359 Oldenburg to Lister 789

Sr Robt Southwell entertain’d us with a physico-politicall Discourse about Water, viz. the Differences of water, the Saltness of the Sea, the Tydes, the ways of making mare clausible, mare clausum, and the natural reasons for the English Soveranigty of the Seas etc. Mr Boyle gave us a meer Experimental Discourse about the Mechanical Production of the Tasts, wherein he proved by a douzen Experiments, that Tasts may depend upon the Size, Figure and Motion of the saporifique particles, and altered or destroyed according as those parts are by various coalitions diversifyed. E.g. That a body, almost insipid, may be divided into two bodies of very strong and very differing tasts: That of two bodies the one highly acid \and corrosive,/ the other alcalisat and fiery, may be produced a body almost insipid: That of two bodies, the one extreamly sweet, and the other as salt as may brine, may be made an insipid mixture: etc. Mr Evelyn hath begun to entertain us wth a Discourse upon all sorts of Earth and Soyle, in order to improve Agriculture and Gardening. Thesame is to give us this day the sequele of what he delivered a fortnight agoe. On Thursday last,18 we had before us some Communications from the Highlands of Scotland, about Lakes that are frozen all the year long; and some others that never freeze, even in the most violent winters, till the beginning of February, and then they freeze to so thick an ice in 2 or 3 nights, that they will bear man and beast. I have mention’d to you already Mr Wrays Discourse of Seeds;19 and you what yourself was pleased to present us with, which found very good acceptance of the Society.20 Supposing, I have tired you, I conclude with renewing the assurance of my being with all sincerity Sir

Your faithf. humble servant

Oldenburg

I cannot review.

1. Oldenburg is referring to the Society’s scheme of soliciting presentations from fellows and perhaps making a yearly presentation a requirement of membership. See Oldenburg’s letter of 13 October 1674, note 1. 2. John Wallis, A discourse of gravity and gravitation, grounded on experimental observations, presented to the Royal Society, November 12. 1674 (London: John Martyn, 1675). 3. Petty’s and Boyle’s presentations were mentioned in Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 13 October 1674, note 3. Boyle’s work was published subsequently as Experiments, notes, &c. about the mechanical origine or production of divers particular qualities . . . (London: E. Flesher, 790 Oldenburg to Lister 0359

1675). In the same work, Boyle also included “Experiments and observations about the mechanical production of tasts,” read to the Royal Society on 22 April 1675. 4. On 25 February 1674/5, Grew read “his discourses concerning the structure of the cortical, ligneous and medullar part of trees.” (Birch, vol. 3, p. 192.) Subsequently, on 25 March 1675, “Dr Grew made a discourse concerning tastes, observing their differences, and drawing some corallaries from thence.” (Birch, vol. 3, p. 195.) 5. Hooke read his discourse on light on 18 March 1674/5 which is later summarized in this letter. (Birch, vol. 3, pp. 193–194.) 6. William Croone read his discourse on bird flight on 11 February 1674/5 which is later summarized in this letter. (Birch, vol. 3, p. 181.) 7. John King read his iatrophysical discourse of the circulatory system on 4 February 1674/5, summarized in Birch and later in this letter. (Birch, vol. 3, pp. 179–180.) 8. Daniel Coxe’s account of the chemical analysis of vegetables was read on 21 January 1674/5. Primarily his talk had to do with isolating volatile salts within vegetables, and whether salts in the atmosphere reacted with products created by distillation of plant material. See Roos (2007), pp. 89–90 and Clericuzio, Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles (2001), p. 161. 9. Isaac Vossius’s works on lunar cartography and Archimedean burning lenses were read on 4 March 1674/5 (Birch, vol. 3, p. 192). Vossius (Leiden 1618–London 1689) was a philologist, libertine, and deist, as well as an avid collector of books and manuscripts. He demonstrated a variety of interests in natural philosophy and sinology in the second half of his life, during which he was a Canon of Windsor Castle. Vossius and Hooke engaged in several debates. For example, William Poole has argued that a disagreement between Hooke and Vossius on how to interpret Chinese culture was the earliest English scholarly engagement with China. See William Poole, “Isaac Vossius, Robert Hooke, and the early Royal Society’s use of Sinology,” http://ora.ox.ac.uk/ objects/uuid:e5acc4b0–968e-45a8–938a-16a8b0f38570. 10. John Beale’s letter to Oldenburg of 3 April 1675 (rs el/B1/67, printed in Oldenburg, vol. 11, p. 248, letter 2636.) The letter was read on 15 April 1675. (See Birch, vol. 3, p. 217.) 11. Thomas Henshaw’s paper on Denmark was given on 18 February 1674/5, and is printed in its entirety in Birch, vol. 3, pp. 182–189. Henshaw (1618–1700) was an author, soldier, and diplomat, as well as an original fellow of the Royal Society. In 1671, Henshaw was appointed secretary to the Duke of Richmond on an extraordinary embassy to Christian V of Denmark, remaining in Denmark until 1674 as envoy after Richmond’s death. He was also a skilled chymist, presenting his work on saltpetre to the Royal Society, and publishing several short chymical treatises in the Phil. Trans. See Jennifer Speake, “Henshaw, Thomas (1618–1700),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); Donald R. Dickson, “Thomas Henshaw and Sir Robert Paston’s Pursuit of the Red Elixir: An Early Collaboration between Fellows of the Royal Society,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 51, 1 (1997), pp. 57–76. 12. Southwell’s discourse on water was read on 8 April 1675, and is printed in its entirety in Birch, vol. 3, pp. 196–216. Sir Robert Southwell (1635–1702) was a lawyer, M.P. for Penrhyn (1673– 1679), Anglo-Irish politician, civil servant, and one of the original fellows of the Royal Society. In the first half of the 1690s, he was reelected annually as President of the Royal Society, and was a close friend of Sir William Petty, discoursing upon the topography, demography, and politics of Ireland. Southwell was interested also in acoustics, passing on information to the Royal Society about experiments on sound performed by the Accademia del Cimento. See Toby Barnard, “Southwell, Sir Robert (1635–1702),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford 0360 Lister to Thoresby 791

University Press, 2004); Marco Beretta, “At the source of Western science: The organization of experimentalism at the Accademia del Cimento (1657–1667),” Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 54 (2000), pp. 131–151. 13. John Evelyn read his “Philosophical Discourse of Earth” on 29 April and 13 May 1675 (Birch, vol. 3, pp. 218–219). His work was published in his third edition of Sylva, Or Discourse of Forest Trees (London: John Martyn, 1679). 14. The argument is enumerated in its entirety in the minutes for the 18 March 1674/5 meeting in Birch, vol. 3, p. 195. Birch includes an extra point, “8. That colours begin to appear, when two pulses of light are blended so very well, and near together, that the sense takes them for one.” 15. For Croon’s experiments, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 13 February 1674/5, note 4. This letter contains only a slight abridgement of what is contained in Birch. 16. Carneous is consisting of flesh, or fleshy. 17. Hooke’s comments are slightly fuller in Birch, vol. 3, pp. 192–193. 18. A reference to the reading of James Gregory’s letter from Edinburgh on 6 May 1675, giving “an account of the inclinations and abilities of Sir George Mackenzie of Tarbat for a philosophical correspondence; who had also sent several letters, containing observations of remarkable particulars in the Highlands of Scotland.” (Birch, vol. 3, p. 219.) Gregory’s comments were published in Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), p. 307. The original letter (rs el/G1/26) is printed in Oldenburg, vol. 11, p. 286, letter 2654. 19. John Ray’s “Concerning the seeds of plants and the specific differences of plants by John Ray,” read to the Royal Society on 17 December 1674 (rs Cl.P/10i/16 and reprinted in Birch, vol. 3, pp. 162–173). 20. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674.

0360 Martin Lister to Ralph Thoresby1 York, 29 May 1675

Source: bl ms Stowe 745, fol. 105. An old folio number “112” has been crossed out. Address: For my honoured friend | Mr Thiresby | at his house in | Leedes.

Sir

I gave \you/ trouble of showing me your Coins, for which I thanke you. In my journey I did not pick up any but I thinke it fitting that I give you an account of what Tidings I could gett, of those things which may be acceptable to you. Stephen Tempest of Kellbrooke2 within a mile of Earby3 in Craven lately found some old coin, as he was sealing mole hills in a cleft there. At Broom4 in Cumberland many coines were found and one Sam: King belonging to the Countesse5 has got of them by him. One Pearson of Keltewell6 since the last Christmas fell in mining into an old worke in scale parke,7 where at 20 fathom deep he found a lead Urne with 792 Lister to Thoresby 0360 an Inscription: it weight 60 lb. This Antiquity perished by the brutality of the finder who had \it/ melted down as Laiton8 \or as Rocke wall/9 possibly other things may be found there. Justice Ward and his brother saw it. I am Sir your ffaithfull humble servant

Lister

Yorke. May. 29. 75

I hear that at Gainsborough10 many coins were found in a sand hill the last yeare; amongst which was a very fair one of Severus11 in Silver.

1. Ralph Thoresby (1658–1725), antiquary and topographer. Son of John Thoresby (1626– 1679), a wealthy wool merchant, he traded in linens and woolens and served as a common coun- selor for Leeds in 1697. After a disastrous oil-mill speculation in Sheepscar, he retired from trade, and turned increasingly to antiquarian pursuits and the study of antiquities. John Thoresby had founded the Museum Thoresbyanum by purchasing the coins and library from the heir of Lord Fairfax, and Ralph expanded the collection. The collection was catalogued in 1715, the largest part being given to coins; Thoresby lent a number of Saxon coins to Obadiah Walker to be engraved for Spelman’s life of King Alfred. As this letter attests, Thoresby was interested in funer- ary urns, having numerous examples with human remains; contemporaries considered him to have inherited Tradescant’s mantle in Britain. Thoresby was also a fellow of the Royal Society, submitting thirty communications to the Phil. Trans., largely on Roman antiquities. His greatest work was the Ducatus Leodiensis, or, The Topography of Leeds (1715), which also included his museum catalogue and a fine map of the area. After his death from a stroke in 1725, Thoresby’s collection was sold eventually at auction in London in 1764, although much of the celebrated museum was “left to rot and . . . eventually simply thrown out.” When the Leeds Historical Society was launched on 10 July 1889, it was named The Thoresby Society to honor “one of the greatest worthies Leeds had known.” Their sister society, the Yorkshire Archaeological Society, has his vast collection of papers and correspondence. See P.E. Kell, “Thoresby, Ralph (1658–1725),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); The diary of Ralph Thoresby, ed. J. Hunter, 2 vols (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1830); Letters of Eminent Men, Addressed to Ralph Thoresby, F.R.S., 2 vols (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1832); The Thoresby Society (http://www.thoresby.org.uk/); H.W. Jones, “Checklist of the Correspondence of Ralph Thoresby,” in Publications of the Thoresby Society: the Leeds Historical Society (Leeds: The Thoresby Society, 1960). 2. Kelbrook is a village in the Borough of Pendle in Lancashire, and it lies on the road between Colen and Earby. 3. Earby is a small civil parish within the Borough of Pendle in Lancashire, and now is part of the West Craven district of Pendle. It is seven miles from Skipton and eleven miles from Burnley. 4. Park Broom, a hamlet three miles south-west of Carlisle, Cumberland. 5. Possibly Lady Anne Clifford (1590–1676), Countess of Dorset, Pembroke, and Montgomery. 0361 Lister to Ray 793

6. Kettlewell, a village in the Upper Wharfedale, part of the Craven district of North Yorkshire. 7. The park was recorded as “le Scaleparke” in 1484 and was licensed by a grant given to Ralph, Earl of Westmorland in 1405–1406 and 1411 to enclose 300 acres of his lands in Kettlewell for a park and to build a lodge within it. The park is divided now into two large enclosures, West Scale, and East Scale Park, and historical documents often conflate Scale Park with Kettlewell. See “Pastscape,” National Monument Records, http://www.pastscape.org/hob.aspx?hob_ id=47147 (accessed 17 January 2012). 8. Though latten usually refers to brass, it has rarely been used to refer to lead alloys. In the west of England, windows framed with lead are called lattice windows. 9. Possibly as lead flashing. 10. Gainsborough, Lincolnshire, fifteen miles north-west of Lincoln. 11. This coin was probably a silver denarius from the reign of Septimius Severus (145–211 A.D.) who was emperor from 193 until 211.

0361 Martin Lister to John Ray June 1675

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 16.1 Reply to: Ray’s letter to Lister of 7 May 1675.

Jun. – 75. Of Cole-fish,2 Trouts not of diff[eren]t species, Rudd3/ he is about serpent Stones4/Pl: Br: falsely printed pirated for[gery].5

0362 Samuel Penn to Martin Lister London, 19 June 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 34. Penn, a London merchant, enclosed a letter of 26 March 1675 from Thomas Townes to Lister with his note below. There is slight loss of text on the right margin.

London June the 19th: 1675

Dear Doctor Lister Sir

This day I received the Inclosed from Dr Thomas Townes in Barbadoes. In com- plyance with his desire I have taken the first opertunity for the conveyance of it, which I wish safe to your hands, if shall have ocatio[n] to write to him, you may please to send to me at the sign of the whi[te] horse without Allgate;1 heare is a ship will be reddy to saile to Barbad[os] aboute fourteene dayes hence, not else at present butt I am

Your ffriend and servant to be commanded,

Samuell Penn

1. Aldgate, London. The White Horse was located at 64 Shoreditch High Street from the mid-fifteenth century; in the 1930s, it was rebuilt into an office block and it is now a “gentleman’s club.”

0363 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 27 June 1675

Source: rs el/L5/74; rs Letter Book, vol. 7, pp. 256–257. A copy of this letter by Oldenburg is in rs el/L5/75. See Townes’s letter to Lister of 26 March 1675 for annotation of contents. Address: No address present. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 13 May 1675. Printed: Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 399–400; Birch, vol. 3, p. 227; Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 373–375, letter 2690.

An Extract of Mr Listers letter to M. Oldenburg, containing some Observations made by Dr Townes in the Barbados.1 0363 Lister to Oldenburg 795

Read July 1: 75. Ent’d L.B. 7. 256. Prd. Trans. 117.2

Sir

I am ashamed I have not all this while acknowledged the favour of your last which brought me a brief of what has lately passed in the R.S. [[one sentence crossed out]]. —A correspondent of mine at Barbados, the learned Dr Thomas Townes has lately furnished me with an observation or two, which I shall transcribe for you. Barbados March. 26. 75.

—Our general draught of wine is from the Madera, which contrary to all other I know off, will not indure a cool cellar; French wines nor Renish neither keep nor agree well with our stomacks, if so constantly dranke as in England; Canary few here care for, counting it fulsome etc. For my part I would wish to live in this Island, as it is now settled, before any other place; it being besides soe temperate, that we need not hang over the fire to keep out cold; nor shutt up doors about Noon (as I hear the custome is in Spain) nor set our beds on the Tops of houses (as they doe in some places of the Mediterranean Sea) to fence off heat; for the sun notwithstanding his neighbourhood is very gentle, being fanned with a constant gale from the East. I have heard it questioned whether America have not some plants common with those of Europe, especially the more Northern parts of it; and probably supposed that tops of mountains here might produce such, as being coole and somewhat approaching to the temperature of those places in the North, that are level and more forceably influenced by the Sun. To the clearing of this doubt, Purslane is seen here as an ordinary weed, all the Country over (where I have been) and troublesome to the planter: in the feilds I have many times gathered a Sallet of it, and it eats as well with oil and vinegar as that of our English Gardens. here is likewise a Sonchus, Lens palustris. I found also a Melilote or one soe like it in al circumstances (except that the branches are not soe erect) that I cannot find any difference from that in England. I will send you paterns of them, that yourself in some measure may judge by the dried plant. But that they grew in low and warm places as well as in high ground, was beyond my expectation. The Springs here are all neer the Sea, so that those who live up in the Country have no benefit of them. They made ponds formerly to receive rain, 796 Jessop to Lister 0364 which served well enough, being kept cool by a broad-leaved weed and ducks- meat, which over grow most ponds. But now almost every sugar-plantation has a well, that gives very good water. The soil is fertil, though not above a foot or two thick upon a white and spongie \lime-stone/ rock, which affords good Quarries here and there, that serve very [well] for building. Every dwelling house, with the sugar worke, and other out housing lookes like a handsom Town, most being now built with stone and covered with pan-tile or slate (brought hither in the ballast of shipps, as are likewise sea coal for forges, and so are brought cheap enough). Indeed the whole Island appears in a manner like a scatterd Towne; which with the perpetual green feilds and woods, makes this place very pleasant. It will not be unwelcome to you perhaps, if I tell you that the blood of Negroes is almost as black as their skin. I have seen the blood of at least 20 both sick and in health drawn forth, and the superficies of it all is as darke as the bottome of any Europaean blood, after standing a while in a dish. So that the blackness of Negroes is likely to be inherent in them, and not caused (as some imagine) by the scorching of the Sun; espeacially when other creatures here that live in the same clime and heat with them, have as florid blood, as those that are in a cold Latitude viz. England. though much farther to the North there are people, that cannot brag of much clearer skins than Ethiopaeans; so that complexions are no lesse Cold-burnt (if I may soe phrase it) than sun-burnt. This Dr Townes. Sir I am

Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke June 27–75

1. Oldenburg’s endorsement. 2. These notes indicating when this letter was read, entered into the Royal Society Letter Book, and printed in the Phil. Trans., are not in either Lister’s or Oldenburg’s hand.

0364 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Sheffield], ca. July 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 186–187. Excerpts of this letter were copied by Lister and forwarded in his letter to Oldenburg of 28 July 1675, where the annotations may be consulted. In the latter piece of 0364 Jessop to Lister 797

correspondence, Lister indicates he had not heard from Jessop in twelve months, which dates this letter to ca. July 1675. The right margins of this letter are slightly torn with loss of text, and the last page appears to be missing, as there is no signature. Address: No address present. Printed: Phil. Trans., vol. 10 (1675), pp. 391–395 (partial).

Sir

Although this very long silence of mine may seeme very strange yet it is not wholly without excuse, although not altog[ether] pardonable. the losse of neer relations togather with the troublesome circumstances which have accompanyed these losses have rendered me for a long time very unfit for these diversions which I formerly tooke a great delight in, and if I have failed in the expressions of my respects towards you, I assure you I have beene no less dis- obliging to \all/ the [[one word]] of my friends, if causing to importune them by my impertinencys may be accounted a disobligation. I therefore beseech you to forgive me that which is my misfortune rather than my fault, although I am culpable as well as unfortunate in giving way to a stupidity so contrary both unto my reason and my naturall inclinations. I have done very little or rather nothing in order to the giving you satisfaction about those things you desired of me. I have gotten tog[ether] some few pieces of several oares and that is all. I have some pieces of my lord devon- shires copper ore, a piece of iron ore which they call Iron mine \of/ which they say they can make Iron with ag [[one word]] ease than ordinary, if I be not mistaken (for it is a great while s[ince] I first receaved it. they told me it would melt downe into good Iron with the first heat. I have some pieces of lead ore with pebles sticking in such a manner in the very body of the ore, that I am apt to believe that lead ore doth grow in the earth and hath growne about these stones. As also a piece of very pure ore which they tell me yeields 3/4 lead which growes betwixt a rock \of/ grit stone on the one side and a bed of fullers earth \as they call it/ on the other which I take to be nothing but calke. the gritstone rocke it selfe is mingled per minima with ore. two small pieces of welsh ore, a little piece of northerne ore, steel ore which [melts] not easyly but they fancy it contienes much silver in it. what which you call the ascyltos hath one quality which it may be you tooke not notice of, being bruised small it turneth red and the dust of it coloreth things red. If any of these things may do you service I shall send you them by the first oppertunity. 798 Jessop to Lister 0364

I shall now give some answere unto some passages in your latest letters although looking upon the ancientnesse of the date I cannot do it without a great deal of confusion arising from the reflection upon my negligence. In the first place I give Mr Oldenburg many thankes for the offer of a better receipt for the mixture of Metalls for speculums; but I shall have no occasion to trespasse upon his civility, for I finde my workmen heer able to do soe little, that the receipt he favoured me with already is \much/ too good for them. However if \he/ thinkes I can serve him any way in these parts, if \he/ please to direct his letters to me at Broomhall neer Sheaffield in Yorkeshire, I shall receave them readyly by the post and will endeavour to give him the best satisfaction I can. As to the inquiry which Mr Boyl made concerning that part of a common upon the edge of Staffordshire which shined by night when trampled upon by horses, he may receive more satisfaction from M. Alexander Stanhope son to the old Earle of Chesterfield who I believe is not unknowne to him, and who hath told me he hath seene it, than he can from me who never saw it, although I have spoken with many which have. As I remember they told me; it was a hard ground, but something wet. As to what concerneth dampes I shall give you a brief account of what is generally sayd and believed. If you find any thing worth a further enquiry, into if you please to send your quaeries, I will endeavour to give get you the best information I can. There are four sorts common in these parts. The first is the ordinary sort of which I need not say much being knowne every where. the externall signes of its approach are the candles burning orbicular and the flames lessening by degrees until it quite extinguish, the internal shortnesse of breath. I never heard of any great inconvenience which \any/ one suffered by it, which escaped swouning. Those that swowne away and escape an absolute suffocation are at their first recovery tormented with violent convulsions the pain whereof when they begin to recover their senses causeth them to roar exceedingly. The ordinary remedy is to dig a hole in the earth and lay them with \on/ their bellys in it with their mouthes in it. if that fail they tun them full of good ale, but if that faile, they conclude them desperate. I have knowne \some/ who have been recovered after this manner that when some of their companion at the same time have dyed that told me they found them selves very well within a little while after they had recovered their senses, and never after found them selves the worse for it. They call the second sort the pease bloome damp, because as they say, it smells like pease-bloome. they tell me it always comes in the [summer] time and those groves are not free which are never troubled with [any] other sort of dampes. I never heard that it was mortall, the sent perhaps freing them from the danger of a surprise, but by reason of it, many good groves ly idle at the best 0364 Jessop to Lister 799 and most proffitable time of the year when the subterraneous waters are at the lowest. They fancy it proceedes from the multitude of red trifoil flo[wers] by them called honysuckles, with which the limestone meado[wes] in the peake do much abound. Dr Petty’s duplicate proportion might rende perhaps render this sent sensible at a great dist[ance] especially in a narrow caverne, but scarcely intollerable or as they find it malignant. The third is the strangest and most pestilentiall of any if it all be true which is sayd concerning it. Those who pretended to have seene it (for it is visible) describe it thus: In the highest part of the roof of those passages, which branch out from the main gro\o/ve, they often see a \round/ thing hanging about the bignesse of a football covered with a skin of the thickness and colour of a cob- web. this they say if by any accident, as the splinter of a stone or the like it be broaken immediately disperseth it selfe and suffocates all the company. therefore to prevent casualtys as soone as they have espyed it, they say, they say have a way by the help of a sticke and a long rope of breaking it at a distance, which done they purify the place well by fire before they dare enter it againe. I dare not avouch the trueth of this storie in all its circumstances, because the proofe of it seemes impossible because \since/ they say it kills all that \are likely to/ bear witnesse to all the particulars niether dare I deny but such a thing hath may have beene seen hanging on the roof since I have heard many affirme it. perhaps the generall tradition they have amongst them hath made them ascribe all strange and surprizing effects unto this cause. they are not without a reason for it which \is/ not altogathar irrationall if the matter of fact be true, for they say the steame which arises from thier bodys and the candles ascends into the highest part of the vault and there condenseth and in time hath a filme growes round about it, and at length corrupting becomes pestilentiall, thus have I heard many of our underground philosophers discourse. The fourth which they also call \a damp/ (although how properly I will not now argue) is that vapour, which being touched by their candle presently takes fire and giving a cracke like a gun produceth the like effects or rather those of lightening. a fellowe they commonly call dobby leech is at this day a sad example of one of \the force of one of/ these blasts in haselberg hills having his armes and legs broken and his body strangely distorted. Captaine Wain told me he saw one of them in a bloomery near Peniston. but I shall say noe more of them because I have just now \such/ an opportunity of informing my selfe about this matter as I am never like to have again as long as I live. ffor at wingersworth two miles beyond Chesterfield within this mouneth or five weekes a cole-pit of Sir Henry Humlockes hath beene fired four times \by this vapour/ and hath hurt four severall men. I will not send you the particulars because I intend to send you them when I can doe it of mine owne Knowledge allthough 800 Lister to Ray 0365

I receaved a relation by \from/ those who spoke with some of the wounded men. I pray you, furnish me with quare’s upon this subject, for it being an accident so common \to/ all countrys allthough not very often happening in any one, I shall be very glad to make the best opportunity I can improvement I could of my present opportunity. Notwithstanding I may seeme tedious I will make bold to give you two other relations which seeme to me not common. A girle in Sheaffield about eight moneths old was surprized with violent vomitting fits, which held her for about a weeke and made her so weake that her parents began to despair he of her recovery. They at lengeth sent for Mr ffisher who chanced amongst other things to say wormewood was good for the stomach. he going home to fetch things proper on that occasion, they in the meantime offered her some wormewood \ale/ which she tooke so greedyly that she swallowed down a pinte of it. Mr. ffisher at his returne found her vomiting, and she vomited up in his presence three hexapodes of the bignesse and shape of that in the margent all very active and nimble. the girle in a short time recovered and was well. Mr ffisher in the afternoone brought the hexapodes to me; we killed one of them with trying experiments upon it. I remembring I had \seene/ some very like them which devoured the skins of such birds as I kept for dryed for M. Willoughby; gave either of the surviving hexapodes the head of a stinking atricapella, which in about five weekes time they eat up bones, feathers and all except the extreamitys of the feathers and the beakes. I desiring to see, what they would turne into, then gave \them/ a peice of Larus. but that it seemes agreed not soe well with them, for they died within two days.

0365 Martin Lister to John Ray July 1675

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 16.1

Jul.—75. Copy of Dr. Townes l[ette]r from Barb[ados].2 Of him plenty; Fowles, Drinks, many of his plants com[m]on of them & Engl[and]; also info[rms] Soil shallow, under it rock. Blood of Negroes black/ Rudd described.3

2. Lister is referring to the contents of a letter of 26 March 1675 that he received from Thomas Townes. 3. For the rudd, see Lister’s letters to Ray of 7 January 1673/4, note 2, and of June 1675.

0366 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Sheffield],1 13 July 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 184. Address: ffor Dr Lister at his | house in Stonegate | in Yorke. Printed: Phil. Trans., vol. 10 (1675), p. 394.

I have often been puzzled what account to give of those which are commonly called fairy circles.2 I have seen many of them and those of two sorts. one sort bare, or seaven or eight yards diameter with making a round path of something more then a foot broad with green grasse in the middle, the others like them but of severall bignesses and incompasse with a circumfence of grasse about the same breadth so much ffreshere \or/ greener than that in the middle. But my worthy friend Mr Walker a man not onely eminent for his skill in geometry, but in all other skill in geo accomplishments gave me full satisfaction from his owne experience. It was his chance one day to walke out amongst some mowing grasse (in which he had been but a little while before) after a great storme of thunder and lightning which seemed by the noyse and flashes to have been very neer him. he presently observed a round circle of about four or five yards diameter the rim where of was about a foot broad newly burnt bare as the colour and brittlenesse of the grasse roots did plainly testify.3 he knew not what to ascribe it unto but the lightening, which besides the odde caprichio’s remarkeable in that fire in particular, might without any wonder like all other fires move round and burne more in the extremitys than the middle.4 After the grasse was mowed the next year it came up more fresh and green in the place burnt them in the middle and at mowing time was much taller and ranker. I must now at the latter end beg pardon for my too much as I did in the beginning for my too little writing, and notwithstand my want of a mediocrity in all things I doubt not but your usuall goodnesse will forgive the weakenesses of yo

your most affectionate ffriend and servant

ffra: Jessop 802 Sturdy to Lister 0367

July. 13 1675. I perceave by the Amsterdam gazet that newes is come to London of my Lord Vaughans late arrivall in Jamaica. I long to hear of Tho: Willisel who accompanyed him and you will do me a great kindnesse if you can procure me an history of his adventures which question not will be very considerable.5

1. Jessop lived in Broomhall, approximately a mile west of Sheffield, north of the River Porter. In the sixteenth century, Broom Hall came into the possession of the Jessop family after their intermarriage with the Swyft family. The Jessops added an extension to the house ca. 1614 and rebuilt sections of the house later in the 17th century. See Joseph Hunter, Hallamshire: the history and topography of the parish of Sheffield in the County of York (London: Lackington, Hughes, Harding, Mavor, and Jones, 1819), pp. 213–216. 2. A circular band of grass differing in color from the grass around it, a phenomenon supposed in popular belief to be produced by fairies when dancing; really caused by the growth of certain fungi underneath, such as a fairy fungus mycelium. 3. Mr. Walker observed a necrotic zone, which is also caused by undergrowth of mycelium. The identity of Mr. Walker is unknown. 4. Walker may have been positing St. Elmo’s fire as the reason for the necrotic zone. 5. In 1674, on John Aubrey’s recommendation, Willisel became the gardener of Lord John Vaughan, the third Earl of Carbery, who was appointed governor of Jamaica in 1674. Carbery was a frequent correspondent with Henry Oldenburg about the latest experiments being done in the Royal Society, and passed information about flora and fauna to Lister (see Carbery’s letter of 18 January 1675/6). According to John Aubrey, Willisel, “dyed within a yeare after his being there” (Aubrey, Natural History of Wiltshire, ed. J. Britton [London: 1847; facs. edn, 1969], p. 48). In 1692, John Ray lamented “Dr. Moulin’s and poor Tom Willisel’s losses which I cannot remember without some trouble,” continuing, “Had God granted them life and health, they would have made great discoveries, and highly improved natural History. Very few species would have escaped their Notice; especially T. Willisel, who was indefatigable and could endure any hard- ship and live as well as Oatcake and whig [buttermilk] as another man upon flesh and wine, and ramble over hills and mountains and hills and woods and plains.” (Ray to Edward Lhwyd, 28 December 1692 in Robert T. Gunther, ed., The Further Correspondence of John Ray [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1928], p. 233.) See also G.S. Boulger and F. Horsman, “Willisel, Thomas (bap. 1621, d. 1675?),” rev. F. Horsman, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); Stearns (1970), pp. 232–233.

0367 John Sturdy1 to Martin Lister Thurnham, Lancashire, 16 July 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 188–189. Address: These | for Dr Lister at his | house in Stonegate | Yorke. 0367 Sturdy to Lister 803

Sir

I thanke you for yours by the way of London, which came to my hands a week after the date, so that though that be perhaps the most chargeable, it will the surest and speediest way of correspondence. I shall need your pardon that this letter comes empty of Mr Oldenburghs.2 After I had read it and gratified my friends at Townley3 with a sight thereof, I layd it out of my Pocket, but it seems not so carefully as I ought, for I was not able after very diligent search to find it againe. I hope you can remember the most materiall things in it. Both at Townley and here we have tryed the way of tongue-grafting4 in roots (as we apprehended it,) but without successe. We are told that the root is not to be separated (as we thought) from the tree of which it is part. I beg the favour you will use your interest with Mr Old: for Dr Beales5 method of doing it, unless it be designed to be made publike this summer. I do not forget the mine near Kendall.6 I am

Your faithfull ffriend and servt

J Sturdy

Thurnham July 16 1675

1. John Sturdy or Sturdie, a correspondent of Lister’s, member of the York virtuosi, and mineral collector from Thurnham, Lancashire. This may be the same Sturdy to whom John Webster refers in his letter of 6 March 1674/5 as previously being a schoolmaster in East Bradford, Yorkshire. 2. Indeed this letter is lost, presumably sent by Oldenburg to Lister, and then forwarded by Lister to Sturdy. 3. Towneley is in the borough of Burnley in the north-east corner of Lancashire, England. 4. For tongue-grafting, see Brooke’s letter to Lister of 29 March 1673, note 13. 5. For Beale, see Brooke’s letter to Lister of 10 May 1673, note 10. 6. Presumably Kendal, Cumbria. Subsequently Sturdy would send Lister some letters concerning iron mines in that area and Lancashire which would be published as: “Extracts of some Letters from Mr. John Sturdie of Lancashire concerning Iron Ore; and more Particularly of the Haematites . . . Communicated by Dr. Martin Lister, S.R.S.,” Phil. Trans., 17 (1693), pp. 695–699. 804 Lister to Oldenburg 0368

0368 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 28 July 1675

Source: rs el/L5/78; rs Letter Book, vol. 7, pp. 264–269. Only the last page and wrapper of the original letter survives, so the transcription was taken from the copy in the Letter Book. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper: “Rec. Sept. 3. 75. Answ. Sept. 4. 75. I had received it but late the day.” Oldenburg also indicated “Mr Lister to Mr Oldenburg, containing the particulars of a letter of Mr Jessop, about a ground, that in piece of ground in Staffordshire shining by night, as also concerning several sorts of Damps in some mines in York-shire; and the vomiting of strange worms.” This letter to Oldenburg contains excerpts of letters from Jessop to Lister. One letter was undated, but was clearly written the first part of 1675 (Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 186–187), and the other letter was dated 13 July 1675. Address: These | For his very honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh Esq | at his house in the Palmal | London. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 14 February 1674. Printed: Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 391–395; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 109–110; Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 430–434, letter 2714.

Sir

I shall transcribe for you a letter I had very lately from M. Jessop who has not writt to me this 12 months, by reason of some domestic affliction.1 “In the first place (sayes he) “I give M. Oldenburg many thancks for the offer of a better receipt for the mixture of Metalls for speculums;2 but I shall have noe occasion to trespass upon his civilitie, for I finde my workmen here able to do soe little, that the receipt he favoured me with already is much to good for them. However if he thinckes I can serve him any way in these parts, if he please to direct his letters to me at Broom-hall neer Sheffield in Yorckshire, I shall receive them readily by the Post, and will endeavour to give him the best satisfaction I can. As to the Enquiry, which M. Boyle made concerning that part of a common upon the edg of Staffordshire,3 which shined by night, when trampled upon by horses, he may receive more satisfaction from M. Alexander Stanhope, son to the old Earle of Chesterfield,4 who I beleeve is not unknown to him, and who hath told me he hath seen it, than he can from me who never saw it, although I have spoken with many which have. As I remember they told me; it was a hard ground, but something wet. 0368 Lister to Oldenburg 805

“As to what concerneth Damps, I shall give you a brief account of what is generally said and believed, if you find any thing worth a further inquiry, if you please to send your Quaeries, I will endeavour to gett you the best information I can. There are four sorts common in these parts. The first is the ordinary sort, of which I need not say much, being known every where. The external signes of its approach are the candles burning orbicular, and the flames lessening by degrees until it quite extinguish; the internal, shortnesse of breath, I never heard of any great inconvenience, which any one suffered by it, who escaped swowning. Those that swown away, and escape an absolute suffocation, are at their first recovery tormented with violent convulsions, the pain where-of, when they begin to recover their senses, causeth them to roar exceedingly. The ordinary remedy is, to dig a hole in the earth, and lay them on their bellies, with their mouths in it; if that faile, they Tun them full of good Ale; but if that faile, they conclude them desperate. I have known some, who have been recovered after this manner (when some of their companion at the same time have died) that told me they found them selves very well within a little while aftter they had recovered their senses, and never after found them selves the worse for it. “They call the second sort the Pease-bloom Damp, because, as they say, it smells like pease-bloom. They tell me, it allways comes in the summer-time, and those groves are not free, which are never troubled with any other sort of dampes. I never heard that it was mortall, the sent perhaps freing them from the danger of a surprise: But by reason of it, many good groves ly idle at the best and most profitable time of the yeare, when the subterraneous waters are at the lowest. They fancy, it proceeds from the multitude of red trifoile flowers, by them called Hony-suckles, with which the limestone meadowes in the Peacke5 doe much abound. S.W. Pettys duplicate proportion (in his Discourse of this subject printed by M. Martin 1674),6 might perhaps render this sent sensible at a great distance, especially in a narrow caverne, but scarcely intolerable, or, as they find it, malignant. “The 3d is the strangest and most pestilential of any, if it all be true which is said concerning it, those who pretend to have seen it (for it is visible) describe it thus: In the highest part of the roof of those passages, which branch out from the main grove, they often see a round thing hanging about the bignesse of a foot-ball covered with a skin of the thicknesse and colour of a cob-webb: this, they say, if by any accident, as the splinter of a stone or the like, it be broaken, immediately disperseth it self and suffocates all the company. Therefore, to prevent casualties, as soon as they have espied it, they say, they have a way, by the helpe of a stick and a long roap of breaking in at a distance; which done they purify the place well by fire before they dare enter it again. I dare not avouch the truth of this storie in all circumstances, because the prooff of it 806 Lister to Oldenburg 0368 seemes impossible, since they say, it kills all that are likely to bare witnesse to all particulars: Neither dare I deny, but such a thing may have been seen hanging on the roof, since I have heard many affirme it. Perhapps the generall Tradition they have amongst them, hath made them ascribe all strange and surprising effects unto this cause. They are not without a reason for it, which is not altogathar irrationall, if the matter of fact be true: for they say, the steame, which arises from their bodies and the candles, ascends into the highest part of the vault and there condenseth, and in time hath a filme growes round about it, and at length corrupting becomes pestilential: Thus have I heard many of our underground Philosophers discourse. The fourth which they also call a Damp, (altho, how properly I will not now argue,) is that vapour, which being touched by their candle presently takes fire, and giving a crack like a gun produceth the like effects, or rather those of lightning. A fellow, they commonly call Dobby-luck,7 is at this day a sad example of the force of one of these blasts in Hasleberg-hills, having his armes and leggs broken, and his body strangely distorted. Capt. Wain told me, he saw one of them in a Bloomery near Peniston.8 But I shal say noe more of them, because I have just now such an opportunity of informing my selfe about this matter, as I am never like to have again as long as I live. For at Wingers-worth, two miles beyond Chesterfield, within this month or 5 weeckes, a cole-pit of Sir H. Humlock9 hath been fired 4 times by this vapour, and hath hurt 4. several men. I will not send you the particulars, because I intend to send you them, when I can doe it of mine owne knowledge; altho I received a relation of it from those who spoake with some of the wounded men. I pray you, furnish me with Quaeries upon this subject; for it being an accident so common to all countreys although not very often hapning in any one, I shall be very glad to make the best improvement I could of my present opportunity. I give you two other Relations, which seem to me not common. “A Girle in Sheffield, about 8 months old, was surprised with violent vomiting fitts, which held her for about a weeke, and made her so weake, that her parents began to despair of her recovery. They at length sent for M. Fisher, who chanced among other things to say, worme-wood was good for the stomac. He going home to fetch things proper on that occasion, they in the meantime offered her some worme-wood-Ale,10 which she took so greedily that she swallowed down a pint of it. M. Fisher at his returne found her vomiting, and she vomited up in his presence 3 hexapodes,11 of the bignesse and shape of this Figure, all very active and nimble; the girle in a short time recovered and was wel. M. Fisher in the afternoon brought the Hexapodes to me; we killed one of them with trying Experiments upon it. I remembring I had seen some very like them, which devoured the skins of such birds as I kept dryed for 0368 Lister to Oldenburg 807

M. Willoughby,12 I gave either of the surviving hexapodes the head of a shin- ing13 Atricapella,14 which in about 5 weeks they eat up bones, feathers and all except the extreamities of the feathers and the beakes. I desiring to see, what they would turne into, gave them a peice of Larus,15 but that it seemes agreed not soe well with them for they died within two dayes. I have often been puzzled what account to give of those which are commonly called Fairy-circles;16 I have seen many of them and those of two sorts, one sort bare, or seaven or eight yards diameter making a round path of something more then a foot broad with green grasse in the middle; the others like them but of severall bignesses, and incompassed with a circumference of grasse, about the same breadth, much fresher or greener than that in the midle. But my worthy-friend M. Walker, a man not only eminent for his skill in Geometry, but in all other accomplishments, gave me full satisfaction from his owne experience. It was his chance one day, to walke out amongst some mowing grasse (in which he had been but a little while before,) after a great storme of thunder and lightning which seemed by the noise and flashes to have been very neer him. He presently observed a round circle, of about four or five yards diameter, the rimm wherof was about a foot broad, newly burnt bare, as the colour and brittlenesse of the grasse-roots did plainly testify. He knew not, what to adscribe it unto but the Lightning, which, besides the odde capricios, remarkeable in that fire in particular, might without any wonder, like all other fires, move round, and burne more in the extremities than in the midle. After the grasse was mowed, the next year it came up more fresh and green in the place burnt, than in the midle, and at mowing time was much taller and ranker. Thus far Mr Jessops letter; I shall only add, that you will much oblige him to assist him with some Quaeries about the fulminating Damp with what convenient speed you can. As to the vomiting of strange Wormes, I give you a late instance not unlike that in this letter. A sonne of Mr B, living not far off Rippon,18 about 9 yeares of age, in the month of February last was afflicted with great pain in his stomac, and continual vomiting. A powder was given wherin was a small quantitie of Mercurius dulcis.19 He thereupon vomited up several strange wormes, two of which were brought to me at Yorcke, the one dead, the other alive, and which lived many dayes after it came ot my hands, and might have lived longer, but that I put it into spirit of wine to preserve it in its tru shape. These Wormes were very Catterpillars with 14 leggs, viz, 6 small pointed, the 8 midle stumps, and the 2 hind claspers: something more than an intch long, and of the thicknesse of a Ducks quill, thin haired or rathar naked, with browne annulj, and a black head. The very same for kind that I have many times seen on plants, and noe doubt, 808 Lister to Oldenburg 0368 those (as those others) would in due time (if the place had not hindered) have shrunke into Chrysalis’s, and changed into Moths; as alsoe those mentioned by Mr Jessop would have changed to Beetles. I am Sir your most humble servant

Martin Lister

(Entr’d L.B. 7. 264. Printed Trans: 117.)20

1. In his undated letter of 1675 (Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 186–187), Jessop indicated that a death in his family and accompanying “troublesome circumstances” was the reason for his lack of correspondence. 2. The recipe for making mirrors was in Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 14 February 1673/4. 3. Also in Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 14 February 1673/4. 4. Alexander Stanhope (1638–1707) served as Gentleman Usher to the Queen, English envoy to Spain (1689–1706), and envoy to the States General. He also was elected to the Royal Society in May 1663. Alexander was the youngest son (by a second marriage) of Philip Stanhope, the first Earl of Chesterfield (1584–1656). 5. Peak District, Derbyshire. 6. William Petty, The discourse made before the Royal Society the 26. of November 1674, concerning the use of duplicate proportion in sundry important particulars: together with a new hypothesis of springing or elastique motions (London: J. Martyn, 1674). The appendix articulated Petty’s own corpuscularian philosophy which may have accounted for Jessop’s reference. See Ted McCormick, “Alchemy in the political arithmetic of Sir William Petty (1623–1687),” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A, 77, 2 (June 2006), pp. 290–307. 7. This was a mistake of the clerk copying correspondence for the Letter Book. Jessop’s original letter (Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 186–187) indicates Dobby Leech, as does the version in the Phil. Trans. 8. Peniston is a small market town and civil parish in South Yorkshire, near Barnsley. 9. Sir Henry Hunlock, Baronet (1645–1714/5), whose manorial seat was at Wingerworth, Derbyshire. 10. Otherwise known as purl, wormwood ale was made by infusing ale with the tops of the wormwood plant, and sometime purgatives such as orange peel or senna. 11. Usually referred to a grub or larva having six feet. 12. Francis Willughby. 13. Jessop’s original letter indicates it was “stinking” not “shining.” 14. Possibly a blackcap (Sylvia atricipella). 15. Species of gull. 16. This paragraph was copied from Jessop’s letter to Lister of 13 July 1675. 17. At this point, Oldenburg wrote in the left margin of the original letter, “Such Quaere’s as are here desire, have already dispatch’t away, with hopes, they will shortly receive an answer.” 0369 Lister to Ray 809

18. Ripon, North Yorkshire. 19. Calomel. 20. This note, not in Oldenburg’s hand, indicates the letter’s location in the letter book and in the Philosophical Transactions.

0369 Martin Lister to John Ray August 1675

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 16.1 Reply to: Ray’s letter of 19 December 1674.

Booby and Trop. bird descriptions2/provides descrip[tion] of ye Wolf-fish3/ Since brought rarities from Jamaica.4

0370 John Sturdy to Martin Lister Thurnham, Lancashire, 12 August 1675

Source: rs ClP/9i/30. The letter is in the collection of classified papers which were scientific and other papers sent to the Royal Society, presented at meetings of Fellows, or commissioned by the Society. Address: No address present. Printed: Phil. Trans., 17 (1693), pp. 697–698. 810 Sturdy to Lister 0370

Thurnham, Aug. 12. 1675.

Sir,

Though I am in daily expectation of some of the Milthrop1 Iron-stone, and may possibly get it before this Letter reach you, yet I thought it not convenient any longer to defer the Account I received thereof from a Gentleman concerned in the Work, for fear some of the Circumstances should slip out of my Memory. The Oar is got in Fournesse (a division of Lancashire)2 at least 15 Miles from Milthrop. Some of it is hard, but feels soft and smooth on the out-side like Velvet. Some is soft as Clay, but all is red, and lies in Beds like Coal. The Furnace in which it is melted is not above a yard and 1/2 over, and about the same height. The Hearth is all of Sow-Iron,3 much of the Shape of a broad- brim’d Hat with the Crown downwards. The Sides are of Stone, arched towards the top; in the midst is a Tunnel at which they put in Charcoal, on which when it is kindled, they put Oar (first broken into pieces are big as a Pigeons Egg) so much as they intend to melt down. Then they set their Bellows on work, which are moved with Water, and go in the midst of the Furnace-Wall, and keep blowing for some 12 hours, feeding it still with new Charcoal as it settles. Then they pull out a Stopple at the bottom of the Wall, and out comes all the Glassie-Cinder being very liquid, leaving the Iron in a Lump (for it does not slow) in that Conical Hole in the midst of the Hearth. This they take out with great Tongs and put under heavy Hammars (played also with Water) whereby after several Heatings (in the same Furnace where it is melted) it is beaten into Barrs. They get about an Hundred weight of Metal at one melting, which is the Product of about three times so much Oar.4

1. Milnthorpe, a large village in the South Lakeland district, Cumbria. It was the site of an iron bloomery forge (1663–1677) near the river bridge, west of the main crossroads. See Thomas West, A guide to the lakes in Cumberland, Westmorland, and Lancashire (London: B. Law, 1784), p. 26; Peter King, “The Production and consumption of bar iron in early modern England and Wales,” Economic History Review, 58, 1 (2005) pp. 1–33; Peter King, “The Iron Trade in England and Wales 1500–1815: The Charcoal Iron Industry and its Transition to Coke,” (Ph.D. thesis, Wolverhampton University, 2004), Appendix 9. 2. A peninsula in South Cumbria, dominated by the town of Barrow-in-Furness. 3. Sow-metal or pig-iron, cast iron as first obtained from a smelting furnace, usually in the form of oblong blocks. 4. Peter King has noted that north-west England continued to use bloomery forges (such as the one Sturdy described) until the eighteenth century, well after the rest of the country. In the rest of England, from ca. 1490, blast furnaces and finery forges were more commonly used. 0371 Jessop to Lister 811

0371 Francis Jessop to Martin Lister [Broomhall, Sheffield], 24 August 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 35. The right margin is slightly damaged, with ink splotches resulting in slight loss of text. Address: No address present.

Sir

It is no small accession to the happynesse I injoy in your friendship that I can rest secure of it without any doubts or jealousy’s; since the favourable construction you made to your self of my former failings assure me that for the future I shall need no advocate to plead to you in my excuse, your owne goodnesse and prudence securing me from all misapprehensions on your part, and you may safely rest satisfyed that on mine, I shall never be deficient as to poynt of friendship towards a person in whome I finde so much candor and ingenuity. I could heartyly wish I might finde the same in all the rest of my friends against whom I am culpable in the same nature. I had before this send you the ores you desire, but that Captaine Wane1 promised me to send me a minerall which by his description must be something more than ordinary although he cannot describe it so well as to make me able to guesse what it should be. It was given him by a smith that useth to worke in the mines, who told him if it were worth any thing he knew where great quantity’s of it were to be gotten—he sayth it is a yellow weighty powder almost of the colour of copper, and that the smith useth to sodder iron with it without the addition of any other matter. but since he hath neglected to send it me this long I shall send you the other things without it by the first oppertunity. All the reason I have to believe that the lead ore I mentioned hath growne is, because I [[one word]]2 solid pebble stones in the very body of the ore, included after such a manner that I cannot but conclude, that either the stones have grown within the ore or the ore about the stones. And I cannot thinke that solid body of lead ore a fit place for such stones as these to generate in, therefore I rather incline to believe that the ore hath growne about the stones.3 but because I perceive you and many others are of a contrary opinion, I beseech \you/ do me the favour to let me know your reasons, for although I believe it will be difficult evidently to make out the trueth either way, yet I suppose it is not without good grounds that you and other ingenious men are swayed to the one opinion rather then the other. I know \not/ whether that which are heer call calke4 be the same you mention in the philosophical transactions. I suppose it gets its name from the latine 812 Jessop to Lister 0371 word calx as chalke doth which it something resembles, although it be not so white nor so brittle. this commonly fills up the interstices of the rockes betwixt which the ore lyes, and by its vicinity to the ore, may perhaps be impregnated with some of those [[one word]] which you mention. your Quare, whether the sweet smel of the damp pr[[oceeds]] of from vitriol?5 I believe is not very wide from the matter marke. for I have some reason to thinke that both that and the fulminating damp proceed from that cause. of which I shall say more when I have been at Wingersworth6 whither I have hitherto neglected to go expecting to have receaved some instructions either from you or Mr Oldenburg. July 7th last past I found the lapides cancrorum or crabs eyes7 plentifully in a dish of crevises8 we had to dinner. I mention the day because I have often looked for them at other seasons but could never finde them before. I am sorry to hear of the unhandsome carryage of my Lord [[Vaughan]],9 for he is a man whom once I loved very well, and he seemed then to deserve it. but this is so like some of his late actions that I fear it is too true. I hope however he carrys to others he will not use Thomas Willisel ill, for thier sakes who recommended him

Sir I am your affectionate ffriend and servant

ffra: Jessop

I return you many thankes for the inclosed10 in which I did not fail to meet with the divertisement you intended me, I am glad to see that you have met with a person in these parts from whose abilities and inclinations we may expect something more than ordinary travellors give us an account of.11

1. The ore collector Captain Wane (or Wain or Waine) was mentioned in Jessop’s letters to Lister of 26 August 1673, 26 September 1673, and 30 December 1673. 2. There is an ink blot at this point. 3. Lister was investigating “formed stones” or fossils at this time and speculating to what extent minerals could be the result of chemical growth in underground passages. See A.M. Roos, “Salient theories in the fossil debate in the early Royal Society: the influence of Johann Van Helmont,” in Controversies within the Scientific Revolution, eds. Victor Boantza and Marcelo Dascal (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2011), pp. 151–170. 4. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 30. Lister’s speculations about cawke or calke were published in Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 221–226. 5. For Jessop’s comments about mine damps, see Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 28 July 1675. In Lister’s De Fontibus (1682), his work about English spa waters, he speculated vitriolic vapors 0372 Oldenburg to Lister 813 emanated from iron pyrites (fools’ gold) were responsible for the heating of spa waters; Lister’s query in this letter may have been related to these speculations. See A.M. Roos, “Martin Lister (1639–1712) and Fool’s Gold,”Ambix, 51, 1 (March 2004), pp. 23–42. 6. Wingerworth, a large village and parish next to Chesterfield, Derbyshire. 7. Also known as oculi cancrorum. Crabs’ eyes were concretions usually found in the bodies of crayfish, composed mostly of calcium carbonate and used medicinally. A nineteenth-century medical treatise remarked that crabs’ eyes are “found on each side of the stomach of the cancer astacus during the month of August. They consist of carbonate of lime and animal gelatin.” Jessop’s observations about seeing them only in August thus may have been essentially correct. See John Eberle, A Treatise of the Materia Medica and Therapeutics, 6th ed. (Philadelphia: Grigg, Elliot, and Co, 1847), p. 172. 8. Presumably a variation of crevette, or shrimp in the shell. 9. The name of John Vaughan, the third Earl of Carbery (1639–1713) has been crossed out. In 1674, the naturalist Thomas Willisel became the Earl of Carbery’s gardener in Jamaica, recommended for the post by John Aubrey. Lord Vaughan was governor of Jamaica from 1675–1678, his deputy the notorious privateer Sir Henry Morgan. According to Aubrey, Willisel “dyed within a yeare after his being there.” See J. Aubrey, The natural history of Wiltshire, ed. J. Britton (1847); facs. edn (1969), p. 48; G.S. Boulger, “Willisel, Thomas (bap. 1621, d. 1675?),” rev. F. Horsman, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). See also Ray’s letter to Lister of 15 November 1669, note 40. 10. The “enclosed” is no longer extant. 11. Presumably Thomas Townes of Barbados. Lister met him at Ingelby Manor near Cleveland, Yorkshire, and they were in active correspondence. See Townes’s letter to Lister of 26 March 1675, note 20.

0372 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 4 September 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fols 193–194. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister at | his house in Stone- gate | at Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark se/4 [September 4]. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 486–488, letter 2735.

Sir,

Your last of Aug. 28. surprised me, partly by the unexspected lines relating to Dr S;1 partly by the losse of \your Transcript of/ Mr Jessops letter concerning the nature of fulminating damps;2 for this letter never received, though I did the favor of that other, which contained Dr Towns account of some observations of his, made at the Barbados which I thought I had return’d you my 814 Oldenburg to Lister 0372 thanks for, together with those of the R. Society, who heard it read a week or two before they broke their publick meetings.3 Since I find by yours, I have not yet done it (though if may be, that letter of mine was also lost, I being seldom guilty of such neglects,) I pray, accept of our hearty acknowledgements now, and be pleased to give us \still/ a share in such other curiosities, as shall come to your knowledge. As to the aboves[ai]d Doctor, I shall not faile to doe you that justice which you desire of me, in reference to his indiscreet quotation. The man stands Candidat for a member of the R. Society; which he procured when he was at London, and busy in getting his book printed;4 though he be not yet elected, because since he was proposed by Sr Wm Petty and seconded by Dr Daniel Cox, there hath \not/ been a number sufficient for election, which is 21. This occasions the greater discomposure in me, because I would not unwit- tingly give my ball for a person noted for such a character. as I meet with in your letter; and that, after by his faire carriage here amongst us he hath gained some reputation. I see, by a fresh instance, all is not gold that glistens. [[one word]] I think, that in a fortnight Malpighi’s Anatome Plantarum,5 very well printed, will come abroad, and Dr Grews,6 about the same argument soon as after it. Nor doe I doubt, but that Mr Willughby’s Ornithologia will be broug \soon/ after that. Dr Willis’ second part of this Pharmaceutice also exspected within a little time;7 and many [[one word]] \such/ Tracts of Mr Boyle8 relating to the mechanical origin of sensible qualities, which also come abroad within a few weeks. I remain Sir

Your faithful servant

Oldenburg.

1. Dr. William Simpson, a chymist and writer about spa waters. See Webster’s disparaging comments in his letter to Lister of 6 March 1675, note 6, about Simpson’s claims to alchemical secrets. Lister also personally disliked Simpson, as Lister and his colleague Robert Witty were in a bitter debate with him concerning the identity of medically efficacious salts in spa waters. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 11. Simpson was proposed candidate by Sir William on 20 May 1675, but he was never F.R.S. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 219. 2. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 28 July 1675, which had been delayed. Oldenburg acknowledged its receipt in another letter to Lister written later on 4 September 1675. 3. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 27 June 1675, which was read to the Royal Society on 1 July. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 227. 4. Presumably Simpson’s Zymologia physica, or, A brief philosophical discourse of fermentation (London: William Cooper, 1675). 5. Marcello Malpighi, Anatome Plantarum, cui subjungitur Appendix, iteratas et auctas eiusdem authoris de Ovo incubato observationen continena (London: J. Martyn, 1675). 0372a Oldenburg to Lister 815

6. Nehemiah Grew, The comparative anatomy of trunks: together with an account of their vegetation . . . (London: Walter Kettilby, 1675). 7. This never appeared. 8. Robert Boyle, Experiments, notes, &c. about the mechanical origine or production of divers particular qualities . . . (London: E. Flesher, 1675).

0372a Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 4 September 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 190. Address: To his much honor’d friend | Dr Martyn Lister at | his house in Stone-gate | at York. Postmark: Bishop Mark se/4 [September 4]. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 28 July 1675. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, p. 488, letter 2736.

London Sept. 4. 1675. h. 9. noct.

Sir,

You will be surprised at these lines, I am going to write at this hour, as well as I was at your last, which I have acknowledged the receipt of by a scrible, sent away by to the post an hour since.1 For since that houre, came unexspectedly to my hands your transcript of Mr Jessops letter etc.2 Which where it hath stuck all his while, I cannot find out. However, I received and read it with much contentment, and most heartily thank you, and Mr Jessop for it, to whom I present lesse \here/with my very affectionat service, and intending, if God permit, to visit him now and then with a letter, and promising myself no smal satisfaction from his returns. The Queries relating to the fulminating Damps Mr Boyle and I will consider of, at our first interview, which possibly may be within a day or two.3 I am sure, Mr Boyle will be very glad of reading your letter; And if Mr Jessop have received any further information concerning that subject, I beseech you, prevaile with him to impart it to Sir

Very humble and faithf. servt

Oldenburg 816 Oldenburg to Lister 0373

1. Oldenburg’s previous letter to Lister of the same date. 2. Lister’s letter of 28 July 1675. 3. See below Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 11 September 1675.

0373 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 11 September 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 35. Address: To his much honored ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister at his house | in Stone-gate At | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark se/11 [September 11]. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 489–491, letter 2740.

London Sept. 11. 1675.

Sir,

Though I send by this very post the Queries about Damps directly to Mr Jessop,1 following his direction given in your last of july 28,2 yet, this being but the first time I ever wrote to Mr Jessop immediately, and apprehending the miscarriage of my letter, I take the liberty of sending herewith the same Quaeries to yourself for him, in case you should understand the other copy were lost, viz.

1. Whether the Damps are observ’d to come at certain times of the year, and if they do, at what times? 2. Whether they have any periodical returns? 3. Whether they ever take fire of themselves, without any actually burning fire? 4. Whether the fumes, that come visibly out of the mouth of the pit, will be lighted by a candle or torch? 5. Whether, if a piece of flat piece of clean copper be held for competent time over the mouth of the pit, when the fumes ascend, any blewish or greenish discoloration will be made on the surface of the mettal? 6. Whether a light body of a convenient shape, being tyed to a string, and held over the mouth of the pit, will be carried up and down with a brisknes that may argue an unusual wind or current of vapors coming from beneath? 0373 Oldenburg to Lister 817

7. Whether the Air or Atmosphere within the grove be heavier, when ’tis stuffed with the Damp, that at other times? To be tryed with a good Baroscope. 8. Whether upon the breaking of the fulminating damp there be perceived any fume or smoak any more; and, if so, of what complexion and color that is? 9. Whether all sorts of damps are visible? And, if there be any that are not so, whether those are found to be the most dangerous and destructive, as being more subtile and consequently more penetrant than others? 10. Whether, when they let down into a pit, filled with noysom damp, a greate \grate/ with store of kindled coals upon it, the fire will sometimes be quite extinguish’t, and that not only once, but twice or thrice? 11. Whether men dare attempt to work such groves or pits, when the damp or vapor is supposed to be spent? 12. Whether the damp or vapor be most in dry or wet groves? 13. Whether the damp will lye and gather more and more in groves, that are not stirr’d in many years? 14. Whether the damp is esteem’d to destroy by its own noisomeness, or for want of Air? 15. Whether, where the damp is in any water-work, it doth not chiefly follow, and lye upon, the water?

Sir, your and Mr \ Jessops/ owne ingenuity will doubtlesse suggest you more and better Quaere’s; and we3 shall think ourselves much obliged to you both, in receiving a particular answer to these doubts, and to such others, as your owne sagacity shall have added to these of Mr Boyles’s, and Sir

Your very humble servts

H. Oldenburg

1. In a memorandum (rs ms H3/36), Oldenburg wrote a number of queries about mine damps, endorsing it “These queries were sent to Mr Jessop and Mr Lister Sept: 11: 75. (H. Old)” and noted “This letter was taken out of Jessops letter.” The queries are in this piece of correspondence he sent to Lister. 2. Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 28 July 1675, which contained Jessop’s instructions to Oldenburg: “please to direct his letters to me at Broom-hall neer Sheffield in Yorckshire . . . ” 3. Oldenburg and Robert Boyle. 818 Sturdy to Lister 0374

0374 John Sturdy to Martin Lister Thurnham, Lancashire, 25 September 1675

Source: rs el/S1/131. Lister forwarded Sturdy’s letter to Henry Oldenburg, and later it was printed in the Phil. Trans. Address: No address present. Printed: Phil. Trans., 17 (1693), p. 698 (partial).

Thurham Sept. 25 1675

Sir,

I send now at last the promised parcells of Iron-bar, One sort of it seemes to be good Haematites.1 There are not found thereabouts any stones of curious or unusall shape. It seems I either did not rightly apprehend, or was not clearly enough informed by the person from whom I had the Account I sent you, of the furnace in which they melt downe their Oar. It is very much like a common blacksmiths. viz: a plain open hearth or bottom without any enclosing walls, onely where the nose of the bellows come in through a wall there is a hollow place (which they call the furnace) made of Iron-plates as is also that part of the hearth next adjoyning. That hollow place they fill to upheap with charcoal, and lay the Oar (broken small) all around about the charcoal upon the flat hearth to bake as it were or neat, and thrust it in by little and little into the hollow, where it is melted by the blast. The glassy Scoriae2 ran very thin, but the metall is never in a perfect fusion, but settles as it were in a clod, that they take it out with tonges, and turne it under great Hammers, which at the same time beat of (especially at first taking and of the furnace) a deal of courser scoriae, and for me it after severall heats into bars. They use no lime-stone or other thing to promote the flux, for that I enquired particularly. As to other matters my former relation is exact enough. There is a Carrier who now comes weekly to Yorke on Tuesday-nights who will bring your letters carefully to Lancaster, whensoever your occasions will give you leave to do me that favour. My Sister can informe you where to find him. Direct to me as before, but to be left with Robert Stirsaker in Lancaster.3 My kind respects I pray to honest Mr Wilkinson.4 I am5

Your faithfull ffriend and servant

J Sturdy 0375 Plaxton to Lister 819

1. Lister was engaged upon a history of iron mining, the manuscript for which is “A Method for the History of Iron,” ms Lister 1, Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. In his letter of 16 July 1675, Sturdy mentioned he would impart information to Lister about a mine in Kendal, Cumbria. 2. The slag or dross remaining after the smelting out of a metal from its ore. 3. Just possibly Robert Stirzaker who was Mayor of Lancaster in 1686. See Cross Fleury, Historic Notes on the Ancient Borough of Lancaster (Lancaster: Eaton and Bulfield, 1891), p. 196. Stirzaker was also listed as gentleman of Lancaster on several sacrament certificates where he served as a witness. See, for instance, shelfmark qsj/8/18/50, 11 January 1684, Lancaster County Quarter Sessions, Record Office. 4. For Wilkinson, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672, note 2. 5. This last paragraph was crossed out, presumably because it was not included in the Phil. Trans. publication.

0375 George Plaxton to Martin Lister [Sherriffhales, Shropshire],1 16 November 1675

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 37. Address: For his honoured Friend Martin | Lister Esq. in | Stone-gate | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark no/16 [November 16]; post pd 3d to London.

Hales No: 6°. 75

My dearest Friend

I now begin to despaire of ever hearing from you again. I have writ 3 letters but never Received an answer,2 why you will be soe Cruell to one that loves you above all things I cannot tell, I hope I have given \you/ noe occasion for it, if my letters be Impertinent and not worth your notice, that is not my fault. I would make them more diverting if I could, I am sure. they come from one who really honours you and whose utmost ambitions is to love and serve Mr Lister. your letters were allwayes more pleasing to me then those of my mistresse, and I have been prouder of your friendship then of the greatest Favours of other persons, I dare not tell you what strange conjectures in my head, nothing will Cure them but a Line from you. for once be kind to mee, and let me not Languish thus in a miserable expectation, or doubt of I know not what, Give my humble service to your Good Lady, and believe me to be

Your most Faithfull and Affectionate Servant Geo: Plaxton 820 Sturdy to Lister 0376

I have Received a most Ingenious paper from a worthy Gent. of these parts, tis a Computation of the charges in building Solomons Temple Reduced to our English Acct.3 I will send you a Coppy of it, for tis worth your Seing, there being many prety Curiosityes in it, being done by an excellent Mathematician, and is performed with great Faithfulnesse and care. I have not forgot to search about the Boletae4 but find none amongst the firrs at Warton,5 yet there is a Round- headed Mushroome with a red Skin, and pale spotts like Scabbs upon it, which growes commonly there,6 but tis not of the shape of the Boletae. I fear we have none of them in England.

1. Plaxton became vicar of Sherriffhales in Shropshire in 1673, hence his use of “Hales” as an abbreviation. 2. The only letter extant is Plaxton’s letter to Lister of 24 September 1674. 3. The concern that early modern scholars, such as Isaac Newton or Juan Bautista Villalpando (1552–1608), had about the exact nature of Solomon’s temple was due to the belief that the structure of the Temple was a microcosm of God’s plan for the universe. Newton, for example, tried to determine the sacred cubit of the Hebrews, considered the divine unit of world construction. Rabbi Judah Leon Templo of Amsterdam made an exact model of what he believed was the original Temple which he exhibited and subsequently gave to King Charles ii. As Richard Popkin indicated, many Christian expositors also believed that “in the coming Millennial Kingdom, the Temple would be rebuilt and its religious devotions revived.” See Richard Popkin, “Some Further Comments on Newton and Maimonides,” Essays on the Context, Nature, and Influence of Isaac Newton’s Theology, ed. James E. Force and Richard H. Popkin (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1990), pp. 1–9, on p. 3. 4. A bolete is a fungal fruiting body which has a pileus (cap) differentiated from the stipe (stem) with a spongy surface of pores rather than gills on the underside of the pileus. 5. Presumably Warton, Lancashire, proximate to a large area of woodland, including Pots, Strickland, Hyning Scout, and Leek Hill Wood. 6. Probably the fly agaric (Amantia muscaria), as its undersurface has gills rather than pores, it has a red cap with white scab-like spots, and it grows under both deciduous and coniferous trees.

0376 John Sturdy to Martin Lister Thurnham, Lancashire, 14 November 1675

Source: rs el/S1/132. Lister forwarded Sturdy’s letter to Henry Oldenburg, and later it was printed in the Phil. Trans. Address: No address present. Printed: Phil. Trans., 17 (1693), p. 699 (partial). 0376 Sturdy to Lister 821

Thurnham Nov: 14 1675

Sir

I hope your curious papers, that come along with this, will be brought safe againe to your hands, for which I returne you a thousand thanks both from my self, and some friends whom I gratifyed with the perusall of them.1 I shall shortly meet with one from Fournesse,2 and shall get you a resolution of your Query’s, as alsoe some of the Oar you desire. They use it frequently, and with great successe, as a medicine for the Murrain3 in Cattell, and for all diseases in Swine, to which last they will give a good handfull or two in milk. I could wish you would take the paines to read the vertues of Haematites4 in Polemans treatise de phil: in the 6th volume of Theatrum Chym:5 which you may borrow of James Smith, and I doubt not but you will see cause to make the same experiments of its salutiferous effects on humane bodyes. In the papers I had before, and lost so unfortunately, I remember it was Dr Kings6 opinion that every part of the body is decompounded of small capillary pipes, and that the humours being obstructed in their passage through them do stagnate, and grow acid, and mix with the rest of the blood so causing most diseases. Now if this theory be true (which also agrees well with Helmonts)7 certainly there can be no method more rationall than to mortify these preternaturall aciditys. And I know not any thing on which the sweeten and coagulate themselves sooner than on Martiall bodyes.8 Adde to this that Haematites is not nauseating like spirit of sal Armon:9 nor so soon dissipated, and hath a minerall spirit \sulphur/ in it of a Solar nature, and amicable to Nature. I must presume to remind you of getting me Dr Beales way of Tongue-grafting,10 especially enquire at what time of the Year it is best done, and whether on a piece of root separated from the tree; I send you herewith a few shells some got on the American, others on our shores. I am

Your most faithfull friend and servt

J Sturdy

1. It is not known what these “curious papers” were, but they may have been copies of the proceedings of the Royal Society. John Brooke enclosed them in a letter to Lister, and it is possible that Lister passed them along to Sturdy. 2. Possibly the town of Barrow-in-Furness in South Cumbria. 3. Any virulent infectious disease of cattle or other livestock, such as anthrax, rinderpest, or babesiosis (redwater fever) 822 Lister to Lister 0377

4. Also known as blood-stone, a peroxide of iron commonly used as a styptic. Thomas Sydenham (1624–1689) utilized it, for instance, to stop the spitting of blood. See Benjamin Rush, The Works of Thomas Sydenham, M.D. on Acute and Chronic Diseases (Philadelphia: Benjamin and Thomas, 1809), p. 460. 5. Joachim Polemann, Novum lumen medicum. De mysterio sulphuris philosophorum in Theatrum Chemicum, præcipuos selectorum auctorum tractatus de Chemiæ et Lapidis Philosophici Antiquitate, 6 vols (Strasbourg: Everhard Zetzner, 1602), vol. 6. 6. Presumably John King, M.D., F.R.C.P. For his biography see William Birken, “Dr. John King (1614–1681) and Dr. Assuerus Regemorter (1615–1650),” Medical History, 20, 3 (July 1976), pp. 276–295, esp. pp. 293–294. 7. Johannes van Helmont, the Flemist chymist and physician. Van Helmont defined “several aspects of acid as an agent in the body.” Not only did acid separate the pure from the harmful in the stomach where it was found, but he believed it could cure the stone. Outside the stomach, however, Van Helmont thought it was “pathogenic and locally destructive,” generating a variety of diseases such as arthritis, ulcers, even epilepsy and apoplexy. See Walter Pagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont: reformer of science and medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 136. 8. Those made of iron. 9. Ammonium chloride (NH4Cl). Sometimes used for other ammonium salts. The strong ammonia smells were unpleasant, but stimulating, and were used later as a component in smelling salts. 10. See Brooke’s letter to Lister of 29 March 1673. Sturdy had also asked for this information from Lister in his letter of 16 July 1675.

0377 Michael Lister1 to Martin Lister [Burwell, Lincolnshire], 1 January 1675/6

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fol. 72. Lister has written on the wrapper, “Letters from my Kindred.” Address: ffor Doctor Lister | in Stonegate | Yorke. Postmark: Written “post paid ffrom Lincoln 2d.”

Newyers day 75

Sir

My sonne2 and my self had an intention to have wated on you the next weeke. but some extraordinary occationes hath prevented me my busnis next to the desier3 of your company: was to take your advise: in a busnis of greate conserne: which is I am resould to marry: I am much weried with this lonesum life:4 if you know any one in those partes: I am indiferent as to her fortune if shee will make a good mother to my poore children: Sir you will much oblige mee if you can doe mee any kindnes in it: there is any Lady Yorke5 of your 0378 Vaughan to Lister 823 towne that is commended to mee by some friendes of mine: let mee know your opinion of her and whether it may bee fesable:6 when I was last with you: you told mee of a serculating kilne:7 that wold drye malt with wood; and not give it any ill tast: I pray give mee an account of it: and I will send a mason over to see it: deare brothere I assure you I am your most afectionate brother and servant. wee all heere give you and my sister our service.

M Lister.

1. Michael Lister (buried on 20 October 1678) was Lister’s brother. The eldest son of Sir Martin Lister and his second wife Susanna Temple, he inherited the Lister family estates in Burwell, Lincolnshire in 1670. 2. Matthew Lister (bap. 27 April 1666–buried 22 June 1700). Matthew inherited the estates at Burwell, and via his marriage to Eleanor Dymoke, he became co-heir of the Hon. Sir Charles Dymoke of Scrivelsby, King’s Champion to James ii. 3. Desire. 4. Michael Lister’s first wife was Anne (Burrell) Peers or Piers, widow of Thomas Peers of Warwickshire. She married Michael Lister on 25 August 1659 in South Ormsby, Lincolnshire, and was buried at Burwell on 18 April 1673. See her letter to Lister of 17 August 1668. 5. Presumably Catherine Norton, daughter of Mary Norton, the widow of Sir John Yorke, M.P. of Gowthwaite Hall, Nidderdale, North Yorkshire. Mary Norton purchased the manor of Bewerley, West Yorkshire, in 1678. See John Fisher, The History and Antiquities of Masham and Mashamshire (London: Simpkin, Marshall, and Co., 1865), p. 456. 6. On 26 May 1676, Michael Lister married Catherine (Morton) Perkins of Pinchbeck, Lincolnshire, a widow and the daughter of John Morton, Esq., of Syleby. 7. A circulating kiln for malting which presumably diverted the smoke used to dry the malt so the grain did not take on the flavor of the smoke.

0378 [Lord Vaughan, third Earl of Carbery]1 Port Royal, Jamaica, to Martin Lister, via Henry Wilkinson 18 January 1675/6

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 31. There is damage to the bottom margin of this letter, cutting off part of the signature. Stearns identified the sender of this letter as Lord Vaughan, but recorded it incorrectly as being in Bodl. ms Lister 2. See Stearns (1970), p. 232. Address: These | ffor Mr. Henry Wilkinson | Apothecary | in Yorke. In a different hand, there is another indication to send the letter to Henry Wilkinson, as well as the following note: “this evening, I Received this I Request you informe mee when you intend for London and next port. Yours J. Lister.” Presumably, a relation of Lister’s received Vaughan’s letter in London and sent it to Wilkinson, who then showed it to Lister. 824 Vaughan to Lister 0378

Postmark: Bishop Mark ma/16 [May 16]. Reply to: Henry Wilkinson’s letter to Lord Vaughan of 10 August 1675 (now lost). Printed: Stearns (1970), p. 232.

Port=Royal Jan: the 18th–1675.

Sir

Your kinde letter of the 10th of August I received. And give you many thanks for your kindness to be dispone[n]t2 by Mr Lister. your requests I will observe in all the particulars to be had heare. I have allready lade by some things intended for you. But we have no ratle snake hear, nor vipers or any others with venone3 except A Yellewe4 and I never see any of them yet. Our Scorpions we heed not—there prejuduce5 is not so much as our Common wasps. Because we have none nor Snake roots,6 but severall sorts of Snakes I will take Care for [[one word]] an Allegator \his/ Codde.7 the other day I shot one 9 foot longe but had not time to scrape him of his Skinn. [[one sentence]]. flying Squirrells we have none noe others but what are brought from the mane. I have not seen the Passion floure,8 muske rate,9 Agouty10 Roquetts11—nor Go=by=mouches12 except they be a sort of our Oules13 that have mouths 3 or 4 inches wide and sit upon posts and swallow musketos and other flyes as she come about them being Allured with those Fire Eyes, the most of the others I will procure you Excepting the Ostrige14 Eggs. We have heare A very maligne distemper to to our commonly Called the Dry belle ache.15 it first approaches with a small paine neare the navle with a weriness of limbs, the paines increase to Great violence to give many motions to stoule with \out/ effects, seldom moved to urine and when, but to smalle continuance. thus the first 4 or 5 days, then vomiting seasis them for that all they take is throwne up again with \it/ abundance of \a duskish/ Coller.16 A continuall thirst in the pallat with a prette good appetite and little or no feaver thus with out helpe in 14 or 21 days there Extreame parts becoms very weak and in some few days more a totall deprevation of theire strength, so as they can nether feede move or \in/ the least helpe them selves. seldome finding any Returne of strength for the space of A full yeare. then recovering by degrees but never to those pristine strength, these bodys with this being much Extenuate17 and never returning to there former fullness of habbit. the more Common distempers heare are intermitent feavers some keep some certanty in the Returne of their parocksismes othethes others not. I have not as yet seene any maligne feavers all the Dropsie is commonly heare Called the Countrie Deseases18 the which those afflicted with it seldome Recover 0378 Vaughan to Lister 825

Exceping they Exercise much, to which they are much indisposed. they are commonly afflicted with an increasing Appetite to vast largeness. And at last a diarea19 cums upon them not to be recovered by any meanes heare used. I have in those feavers used the Cor: Peru:20 or Camphor21 with good succes, allso in this Collica Bileosa,22 with Glister23 Gentele Collesing24 Purges and the use of A strong Emetick upon them, both Discharged the Some Stomack upwards \of its Collar/25 and the Bouells of these Excrements towards of there Excrements [sic]. so as to take away there present mallady and with some few Topicks26 present there future lousing27 of limbs. Sir if you have any new methods in the Caring of your feaver as Specified \such as these are/ or Belleaches28 or specifficks29 for eather of them. If you please to make me acquainted with them it may prove heare much to my advantage. I pray present my respect to Mrs Wilkinson, your sister, and all other acquaintance, particularly to Doctor Lister who in a litle time may expect An Answer (to my Power) of his Requests. Also to Tom: Mosely30 and put him in minde of sending my Copy still with an Accounte how my Copy still Nursery31 is disposed of and also what I am in his Debt in particulars. I pray forget me not to Mr Sturdy32 from whome I shall be glad to have a line or 2 which is all [[one word]] from your feathfull and much obliged friend

John [Vaughan]

Sir if you see ould George Coulson33 Remember me to him.

1. John Vaughan, third Earl of Carbery (bap. 1639–1713) was a politician and colonial gover- nor. He matriculated from Christ Church, Oxford, in 1656, proceeding to the Inner Temple in 1658. In 1661, Vaughan was knighted and became M.P. for the borough of Carmarthen in the same year. A staunch Royalist, he fiercely promoted Charles ii’s personal interests in Parliament, and “enjoyed life in Restoration London to the fullest,” and was described by Pepys as “one of the lewdest fellows of the age.” After the death of his wife Mary Brown in 1674, Vaughan was appointed governor of Jamaica. Here he struggled to stop piracy and was in constant conflict with Sir Henry Morgan, his lieutenant-governor and an ex-buccaneer. As Baston noted, “an ele- ment of scandal followed Vaughan throughout his life from his time in Jamaica; he was accused by his enemies of selling his Welsh servants, including his clergyman, into slavery on the island.” Suffering from ill health, he returned to London in 1678 and regained his place in parliament as M.P. for Carmarthen. In 1682, Carbery married Lady Anne Savile (1663–1690), daughter of George Savile, the first Marquess of Halifax. Whilst in Jamaica, Vaughan had corresponded with Oldenburg, and on his return to England, served as president of the Royal Society from 1686– 1689. He became third Earl of Carbery on the death of his father in 1686, and indulged his love of the theatre, serving as patron to John Dryden; Vaughan also was a member of the Kit-Cat Club. 826 Vaughan to Lister 0378

When he died suddenly on 16 January 1713 in London, leaving no male heir, the earldom became extinct. See K. Grudzien Baston, “Vaughan, John, third earl of Carbery (bap. 1639, d. 1713),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 2. A variation of “disponent,” one who conveys or makes over property; in this case Vaughan is conveying information. 3. “Venom.” 4. The Jamaican Boa, or yellow snake (Epicrates subflavus), a non-venomous species. 5. Prejudice used in the sense of harm or injury. 6. Snake roots are roots or rhizomes of plants from the Americas reputed to possess anti- dotal properties to snake-poison. The O.E.D. identifies the dried root of Polygala senega and Aristolochia serpentaria in particular. 7. “Codd” can refer to a pod or husk, usually of a plant, but Vaughan is using it to mean the reptile’s skin. Codd can also refer to the integument enveloping the testicles, or the scrotum. 8. Passion flower or passiflora. 9. Muskrat (Ondatra zibethicus). 10. Agouty or agouti are a genus or rodents belonging to the Cavy or Guinea-pig family (Dasyprocta agouti). They are common in the West Indies. 11. Roquets are small brownish lizards of the Caribbean genus Leiocephalus; also known as curly-tailed lizards. 12. Mouche is French for insect or fly. The bird is most likely a Northern Potoo (Nyctibius jamaicensis), a nocturnal bird related to nightjars and frogmouths. The Potoo has large eyes with yellow irises which can shine red in light at night (accounting for Vaughan stating they had “fire eyes”). 13. “Owls.” 14. “Ostrich.” 15. Dry bellyache, also known as knot gut, was due to lead poisoning. The painful and often fatal constipation of the bowels was common in the Caribbean from drinking “green rum” (product of the first distillation) as lead pipes were used between the copper stills. Benjamin Franklin “wrote about lead poisoning on several occasions, in particular about a disease known as the dry-gripes (or dry-bellyache) that had plagued Europe and the colonies for years . . . in 1723 the Massachusetts colonial legislature passed a bill outlawing the use of lead in the coils and heads of stills.” Unfortunately, in Jamaica, no such legislation was enacted, and the disease was prevalent among soldiers and members of the navy even by the end of the eighteenth century. See Lisa Gensel, “The Medical World of Benjamin Franklin,” Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 98, 12 (2005), pp. 534–538; “Dry Bellyache,” in The Dictionary of Jamaican English, 2nd edn, ed. Frederic Gomes Cassidy and Robert Brock Le Page (Kingston: University of the West Indies, 2002), p. 161. 16. “Coller” or choler was yellow bile, a hot and dry humor contained in the gallbladder. 17. “Extenuate” meant thin or emaciated, without strength. 18. Oedema or “the Dropsy” and the term “Country Disease” were indeed synonymous in early modern Jamaica. See “Country Disease,” in The Dictionary of Jamaican English, p. 124. 19. “Diarrhea.” 20. Cortex peruvianus, or the Peruvian Bark. Also known as Jesuit’s Bark, it was obtained from the bark of twenty-three species of the genus Cinchona. Cinchona is indigenous in the 0379 Johnston to Lister 827

Western Andes in Peru and was first described by Jesuit missionaries. By 1650 regular shipments of cinchona bark were being sent to Spain, and by the 1670s, the bark was a well-established remedy in Britain. It was considered particularly effective in treating malaria; its active ingredient is quinine. See “Cinchona,” Kew Gardens Economic Botany Collection, http://www.kew.org/ collections/ecbot/collections/topic/cinchona/index.html [accessed 27 January 2012]. See also M. Honigsbaum, The Fever Trail: In Search of the Cure for Malaria (London: MacMillan, 2001); Patrick Wallis, “Exotic Drugs and English Medicine: England’s Drug Trade, c. 1550–c. 1800,” Social History of Medicine 25, 1 (2012), pp. 20–46. 21. Camphor is a terpenoid found in the camphor laurel (Cinnamomum camphora), an evergreen found in Borneo and Taiwan. When absorbed through the skin, camphor produces a feeling of cooling and also acts an anesthetic and an antimicrobial substance. It was developed as a medicine in the Arabic world. 22. Possibly biliary colic or pain usually associated with obstruction or disorders of the common bile duct. There may be concomitant symptoms such as diarrhea and vomiting. 23. “Glister” or a clyster (suppository medicine to empty or cleanse the bowels). 24. “Gentle coalescing purges” or a gentle laxative. 25. “Choler.” 26. Topical medicine to be applied to a particular part of the body. 27. It is unclear if Vaughan meant “loosing” or “lousing” [delousing] of limbs. 28. “Belly aches.” 29. “Specificks”: of remedies specially or exclusively efficacious for a particular ailment. 30. Possibly Thomas Moseley, an apothecary admitted to the Freedom of York in the 1660s. See Francis Collins, ed., “Admissions to the Freedom of York: 12–22 Charles ii (1660–72),” in Register of the Freemen of the City of York: Vol. 2: 1559–1759 (London, 1900), pp. 124–138. http:// www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=48284 [accessed 27 January 2012]. 31. Possibly a reference to an apothecary garden. 32. For “Mr Sturdy” see John Sturdy’s letters to Lister of 14 March 1675, 16 July 1675, 25 September 1675, and 14 November 1675. 33. We do not know the identity of George Coulson.

0379 Nathaniel Johnston to Martin Lister 22 January 1675/6

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 39. Address: ffor his honoured ffriend | Dr Lister these at | his house in | stonegate | Yorke. Printed: Roos (2010), p. 105 and p. 112 (partial).

Honoured Sir

My sonne sent to me this weeke to desire me to send him some of the Derbyshire Cawke1 which it seemes is one Ingredient of the concave reflecting glasses he 828 Johnston to Lister 0379 wrote also that you promised Mr Newton some of the prepared Antimony.2 My sonne requests that If you have not sent it to him you will permitt him to hand it to Mr Newton and If you hath any Cawke you will send him up some although it be but 2 Ounces. I instructe you let these be sent by the carrier and directed to my sonne Cudworth Johnston3 student in St. Johns College Cambridg and I prey will come safely to his hands and he will discharge the Carriage. I am told that you hath in some cases opened the Thorax with good success to discharge in empyemate4 the putrid matter. I pray let me know the certainty of it and the circumstances at your best leisure and you will greately oblige me who am yours and your Ladys

Very faithfull servant

N. Johnston

Jan 22 1675/76

1. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674, note 30. 2. The “concave reflecting glasses” were mirrors which Isaac Newton, a fellow at Trinity College, Cambridge, was creating for his reflecting telescope in the 1670s out of an alloy of tin, arsenic, and antimony. Martin Lister had published a paper in which he fluxed crude antimony or stibnite with cawke, resulting in antimony glass, like “polish’d steel”. He then promised “another time” to discuss the making of mirrors or speculums with his antimony glass, and apparently also promised a sample to Newton, though no correspondence has survived between them. Lister’s paper appeared in the same edition of the Philosophical Transactions as Franciscus Linus’s refutation of Newton’s theory of color, and it is thus more than likely that Newton saw it, and subsequently enquired for samples via an intermediary at Cambridge. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 November 1674; Martin Lister, “Some Observations and Experiments Made, and in a Letter Communicated to the Publisher, for the R. Society, by the Learned and Inquisitive Mr. Martin Lister,” Phil. Trans., 9 (January 1674), pp. 221–226; Roos, (2010), pp. 105–120. 3. Cudworth Johnston (1654–1692), Nathaniel Johnston’s eldest son, attended St John’s College, Cambridge, becoming a physician, and later married Margaret, the daughter of John Pelham of Hull. See Johnston’s letter to Lister of 10 March 1674/5 requesting his assistance in getting Cudworth medical training at Oxford or via an apprenticeship to an apothecary in London. 4. Empyemate is a derivation of empyema, the O.E.D. defining it as a “collection of pus in the cavity of the pleura, the result of pleurisy. The term has also been used to denote any chronic inflammatory effusion in the chest.” 0381 Lister to ray 829

0380 Thomas Briggs to Martin Lister Doctors’ Commons, London, 5 February 1675/6

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 29. Address: To his much Honred good | ffreind Mr Martin Lister | at his house neare monkes| =Barr in | Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark fe/5 [February 5].

Drs Commons ffebr. 5th. 75.

My Deare old ffreind.

‘Twas the last Michlemas Terme that I promised my selfe the good fortune to heare from you of your good health in the first place and of the concerne you were of in the next. I thinke I had good reason so to doe for as I remember, I had your word for it and I never know you to faile in your promise.1 I am against my Will far engaged in law concerneing good part of my wifes Estate2 and perhaps you understand full well the consequence of that I neede say no more to you in the case who apprehend so readily and may I doubt \not/ very easily find an oportunity to gratifye

Sir

Your very affectionate ffriend and servant Tho Briggs

1. Presumably a loan Briggs made to Lister, also mentioned in his letters to Lister of 14 July 1674 and 8 May 1675. 2. Briggs’s wife was Elizabeth Stapeley, whose inherited debts from her father, Sir John Stapeley. See Briggs’s letter to Lister of 8 May 1675, note 1.

0381 Martin Lister to John Ray York, 8 February 1675/6

Dear Sir,

I received the kind Token of the Ornithologie1 with much joy: I pray for the continuance of your health that you may with the same diligence and accurateness put forth the remaining Papers. certainly never man was so happy in a friend as he has been in you, who have been so just to his memory and labours. I am very glad you \say/ so much concerning the English edition, which you tell me you intend to augment. If I might might advise you in the history of hawkes, it would be very acceptable to have their managery2 and training, which I \find/ is done with much skill and faithfulness in a certain late piece, called the Gentleman’s recreation, printed 74. where is the best account of Hawks and Hawking that ever I met with.3 Again, in the history of small birds, some account of the keeping and ordering of them in Cages would please, which alsoe is very well done in a late booke intitled the Epitome of the Art of Husbandry4 where you will find a large and very accurate tract of singing-birds. both done by experienced and judicious persons in that way. I shall hint to you the perusal of the late History of the Island of Feroe,5 where is much said of the Puffin and that tribe. Again, you will find a most accurate and very particular anatomy of an Eagle, done by a good hand, viz. Borrichius,6 in his vindication of Chemistry against Coruigius7 a late piece: I Would you saw it, for I think it worth the inserting into your history. If I meet with anything \further/ I will give you notice of it. The Curruca or Hedge Sparrow8 which I have often seen, lays sea-green or pale blue eggs, which \neatly emptied and wired/ fair ladies wear at their eares for pendants. \One and/ The \same/ Swallow, I have known, by the subtracting daily of \her/ eggs, to have layed 19 successively, and than to have given over. The Bunting9 breaks not oates, but shells \or hulls/ them most det[x]rously, as I observe having of them by me at this present in cages. The robbing red breast will not touch a hairy caterpillar, but will gladly take and eat any sort of smooth one, that I have given to him; and there is no better way speedily to tame and make wild birds sing, than to give them a pleasing Insect or two daily, neither Thin nor Thickbilled \birds/ but will gladly eat spiders, as I have experienced in some kinds. 0381 Lister to Ray 831

Sir tell me how you doe, for my part I had like to have died of this Epidemic cold, but God was mercifull to me: I kept my bed 8 dayes. I am

Your harty humble and affectionate friend and servant

M. lister

I have had never a letter from the Barbados10 since the last you sent.

Yorke Feb. 8. 75º

1. Francis Willughby and John Ray, Ornithologiae libri tres (London: John Martyn, 1676). Ray would publish an English edition in 1678. 2. Management or administration of a farm, domestic economy, etc. It can refer also to horsemanship, and was adapted here by Lister to indicate the keeping of birds. 3. Nicholas Cox, The gentleman’s recreation: in four parts, viz., hunting, hawking fowling, fishing . . . (London: E. Flesher, 1674). 4. Joseph Blagrave, The Epitome of the whole art of husbandry . . . (London: Ben Billingsley, 1675). The 1675 edition provided an addendum to Blagrave’s first edition of 1669, providing “directions for breeding and ordering all sorts of singing-birds” on pp. 52–136. 5. The Faroe Islands in the North Atlantic Ocean. Lister referred to Lucas Jacobsen Debes, Faeroae et Faeroa reserata (Kiøbenhafn: Tryckt aff Matthias Jørgensen, 1673; London: F.L., 1676). The puffin is described in this work as a “lunde,” a variation of the Faroese “lundi,” the word for puffin. The Faroes are home to about five million seabirds, and seabird harvesting, particularly that of puffins and fulmars, has been an important part of the people’s diet; see Arne Nørrevang, “Traditions of sea bird fowling in the Faroes: An ecological basis for sustained fowling,” Ornis Scandinavica 17 (1986), pp. 275–281. Debes’s book was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 454–460. 6. For Borch, see Webster’s letter to Lister of 9 October 1674, note 2. Steno performed dissections of an eagle in the home of Borch in Copenhagen in 1673. Holger Jacobaeus did a drawing, which was published in Exercitia academica, Steno’s last academic work; this may have been the image that Lister had in mind. See Troels Kardel, Steno: Life, Science, Philosophy: with Niels Stensen’s Prooemium or Preface to a Demonstration in the Copenhagen Anatomical Theater in the Year 1673 . . . , vol. 42 of Acta Historica Scientiarum Naturalium et Medicinalium (Copenhagen: Danish National Library of Science and Medicine 1994), pp. 61–62. 7. Hermann Conringius (1606–1681), a German physician, antiquarian, jurist, historian, and professor of natural philosophy and medicine at the University of Brunswick. Derham corrected Lister’s mistake spelling of Conringius’s name at this point. Lister was referring to Olaus Borrichius, 832 Ray to Lister 0382

Hermetis, Aeyptiorum, et chemicorum sapientia ab Hermanni Conringi animaadversionibus vindicata per Olaum Borrichium (Copenhagen: P. Hangoldi, 1674). This work was reviewed in Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 296–301, which may have been where Lister was notified of it. Although Borch discusses eagle anatomy in this work, there is no illustration of the bird. For more on the debate between the Paracelsian and hermetic scholar Borrichius and Conringius, an Aristotelian and Galenist who rejected the historical existence of Hermes Trismegistus, see: Allan G. Debus, “History With a Purpose: The Fate of Paracelsus,” Pharmacy in History, 26 (1984), pp. 83–96; Allen Debus, Chemistry and Medical Debate: Van Helmont to Boerhaave (Canton, ma: Science History Publications, 2001), p. 221. For a biography of Conringius, see The Diary and Correspondence of Dr. John Worthington, ed. James Crossley, Esq., Chetham Society, vol. 13 (Manchester: Charles Simms and Co., 1847), vol. 1, pp. 328–229. 8. The dunnock (Prunella modularis), known also as the hedge-sparrow or hedge-warbler, which lays four to five blue-green eggs. One wonders if Lister’s wife Hannah possessed such a pair of earrings. 9. Buntings (Emberizidae) are finch-like birds that are related to American sparrows, their song simple, unmusical, but distinctive. Most of their coloring is fairly dull, though yellowham- mers and cirl buntings have distinctive yellow plumage. 10. Presumably from Thomas Townes.

0382 John Ray to Martin Lister Sutton Coldfield,1 West Midlands, 4 April 1676

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 29, letter 76. Address: These | for his honoured friend | Mr. Martin Lister at | his house in the | City of | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark ap/? [April ?]. “Pd to London 3d.” Reply to: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 27, letter 73. (8 February 1675/6.) Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 136–138; Lankester (1848), pp. 121–123; Gunther (1928), p. 135 (partial).

Dear friend,

I received yours of Febr. 8. and have resolved to follow your advice, in adding to the Ornithology an account of the ordering of birds for singing, as also something of Falconry; and, besides, an epitome of the Art of fowling. To this purpose I sent for the books you minded me of about those subjects. I find that the Author of the Gentleman’s recreation,2 in what I have read of him, is a meer plagiary: all that he hath concerning fowling being transcribed out of Markhams Art of Fowling,3 without once mentioning his author, as you may soon find by comparing them. I suspect the like of his Falconry: What he writes of the 0382 Ray to Lister 833

Haggard Falcon4 is contracted out of Latham:5 when I shall have compared the rest with Latham and Turbervill,6 I shall be able to tell you whether it be not borrowed of them. As for the tractate concerning singing birds in the Epit. of the art of Husbandry,7 I doe not find what is there delivered so manifestly purloyned from any one author, although in Aldrovand8 and Olina,9 I find the substance of most he hath; only that about the manner of breeding Canary- birds is either his own, or borrowed of some author unknown to me.10 Much also he hath about the Woodlark,11 which is either of his own observation, or as the other taken out of some modern writer it hath not been my hap to see. This author I believe hath good skill in the feeding and ordering of singing-birds. Yet he makes a 5th sort of Throstle, which he calls a Heath-throstle,12 which I never saw, nor heard of, nor any author besides that I know of mentions. I pray read the history of it in him, pag. 92, and tell me whether any such bird be known to \you/.13 These birds, he saith, in some countreys are called Mevisses:14 I am sure his 4th (Wood Song-throstle) is so called in Essex, and I believe elsewhere. What he writes concerning a hole left in the bottome of the nest, I remember not, \to have/ mar observed in such nests of this bird as I have found. I was somewhat offended at his manner of writing concerning the solitary sparrow,15 as if it were a bird breeding with us in England, advising which bird to chuse out of the next to bring up, etc. All which history makes me suspect he transcribed what he hath out of some writer, either Dutch or French, or Italian that I have never seen, both concerning this and other singing-birds. For the solitary sparrow is \a/ bird that was never seen, scarce heard of, in England, and but rare in Italy. If he were so well acquainted with them, I wish he had expanded \informed/ us where they breed. But enough of censure. In the history of the Feröe islands16 I find no more species of birds then what I had already inserted in the Ornithology, partly of our own observation, and partly out of Clusius,17 who had an account and better descriptions of them from Hoier18 than any be in this history. Only heer is more of the manner of climbing the rocks for taking them. Borrichis his anatomy of an eagle19 I have not seen: but there is also a very particular anatomy of it in Aldrovand,20 which I thought not fit to insert, few readers being willing to take the pains to read, much less consider, such descriptions, unless illustrated by figures. Mr Willughby himself hath left a myotome of a Swan21 and some other birds, which I thought not fit to cumber the book with. Now Sir to answer your kind enquiry concerning my health, I have (I thank God) pretty well escaped this Epidemicall distemper: but I have had a long consuming cold, never so violent as to take me quite off my businesse, which I am not yet clear of, it returning and renewing continually when I think it is going. I am glad \of/ and give thanks to God for your 834 Ray to Lister 0382 deliverance from \so/ great a danger, and pray for the continuance of your health resting

Sir, Your very affectionate and faithfull friend and servant

Jo: Ray.

Sutton Cofield Aprill 4.—76.

1. After the death of Francis Willughby in July 1672, Ray stayed at Middleton Hall until the winter of 1675/6. Willughby’s mother Lady Cassandra died in July 1675, and she had supported Ray in his work. With her death, the situation between Willughby’s widow Emma and Ray became very strained, particularly after her remarriage to Joshua Child in 1676. Ray and his wife Margaret went to Coleshill in the winter of 1675–1676 and in April settled at Sutton Coldfield, “only four miles from Middleton, evidently unwilling to make a complete break.” See Raven (1986), p. 178. 2. Nicholas Cox. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 8 February 1675/6, note 3. 3. Gervase Markham, Hungers Prevention: or, the Whole Art of Fowling by Water and Land (London: Francis Grove, 1655). 4. A wild female peregrine falcon caught when in her adult plumage. This is in contrast to an “eyas”, a bird that was stolen from the nest before it had learned to hunt. 5. Simon Latham, Lathams falconry or The Faulcons lure, and cure: in two bookes (London: John Beale, 1614). The work was reprinted several times, with editions in 1615, 1618, 1633, 1658, and 1662. 6. George Turberville, The booke of faulconrie or hauking (London: Henry Bynneman, 1575). This work was reprinted in 1611. 7. Joseph Blagrave, The Epitome of the whole art of husbandry . . . (London: Ben Billingsley, 1675). See Lister’s letter to Ray of 8 February 1675/6, note 4. 8. Ulisse Aldrovandi, Ornithologiae, hoc est, de avibus historiae libri xii (Bologna: Francis Senensem, 1599–1603), a work reprinted four times in the seventeenth century. 9. Giovanni Pietro Olina, Uccilliera: overo, Discorso della natura e proprieta di diversi uccelli (Rome: A. Fei, 1622). Although the text of his work dedicated to methods of catching songbirds is derivative from Antonio Valli de Todi’s Canto de gl’augelli (Rome 1601), the engraved plates by Antonio Tempesta (1555–1630) are exceptional. The plates show not only caged birds, but birds caught for food, depicting for example an illustration showing people preparing a meal of pasta with songbirds. See “Birds, bees, and bonnacons,” an exhibition in St John’s College Library, Oxford. http://www.sjc.ox.ac.uk/3164/Hand-list.pdf.download [accessed 8 February 2012]. 10. Ray would indeed include material about canaries in the Ornithology that was derived from Blagrave’s Epitome. Although Ray primarily referenced Gesner, Aldrovandus, and Olina, he did include a section from Blagrave entitled “Additions to the History of Canary bird out of a late English writer concerning singing Birds,” (p. 263). Ray noted, “Canary birds (he [Blagrave] saith) of late years have been brought abundantly out of German, and are therefore now called 0382 Ray to Lister 835

German birds.” This section was followed by a chapter drawn from Blagrave on how to “chuse a Canary-bird” and how to house or “order” them in cages. 11. Lullula arborea, a streaky brown bird, with a buff-white strip on its eye, and an incon- spicuous crest. Woodlarks are found mainly in eastern and southern England. 12. Turdus torquatus, the ring ouzel, a European thrush that frequents heaths. Ray describes it as Merula torquata in his and Willughby’s Ornithology (chapter 18, section 8). 13. Blagrave wrote, “The fifth is your Heath-Throstle, which is the smallest of three sorts that we have in England, you shall know him by his dark Breast; some Coun|treys call them Mevisses, for they differ in their Co|lour, Song, and way of Breeding. This Bird, in my Opinion, far exceeds that which we generally call the Song-Throstle, being far sweeter in his Notes than the other, and a neater Bird in his Plume. The Hen builds by the Heath-side, either in a Frus|bush, or by a Ditch-side in the stump of an old Haw-Thorn, and seldom haunts the Woods and Shawes as the other doth. This Bird’s Nest is more difficult to be found than the other, and I believe ten Nests of the other for one of this. She builds with a long green Ground-Moss, and makes her Nest much deeper than the former and less, and begins not to breed till the middle of April, and breeds but twice in a year, and is a fine tame neat Bird, and will sing nine months in the year, if well fed, and kept clean, both from Dung and Vermin. You must breed up these young ones af|ter the same manner that the other was ordered in all things.” (Blagrave, Epitome [1675], p. 92.) 14. Presumably the Mavis or song thrush (Turdus philomelos) a member of the throstle family Turdidae. 15. Ray referred to the solitary sparrow in the Ornithology, noting it had the “bigness of the Blackbird” (p. 191). 16. Lucas Jacobsen Debes, Faeroae and Faeroa reserata, that is, A description of the islands subject to the King of Denmark . . . (London: F.L., 1676). See Lister’s letter to Ray of 8 February 1675/6, note 5. 17. Carolus Clusius, Exoticorum libri decem: quibus animalium, plantarum, aromatum, aliorumque peregrinorum fructuum historiae describuntur: Item Petri Bellonis observationibus [. . .] (Leiden: Raphelengius, 1605), pp. 104–105. Clusius calls the puffin, the “arctic duck” [Anas arctica]. 18. Henrik Höjer, a physician of Bergen, Norway, who corresponded with Clusius and gave him specimens he collected from the Faroe Islands, which Clusius described in his Exoticorum libri decem. See Kjell Lundquist, “Lilies to Norway and cloudberry jam to The Netherlands— on the correspondence and naturalia exchange between Clusius and Henrik Höjer 1597–1604,” in Carolus Clusius in a new context: cultural histories of Renaissance natural science, ed. Florike Egmond, Paul Hoftijzer, and Robert Vissers (Amsterdam: Edita Publishers, Royal Dutch Academy, 2006), pp. 145–159. Ray used Höjer’s notes about the giant auk in the Ornithology, p. 243. 19. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 8 February 1675/6, notes 6 and 7. 20. See Aldrovandi, Ornithologiae, p. 111. 21. An anatomical drawing or specimen of the skeletal muscles, particularly the metameric segments. 836 Gregory to Lister 0383

0383 Susanna Gregory1 to Martin Lister Nottingham, 18 April 1676

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols 36–37. There is some loss of text in the right margin, as the letter is firmly bound in the folio. Address: To Doctor Lister att his house | in Yorke present. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 358; Roos (2011), p. 50 (partial).

Dere brother

I shall be the mesinger of sad newas to you, if you have not hard of it before which is the death of my Dere sister Barbrah2 of the small pox att London, my sister Allington death was ill of them att the same time; and I blese God she is well recovered, but att the presant tis under a great trouble for the loss of her. Mr Gregory3 is on towards Burwell this day to see her body Intered there according to her will, she has mead Mr Charles [[one word]] and him Exceters.4 she has given my bro: Will5 and my bro Mathew6 200 pound a pice, and my sis: Allington7 100 pound, and the rest of her bro: and sis: 20 pound a peece, and the rest she has given in small legesis8 to a great many, wee doe intend to put our salfes into morning. I hope my sister Allington will be here att Whitsontide9 and stay with me all the winter, Mr Gregory has promised me that I shall see you this summor which doe please me very much my sarvis to my good sister I am Dere brother your most Affection[ate] sister

Susanna Gregory

Nottingh[am] Aprill the 18: 1676

1. Lister’s sister Susanna married George Gregory, Esq., in 1664. Gregory (1638–1688) became High Sheriff of Nottingham in 1668, and served in that role until 1670. 2. Barbara Lister (1648–1676), Lister’s younger sister, died unmarried. She is mentioned in her sister Jane’s letter to Lister of July 1660. 3. Presumably Susanna’s husband George Gregory. 4. “Executors.” 5. Lister’s brother William of Westminster, living as of September 1677, who had issue. See Denny (1913), p. 217. 6. Lister’s younger brother Matthew Lister (bap. Thorpe Arnold, 31 August 1642). Matthew was Susanna’s fifth child with Sir Martin Lister. 7. Lister’s younger sister Jane, who married Hugh Allington, Esq., of Stenigot, Lincolnshire. 8. “Legacies.” 9. Whitsuntide was the week following Whitsun (Pentecost), the seventh Sunday after Easter. In 1676, Easter fell on 5 April 1676. 0384 Witham to Lister 837

0384 J. Witham1 to Martin Lister Selby, Yorkshire,2 27 April 1676

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 35, fol. 40. Address: For my honoured friende | Dr Lister in Yorke | These.

Honoured Sir

I did designe after the dispatch of my busines the last assizes3 at York to have wayted on you at your lodgings, and had brought severall plants along with me which I intended to have showne you had I not beene unhappily prevented. I intend shortly God willinge to give you a visitt on purpose and then I shall communicate to you what rarityes I have found in this County. I have found 2 kinds of mentha spicata4 not far from this place. I am now procureng the cases of severall rare fowles. a milk white Linnet5 was lately kild in this Towne and bestowed on my which I have taken care to preserve. I shall adde not more at present being in great hast, only begg your pardon for my not waiting upon you when last at Yorke, and with the sender of my choicest respects and service to your selfe take leave and remain Sir

Your most assured faithfull friend and servant

J Witham

Selby Aprill the 27th. 76

1. It is not known who this collector was. In his Catalogus Angliae, Ray mentions a Mr. Witham who showed him plants “near Sir Walter Vavasour’s Park in Yorkshire.” Raven speculates this may have been Gilbert Witham of Garforth, who received his B.A. from Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1634/5. Witham had already assisted Christopher Merritt with his Pinax. See Raven (1986), p. 149; Ray, Catalogus Plantarum Angliae, (London: John Martyn, 1677), p. 247. 2. Selby is a town and civil parish in North Yorkshire, twelve miles south of the city of York along the course of the River Ouse. 3. Periodic criminal courts that heard the most serious cases, which were committed to it by the Quarter Sessions (local county courts). 4. Spearmint. 5. Carduelis cannabina, a passerine bird in the finch family. Possibly an albino, female, or immature bird, as the latter lack the red head patch and red breast of the summer male. 838 Oldenburg to Lister 0385

0385 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 3 June 1676

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 191. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister, at | his house in Stone- gate | at York. Reply to: Lister’s letter of 28 July 1675. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 337; Oldenburg, vol. 12, pp. 327–328, letter 2911.

London June 3. 76.

Sir,

The news, I received yesterday by Mr Wilkinson1 of your good health was the more acceptable to me, because ’tis so great \a/ while since I had any from you, which I must impute to the multitude of your other occasions, rather than to the forgetting of your friends here. You were mention’d this very morning by Prince Rupert, when I waited on his Highnesse, as I have sometimes the honor to doe: And it was upon the occasion of his discoursing upon the improvement he hath made of the way of printing upon Marble;2 which he said he could bring yet to greater perfection, if he could be furnish’t with a good black;3 which he thought Dr Lister of York could doe, if he pleased, he being the person from whom I had formerly show’d him a very good black, extract out of a plant growing in England: Whereupon his \Highnesse/ desired me, that I would in his name pray you to send him [[one word]] \a little/ quantity of it for tryal, if you did not think fit to acquaint him with the herb or plant itself, that yielded it, and with the manner of making it.4 Sir, I am persuaded, I need not presse you to comply with the desires of so great an generous a Prince, who loves the king, the whole nation, the R. Society, and contributes much to the advancement and progresse of usefull ends and practices: I am confident your own inclinations will prevaile with you to answer this Princes desire; a doing of which you will also confirm the character, that was given to his Highnesse concerning you by

Sir, your very afft friend and humble servt

H. Oldenburg

Pray, Sir, differre not the answering to this letter. 0386 Oldenburg to Lister 839

1. For Wilkinson, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672, note 2. 2. In 1676, the Royal Society took note of Prince Rupert of Bavaria’s system for painting colors on marble which became permanent after the stone was polished. Prince Rupert was also a pioneer of mezzotint. See Frank Kitson, Prince Rupert: admiral and general-at-sea (London: Constable, 1998), p. 299; Oldenburg, vol. 12, p. 334. 3. Lister first mentioned this “black” in his letter of 15 February 1671 to Oldenburg. Subsequently, on 8 April 1671, he sent a sample to the Royal Society with his letter to Oldenburg. 4. In his letter of 15 February 1671, Lister had been reluctant to mention the source of his black pigment.

0386 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 10 June 1676

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 195–196. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martyn Lister, Physitian | at York, at his house in Stone—| gate | York. Reply to: Lister’s letter, now lost, sent between 3 and 10 June 1675. Printed: Goulding (1900), p. 337 (partial); Oldenburg, vol. 12, pp. 332–335, letter 2915.

London. june 10. 1676.

Sir,

His Highnesse P. Rupert gives you many thanks for the black you have sent him,1 which I deliver’d this morning, and Intend to acquaint you with the success of the tryals made with it as soon it comes to my knowledge. Mr Wilkinson2 was lately at my house, and I hoped, I should have seen him again, before he left London, at more leisure than I had the first time, I saw him. We agreed upon another day to conferr together, than he took to return. I named to him Tuesday morning, when I kept at home on purpose to have discoursed with him; but he failed me, and came, as I hear, the Thursday after, which is the R. Society’s day of meeting, when I am never to be found at home all the day long, when I am in health. I am sorry, Sir, you are so much by other busines deverted, as to putt-by your usual philosophical commerce, which I would gladly continue with you, if it were consistent with your occasions. And to show you somew[ha]t of my readiness therein; I shall here give you a brief abstract of some of the manie things, that have lately been transacted before our Society.3 Dr Grew hath given us his considerations about the Nervous Liquor, its origin, nature, motion and uses in the body; as also the symptoms and distempers arising from it, when disorder’d or vitiated.4 840 Oldenburg to Lister 0386

Signor Travagino,5 a Venetian philosopher and chymist, and adopted into our Society, hath communicated to use his way of fixing ☿6 into Silver, sending us withall a piece of the Silvery metal he had thus fixed, with having been tryed here in a coppel7 by an experienced person,8 did endure that tryal as well as any silver, but, when weighed in water, proved not so ponderous as silver; though it had the malleableness and fixity of that mettal. Mr Hook hath presented us with a mechanical contrivance, shewing how to supply the pabulum9 of a Lamp in the same degree it is consumed, that is to say, to keep the superficies of any liquor, fit to feed the flame of a lamp always at the same hight, till all be wasted.10 One Monsieur Joly, a French Mathematician and Philosopher residing at Dijon in Burgundy, hath offered to the examination of the Society his con discourse of the nature of motion and of the Mechanique Powers.11 We have made several \many/ Experiments in the Air-pump,12 concerning several mixtures of divers liquors, as Aqua fortis13 with Sp of wine,14 of Aq. vitae15 and ,16 of common salt17 and , \of/ common water and to see, what ebullitions they made in vacuo; and whether these ebullitions did produce new Air; and the difference of the Air formed by the mixture of Aq. fortis and Copper,18 from that which was produced by the mixture of Oyl of Tartar19 and Oyl of Vitriol.20 We have also had before us Mr Newtons experiments, on which he grounds his new Theory of Light and Colors; of which some Experiments were contra- dicted by Mr Linus at Liege, but frustra!21 Thesame M. Newton hath imparted to us a very considereable Discourse containing partly an Hypothesis to explain the Properties of Light, by him discoursed of formerly; partly the principal phaenomena of the various colors exhibited by thin Plates or Bubles, esteemed by him to be of a more difficult consideration, yet to depend on thes[ai]d properties of light.22 Dr Walter Needham23 hath made an Experiment before the Society, to show, that the Lymphaticks of the liver doe in the extremity of their Trunks inos- culate with the pori biliarii,24 which he affirm’d could not be said of any two distinct sorts of vessels that carry distinct sorts of liquors in them, throughout the whole body.25 Thesame Doctor presented us with a Discourse of his, de Sero Sanguinis,26 wherein he treated of this serum as the Efficient cause of Concoction, and as the material cause of Nourishment in all the parts of the Body intimating also, that hereafter he would explain the Manner of this con- version into the nutriment of the parts, as likewise the manner of its separating the Excrements, and also the de several degeneracies of it in morbid cases. Mr Aubrey hath presented the Society with his observations made of Wiltshire;27 in which there occurred, among other particulars a note of some Iron-ore if sein28 in that shire, said to be so rich, as that the Smith can melt it in 0386 Oldenburg to Lister 841 his forge; and another note of a Brew Clay free from sand, almost of the color of Ultramarine, thought fit to make Porcelain.29 Prince Rupert sent to the Society a specimen of Marble that had several pictures of boyes and Trees painted upon it \according to his Highnes’s direction/ in such a manner, that all the outlines of those pictures were perfectly defined without any spreading or flowing of the colors, and the colors so fixed by the fire, and afterward so polish’t, that they will be permanent, as long as the marble lasts.30 That famous and extraordinary musician, Mr Berchenshaw, presented to the Society his new Scale of Musick,31 containing first, a Table of all component and dissonant intervals, convenient to muscial harmony, which are practica- ble, and maybe expressed by the voyce and other instruments; and assigning unto these Intervals, apt and proper numbers, by which their rations and proportions are demonstrated: Secondly, a system of all the keyes, by which the said intervals are completed;32 Thirdly demonstr the magnitude, diversion and proportion of thes[ai]d keyes are exactly demonstrated, according to the pro- portional parts of a Chord, the Chord being supposed 36 inches long. An other time we tryed several Experiments in the Air-pump upon the Lungs of Animals, how they swelled upon the exuction of the Air, and presently contracted into a very small bulk upon the readmission of the Air.33 Sir Ph. Skipton34 imparted to us a relation of Virginia, and of the most considerable productions of nature there, together with their manner of Planting and ordering Tobacco. The same Gentleman intimated unto us by letter, that one Mr Thom Glover, an Ingenious Chirugion,35 lately come from the \our/American Plantations, after he had lived some years in Virginia, and for some time in the Barbados, had affirm’d to him, that he had let many Negros blodd, and always observ’d it as florid and red as any Europeans blood, and that he never saw any of a black or dark color, as is represented by the latter, you received from that island:36 wishing me to inquire further by my correspondents in that and other places, where Blacks inhabit, into the truth of this observation. I suppose, Sir, you have seen the Observations printed in No. 424, about the account given by Mr Vernon of his voyage made through Dalmatia, Greece, and the Archipelago to Smyrna.37 Where I must stop, and referr the rest to another opportunity, remaining

Sir

Your faithfull humble servt

Oldenburg 842 Oldenburg to Lister 0386

I doe not know, Sir, whether you are acquainted with a gentleman, called Mr John Beaumont junior38 being near Wells, at Stony-Eaton,39 who lately send me a paper containing many observations concerning the Trochite and Entrochi,40 telling me, that he had read with pleasure your descriptions of them, and confirming and enlarging thesame according to his observations.

1. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 3 June 1676. 2. For Wilkinson, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672, note 2. 3. Oldenburg’s accounts are a variation of meeting minutes from 1675/6 in Birch, vol. 3. 4. Grew read his lecture on 28 October 1675. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 228–229. Although Grew was desired to have the paper registered in the Letter Book, it does not appear. Presumably, Grew presented his dissertation, Disputatio medico-physica, inauguralis, de liquore nervosa, which concerned the chymistry of nervous fluid. His thesis was published in Latin by the widow and heirs of John Elsevier, printers to the University, in 1675. See Disputatio Medico-Physica, inauguralis, de liquore nervosa . . . pro gradu doctorates . . . subjicit Nehemiah Grew, e. com Warwickensi, die 14 Julii., Ph.D. Diss. (University of Leiden, 6 July 1675). The original can be found in the United States National Library of Medicine and in the British Library, shelfmark 1185.g.11.19. There is also a presentation copy in the Royal Society Archives (Cl.P/14i/27). Michael Hunter also mentions Grew’s thesis in “Early Problems in Professionalizing Scientific Research: Nehemiah Grew (1641–1712) and the Royal Society with an unpublished Letter to Henry Oldenburg,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 36, 2 (February 1982), pp. 189–209, on p. 191. 5. Francesco Travagino (ca. 1613–), F.R.S. (elected in 1676). Travagino corresponded with Malpighi on medical matters, and he was a minor astronomer and would-be alchemist. Croatian by birth, he was also author of a book on the earthquake at Dubrovnik (1661): Super observationibus a se factis tempore ultimorum terrae-motuum, as potissimum Ragusiani physica disquisitio, seu gyri terrae diurni indicium. Travagino sent the book to the Society on 26 May 1670, and he was an active proponent in his own election to the Society. (See Birch, vol. 2, p. 437, and Marie Boas Hall, Promoting Experimental Learning, Learning: Experiment and the Royal Society, 1660–1727 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991], p. 143). Travagino’s letter mentioned in this piece of correspondence was dated 26 June 1675 and was presented to the Society on 28 October 1675. See Royal Society Letter Book, vol. 7, p. 243, and Birch, vol. 3, p. 229. 6. Mercury. By fixing mercury with silver (sometimes given the alchemical name of the “Doves of Diana”), Travagino was attempting to produce philosophical mercury, a step towards the philosopher’s stone. See William R. Newman, Gehennical fire: the lives of George Starkey, an American alchemist in the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), pp. 132–134. In Birch, the metal Travagino presented was “cut through to see how it looked in the middle, where it appeared white as on the outside.” See Birch, vol. 3, p. 229. 7. Cupel. 8. Robert Boyle. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 229. The meeting minutes indicated that some of the metal “be given to the assay-masters of the mind for farther consideration.” 9. That which feeds or supports a fire; a fuel. 10. Hooke’s invention was presented at the meeting of 4 November 1675. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 229. 0386 Oldenburg to Lister 843

11. Joly’s letter, which described a type of hydraulic balance, was read to the Society on 11 November 1675, and entered into the Letter Book, vol. 7, p. 157. The original is el/I1/176, Royal Society Library, London. 12. The account of these experiments, made by Papin and Huygens, were read to the Society by Oldenburg on 18 November 1675. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 231–232. The experiments were published in Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), p. 443. 13. Aqua fortis or nitric acid. 14. Mixing aqua fortis (nitric acid) with spirit of wine, or ethanol would result in a production of the “new air” of nitrogen dioxide, a toxic gas, and nitromethane, an unstable rocket fuel mixture. 15. Aqua vitae, or a concentrated aqueous solution of ethanol, usually made by distilling wine. 16. Another symbol for aqua vitae. Sometimes spirit of wine could specifically refer to brandy, which is what Oldenburg may have had in mind. 17. Sodium chloride (NaCl). It is slightly soluble in ethanol. 18. Copper is oxidized by concentrated nitric acid, HNO3, to produce Cu2+ ions; the nitric acid is reduced to nitrogen dioxide, a poisonous and irritating gas. Cu(s) + 4HNO3(aq) ——> Cu(NO3)2(aq) + 2NO2(g) + 2H2O(l). In dilute nitric acid, the reaction produces nitric oxide, no, instead: 3Cu(s) + 8HNO3(aq) ——> 3Cu(NO3)2(aq) + 2NO(g) + 4H2O(l) 19. Oil of Tartar was concentrated potassium carbonate solution (K2CO3). 20. Sulfuric acid. The reaction between Oil of Tartar (Potassium carbonate) and Oil of Vitriol (sulfuric acid) is: K2CO3 + H2SO4 --> K2SO4 + H2O + CO2. One would see the production of “new air” in the formation of carbon dioxide. 21. The discussion took place on 18 November 1675. Linus’s letter to Oldenburg concerning Newton’s new theory of light and color was dated 25 February 1674/5, and read to the Royal Society on 11 March 1674. The original is el/L5/88, Royal Society Library, London. Linus’s letter was printed in Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), p. 499, and has been printed in Oldenburg, vol. 11, p. 191. Francis Line (1595–1675), also known as Linus of Liège, was a Jesuit scientist who challenged the work of Newton, as well as the work of Boyle and his law of gases. See Conor Reilly, Francis Line sj: An Exiled English Scientist, 1595–1675 (Rome: Institutum historicum Societatis Iesu, 1969); Stephen G. Brush, “Gadflies and Geniuses in the History of Gas Theory,” Synthese, 119 (April 1999), pp. 11–43. 22. Oldenburg’s description is of Newton’s research on the colors of thin films and natural bodies, which later served as the basis for his theory of fits of easy reflection and transmission. Newton’s theory was read to the Society on 9 December and 30 December 1675. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 232, 247–271; Alan Shapiro, Fits, Passions and Paroxysms: Physics, Method and Chemistry and Newton’s Theories of Colored Bodies and Fits of Easy Reflection (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), chapter 2, passim. 23. For Needham, see Ray’s letter to Lister of 13 February 1670, note 21. 24. These were the biliary pores or ducts that received the bile of the liver and conveyed it to the hepatic duct. 25. The experiment took place at the meeting of 25 November 1675. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 233. 26. Needham’s discourse on blood serum was placed in the Royal Society Register, vol. 5, p. 125, and is in Birch, vol. 3, pp. 233–241. With his discourse, Needham left for the repository 844 Oldenburg to Lister 0386 eighteen glasses containing the phlegm, spirits, salts, and oils of blood as he had analyzed them. At this point in his career, Needham was serving as anatomical lecturer to the Company of Surgeons. 27. In a meeting on 15 December 1675. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 271. 28. Presumably the iron ore at Seend, which was discovered by Aubrey in the mid-seventeenth century, but not mined commercially until 1856. Seend is a village and civil parish about three miles south-east of the market town of Melksham, Wiltshire. Aubrey notes the ore in his Natural History of Wiltshire: “Neer to which is Send (vulgo Seene), a very well built village on a sandy hill, from whence it has its name; sand being in the old English called send (for so I find writ in the records of the Tower) . . . Underneath this sand (not very deep), in some place of the highway not above a yard or yard and a half, I discovered the richest iron oare, that ever I sawe or heard of.” See John Aubrey, A Natural History of Wiltshire, ed. John Britton (London: J.B. Nichols, 1847), p. 21. Aubrey submitted his Natural History to the Royal Society in 1675. 29. Aubrey indicated that the blue clay was from his birthplace of Easton-Peirse, near Malmesbury, Wiltshire: “In Vernknoll, a ground belonging to Fowles-wick, adjoyning to the lands of Easton-Pierse, neer and brooke and in it, I bored clay as blew as ultra-marine, and incompa- rably fine, without anything of sand, etc. which perhaps might be proper for Mr Dwight for his making of porcilaine.” See Aubrey, A Natural History of Wiltshire, pp. 34–35. 30. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 3 June 1676. 31. John Birchensha or Birchenshaw (ca. 1605–1681?) presented his system of notation to the Society on 10 Feburary 1675/6. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 295–296. Son of Sir Ralph Birchensha, he was a musical theorist and teacher. Samuel Pepys was amongst his pupils, and Oldenburg described him as “very experienced both in theoretical and in practical music.” William Brouncker, John Pell, and John Wallis were among the mathematicians who examined his propositions. Birchensha’s most significant work was an unpublished “Compendious discourse of the principles of the practicall & mathematicall partes of musick” which he wrote for Robert Boyle, the brother-in-law of his former patron the earl of Kildare (autograph manuscript, Royal Society, Boyle papers, 41.1). See Christopher D.S. Field, “Birchensha, John (ca. 1605–1681?),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); Penelope Gouk, Music, science and natural magic in seventeenth-century England (Yale: Yale University Press, 1999); Christopher D.S. Field and Benjamin Wardhaugh, John Birchensha: Writings on Music (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2010). 32. The ratios were in Pythagorean intonation. 33. These experiments took place on 17 February and 24 February 1675/6. They concerned replication of trials done by Huygens and Papin with the lungs of a lamb, which successively floated and sank in water after being placed in the air pump. See Birch, vol. 3, p. 305. The experiments were published in Phil. Trans., 10 (1675), pp. 542–548. 34. Sir Philip Skippon. For Skippon, see Du Moulin’s letter to Lister of 16 October 1667, note 1. 35. Glover’s letter was presented at the Society on 9 March 1675/6, and it was printed in Phil. Trans., 11 (1676), p. 623. See Birch, vol. 3, pp. 311–312. 36. Oldenburg is referring to Thomas Townes’s letter of 26 March 1675 sent to Lister, and forwarded to the Royal Society. Townes asserted that “the blood of Negroes is almost as black as their skin.” 0387 Ray to Lister 845

37. Francis Vernon sent a letter of 10 January 1675/6 to Oldenburg concerning his travels, and it was presented to the Society on 16 March 1675/6. It was printed in Phil. Trans., 11 (1676), pp. 575–582. For an analysis of his voyage, see Matthew Walker, “Francis Vernon, the Early Royal Society, and the First English Encounter with Ancient Greek Architecture,” Architectural History 56 (2013), pp. 29–61. 38. John Beaumont (ca. 1640–1731), physician and geologist, who sent four letters to Phil. Trans. and published several books concerning Burnet’s geological theories, as well as one on apparitions and witchcraft (An Historical, Physiological and Theological Treatise of Spirits [1705]). Beaumont’s Considerations on a Book Entitled The Theory of the Earth (1693) was considered by John Ray to be the most effective criticism of Burnet’s theories. In the 1680s and 1690s, Beaumont was a frequent visitor to London, and took part in philosophical discussions with members of the Royal Society at Jonathan’s Coffee House; he also attempted unsuccessfully to act as an intermediary for Hans Sloane in negotiations to purchase the collection of William Cole of Bristol for the Royal Society Repository. See Scott Mandelbrote, “Beaumont, John (ca.1640–1731),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 39. Stony Easton, Somerset. 40. Beaumont’s article concerning the crinoids (fossilized sea lilies) or “rock-plants” was published in Phil. Trans., 11 (1676), pp. 724–742. Lister of course had published a paper about crinoids in the Transactions. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 4 November 1673. As Mandelbrote indicated, “Stimulated by Martin Lister’s descriptions of fossils, he sent two letters ‘concerning Rock-Plants and their growth’ to the secretary of the Royal Society, Henry Oldenburg, who published them in the society’s Philosophical Transactions in 1676. Beaumont described finds of ‘trochites’ (which would now be called crinoids) in the Mendips, and supported Lister’s hypothesis that these were plants which had grown in the rock. He maintained that all fossils were natural products of the earth’s seminal principles, which he described as ‘Salts, Sulphurs, and Mercuries’, and that their characters derived from those of the locations where they grew.” See Mandelbrote, “Beaumont, John (ca.1640–1731),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004).

0387 John Ray to Martin Lister Sutton Coldfield, West Midlands, 14 June 1676

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 30, letter 78. Address: These | for his honoured friend | Mr Martin Lister at | his house in the | city of | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark iv/16 [June 16]; “Pd to London 3d.” Reply to: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 27, letter 73. (8 February 1675/6.) Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 138–139; Lankester (1848), pp. 123–124; Gunther (1928), p. 135 (partial). 846 Ray to Lister 0387

Dear Sir,

I have been lately solicited to reprint my Catalogue of English plants,1 partly by the Bookseller, and partly by an unknown person, who sent me a Letter without name subscribed: and withall pressed me much to adde to each plant the French name. whereupon I thought to have intreated you to hav undertake that trouble, as who are a master of the French tongue,2 my self being but a smatterer in that Language: and wanting the conveniency of books to assist me in such an undertaking. But upon serious consideration concluding that these names would not render the book really much more usefull; only if well done might adde a little to the Authors reputation (to wch the vanity of any affecta- tion whereof I desire to be wholly mortified I resolved not to adde them, and have sent the copy up to London as it is. If you have observed any errours or mistakes therein, or have any new Plants or observations to added, be pleased to send them: and though the book be already gone out of my hands I shall take care to get them inserted in their proper places. Since my last, I compared what the Gentlemans recreation3 hath concerning Hawking with Turberviles4 collections and find every syllable transcribed thence. The like I dare say he hath done about hunting for there is of Turberviles a large treatise of hunting: And for fishing doubtlesse he hath done the like. I had not blamed him had he acknowledged his Authours, and confessed to the world, that all he hath is nothing else but an epitomy of such and such books: but now he hath basely abused the world. Mr Oldenburgh hath published him as a considerable author,5 and \in his/ in his preface made us believe that he hath advanced knowledge by gi- \by giv/ving us a perfect catalogue of fishes. I am sorry Mr Oldenburgh should be so mistaken as to attribute to such a pittifull plagiary \any/ improvement of the history of nature. But enough of him and for this paper. I recommend you for the Divine protection and blessing and rest.

Sir, your very affectionate friend and servant

John Ray.

Sutton Cofield June 14.—76.

1. John Ray, Catalogus plantarum Angliæ, et insularum adjacentium (London: John Martyn, 1677). The work had the imprimatur of the Royal Society. 0388 Lister to Ray 847

2. Lister studied medicine at Montpellier from 1663–1666, and visited the continent twice more (1681 and 1698), writing a bestselling memoir of his last journey. Martin Lister, A journey to Paris in the year 1698 (London: A. Baldwin, 1698). His passport for his 1681 journey is in Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 1. 3. The work of Nicholas Cox. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 8 February 1675/6, note 3. 4. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 4 April 1676, note 5. 5. The Gentleman’s Recreation was given a long and favorable review in Phil. Trans., 10, (1675), pp. 461–466.

0388 Martin Lister to John Ray York, 2 July 1676

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 30, number 79. This letter has also been abstracted by Derham in nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, abstract 16. Address: No address present. Reply to: Ray’s letter of 14 June 1676 and 4 April 1676. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 139–140; Lankester (1848), pp. 124–125 (partial).

Deare friend

I am well pleased your Catalogue of Plants is again to be printed; it certainly deserves it. you might have commanded any service in my power; but I thinke the addition of the French names would have been but a fancy.1 I cannot say I have any thing worth sending you to adde. I shall only put you in mind that you leave not out the vinegar, that is to be drawn from Gallium luteum,2 which I have tried and is a rare Experiment, and is owing for ought I know to Borrichius;3 you will see a further account of it in the Danish Transactions.4 Alsoe you may please to remember the Fungus piperatus;5 which I have yearly found in Marton woodes ever since. Again the \fulminating powder/, which the Spikes of muscus Lycopod6 yeilds. I have gathered much of it in Craven, and find it will fire briskly in a Flame. I gathered the eares \a little/ before they were ripe, and put them in a box, and found that shedd their powder of them selves. see more in the Germ. Transact.7 and in Oliarius8 of this. As to the Q. of a heath=throstle, I find that the ring-ouzle is soe called with us in Craven, where there is every where in the moores plenty of them.9 I am glad you have discovered those authors to be Plagiaries: this sort of men being the bain and pest of Learning, and you ought to brand them. I have little to communicate to you, being extreamly busy in my calling, which takes me off more delightfull studdies. 848 Lister to Ray 0388

Only I have much improved my Catalogue of Snailes, haveing added 5 species thereto.10 I long to see you, that I might confer with you about the note I gave of this nature; for I would either put them out separately, if they deserve it, or throwe them \in/ to Mr Willoughbys store,11 if perchance anything has escaped his diligence. but I shall resolve upon nothing till I see you. Me-thinks we might meet half way the latter end of the year \summer/. I am

Your most affectionate servant

M. Lister

Yorke July 2d 76

1. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 14 June 1676. 2. Galium verum (Lady’s bedstraw). The enzymes in these flowers were used to coagulate milk in cheese making, hence Lister’s identification of being a “vinegar” in the plant. 3. Ray indeed included an instance of Borrichius’s experiment in his Catalogus plantarum Angliae on pp. 125–126. Ray wrote, “Vinegar is made by this distilling this plant as Doctor Olaus Borrichius describes in these words. He put some handfuls of the Fresh flowers of Gallium Luteum, immediately after the Morning Dew was dried up, into a Curcubit, and made what haste he could to put fire to it, to prevent the injuries of the Air, and so set it distilling. He first procured an Ounce of the insipid Serum, having some of the Fragrance of the Flowers; after that, three ounces of Vinegar, not of a very disagreeable taste. Upon augmenting the Fire, he next obtained about two drams of a yellow oil, mixed with this acid liquor, neither was this of an unpleasant smell; and thus having extracted the acid, by continuing the Operation some hours, with a gentle sand heat; it evidently appears, this acid coagulating spirit is inherent in the fresh flowers, with any previous fermentation, such as happens to other vinegars, which is very singular. For this acid being mixed with new Milk, immediately curdled it, as other vinegars use to do.” [Acetum ex hanc plantâ destillando elicuit D. Olaus Borrichius; modum ipse describit his verbis. Recentissimas Gallii lutei comas, defluente matutino rore sicciores ad manipulos aliquot legi, lectásque curcubitae vitreae recenti commisi; et nè quam ab aere aut morâ subirent mutationem, subitò evulsas subitò igne subjecto invitavi ad destillandum. Nec mora, surexit stillatitius liquor primas, et is penè insipidus, odore tamen fragrantes Gallii flores non parum referens. Post unam circiter liquoris huius unciam successit acetum non ingrati saporis ad uncias propemodum tres; tandem validiori igne admoto subsecutum est cum liquore acido oleum flavum ad drachmas pene duas, nec illud admodum ingrati odoris. Cùm verò operatio tota ab evulso flore ad acetum usque prolectatum paucis duntaxat horis duraverit, et miti destillatione peracta sit in arena, constiterit hinc abunde, opinor, spiritum hunc acidum tam promptè volatilem, lactisque coagulatorem flori Gallii adhuc crescenti verè inesse; nece aliorum more acetorum praeviam fermentationem expectare, sed in flore statim ipso (quod rarae avis instar est) vim suam separatricem profiteri. Hoc acetum serventi infusum lacti statim secretionem illam partium, quam ab infuso vulgari, aceto experimur, procuravit]. 0389 Oldenburg to Lister 849

4. D. Olai Borrichii, “Observation lxix: Acetum Floreum, stillatitium, subitaneum, novi generis,” in Thomae Bartholini Acta Medica at Philosophica Hafniensia Ann. 1671 et 1672 (Copenhagen: George Gödian, 1673), pp. 130–131. Thomas Bartholin (1616–1680), a professor of anatomy at the University of Copenhagen from 1646 to 1661, founded this journal which was extant from 1673 to 1680. 5. Lactarius piperatus, the peppery milk-cap. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672 where he reports finding this species in Marton Woods in Carleton-in-Craven, Yorkshire. 6. Lycopodium powder was used as a flash powder. The powder consists the spores of club mosses, principally in the genera Lycopodium and Diphasiastrum. The spores mixed with air are flammable because of a high surface area and fat content. 7. Miscellanea curiosa sive ephemeridum medico-physicarum, the journal of the Academia Naturae Curiosum in Schweinfurt, published from 1670. 8. For Olearius, see Ray’s letter to Lister of 13 February 1670, note 3. Olearius described observing the use of powder in his travels in Persia in 1637. See his The Voyages and Travels of the Ambassadors sent by Frederick Duke of Holstein to the great Duke of Muscovy (London: John Starkey, 1669), p. 176. The work was translated from the German Offt begehrte Beschreibung der newen orientalischen Reise by John Davies for a 1662 and a 1669 edition. 9. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 4 April 1676, notes 11 and 12. 10. See Lister’s letter to Oldenburg of 10 October 1672. 11. In this period, snails were classified as insects, and Ray had left the topic of insects to Willughby during their collaboration. It was not until the last year of his life that Ray was lent Willughby’s notes, which he “huddled together in haste” to create the posthumous Historia Insectorum (1710), which was not entirely successful.

0389 Henry Oldenburg to Martin Lister London, 6 July 1676

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 197. Address: To his honored ffriend | Dr Martin Lister, at | his house in Stone- gate | at | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/? [July ?]. Printed: Goulding (1900), pp. 337; Oldenburg, vol. 12, p. 364, letter 2928.

London July 6. 76.

Sir,

The multiplicity of letters I am obliged to write, making me sometimes forget, whether I have written such and such letters, or not. I am in the same doubt at present concerning a letter I intended to send to you, but am doubtfull whether I did or no. It is concerning the Black you were pleased to gratify 850 Lister to Oldenburg 0390 the Prince with, who having made tryal of it, finds it to be so much \burnt and/ dryed that it will yield no tincture at all; and therefore desires you, that you would pleasure him, if conveniently you could, with some that is not so much burnt as that was which we had from you.1 This, Sir, would be a very acceptable service to his Highnesse, whom I am persuaded you will endeavor to please; if it be possible: Which would also very much oblige

Sir

Your very humble and faithf. servt.

H. Oldenburg.

1. Originally Oldenburg asked for the black resin in his letter to Lister of 3 June 1676. Prince Rupert was performing experiments with painting on marble.

0390 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, [9 July 1676]

Source: rs el/L5/77. Oldenburg wrote on the wrapper, “Rec. july 17. 76.” In secretary hand, it was also written, “accompanying a Sample of his black Resin or Juice of a Plant. with an acct of it; and other notices.” Address: To my very honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh Esqu | at his house in the | Pal mall | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/? [July ?]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letters of 10 June and 6 July 1676. Printed: Birch, vol. 3, p. 323; Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 380–381, letter 2931.

Read Nov: 16: 1676.1

york july 9. 762

Sir

Since the receipt of your most obliging letter, wherein you was pleased to impart unto me some things you have passed before the R.S. I have been in continual motion and from home. 0390 Lister to Oldenburg 851

This last of the 6th of July I forth with answer; and \have/ sent you up \inclosed/ all and every particle I have of the black resin. I confesse I did think the Prince would be at a losse to find out a menstruum to dissolve it in, but you may assure his Highnesse from me, that it is purly natural, and never yet came neer the Fire, and is made much after the way that Indigo is made; only here the plant is blood or its veines being cutt it drops into cold water and the sediment of that liquor is this black I send, without any further processe upon it: but it being a totally inflammable Resin, it will not be brought to dissolve or give its tincture, by noe meanes I have yet used, which \have/not been a few. The only way to dissolve \it/ I conceive is to grind it with a fit menstruum. but I must leave that to Highnesse whose intention and way as \to/ the use of it, I doe not understand. However I have ventured to give his Hyghnesse fresh trouble with other not common druggs, which probably may advantage his Highnesse design, and I could doe more; but you will beg my pardon for these. Sir, I thanke you for your letter of June 10th very hartily: as to the Experiment of the Negros blood turning black, after it grow cold, I can say nothing to it; the letter I sent you being an extract of Dr Towne’s to me.3 the Dr does not say, it is not as florid in the drawing, but that the air does not advance its colour, as it \grows/ cold; which effect it has upon our Venal blood; but that it rathar dark- ens it; this is to be meant of the cake or fibrous part of the blood. If Mr Glover4 had made the Experiment expressily upon the place, in order to the examination of \what/ Dr Townes noted, I shall have been much startled at it; but as he trusts his memoire and speakes by that only, he is not idoneus testis;5 and I shall take the first opportunity to acquaint the Dr with the doubt. Mr Beaumont6 is a person I know not. As for the rest I am your debtour. I am Sir your most humble and obliged servant

M. Lister

1. This annotation is not in the hand of either Lister or Oldenburg. 2. The letter was undated, and Oldenburg inserted this heading. 3. Townes’s letter to Lister of 26 March 1675. 4. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 10 June 1676, note 34. 5. “A suitable witness.” 6. John Beaumont, Junior. See Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 10 June 1676, note 38. 852 Ray to Lister 0391

0391 John Ray to Martin Lister Sutton Coldfield, West Midlands, 15 July 1676

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 30, letter 80. Address: For his honoured friend | Mr Martin Lister at | his house in the | City | of | York. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/17 [July 17]; “Pd to London 3d.” Reply to: Lister’s letter of 2 July 1676. Printed: Derham (1718), pp. 141–144; Lankester (1848), pp. 125–126; Gunther (1928), p. 136; Raven (1986), p. 388 (partial).

Dear Sir,

Yours of July 2d came to hand. I thanke you for the advices therein contained. I should my self have remembred and inserted the Fungus piperatus of which you formerly sent me a large account.1 But the experiments of the vinegar of Gallium, and fulminating powder of Lycopodium if ever I read anything of them, were quite slipt out of my memory.2 I fancy that I have read something of the first in our Transactions,3 and the second of it be in Olarius his travels4 I must also have read \of/, but it seems heeded not. I have not at present by me those Transactions, or other books to which you referre and therefore beg of you a full account of both those experiments; for I should be loath either of them should by omitted in my Catalogue;5 which I suppose is ere now begun to be printed, though I have not yet received any proof of it. I thought it the more expedite way to give you this trouble then to stay the sending to London for those books. Your notes and observations in naturall history does very well deserve to be made publick: and I should advise rather by themselves, then be buried in Mr Willugh\b/yes work; the printing \also/ of which depends upon my life and health; and besides it will be long before his history of Insects6 and Exanguia7 be fitted for the presse, I being at present upon the history of fishes, which will take up still a year or two’s time.8 I have only this to object to you, and my self, against their speedy publication, that the longer they lye by you, if still you prosecute the same studies or inquiries, the more perfect and full they will be, every day almost adding or correcting, or illustrating somewhat; but if you have quite given over those researches, deferre not to put them out. If it had been my hap to find out so many before unobserved particulars, and experiments, I should have thought my self wanting to my own reputation had I not published them in my own name: though I confesse I have always thought that for new inventions and discoveries we are rather beholden to a good Genius ἁγαθῷ δαίµονι9 then to our own wit or industry; at least the faculty 0392 Ray to Lister 853 of and or shrewdnesse δεινότεσ10 in inventing and discovering is a particular gift of God and conferred upon all. But yet those discoveries and and [sic] new inventions are not granted even to such men usually, unlesse busied in searching and enquiring to into those things.11 I am this summer to take a journey into my own Countrey Essex. I doubt I shall scarce yet time and liberty to give you of meeting, but of this you shall hear further from me. I rest

Sir, your affectionate friend and humble servant John Ray.

Sutton Cofield July 15.—76.

1. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672. 2. See Lister’s letter of 2 July 1676, notes 2 and 3. 3. Ray was correct. Lister’s letter was published in Phil. Trans., 7 (1672), pp. 5116–5118. 4. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 2 July 1676, note 8. 5. Ray’s Catalogus plantarum Angliæ (1677). 6. Ray published the Methodus Insectorum (London 1705), a sixteen-page booklet of Willughby’s tables of intransmutable insects and aquatic insects. Ray’s Historia Insectorum, a more comprehensive treatise based on Willughby’s notes, was a posthumous work: John Ray, Historia Insectorum (London: A. and J. Churchill, 1710). See David Cram, Jeffrey L. Forgeng, and Dorothy Johnston, Francis Willughby’s Book of Games: A Seventeenth-Century Treatise on Sports, Games, and Pastimes (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), p. 31. 7. Taken from an Aristotelian system of classification, exanguia roughly corresponded to invertebrates, as opposed to sanguinea or vertebrates. See Raven (1986), p. 379. 8. Ray was optimistic. The Historia Piscium did not appear until 1686. 9. Agatho Daimoni or good genius. In ancient Greece, he was a presiding spirit of the vineyards and grainfields ensuring luck, health, and good fortune. 10. “Deinotes” or Greek for cleverness or shrewdness. My thanks to Professor Richard Sharpe for Greek derivations. Derham “corrected” Ray’s Greek here, and in his 1718 edition, and his transcription for his edition was mistaken and repeated by Lankester. 11. At this point, Derham inserted a series of asterisks to indicate where his transcription of the letter for his 1718 edition of Ray’s letters ended.

0392 John Ray to Martin Lister 28 November 1676

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, no. 59l. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 136 (selections from abstract only).1 854 Paulet to Lister 0393

How to write to Mr. Jessop.2 Horse fell and he lame. Cata[logue] slow.3 Nothing done towards print[ing] Hist. Fishes.4

0393 Charles Paulet, or Powlett,1 to 30 November [1676] Martin Lister

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 191. The year’s date of the letter is based upon the date of Lady Clifford’s death that Paulet mentioned. Address: These | for doctor Lyster | att york. good doctor, I aqua[i]nted my Lord with the temptation I gave you of goonge a long with him2 which he is much joyed att off you would be in earnest he would thank you for your Companie and itt should be noe expenc toe you goinge nor whilst you ware with him thare, butt he would know your resolution as sone as possible which makes me send this mesinger a purpos: that I may send him your real resolve for he intends to goe ovar afore Crismas, and will be in London butt inst[ead] before he goes coldes being thare so rife, that you die very fast so he is yett in hamshir at Bazinge.3 my daug:[hter] wiltshir4 is well as toe her looesnes, butt faint when she rises and can sitt up butt littel, only towards night harty and well, in all pilles has worked abundantly with her she take 4 as the paper derected 3 dayes. I staye till the old of moon, though your loss hear would be of consern toe us all yett your beinge with my Lord would be such a satisfaction toe me that I can not but press itt, and upon all occations be evar

Your fri[e]nd and servant

M Winchester 0394 Ray to Lister 855

Nove the 30

Lady Clifford5 is dead, abrode one Wensday and died a Sunday

1. Charles Paulet (1630/1–1699), first Duke of Bolton, sixth Marquess of Winchester, and moderate Whig politician, who was styled Lord St John. He represented Winchester in the Convention Parliament of 1660 and Hampshire in the Cavalier Parliament of 1661, as well as Lord Lieutenant of the county from 1667 to 1676. He moved to the House of Lords as the sixth Marquess of Winchester upon the death of his father in 1675. An eccentric, he was given the sobriquet the “Mad Marquess of Winchester.” See David Hosford, “Paulet, Charles, first duke of Bolton (1630/31–1699),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 2. Presumably to France, as Lister was a Francophile, traveling there three times, though apparently he did not assent to Paulet’s offer on this occasion as his next journey was not until 1681. Winchester would write to Lister again on 24 April 1683 (Bodl. ms Lister 3, fol. 189) concerning a journey to take spa waters, mentioning he hoped that on this occasion Lister’s wife would not object. It is not known who the “Lord” in question was, as Paulet’s father John Paulet had died on 5 March 1675. 3. The Paulet family’s seat was Basing House, in Old Basing, Hampshire, one mile east of Basingstoke. The house was destroyed in October 1645 in a siege of the English Civil War, and Charles Paulet built a new house at Hackwood in Winslade, Hampshire. 4. Paulet’s son was styled Charles, Lord Wiltshire, so presumably this was a reference to one of his three sisters, Lady Jane Paulet (d. ca. 1715); Lady Elizabeth Paulet, or Lady Mary Paulet. 5. Lady Anne Clifford, Countess of Pembroke, Dorset, and Montgomery (1590–1676). She was a literary personage, diarist, and patron of letters and the church. See Richard T. Spence, “Clifford, Anne, countess of Pembroke, Dorset, and Montgomery (1590–1676),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). She died on 22 March 1675/6, which was a Sunday.

0394 John Ray to Martin Lister 24 January 1676/77

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 59m. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 136 (selections from abstract only).1

Mr. Child2 will treat with bookseller about printing Hist. Fishes.3 He sordidly covet[ous]. She removed from Mid[dleton] to Wansted.4 Wil[lughby] removed from him, who said there for their sakes, theref[ore] he will go into Essex next year.5

Letters of Ray (1718). Although these letters were available to Derham at the time, subsequently many have been lost, and his abstract-inventory is now the only clue to their former existence. The writing is contracted and illegible. Gunther’s Further Correspondence of John Ray (1928) includes some of these abstracts, and they are included in this edition in their proper chronological place. 2. Josiah Child (1630–1699), a London merchant who had married Emma, Francis Willughby’s widow. As a colleague of Pepys, who had recommended him to the victualing syndicate for the admiralty, Child had connections to the Royal Society. Child attempted to cheat Willughby’s three children out of their estate, misappropriating nearly £60,000 for his own use. The normally mild John Evelyn characterized Child as “sordidly acquisitive.” As one of the newly rich, he used possessions and money to identify himself as a gentleman, and he understood the power of conspicuous consumption in blurring lines of social rank. Child directed the East India Company, where he formulated shrewd market strategies that spawned the “calico craze” during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, selling the material to middling and lower orders as a substitute for brocades and flowered silks favored by the aristocracy. See “Entry of 16 March 1683,” in John Evelyn, The Diary of John Evelyn, ed. Guy de la Bédoyère (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1995), p. 258; Phyllis W. Hunter: Purchasing Identity in the British Atlantic World: Massachusetts Merchants, 1670–1780 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001), pp. 96–98. 3. Ray’s text for the publication of Willughby’s Historia Piscium was ready for the press in 1678 but, even by February 1682, the work remained unpublished. At this point, Lister wrote to the Royal Society noting “the excellent manuscripts which Mr Willughby has left behind him,” urging their publication. Because, apparently, Child continued to be an obstacle, no further use of Willughby’s manuscripts was possible for the publication of the Historia Piscium. See Cram, Francis Willughby’s Book of Games (2003), pp. 28–29; Martin Lister to Francis Aston, 11 February 1681/2, rs lbo/8/177, Royal Society Library, London, printed partially in Birch, vol. 4, p. 127. 4. Presumably a reference to Emma Willughby, who married Josiah Child in 1676. She moved from Middleton Hall to Wanstead House in Essex, which Child bought in 1673. 5. Although Emma Willughby did not share her husband’s approval of John Ray, his position as tutor to her children was not threatened until after the death in 1675 of the dowager, Lady Cassandra, who had supported Ray. Subsequently, Ray left Middleton Hall, moving to Essex in 1677. Relations between Ray, and Sir Josiah and Lady Child broke down irretrievably. See Cram, Francis Willughby’s Book of Games (2003), p. 29.

0395 Thomas Kirke1 to [Martin Lister] Edinburgh,2 3 June 1677

Source: bl ms Stowe 175, fol. 138. The letter has some slight damage leading to loss of text. An account of Kirke’s journey is also published in M. Richardson, ed., “Journeying through Northumberland and Durham A.D. 1677,” in Reprints of rare tracts and imprints of ancient manuscripts etc., 7 vols (Newcastle upon Tyne: Richardson, 1845), vol. 7, pp. 7–16. 0395 Kirke to Lister 857

Address: No address present. Printed: Hake (1902), vol. 10, pp. 63–64.

Edinburgh june the 3d ☉3 1677

[Sir]

According to my promise, I send you this rude account of our journey hitherto. wee begun our journey on ☽4 the 14th of may. wee had by letter send Franck Place5 word that wee intended to get him att home on ♂, but when wee came there he was out \of/ the way. this hindered us a dayes journey. on ☿6 betwixt Bishop Auckland and Durham wee waited on one Sir Ralph Cole,7 a very worthy ingeniouse gent: hee has furnished his house with incomparable pictures of his drawing, and is very ingeniouse in makeing knifes, Guns, Pistolls, etc: and of a very courteous behaviour. from thence to Durham, on ♃8 to newcastle on ♀9 downe the river to Tinmouth,10 and on ♄11 to Morpeth,12 it would be superfluouse to trouble you with any account of these places, though in the middle aisle of St Nicholas’ church13 in Newcastle wee saw a grave made for Old Millbancks.14 his poor widdow had but 7 lbs in the house and mightily straightened to defray funerall expences. She sayes her husband has left her soe poor that shee thinks shee shall want \bread/ [[several words]].15 and 16000 lb in mony: but dust will to dust: on ♃ the 21st wee went by Witherington Castle16 and lay at Anwick17 that night, on ♂ wee went to the Ferne Islands,18 there are 7 or more of them, wee were [on] 3 of the most remarkeable, the first whereon wee landed called the South wideopen, was full of a strange reed with a white flower, and abundance of sea foule, wee could scarce set down a foot for treading upon eggs, the 2d wee went on called the staple had one of this weed but a kind of grasse whereon they feed sheep, here were certaine holes like conie holes19 but the length of a man arme deep, wherein builds a certain bird called a counterneb20 one of the wherrie men21 pul[led] us out one, the bird is pubble22 and the size of a Partridge, it has a black back and white belly, a very strange beak, the head and foot wee have with us. one side of the Island is full of Rocks, there are 6 or 7 in a row into the sea, each of them about 4 or 5 yards square and 20 or 30 yards high about 1/2 or 1/4 of a yards distance from one another, on the top and sides of these rockes are \as/ many fowle as can stand one by another, most of Willimants23 and scouts,24 they have but one egg apeece, which lyes upon the bare rock, and they hold it under their feet. here build the scarps a bird larger than a crow and as black. they will not easily be beat of their eggs, nor any of the birds here. wee were within 3 or 4 yards 858 Kirke to Lister 0395 of them and stoned them, but none would stir but those that were hitt. it was pleasant to behold them, on the fern Island next the shore is an old house with a lighthouse upon it, here are not such plenty of foule on this as on the other: that night wee lay att Belford, were wee found the whole neighbourhood dan- ceing on the green at a wedding. here our grooms horse called Pompey was poyson’d as wee thought though the groom did beleeve that an old woman there had bewitched him25 [[one line]] by Epitaph for him, Here lyes Pompey, Pompey the great. Witchcraft, or poyson did the feate. On ☿ wee went to the holy Island,26 if it about a mile over, here is a little towne, the ruins of an old church not unlike the modell of the cathedrall church att Durham,27 its a levell plaine Island, yet on one part of it arise a great Rock 30 yards high upon the top of this is built a Castle28 and an artificiall way made upp to it betwixt this and the towne is a new Fort cal’d Osbourne Fort.29 there wee had 2 or 3 of St Cutberts beads30 which are found there. they are such like little star stones as are among your collections. from hence to Barwick,31 where is a straite bridge of 15 arches, on ♃ a jealouse souldier32 threw his child of 1 1/2 years old over the bridge att high water and leaped over himselfe, the child floated 200 yards and was saved, but he was drowned. our horse being ill here, stayed us till ☽ the 28th. from thence to Dunbarr,33 here under the Rocks grows the Corraline. twill be needless to give you an account of the Towns Mr lodge,34 being fitter for itt. from Dunbar on ♂ wee went to the basse Island35 where wee saw great numbers of Soland goose.36 they are white, onely the wing ends black and their heads yellow. A long sharp black beake, they come hither about the 10th of Aprill and stay till September. they never take the old ones but they have half a crowne a peece for the young ones. they have but one egg apeece and sit on them with their foot like the scouts in the ferne. This is a very strange Island about 150 yards high from the sea, it is dangerous walking upon it,37 but I shall wave the description thereof because you have had it already from W. Lodge from [[one word]]38 Edinbrough, we found the streets or rather the street (there being but one) well furnished with bonefires and great multitudes of people rejoycing [[two words]] the kings birth day, wee have seen all the Towne, here is a strong castle. wee was att the Colledge and saw the library. I am sorry to tell you [[one word]]39 Gregory40 is dead, halfe a year agoe; they doe much lament him. yesterday wee in the Colledge library wee saw a horne cut of a womans an inch above her eare that was 11 inches long: yesterday wee mett with a gentleman that is governour of the Orkney Islands.41 I discoursed him particularly concerning the Barnacles but hee said hee never saw any; wee intend to goe thither, and I will \give/ you our account of what wee know concerneing them, tomorrow (I think wee shall leave Edinbrough, but wee 0395 Kirke to Lister 859 shall returne again about ♃ un a fortnight or 3 weeks hence, if you please to employ mee in any service here and vouchsafe mee a time or two, direct your letter for mee, to be left with Mr Archibald Hislop bookseller in the Parliament close: Mr Arthington42 and Dr Stanhope43 give their humble service to you (and are drinkeing your health) pray accept of mine too; and remember mee to H. Wilkin[son]44 and H Gyles.45 this letter may excuse my writeing to him since this \is/ an account of our journey hitherto. if anything worthy your notice falls out he[re]after, you need not doubt to have it from Sir

your much obliged humble servant,

T. Kirke

1. For Kirke, see Lodge’s letter to Lister of 5 January 1674/5, note 8. 2. Kirke was on a three-month tour of Scotland (May to July 1677). 3. Sunday. 4. Monday or “moon day.” 5. Francis Place (1647–1728), artist and member of the York Virtuosi. 6. Wednesday or Wodin’s day. 7. Sir Ralph Cole (1625–1704), Baronet of Brancepth Castle, Durham, M.P. of Durham, and amateur painter. Cole spent a good deal of his vast fortune of his ancestors on art and as an art patron. See Arianne Burnette, “Cole, Sir Ralph, second baronet (bap. 1629, d. 1704),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 8. Thursday, or Jove-day (jeudi). 9. Friday. 10. Tynemouth, a town in Tyne and Wear, at the mouth of the River Tyne. 11. Saturday. 12. The county town of Northumberland, situated on the River Wansbeck which flows east of the town. 13. St Nicholas Cathedral. 14. Mark Milbank, who was sheriff of Newcastle in 1638 and mayor in 1658 and 1672. He was married to Dorothy Cock, the daughter of a wealthy Newcastle merchant. Kirke’s diary repeated what was indicated in this letter: “Friday 18 [may 1677] we saw St Nicholas Church; there are several pretty monuments therein. We saw a grave made for a poor alderman of the town (old Milbank); his poor widow was in great distress how to defray the funeral expenses, having by 7 lb in the house; her jointer was 1100 lbs per annum, and 15,000 in money.” See W.H. Knowles and J.R. Boyle, Vestiges of Old Newcastle and Gateshead (Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Andrew Reid, 1890; London: Eliot Stock, 1890), p. 187. 15. The letter is worn and faded here, leading to loss of text. 16. Forfeited by Lord Witherington in 1715, the castle was fifteen miles north from Newcastle, eleven miles south of Dunstanburgh Castle, and seven miles north east from Morpeth. 17. Alnwick, a small market town in north Northumberland. 860 Kirke to Lister 0395

18. Farne Islands, between fifteen and twenty islands depending on the tide, off the coast of Northumberland. The islands are about 2.5–7.5 km.(1½–4¾ miles) from the mainland, and are divided into two groups: the Inner Group and the Outer Group. In the Inner Group, the islands are the Inner Farne, Knoxes Reef, and the East and West Wideopens, which are all joined together on very low tides) and the Megstone. The main islands in the Outer Group are Staple Island, the Brownsman, North and South Wamses, Big Harcar, and the Longstone. 19. Rabbit warren. 20. A puffin (Fratercula arctica), also known as a coulter-neb. See Francis Willughby and John Ray, Ornithologiae libri tres (London: John Martyn, 1676), pp. 244–245. 21. Wherry man. A wherry was a clinker-belt boat with long overhanging bows so that, before landing stages were built along the river, patrons could step ashore easily. It was traditionally used for carrying cargo and/or passengers on canals and rivers in England, usually on the River Thames. See Thomas Townes’ letter to Lister of 20 June 1674 for another reference to a wherry boat. 22. Fat or plump. 23. Guillemots, Uria aalge. See David Steel “Birds on the Farne Islands in 2005,” Transactions of the Natural History Society of Northumbria, 66 (2006), pp. 55–158. 24. A local name for various seabirds native to Great Britain; in this case, the razor-bill (Alca torda). 25. In the printed account of his journey, Kirke indicated that “here one of our grooms beat a boy for riding his horse too fast, but the boy’s mother threatened a revenge; and just before we took horse on Wednesday 23rd, the groom’s horse fell very ill.” See M. Richardson, ed. “Journeying through Northumberland and Durham A.D. 1677,” in Reprints of rare tracts and imprints of ancient manuscripts etc., 7 vols (Newcastle upon Tyne: Richardson, 1845), vol. 7, pp. 7–16, on p. 13. 26. Holy Island or Lindisfarne. 27. The monastery church founded by Saint Aiden in A.D. 635. 28. Lindisfarne Castle. 29. A gun battery defense built in 1675 to support Lindisfarne Castle. 30. St. Cuthbert’s beads or crinoid fossils. See Lister’s letter to Ray of 12 October 1672, note 8. 31. Berwick-upon-Tweed, Northumberland, the northernmost town in England. 32. Kirke indicates in the published account that the soldier had been cuckholded by his wife. 33. Dunbar, East Lothian. 34. William Lodge. 35. Bass Rock, an island of volcanic origins of the Forth, part of a minor island group to the east of Scotland. It is 1.2 miles offshore and 3.1 miles north-east of North Berwick, and is known for its colonies of seabirds, particularly gannets. 36. Solan Goose or the Northern Gannet (Morus bassanus). 37. The island is a volcanic plug of rock with very steep sides. 38. There is damage to the letter at this point. 39. There is damage to the letter at this point. 40. Presumably Professor James Gregory the elder (1638–1675), the mathematician. At the age of twenty-four Gregory published Optica promota (1663), a description of a reflecting 0396 Gregory to Lister 861 telescope which he had invented in 1661. Between 1664 and 1667, Gregory studied mathematics in Padua, Italy, and while there he published Vera circuli et hyperbolae quadratura (1667) in which he showed how to find the areas of the circle, ellipse, and hyperbola. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in June 1668 and appointed Professor of Mathematics at St Andrews University. In the early 1670s, he corresponded with Newton about the designs of their telescopes, respectively. In July 1674 he was elected as the first exclusively mathematical professor at Edinburgh University. Gregory died of a stroke a few months later in October 1675. See Niccolò Guicciardini, “Gregory, James (1638–1675),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 41. Presumably Captain Andrew Dick who received a Commission on 30th July 1669, appointing him Stewart principal and Chamberlain of Orkney and Zetland. In 1678 he was elected to represent the Islands in Parliament. See Francis J. Grant, The County Families of the Zetland Islands (Lerwick: T. and J. Manson, 1893). 42. Possibly Cyril Arthington, a gentlemen of Milnthorpe, Yorkshire, a village close to Kirke’s home in Cookridge, near Leeds. Arthington’s son, also named Cyril (c. 1666–1720) would become F.R.S. in 1701 and built Arthington Hall in Leeds. This individual could have been the younger Cyril’s cousin Henry Arthington, Esq. (d. 1681). Several of Kirke’s letters from Cookridge mention visiting a Mr. Arthington. See, for example, John Nichols, Illustrations of the literary history of the eighteenth century (London: Nichols, Son, and Bentley, 1822), vol. 4, p. 74. 43. Possibly connected to Alexander Stanhope (1638–1707), who served as Gentleman Usher to the Queen, as English envoy to Spain (1689–1706), and as Envoy to the States General. He was elected to the Royal Society in May 1663. Alexander was the youngest son (by a second marriage) of Philip Stanhope, the first Earl of Chesterfield (1584–1656). Alexander was mentioned in a letter from Lister to Oldenburg of 28 July 1675, as well as in a letter of July 1675 from Francis Jessop to Lister. 44. For Wilkinson, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672, note 2. 45. Henry Gyles.

0396 George Gregory1 to Martin Lister [Nottingham], 22 June 1677

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 4, fols 25–26. Address: For Dr: Lister att | Yorke.

Dear Brot[her]:

Your Brot[her] Mi[chael]2 hath left me Guardian to Mat[hew]. and I finde the estate intayled upon you if Mat[hew] die. I am in treaty with Jo:[seph] Wigon, and an other to let a lease until Mat: attains the age of 21 yeares if he live soe long. I forsee it will let better if they may have a Certainty of it, and therfore I desire to have your opinion, and Consent (if they desire it) 862 Leycester to Lister 0397

Wee shall be glad to heare of my sisters being safely brought to bed,3 and the Welfare of you all will be good newes to

D: B:4

Your affectionate Brot:[her] present

Geo Gregory

June: 22 1677

1. Lister’s sister Susanna married George Gregory, Esq., in 1664. Gregory (1638–1688) became High Sheriff of Nottingham in 1668, and served in that role until 1670. 2. Michael (d. 1678) of Burwell Park, Lincolnshire was Lister’s older brother, the firstborn son of Sir Martin Lister and Susanna Temple. Matthew Lister was Michael’s son, Lister’s nephew. The will of Michael Lister specified that George Gregory was one of the executors. See Lyster-Denny, (1913), p. 223. 3. This may have been Lister’s third daughter, Dorothy, mentioned in her father’s will; the baptismal records for these years for Stonegate, York, are no longer extant. 4. “Dear Brother.”

0397 Peter Leycester1 to Martin Lister Mobberley, Cheshire, 6 July 1677

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 3, fols 129–130. Lister wrote on the wrapper “For the most worshipfull Sir Peter Leicester Baronet.” In another hand is also written on the wrapper, “Sr Pet. Leicester.” There is damage to lower right-hand corner of the first page. Address: ffor Martin Lister Esquire, son of Sir | Martin Lister Knight | neare to not farre of Yorke | These | to be left at the Posthouse in York | To be sent away with Care and Speede | London. Yorke. Postmark: Bishop Mark iy/11 [July 11].

Sir

Havinge beene lately informed that you are a Lover of Antiquities, and therefore more likely to informe the Truth of my Queres, I have addressed my selfe (though not so happy as to be knowne unto you) for your resolution in these particulars followinge— 0397 Leycester to Lister 863

1. How the name of the Lysters in Yorkeshire was anciently written about 400 yeares agoe, or 300 yeares agoe, which must only be discovered by viewinge ancient Deeds of those former ages, and observing how the name was then usually written, and exactly spelled, mentioninge the Dates of Such Deedes particularly in Short; as in a deed dated 34 Edw[ard] 3\ij/,2 now in possession of Mr Martin Lister, wherein A.B. gave such or such landes to C. de Lister; writinge the name Lister as you there find it spelled exactly to a letter; whether Leicester, or Leiceter, or Leister, or Lister, and the like etc. and so of the rest: and if the Deeds have no Date, then to say in a Deede without Date in my Custody, I w find it written so or so: etc.: 2. Which ffamily of the Listers in Yorkshire now in beinge \with/ the name of the present Person, and Place of his residence; neare to such a towne as is well knowne to strangers out of the County, for the better findinge out of the same, is the most ancient ffamily or Originall from whence the other families \of that name/ are Propagated: and if possible; I could wish a short pedegree of all from the first Ancestour, and when the other ffam- ilies did branch out in their due series of tyme. 3. How many families there bee of that name now in yorkshire, or West moreland (I meane of the better sort of \such/ families of Good note onely) with the names of the present possessions, and places of their Constant Abodes; in a briefe note:

All which I desire to know, because it seemes to me that originally the name was written Leicester, from which sonne I beleeve the first Ancestour gained that Sirname: for in \those of/ my family (to wit, the Leicesters of Nether Tabley3 in Cheshire neare Knotsford) have for 400 yeares togather to this present beene constantly written Leycester or Leicester without any variation, but commonly called by all Persons for brevity Lester, but yet written alwaies Leicester, as the Towne of Leicester is also usually written: and it is probable, that the Yorkshire Dialect hath for brevity’s sake also formed the same sirname into Lister: The Originall Ancestour of both is w[orth] finding out: the first of my ffamily seated at Tabley was Nicolas de Leicester anno Domini [[four digits]] 1271 which he Towne he had by the marriage of Margaret Dutton his then wif[e].4 I find him stiled Sir Nicolas Lest de Leicester in a deed dated 1290. 18º. Ed[ward ii] and from whence downewards to my selfe the Descent \is/ exactly proved a[nd may] be found in my booke of Cheshire Antiquities lately published: and [[two words]] my ffamily most certainely came all the other Leicesters in Cheshire 864 Leycester to Lister 0397

I feare this Letter is too tedious to you; the summe is, I desire to Kn[ow] the most Ancient ffamily of your Sirname, and (if possible) the first Origins [[words missing]] Common Ancestour of all, as the Heraldes Record the Pedegree in their booke and so begginge your Pardon, for my troublinge you with these Lines, I rest

Sir

Your affectionate friend, and very humble servant

Peter Leicester.

Mobberley neare Knotsford July 6, 1677.

I humbly crave your Answere to this Letter with all Speede you can: and shall be glad to heare you have received it. You may please to direct yours to be left at Manchester by the \at the London/ Post, to be sent thence to the Post=house in Knotsford as accordinge to the direction: and then it will be sure to come to my handes: and whether you direct your letter to me at Nether Tabley in Cheshire, or at Mobberley5 in Cheshire, it will be all One and well enough. And if you have any Papers to be sent within your letter now or at any other tyme, you may please to send them \by the Post/ for more Speeded, and I shall pay for the same with all thankfulnes: I have directed this to York be left at Yorke=Post house to be sent unto you: for I could not tell how to direct it to your Mannour house, because I doe not know the place.

1. Sir Peter Leycester, first Baronet (1614–1678) was a historian and antiquarian, and was made a baronet for his support of Charles I during the English Civil War. Educated at Brasenose College, Oxford (1629), he was admitted to Gray’s Inn in 1632. When the Civil War began, Leycester served as one of the King’s commissioners of army for Cheshire. After Cheshire surrendered to the Roundheads, Leycester devoted his time to antiquarian research, studying the pedigree of the Mainwaring family. His research involved him in a public controversy over the legitimacy of his wife’s ancestor Amicia, the wife of Ralph Mainwaring. Leycester also published an antiquarian study of Chester and made a large collection of books (1,322) and manuscripts in his library at Tabley. In 1642, he married Elizabeth Gerard, the daughter of Lord Gilbert Gerard of Dutton, Cheshire, and he was succeeded in the baronetage by his eldest son Sir Robert. See Jan Broadway, “Leycester, Sir Peter, first baronet (1614–1678),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). 0399 Lister to Oldenburg 865

2. The thirty-fourth regnal year of Edward iii was from 25 January 1360 to 24 January 1361. 3. Nether Tabley or Tabley Inferior was a township in Great Budworth ancient Parish, Bucklow hundred, which became a civil parish in 1866. It included the hamlet of Nether Tabley, near Knutsford, Cheshire. 4. Sir Nicholas de Leicester (d. 1295) married Margaret, daughter of Geffrey Dutton, by whom he acquired the village, manors, and mansion of Nether-Tabley, Wethall, etc. See John Burke, A genealogical and heraldic history of the extinct and dormant baronetcies of England, Ireland and Scotland (London, 1841), p. 306. 5. Mobberley is situated between Wilmslow and Knutsford in Cheshire.

0398 John Ray to Martin Lister Sutton Coldfield, West Midlands, 11 July 1677

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 59n. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 136 (selections from abstract only).1

Sutton Cofield. Will soon remove to Essex.2 Will visit him and Mr. Jessop.3

0399 Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, 15 September 1677

Source: rs el/L5/79. Address: For his ever honoured friend | Henry Oldenburgh | Esquire | at his house in the Palmal | London. Postmark: Bishop Mark se/17 [September 17]. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 6 July 1676. Printed: Oldenburg, vol. 13, p. 347, letter 3132. 866 Lister to Oldenburg 0399a

Sir

I send you the inclosed Papers for your Entertainment,1 but I further Desire of you the favour of your advise, and if \it/ may not be too great a diversion to the more excellent employment that you will take care of the Edition of 3 Tracts of Natural Historie,2 which I have by me, and \which/ I shall readily put into your hands. There are 5 plates of designs which belong to them,3 and which have stood me in a great cost to perfect them. Soe that I should \be/ glad, if I could gett \them/ well transferred upon copper, without more charges to my selfe. I know not how Mr Martin4 is to be dealt with in this kind, or what other Booksellers ther are p that may be more reasonably treated with. I pray pardon this trouble. I am

Sir Your most humble servant

Martin Lister

Yorke \7ber/ 15/77

1. Lister’s observations of Roman Urns, rs el/L5/79, Royal Society Library, London, for which this was the covering letter. 2. Lister’s Historiae animalium Angliae tres tractatus (London: J. Martyn, 1678). The work is divided into three parts, with the first part consisting of the first scientific work addressing the subject of English spiders, the second that of land and freshwater molluscs, and the third on fossils. 3. There were actually nine folding engraved plates, drawn by William Lodge. For the drawing of spiders, see Lodge’s letter to Lister of 21 August 1674. See also Unwin (1995). 4. John Martyn, the printer to the Royal Society.

0399a Martin Lister to Henry Oldenburg York, ca. 15 September 1677

Source: rs el/L5/81. These were the papers enclosed to which Lister referred in his letter to Oldenburg of 15 September 1677. Address: No address present. Reply to: Oldenburg’s letter of 6 July 1676. 0399a Lister to Oldenburg 867

Printed: Philosophical Collections, 4 (1682), pp. 87–92; Lister, Letters and Mixt Discourses (1683), pp. 110–116; Oldenburg, vol.13, p. 348, letter 3132, note 1; Unwin (1995), p. 225 (partial).

N.B. These were sent to Mr Oldenb much about the time of his Death here is another copy in \this/ Guardbook printed in Phil. Collections 4.1

Sir

I shall relate to you certain Antiquities, which have escaped the more curious Antiquaries of this and the last ago, when that studdy was much in credit: but we shall treat of them only in the relation they may have to [[two words]] \Natural Philosophy/ or Arts. The different make of the Roman Urnes to be found with us in England, their composition, and places where they made them. at Yorke, in the road or Roman-street without Michelgate,2 and likewise by the river side, where the Brick-kilns now are, we find Urnes of these different tempers. 1. Of a bluish-grey colour, having a great quantitie of course sand wrought in with the Clay.3 2. Others of the same colour, having either a very fine sand, or which I rathar thinke, are composed of sandy clay full of mica or catsilver4 3. red Urnes of pure clay, with little or not sand in it. These Potts are quite throughout of a red colour like fine bole. Alsoe many of these Potts are elegantly adorned with figures in Basso relievo:5 And usually the workmane’s name (which I think others have mistaken for the persons name buried therein) +6 upon the bottom or cover; as Januarius \which word I have seen upon 3 of these urnes/ and such like. After all, these are Glazed inside and outside with a kind of Varnish of a bright corrall colour. The composition of the first sort of Urnes, did first give me occasion, to discover the places where of they were made. The one in the mid-way betwixt Wilberfosse7 and Barnby8 on the Moore, 6 miles from Yorke, amongst the Sand-hills, or rising ground, where now the Warren is. The other Roman Potterie on the Sands at Santon,9 not far off Brigg in Lincolnshire. In the first place are widly to be found broaken pieces of Urnes, Slagg, and cinder. At the latter place there are yet remaining, (tho that is a moveable sand, and is hurried every way by the wind, and has therby that much covered the place) a great number of Furnaces (whose ruines I take to be all those Metae10 or hillocks to have been, the topps of many of them, but just 868 Lister to Oldenburg 0399a appearing above the sands) pieces of Potts and urnes of all different shapes, infinite slagg and cinders. This Pottery having taken up some Acres of ground, as to one that shall diligently view the place it will appear. ’Tis remarkable, that both the Potteries are neer the Roman Road,11 or military high way. I could not learne where any good clay for that purpose was to be had neer to those Sands, which yet our modern potteries cheifly seek after. Which takes off part of the wonder why they have long lain in obscurity the materials of potts being much altered, and consequently the places. These Urns differ in these particulars, from the Potts that are now made \and/ in use amongst us. 1. That they are without all manner of Glazing with Lead, which perhapps is a modern invention. 2. that a far greater quantitie of sand is used than clay; which made it worth the while to bring their clay to the sand hills. 3. that they were baked either with more leisure, after long and through drying, or inclosed within certain Coffins, to defend them from the immediate contact of the Flames; which I am induced to believe, because there seemes to be fragments of such things to be found in these Potteries. ’Tis certain the natural colour of the Clay is not altered by burning; soe that both the degree of heat, and manner of burning was different. And one of these Pot-sherds, as I have tried, as I have tried, baked over again, will become reddish. As to the two last kind of Potts, it is likely the first of them, with their particles of mica in them, are made of a sandy blew clay, of which nature there is great plenty among the Western Mountains of this Country, and particularly at Carleton not far off Ickley12 a Roman station. The red Potts seem to have been their Master piece, wherein they shewed the greatest Art, and seemed to glory and to eternize their names on them.13 I have observed great varieties of Embossed worke on them. And lastly for the elegant manner of glazing, it is far nearer indeed, and more durable than our modern way of Glazing; which is far neater and more durable than our modern way of Leading, which is apt to crack and crazle, both with wett and heat; and at the fire is certainly unwholsome by reason of the fumes which Lead usually emitts, to witt a quick evaporable mettal. This ancient Glazing seems to have been done by the lapis haematites of \or/ such like mineral ground in oil and washing over the Urnes before the baking. The great plenty of these Urnes found in many parts of England, seemes to argue them also of English manufacture alsoe where I cannot guesse; unless wrought at the very bole-mines in Clevland.14 For that the very barren Tract of Land, called Blackmore, was well known to the Romans, the Jett Rings taken up with the Urns doe sufficiently testify. of which I have two by me, which 0399a Lister to Oldenburg 869

I carefully redeemed of the Labourers, besides many others which they told me they had broaken, found about a certain number of Urnes. Now Jet is noe where that I know off to be found with us, but in that Tract, a fossill peculiar to those mountains.15 The bole-mines are on the skirts of those mountains alsoe. Of these jet-rings some are plain, others wrought: but all of them of an extraordinary bignesse; being at least 3 inches diameter, and the inward bore is not above one inch and a halfe, which makes them too little for the Wrists of any man, as they are much too bigg for the Fingers: so that they never were worne either as Armillae16 or Anuli.17 And since we are upon the subject of the Roman plasticks, we cannot but take notice of the opinion of Cambden +,18 that the obelisks at Burrow briggs in this County are artificial. when in truth they are nothing lesse; being made of one of the most common sort of stone in the County, viz of a course Ragg. Perhapps he thought not any rock thereabouts fitt to yeild stones of that magnitude. I doubt not but here are many in \the/ Forrest of Knaresborough or neer the River Nid. This is certain that a little above Ickly within 16 miles of B[urrow] B[riggs]19 there is one solid bed of this very Stone the Obelisks are off, whose perpendicular depth only will yield Obelisks of 30 foot high. But we cannot let this pass without noting, that almost all the Monuments of the Romans were of this sort of stone, as the Ancient walls of this Cittie, etc. At Burrow Briggs the only remaining but imperfect, as well as odd Inscription in that Towne is upon this sort of stone, viz in the street wall of Sir William Tankards20 House, with this difference, that is of a little finer gritt. Several images in basse relieve \and altars I have seen/: above all there is remarkable in this Cittie a vast Roman head (perhaps of some of the Emperours) upon a pedestall of one solid stone; this is of as full course a gritt as the Obelisks, now in Mr. Hilliards Garden. There is but one only exception, that I ever yet saw in these parts: which is a small alter with Figures in basse relieve of sacrificing instruments, etc. of limestone and undoubtedly had from the Quarries above Maulton,21 because of the Lapides judaici22 to be seen in the Texture of the stone. This altar hath suffered an unluckie accident, yet is the inscription preserved, as well as the defaced stone in the court before his Grace, the \D.[uke] of B.[uckingham’s]/ house in Yorke. but enough of this.23 I am Sir, etc.

1. This endorsement is not in Lister’s hand. Oldenburg died on 5 September 1677, which cor- roborates the proposed date for this letter. 2. Micklegate Bar. Although it incorporates some pieces of Roman stonework that were reused by medieval masons, Micklegate is not a Roman gateway but an eleventh-century 870 Lister to Oldenburg 0399a 0399a Lister to Oldenburg 871

successor; the Roman road runs slightly southwest of it. See Patrick Ottaway, Roman York (Stroud, Gloucestershire: The History Press, 2004), esp. chapter 1. 3. These urns may have been crafted from clay used to make Dales or Dales-type ware, a range of grey sandy wares widely distributed across northern Britain in the 3rd and 4th centuries ad and produced in Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, and Humberside. See P.A. Tyers, “Dales-ware and Dales-type ware,” Potsherd: Atlas of Roman Pottery, http://potsherd.net/atlas/Ware/dales [accessed 27 March 2012]. 4. Mica with a silvery appearance. 5. Bas relief. 6. + V. Burton upon Antonius, p. 183 and p. 230. Lister’s reference to William Burton, A Commentary on Antoninus his Itinerary or Journies of the Romane Empire, so Far as it concerneth Britain (London: Thomas Roycroft, 1658), p. 183, p. 230. Burton wrote, “There were also some Urnes, or Crocks, which contained in them ashes and bones. Amongst them, there was one of a polite and most fine substance, resembling rather Corall, then red earth, and had the Cover thereof inscribed Coccillim. Perhaps for Coccillim.” 7. A village and civil parish in the East Riding of Yorkshire about eight miles east of York city center. 8. Barmby Moor. Nineteenth-century antiquarian George Poulson confirmed there was a Roman road between Barmby and Wilberfosse, going across the moor. See George Coulson, Beverlac; or, the antiquities and history of the town of Beverly, in the county of York (London: Longman, Reese, Orme, Brown, and Green, 1829), p. 19. 9. Low Santon, in north Lincolnshire about three miles from Brigg. Brigg lies at the junc- tion of a narrow crossing point of the River Ancholme and east-west transport routes across the county. This may have been the Messingham pottery kiln site near Scunthorpe that was excavated in 1949. See R.H. Arrand, “Roman Britain in 1948: I. Sites Explored: ii. Inscriptions,” The Journal of Roman Studies, 39, 1 and 2 (1949), pp. 96–115, on p. 102. 10. Literally “cones.” The furnaces were hidden by the sand hillocks. 11. The Roman road of Ermine Street that ran that ran from London (Londinium) to Lincoln (Lindum Colonia) and York (Eboracum). See I.D. Margary, Roman Roads in Britain, 3rd edn (London: John Baker, 1973), p. 224. 12. Ilkley, West Yorkshire, a market and spa town, is the site of a Roman fort and civilian settlement. In his Britannia, William Camden identified Ilkley with the Olicana of the Antonine Itinerary, a fourth-century Roman route map. The pots he found are another type of gray ware. 13. These urns either could have been Samian ware, a type of pottery made in Gaul which was vivid red with very intricate designs, as Michael Hunter suggested, or lower-quality copies of Samian tableware that were made in Britain in the second century using the seleniferous clays of Lincolnshire which turns red upon firing; Lister mentions he took a potsherd and found that “baked over again” it would “become reddish.” See Michael Hunter, “The Royal Society and the Origins of British Archaeology,” in Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy: Intellectual Change in late seventeenth-century Britain (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 1995), pp. 181–200, on p. 183. 14. Literally “cliff-land” an area in the north-east of England, within the North Riding of Yorkshire, including the North York Moors. “Bole” refers to the name of several kinds of clay, usually yellow, red, or brown because of the presence of iron oxide. 0399a Lister to Oldenburg 873

15. Jet, the fossilized monkey puzzle tree (Araucaria). Jet is found throughout the North York Moors and occurs in the Upper Liassic as thin seams or as nodules. 16. Armband (usually gold) awarded as a military decoration for Roman soldiers. 17. Small ring. 18. + V. Britannia. A reference to William Camden’s Britannia (1607). Lister’s knowledge of the local stones and clays also helped him correct Camden’s misapprehensions about the Boroughbridge Roman Obelisks or “Devils Arrows,” which stood about a mile and a half from Aldborough. Camden visited Yorkshire in 1582, and thought the obelisks were compositions of sand, lime, and small pebbles cemented together, as he did not think it was possible for the Romans to bring such large stone masses from any large distance. Lister, on the other hand, realized they were made of mill-stone grit, and they were indeed quarried from such a bed at Knaresborough about fifteen miles away. Furthermore, Lister noted that at “Redstone near Burlington in the Yorkshire Wolds, full forty miles wide of these Quarries, is an obelisk of the very same Stone,” showing Camden’s idea of artificial stone was fallacious. See Lister, Letters and Other Mixt Discourses, p. 114. 19. Boroughbridge, in the Harrogate district of North Yorkshire, thirteen miles north-west of York. Nearby, the village of Aldborough is located on the site of the Roman town of Isurium brigantum, the principal town of the Brigantes. 20. Sir William Tancred (Tankard), second Baronet (d. 1703). He resided at Brampton Hall, a farmhouse in Langthorpe, Boroughbridge, which later became the Crown Hotel in Boroughbridge. The nineteenth-century antiquarian Henry Smith realized this stone is not an altar as Lister implied, but a tombstone. Smith wrote this “one-half of a monumental tab- let . . . has been noticed and illustrated by Bishop Gilbson, and also by Gale in his ‘Commentaries on the Itinerary of Antoninus’. It long stood in the garden wall in connection with the old family mansion of the Tancreds, at Boroughbridge, which having become the Crown Inn . . . The coun- terpart of this stone, it was suspected, might yet be found in the same wall. Instead of having to record the restoration of the second stone, however, we are under the necessity of announcing the total disappearance of the first, which, washed out of the wall on the occurrence of a high flood in 1822, is supposed to have been removed to a distance . . . ” In 1965, Collingwood described it as in the collection of Sir T. L Tancred of Boroughbridge Manor. The epigraphy is: . . . AVR . . . vix . . . et an . . . no . . . an I . . . ; see Henry E. Smith, Reliquiae Isurinae: The remains of the Roman Isurium, now Aldborough near Boroughbridge, Yorkshire (London: I. Russell Smith, 1852), p. 46. R.G. Collingwood and R.P. Wright, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain: Volume 1, The Inscriptions on Stone, part 1c Northern England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), no. 709. Also online at: http:// www.roman-britain.org/epigraphy/rib_north_england.htm [accessed on 27 March 2012]. My thanks to Professor Roger Tomlin for confirming the stone’s epigraphy. 21. Presumably Malton, North Yorkshire, which is rich in limestone and has the remains of a quarry at Mowthorpe Dale Wood, about ten kilometers west-southwest of Malton. See J.B. Riding, ‘A palynological investigation of the Dogger Formation (Middle Jurassic) of the Malton area, North Yorkshire,’ British Geological Survey Internal Report, 2007, ir/07/038. Malton itself stands on the site of a former Roman settlement. 22. Fossil spines of certain cidaroid echinoids or sea urchins, especially Balanocidaris. 23. This limestone altar was at Fairfax House, Bishophill, in York, which was occupied by George Villiers, second Duke of Buckingham (1628–1687). The altar is now in the Ashmolean 874 Wilkins to Kirke 0400

Museum, Oxford. The epigraphy is: I O M dis DEABVSQVE HOSPITALIBVS PENATIBVSQ OB CONSERVATAM SALVTEM SVAM SVORVMQ P AEL MARCIANVS PRAEF COH ARAM SAC F NC D. It translates as “To Jupiter, best and greatest, and to the gods and goddesses who preside over the household, and to the penates, for the preservation of the health of himself and his family, Publius Aelius Marcianus, prefect of a cohort, dedicated and consecrated this altar.” See R.G. Collingwood and R.P. Wright, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain: Volume 1, The Inscriptions on Stone, part 1c Northern England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), no. 649. Also online at: http:// www.roman-britain.org/epigraphy/rib_north_england.htm [accessed on 27 March 2012]. My thanks to Professor Roger Tomlin for confirming the stone’s epigraphy.

0400 Joseph Wilkins to Thomas Kirke Lisburn, 31 October 1677

Honored Sir

I received yours of October 24: 77: and am very glad of an opportunity to Answer any Request of yours: Since I came into this Country I have often enquired concerning the petrefiing nature of Lough Neagh: It’s well known in the Country that the Lough doth turn holly wood into stone, and no other wood, as I can hear, and there are pieces found, which are part wood and part stone: But I could never yet find that it did \turn what/ any sort of wood into iron, or that there was ever any iron found, or cast up about the Lough. I can’t \yet/ bee exactly informd concerning the kind that is required to such a transformation: I am credibly informd of one who layd holly in the Lough, and in the space of 7 years it was turned into perfect stone, and the deeper it lyes the harder it is. Since the receit of your Letter I was told by an eyewitnesse, that hee saw a stone plowed up, which had the exact form of the bottom of a sharp pointed stake, which hee conceives had been a holly stake, and thence is of opinion, that the earth thereabouts as well as the water, is apt to petrify holly: But if so, I should thinke that the roots of holly trees should turn into stone: I have not met with any one yet who hathe made any answers exact experiments. as for the burning wood into iron it’s counted a fable, believed only the simpler sort of Irish. I have two small stones by mee, the one of a brown colour the other more blacke;1 I hope to procure some more out of Ballinderry,2 a parish next adjacent to the Lough: I am promised likewise some Barnacle Shells from Carrickfergus:3 All which I will send you as soon as I can get an opportunity: 0400a Kirke to Lister 875

Sir I heartily thank you for your booke, which I hope to receive by my Cousen Albrough.:4

Your Friend and Servt

Jos: Wilkins

Lisburn october 31. 1677

1. These stones were sent by Kirke to Lister in his letter of 5 November 1677. 2. A small parish on the County Londonderry/County Tyrone border in Northern Ireland, lying on the western shores of Lough Neagh. 3. Large town in County Antrim, Northern Ireland, located on the north shore of Belfast Lough, eleven miles from Belfast. 4. It is not known who Cousen Albrough was.

0400a Thomas Kirke1 to Martin Lister Dublin,2 5 November 1677

Source: Bodl. ms Lister 34, fol. 199. Address: This | For Dr Martin Lister in Yorke | With a little Bottle | and two Stones.

Dublin Nov: the 5th ☽1677

Worthy Sir

This letter I received from Dr Wilkins, Parson of Lisburne,3 within ten miles of the Lough,4 A man as likely to informe mee of the qualities hereof as any I knew of, you see hee takes notice onely of holly wood petrified, but the large peece I now send you looks like a peece of Ash. I send you likewise A small peece of Holly (which I had from the Groom). With Mr Wilkins sends mee of this kind, or Barnacle shells (as hee promises) I shall preserve for you, and Nat: Topham5 tells mee he has ordere a man to bring gather other shells on these coasts. Which hee expects to morrow. then you will received them by this bearer, you will likewise receive a small bottle of Spiders. Such as I could meet with in the houses, the winter prevents my takeing them abroad, Mr Arthington6 is now about to send home his horses which gives mee this opportunity of sending these things to you, I cannot yet prefix a time when 876 Kirke to Lister 0400a

I shall be soe happy as to wait on you in England, since my motion depends upon Mr Arthingtons. I know I am confined for it by those that know nothing of our reasons for what wee doe, nor shall I take the pains to convince them, but I have hopes that time will show that our travel and expences has not been altogether fruitlesse, as I cou’d make appeare to you, in halfe An hours discourse, of that which I shall not committ to paper, I pray give my humble service to H: Wilkinson7 W: Lodge8 H. Gyles,9 and the rest of my Aquaintance in Yorke; and I hope amongst you, to you will find out A country Damsell for A wife for mee when I come home,10 that understands neither Intails nor settlements, fines or Recoveries (the Plagues I was lately infected withall) that I may think of getting, and improveing my affairs att home, which will be the way to retrieve, my ruined reputation etc: I hope (Dear Sir) you will pardon these rude lines, and if I may serve you in anything here, I shall esteem it as a great honour to

Sir Your affectionate friend and servant T: Kirke

About a week agoe riseing about day breake, being ready to take my mornings draught, A sugar loafe being besides mee I had nothing to breake it with but the great peece of petrified wood, and betwixt that and the sugar I strucke fire as if it had been with a flint and steele. The first time I saw it experimented betwixt wood and sugar. T.K.

1. For Kirke, see Lodge’s letter to Lister of 5 January 1674/5, note 8. 2. Kirke was evidently extending his three-month tour of Scotland (May to July 1677) into Ireland. 3. See Wilkins’s letter to Kirke of 31 October 1677. Joseph Wilkins (1634–1716) was given the living of Lisburne in 1671. Lisburne is seven miles south-west of Belfast, Northern Ireland, and in 1662 it was granted cathedral status by Charles ii. Wilkins was a Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, co-opted 10th September, 1661 after the Restoration; he was also made Vice-Provost in 1670, Doctor of Divinity on 19 May 1693, and Dean of Clogher in 1682. He had been a Junior Fellow of Trinity College in 1656, and possibly lost his place there during the Commonwealth. In 1671, he resigned and came to Lisburn, where he served also as Vicar of Derriaghy. His wife was Mary Tandy, to whom he was married in the Cathedral on 23 April 1674. They had two daughters, Mary and Joanna, and a son, George, who succeeded him. In 1707, the Cathedral was destroyed by fire, and Wilkins oversaw its rebuilding a year later; see W.P. Carmody, Lisburn Cathedral and its Past Rectors (Belfast: R. Carswell and Son, Ltd, 1826). 4. Lough Neagh, a large freshwater lake in Northern Ireland and the largest lake in the British Isles. Pieces of petrified wood, altered by the silica salts in the water, often wash up on 0401 Ray to Lister 877 shore. The wood, called Lough Neagh hones, resembles pumice and, in the past, it served as knife and scythe sharpeners. Lister was formulating a chemical theory of fossilization and thus was interested in the petrification process. See A.M. Roos, “Salient theories in the fossil debate in the early Royal Society: The Influence of Johann Van Helmont,” Controversies Within the Scientific Revolution, ed. Marcelo Dascal and Victor D. Boantza (Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2011), pp. 151–170. 5. Just possibly Nathaniel Topham, Gentleman, buried on 4 October 1691 “in the second vault on the left hand in the Chancell” recorded in the parish register of St Michan, Dublin; see http://churchrecords.irishgenealogy.ie/churchrecords/details/dc191c0417069 [accessed 22 Feb ruary 2012]. 6. For Arthington, see Kirke’s letter to Lister of 3 June 1677, note 42. 7. For Henry Wilkinson, see Oldenburg’s letter to Lister of 30 September 1672. 8. William Lodge. 9. Henry Gyles. 10. On 11 July 1678 Kirke had married Rosamund (1661–1688), daughter and co-heir of Robert Abbott of Purston Jacklin, with whom he had two sons and two daughters. See Clare Jackson, “Kirke, Thomas (1650–1706),” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

0401 John Ray to Martin Lister Faulkbourne Hall, Essex, 12 November 1677

Source: nhm mss Ray 1, fol. 78, number 59o. Printed: Gunther (1928), p. 136 (selections from abstract only).1

Falbourn.2 He is near Witham at a Gent[leman’s]3 that lent his house, but wishes a less house. Mr. Jessop.4 Collection of Proverbs, a 2nd edition.5 Mr Child will scarce let his wife part with money to engrave Hist. of Fishes . . .6 English Ornithology abroad7

1. Among the Ray Letters in the Natural History Museum is a lengthy list of briefly abstracted letters to and from Ray in the handwriting of William Derham, who edited The Philosophical Letters of Ray (1718). Although these letters were available to Derham at the time, subsequently many have been lost, and his abstract-inventory is now the only clue to their former existence. The writing is contracted and illegible. Gunther’s Further Correspondence of John Ray (1928) includes some of these abstracts, and they are included in this edition in their proper chronological place. 2. Faulkborne Hall, Essex, in the district of Braintree and a few miles from Witham. 3. Edward Bullock (d. 1692) of Faulkbourne Hall, Essex. Ray mentions collecting plant samples on the estate of his “honoured friend.” Ray may have privately tutored his son, Edward (1663–1705), who would later become M.P. for Colchester. Edward, junior, would also marry Mary the daughter of Sir Josiah Child, Ray’s adversary. See “Bullock, Edward [1663–1705] of 878 Ray to Lister 0401

Faulkbourne Hall, Essex,” History of Parliament online: http://www.historyofparliamentonline .org/volume/1690-1715/member/bullock-edward-1663-1705 [accessed 13 February 2012]. 4. This comment may have related to Ray’s proposed visit to Francis Jessop. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 11 July 1677. 5. Ray was preparing his second edition of: A Collection of English Proverbs (London: J. Hayes, 1678). 6. See Ray’s letter to Lister of 24 January 1676/77, note 2. 7. Ray’s English edition of the Ornithologia was published in 1678, and following Lister’s suggestions, he included sections on fowling and falconry taken from The Gentleman’s Recreation (Blome 1686), derivative from Turberville (1575). See Ray’s letter to Lister of 4 April 1676, and Lister’s letter to Ray of 8 February 1676. Bibliography

Manuscripts

Bodleian Library, University of Oxford. Early Modern Letters Online. http://emlo.bodleian.ox.ac.uk. mss Ashmole 1813, 1816, 1817b, 1820a, 1829, 1830. Letters of Martin Lister primarily to and from Edward Lhwyd and Robert Plot. ms Lister 1. “A Method for the History of Iron,” a “sketch” of a treatise by Lister, unfinished. Book one only seven chapters; folios 56–177 are blank. ms Lister 2. Letters to Lister from Foreign Correspondents. ms Lister 3 and ms Lister 4. Letters to Lister from Domestic Correspondents. ms Lister 5. Papers, notes, and extracts by, or owned by, Dr Martin Lister about 1660–1710, chiefly on natural science, medicine, or botany. ms Lister 7. On the fossils of England, more particularly such as are found in these Northern parts. ms Lister 8. Commonplace book on matters of medicine and natural science. ms Lister 10. Commonplace book on theological and moral subjects. ms Lister 19. A copy of Every man’s companion, or a An useful pocket book (London, 1661), with notes by Lister about his journey to Paris and Montpellier in 1663–1666. Digital version: http://listerstravels.modhist.ox.ac.uk ms Lister 33. Notes by Lister on the correct usage of Latin in medicine, specimens of descriptions of persons. mss Lister 34–37. Letters addressed to Lister chiefly on scientific subjects, 1671–1710. Each volume contains nearly complete indexes of writers and subjects. ms Lister 39. Miscellaneous notes and papers by, relating to, or in the possession of Lister. Many are extracts from the Philosophical Transactions; folio 218 lists Dr Lister’s books that he sent to the Ashmolean Museum.

Borthwick Institute, York. Diocesan Courts of the Bishopric of York, reference cp.H.3170. Case for sexual slander brought by Juliana Forster [Foster], wife of John Forster, against John Peck, 1674.

British Library, London. ms Additional 22596. Papers, chiefly in the handwriting of the Rev. W. Huddesford, Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum [1767–1772], relative to the life of Dr Martin Lister. ms Harley 3783, f. 90. Letter from Henry Paman to William Sancroft, 2 March 1653. 880 Bibliography

ms Sloane 1393, f. 13. Agreement of the Corporation of Physicians at York. ms Sloane 1929. Comments by Nehemiah Grew on Lister’s theories of plant circulation and his critique of Grew’s Anatomy of Plants. ms Sloane 3306–15. Papers of Henry Paman, M.D. ms Stowe 175, fol. 138. Letter from Thomas Kirke to Martin Lister, 3 June 1677. ms Stowe 745, fol. 105. Letter from Martin Lister to Ralph Thoresby, 29 May 1675.

Centre for Buckinghamshire Studies, Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire. Bishop’s Transcripts for Radclive for the years 1638 and 1639. Microfilm reference number M45/72.

King’s College, University of Cambridge. ms Keynes 136, William Stukeley’s memoir of Newton, sent to Richard Mead in four installments (26 June to 22 July 1727), each with a covering letter to Mead.

Lincolnshire County Archives, Lincoln. Conveyance of Manor/Lordship of Calceby by Sir Martin Lister to Massingberd with acquittances and deedpoll. Reference 1/mm/2/11/40a. Diocese of Lincoln Presentation Deed, 1630, n. 37. Jane Lister’s Acquittance for Papers of Sir Drayner Massingberd. mm 6/8/1/5–6. Settlement on the marriage of George Gregory, Esq., with Susannah Lister, 21 April 1662. 1. pg. 3/5/1/3.

National Archives, Kew. Equity Pleadings, Court of Chancery, 1671. C 6/208/57. Record for the Committee for the Advance of Money, 1643. pso 6/1, volume 79. State Papers Domestic, James I, 1611–1618 (5 April 1617). Will of Sir Matthew Lister. pro, prob 11/261.

Natural History Museum, London. mss Ray 1. Ray Correspondence, Botany Library.

New College Archives, University of Oxford. ms nc 39. Register of fines for leases, 1629–1788, with notes on the computation of fines and on estate matters, 1 vol., 1629–1788. ms nc 3578 with 2371. Copies of terrier and rentals of New College property in various counties, 1 vol., 17th and 18th centuries. ms nc 4110 Court Rolls, 1603–1647, Radclive, Buckinghamshire.

Northamptonshire Record Office, Northampton. E(B) 672. Indenture Agreement for Sir Martin Lister, 20 October 1643. Bibliography 881

The Royal Society Centre for History of Science. Early Letters and Classified Papers, 1606–1740. el/I1/164. Francis Jessop of Bromhal in Yorkshire, to Martin Lister, 25 June 1673. el/I1/166. Francis Jessop to Martin Lister, 1673. el/I1/167. Francis Jessop, dated at Broomhall, to Martin Lister, 15 September 1673. el/I1/168. Francis Jessop to Martin Lister, 13 October 1673. el/I1/169. An account about minerals found in mines in Derbyshire as it was given by Francis Jessop to Martin Lister, 7 January 1674. el/I1/170. Copy of a letter from Francis Jessop to Martin Lister, 1674. el/L5. el/O2. Original Letters from Lister to and from Henry Oldenburg. These are not enumerated here as they are published in A.R. Hall, and M.B. Hall, eds: The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg (Madison and Milwaukee, 1965–1986). el/L5/45. Martin Lister, dated at York, to the Archbishop of York, 10 April 1672. el/L5/46. Martin Lister, dated at York, to John Brooke, 12 April 1672. el/L5/62. Martin Lister’s answer to Nehemiah Grew, 1673. el/N1/29. Walter Needham’s reflections on Martin Lister’s letter of 24 June 1673, 15 July 1673. el/N1/30. Walter Needham to Martin Lister, 1673. el/P1/108. Monsieur Poupart to Martin Lister, n.d. el/W2/17. John Wallis, dated at Oxford, to Martin Lister, 12 January 1673.

St John’s College, Cambridge. Bound annual accounts of the College (rentals) subsuming internal accounts of the junior bursar. Reference number sb4. Cartularies and registers of college lands and goods, 1250–1841, C7.16.

Printed Books of Martin Lister

Lister, Martin: Conchyliorum Bivalvium Utriusque Aquæ Exercitatio Anatomica Tertia: Huic Accedit Dissertatio Medicinalis De Calculo Humano (London, 1696). ———: De cochleis tam terrestribus, quam fluviatilibus, exoticis, seu, quae non omnino in Anglia inveniantur, liber (London, 1685). ———: De Fontibus medicates Angliae (York, 1682; London, 1684). ———: De opsoniis et condimentis sive arte coquininaria (London, 1705; 2nd edn, 1709). ———: De scarabaeis Britannicus (London, 1710). This was printed as part of John Ray’s publication of Francis Willoughby’s Historia insectorum. ———: Disquisitio medicinalis de variolis (London, 1696). ———: Dissertatio de humoribus in qua veterum ac recentiorum medicorum ac philosopho rum opiniones et sententiae examinantur (London, 1709; Amsterdam, 1711). 882 Bibliography

———: Exercitatio anatomica altera de buccinis fluviatilibus et marinis (London, 1695). ———: Exercitatio anatomica in qua de cochleis maxime terrestribus et limacibus agi tur (London, 1694). ———: Exercitationes et descriptiones thermarum et fontium medicatorum Angliae (London, 1685; London 1689). ———: Hippocratis aphorismi cum commentariolo (London, 1703). ———: Historiae animalium Angliae tres tractatus (London, 1678). ———: Historiae sive synopsis methodica conchyliorum (London, 1685–1692; London, 1692–1697). In the Bodleian copy, Books ii–iv have separate title pages which begin with “Historiae conchyliorum” and are dated 1686, 1687, and 1688 respectively. Book iii has an appendix which has a separate title page dated 1688. ———: Historiae sive synopsis methodicæ conchyliorum et tabularum anatomicarum, editio altera, ed. William Huddesford (Oxford, 1770). ———: Johannes Geodartius of Insects. Done Into English and Methodized. With the Addition of Notes (York, 1682). ———: A Journey to Paris in the Year 1698 (London, 1698; Paris, 1873; Urbana, Chicago, and London, 1967). ———: A Letany for St. Omers (London, 1682.) ———: A Letany for St. Omers. part ii. From the same hand and to the same tune (London, 1682). ———: Letters and Divers Other Mixt Discourses in Natural Philosophy (York, 1683). ———: S. Sanctorii de statica medicina . . . cum commentario (London, 1701; London, 1728). ———: Sex exercitationes medicinales de quibusdam morbis chronicis (London, 1694); a revised and enlarged edition published as Octo exercitationes medicinales (London, 1697).

Printed Papers of Martin Lister

Martin Lister was a frequent contributor to the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, submitting papers on insects, spiders, parasites, mollusks, birds, plants, physiology (particularly on the lymphatic system), medicine, geology, meteorology, and archaeology. There are in all sixty-three papers by Lister, from vol. 4 (1669) to vol. 22 (1700), enumerated below chronologically. I have listed papers here published until the end of 1677.

Lister, Martin: “Some observations concocting the odd turn of some shell snails and the darting of spiders. By an ingenious Cantabrigian. In a letter to Mr. John Ray,” Philosophical Transactions, 4 (1669), 1011–1016. Bibliography 883

———: “Directing to another insect that is likely to yield an acid liquor; partly to the bleeding of the sycamore,” Philosophical Transactions, 5 (1670), 2067–2069. ———: “Some experiments about the bleeding of the sycamore,” Philosophical Transactions, 5 (1670), 2069. ———: “On the manner of spiders projecting their threads,” Philosophical Transactions, 5 (1670), 2104. ———: “Extracts of divers letters . . . touching inquiries and experiments touching the motion of sap in trees,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 2119–2125. ——— and Francis Willughby: “Extracts of Several Letters, Containing Sundry Inquiries and Experiments about the Bleeding of Trees . . .,” Philosophical Tran sactions, 6 (1671), 2125–2128. ———: “Some Observations, Touching Colours, in Order to the Increase of Dyes, and the Fixation of Colours,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 2132–2136. ——— and John Templer: “Extracts of Three Letters, One, Concerning Some Philosophical Inquiries about Spiders, together with a Table of 33 Sorts of Spiders to be Found in England; as Also of a Kind of Viviparous Fly: The Second, about an Insect Feeding upon Henbain, and Thereby Qualifying in Its Body the Horrid Smell of That Plant, and Altering It to an Aromatical and Agreeable One: The Third, Containing Some Observations of Glow-Worms,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 2170–2178. ———: “An account of an insect feeding upon henbane, the horrid smell of which is in that creature so qualified thereby as to become in some measure aromatical; together with the color yielded by the eggs of the same,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 2176–2177. ———: “Concerning the kind of insect hatched of the English kermes . . . as also the use of these purple insect hunks for tinging, together with a. comparison made of this English purple kermes with the scarlet-kermes of the shops,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 2196–2197. ———: “A considerable accompt touching vegetable excrescencies,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 2254–2257. ———: “Confirmation of Mr. Ray’s observations about musk scented insects, adding some notes upon Dr. Swammerdam’s book of insects, and of that of Steno concerning petrified shells,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 2281–2284. ———: “Another letter enlarging his communications in numb. 75 about vegetable excrescencies, and ichneumon worms,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 2284–2285. ———: “Some additions . . . about vegetable excrescencies and ichneumon worms, together with an inquiry concerning tarantula’s, and a discovery of another musk scented insect,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 3002–3005. ———: “An ingenious account of veins by him observ’d in plants analogous to human veins,” Philosophical Transactions, 6 (1671), 3052–3055. 884 Bibliography

———: “An account of a stone cut out from under the tongue of a man,” Philosophical Transactions, 7 (1672), 4062–4064. ———: “An Extract of a Letter . . . concerning animated horse hairs, rectifying a vulgar error,” Philosophical Transactions, 7 (1672), 4064–4066. ———: “An Extract . . . Both Enlarging and correcting his former notes upon kermes; and withal insinuating his conjectures of cochineals being a sort of kermes,” Philosophical Transactions, 7 (1672), 5059–5060. ———: “A description of an odd kind of mushroom yielding a milky juice much hotter upon the tongue then pepper,” Philosophical Transactions, 7 (1672), 5116–5118. ———: “A further account concerning the existence of veins in all kinds of plants; together with a discovery of the membranous substance of those veins, and of some acts in plants resembling those of sense; and also of the agreement of the venal juice in vegetables with blood of animals, etc . . .,” Philosophical Transactions, 7 (1672), 5132–5137. ———: “A Letter of Mr Lister Dated May 21. 1673. in York, Partly Taking Notice of the Foregoing Intimations, Partly Communicating Some Anatomical Observations and Experiments Concerning the Unalterable Character of the Whiteness of the Chyle within the Lacteous Veins; together with Divers Particulars Observed in the Guts, Especially Several Fonts of Worms Found in Them,” Philosophical Transactions, 8 (1673), 6060–6065. ———: “On a Subterraneous Fungus, and a Mineral Juice,” Philosophical Transactions, 8 (1673), 6179. ———: “A description of certain stones figured like plants, and by some observ‑ ing men esteemed to be plants petrified,” Philosophical Transactions, 8 (1673), 6181–6191. ———: “An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Martin Lister Concerning the First Part of His Tables of Snails, Together with Some Quaere’s Relating to Those Insects, and the Tables Themselves; Sent to the Publisher from York, March 12. 1673,” Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), 96–99. ———: “Observations and experiments made for the Royal Society,” Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), 221–226. ———: “Observations of the astroites or star-stones,” Philosophical Transactions, 10 (1675), 272–279. ———: “Some observations about damps, together with some relations concerning some odd worms vomited by children,” Philosophical Transactions, 10 (1675), 391. ———: “Observations made at Barbados,” Philosophical Transactions, 10 (1675), 399. ———: “Extracts of some Letters from Mr. John Sturdie of Lancashire concerning Iron Ore; and more Particularly of the Haematites . . . Communicated by Dr. Martin Lister, S.R.S.,” Philosophical Transactions, 17 (1693), 695–699. Bibliography 885

Other Printed and Internet Materials

“An Accompt of Two Books: Miscellanea Curiosa Medico. Physica. Academiae Naturae Curiosorum (Leipzig, 1670),” Philosophical Transactions, 5 (1670), 2077–2082. Abraham, Lyndy: A Dictionary of Alchemical Imagery (Cambridge, 1998). Adelmann, Howard B.: The Correspondence of Marcello Malpighi, 5 vols. (Ithaca, 1975). Agricola, Georgius: De natura fossilium, Book V (Basle, 1546). Agricola, Georg: De Natura Fossilium (Textbook of Mineralogy), trans. Mark Chance Bandy and Jean A. Bandy (Mineralogical Society of America, Geological Society of America, Special Paper 63, 1955). ———: De re metallica (Basil, 1556). Albertus, Magnus, Saint: On Animals: A medieval summa theologica, ed. Kenneth F. Kitchell, Jr. and Irven Michael Resnick (Baltimore, 1999). Aldrovandi, Ulisse: De reliquis animalibus exanquibus libri quatuor, post mortem euis editi: nempe de mollibus, crustaceis, testaceis, et zoophytis (Bologna, 1606). ———: Museum metallicum in libros iiii distributum (Bologna, 1648). ———: Ornithologiae, hoc est, de avibus historiae libri xii (Bologna, 1599–1603). Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, 56 vols (Leipzig, 1875–1912), http://www.deutsche- biographie.de/index.html [accessed 6 September 2013]. Ambrose, K.: “The lithostratigraphy of the Blue Lias Formation (Late Rhaetian—Early Sinemurian) in the southern part of the English Midlands,” Proceedings of the Geologists’ Association, 112, 2 (2001), 97–110. Anker, Jean: Bird Books and Bird Art (Copenhagen, 1938). Anstey, Peter: “Boyle on seminal principles,” Studies in the History and Philosophy of Biology & Biomedical Sciences, 33 (2002), 597–630. Antognazza, Maria Rosa: Leibniz: An Intellectual Biography (Cambridge, 2009). Arber, Edward, ed.: The Term Catalogues, 1668–1709, With a Number for Easter Term, 1711 A.D. A Contemporary Bibliography of English Literature in the Reigns of Charles ii, James ii, William and Mary, and Anne, vols 1–3 (London, 1903–1906). Arbiter, Petronius: Satyricon, trans. J.P. Sullivan (New York, 1986). Aristotle: Generation of Animals, trans. A.L. Peck (Cambridge, 1942). ———: Nicomachean Ethics, ed. and trans.Terence Irwin, 2nd edn (Indianapolis, 1999). Armstrong, Elizabeth Tyler: Robert Estienne, Royal Printer (Cambridge, 1954). Armytage, W.H.G.: “Francis Jessop, 1638–1691: A Seventeenth-Century Sheffield Scientist,” Notes and Queries (7 August 1952), 343–346. Arrand, R.H.: “Roman Britain in 1948: I. Sites Explored: ii. Inscriptions,” The Journal of Roman Studies, 39, 1 and 2 (1949), 96–115. Ashby, J.R.: “The Earls of Mexborough, Part 1,” Mexborough and District Heritage Society Newsletter, September 2006. 886 Bibliography

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d’Ablancourt, Nicolas Perrot 256, 259, Arthington, Cyril 859, 861 n. 42, 875–876, 260 n. 1, 261 n. 14 877 n. 6 Agricola, Georgius Assheton, Sir Ralph II 670 n. 3 works Atkins, Jonathan, Governor of Barbados 708 De natura Fossilium 630 n. 2, 631 n. 4 n. 20, 736 n. 5 Aubrey, John Air-pumps or engines 331 n. 3, 521, 524, 572 works Aldrovandi, Ulisse 84–86, 87 n. 5, 109–112, The natural history of Wiltshire 718 113 n. 3, 114 nn. 5, 8, 10–11, 118–119, 120 n. 4, 813 n. 9 nn. 6–7, 121 n. 12, 164, 222 n. 3, 246 n. 22, Austin, Edward 216–217 251 n. 11, 291 n. 10, 300 n. 5, 318 n. 5, 365 Ayloffe, Katharine 133, 134 n. 7, 144 n. 10 n. 6, 434 nn. 4, 7, 630 n. 10, 834 n. 8 Ayloffe, Thomas 291 n. 12 works Ayloffe, William 291 n. 12, 292 n. 3 De animalibus insectis libri septem 87 n. 5, 164 n. 2, 291 n. 10, 300 n. 5, Bacon, Sir Francis 365 n. 6, 434 n. 4 works De reliquis animalibus 222 n. 3 Sylva sylvarum 770, 772 n. 5 Museum metallicum in libros IIII Banks, Sir John, 1st Baronet distributum 251 n. 11 East India Company 130 n. 2, 528, 529 Alington, Hugh (husband of Jane Lister) 108 n. 6, 856 n. 2 n. 3, 232 n. 1 Banister, John 766 n. 8 Allison, Mary (centenarian) 339 Barbados Almeloveen, Theodorus Janssonius van 125 flora and fauna x, 19, 21, 88 n. 13, 89 n. 17, amphibians 802 n. 5 toads 157, 214, 215 n. 9, 230 indigo production 784 n. 12 amphisbaena 433, 434 n. 13 sugar production 782, 784 n. 12, 796 arachnids (see spiders) x, 3, 20, 195, 273 n. 2, trade winds 302 nn. 32, 34 ventus subsolanus 714 n. 6 Arbiter, Petronius Barbary 186, 187 n. 11 works Barkham, Frances Lister 132, Satyricon 223 n. 11 Barkham, Robert 132 n. 1, 134 n. 2, 142 n. 6, Archbishop of Canterbury 70 n. 1, 79 n. 7, 190 n. 5, 198 n. 1 134 n. 5, 429, 505 n. 10, 532 n. 1, 536 Bartholin, Thomas 14, 849 n. 4 Aristotle Barrow, Isaac 567 n. 5 ML’s judgment of 358 Bass Rock 860 n. 35 works Battle of the Medway 100 n. 21 Historia Animalium (History of Bauer, Georg Animals) 300 n. 8, 301 nn. 16, 18, On the nature of metals 251 n. 8 20, 321 n. 9, 345 n. 4, 402 n. 10, 638 Bauhin, Caspar n. 2, 747 n. 9 works translation by Theodore Gaza 300 n. 9 Phytopinax translation by Julius Caesar Pinax theatri botanici 140 nn. 5, 10, Scalinger 300 n. 9 173 n. 7, 182 n. 6, 273 n. 9, 620 n. 3, Nicomachean Ethics 210 n. 13 740 n. 27 INDEX 911

Bauhin, Johann or Jean Aythya marila (Greater Scaup) 262 works n. 3 Historia novi et admirabilis fontis Bonasia bonasia (Hazel Grouse) 185 balneique Bollensis 252 n. 14 n. 47 Historia plantarum universalis 140 Boutauris stellaris (Bittern) 122 n. 16 nn. 5, 8, 173 n. 10, 182 n. 5, 184 n. 41, Burhinus (Stone Curlews) 107 n. 2 237 n. 18, 252 n. 14, 273 n. 9, 415 n. 7 Buteo buteo (Common Buzzard) 246 Baxter, William (centenarian) 339 nn. 18, 21 Bayfius, Lazarus, or Lazare de Baif 123, 125, Calidrus canutus (Red Knot) 114 n. 7 126 n. 10 Caprimulguss europaeus (European Bayulay, J. 188 Nightjar) 185 n. 51 Beale, John Carduelis cannabina (Common works Linnet) 837 n. 5 Nurseries, Orchards, Profitable Gardens Cinclus cinclus (White-Throated and Vineyards Encouraged 538 Dipper) 185 n. 50 n. 10 Circus aeruginosus (Western Marsh Beaumont, John 842, 845 nn. 38, 40, 851 Harrier) 121 n. 10, 246 nn. 20, 22 Bedford, Francis 758–759, 765 Egretta garzetta (Little Egret) 122 Bedfordshire n. 19 Sandy 241, 242 n. 13, 272 Emberiza Schoeniclus (Reed Beekeeping 185 n. 52 Bunting) 114 n. 9 beer and ale Falco buteo (Falcon) 114 n. 8 circulating kiln 823 n. 7 Fratercula arctica (Puffin) 860 n. 20 mum 781, 783 n. 5 Gallinago or gid (Snipes) 156 n. 5 wormwood ale 808 n. 10 Haliaectus (Bald Buzzard) 107 n. 2 Belgium Hirundo rustica (Barn Swallow) 20, Oostende 128–129, 131 n. 7 703 n. 2, 830 Belwood, Roger 552 n. 1 Jynx torquilla (Eurasian Wryneck) 121 Berkeley, George, 9th Baron 130 n. 5 n. 14 Bermuda 207, 209 n. 4 Lullula arborea (Woodlark) 835 n. 11 Bernard, Edward 524 n. 5, 535, 537 Mergus merganser (Common Bertucci, Niccolò or Nicholas Betrutius Merganser or Goosander) 114 n. 6 works Milvus milvus (Red Kite) 246 n. 19 Collectorium artis medicae 434 n. 10 Morus bassanus (Northern Biancani, Guiseppe (Josephus Blancanus) Gannet) 746 n. 6, 860 n. 36 306 n. 5, 321 n. 8 Nyctibius jamaicensis (Northern bien séance 205, 207, 215 n. 5 Potoo) 826 n. 12 Birch, Thomas 28, 341 n. 2, 349 n. 6, 404 n. 6, Nycticorax nycticorax (Night 407 n. 2, 491 nn. 5–6, 502 n. 1, 508 n. 4, Heron) 122 n. 17 524 n. 1, 533 n. 3, 539 n. 12, 635 n. 5, 640 Pandion haliaetus (Fishhawk or n. 6, 661 n. 2, 754 n. 3, 768 nn. 2, 4, 790 Osprey) 121 n. 10, 246 n. 20 nn. 7, 11, 791 n. 14 Phaethontidæ (family of sea birds Birchensha or Birchenshaw, John 844 n. 31 resembling Terns) 714 n. 4, 742 Birds n. 5 types Phaethon aethereus (Red-Billed Anas crecca (Eurasian Teal or Common Tropicbird) 746 n. 4 Teal) 113 n. 4, 120 n. 7 Phalacrocoracidae (Cormorants) 746 Ardea alba (Great Egret) 122 n. 18 n. 5 912 INDEX

Birds (cont.) Borri, Francesco Poecile palustris (Marsh Tit) 112, 114 works n. 10 Epistolae duae 378 n. 6 Prunella modularis (Dunnock) 832 n. 8 Boughton, John 710 Pterocles alchata (Pin-Tailed Boulliau, Ismaël or Ismaël Bullialdus 533 n. 2 Sandgrouse) 185 n. 47 Bourdelin, Claude 366 n. 3 Sula fusca (Booby) 714 n. 2, 742 n. 2 Bourdelot, Abbé 391, 392 n. 5 Sylvia atricipella (Blackcap) 808 n. 14 Boyle, Richard, 2nd Earl of Cork and Earl of Tadorna tadorna (Common Burlington 270 n. 4 Shelduck) 114 n. 5, 121 n. 13 Boyle, Robert Tringa ocropus (Shore Sandpiper or medical advice of 270 n. 6 Green Sandpiper) 120 n. 8 Works Troglodytes troglodytes (Wren) 122 Cosmicall Qualities of Things n. 22 646 n. 9 Turdus philomelos (Song Thrush) 835 Experiments and Considerations n. 14 touching colours 287 n. 5, 329 Turdus torquatus (Ring Ouzel) 835 nn. 7–10 n. 12 Experiments, notes, &c. about the Uria aalge (Common mechanical origine or production of Guillemots) 860 n. 23 divers particular qualities 789 n. 3, Boats 815 n. 8 smack 707, 708 n. 2 An Hydrostatical discourse occasion’d wherry boat 707, 860 n. 20 by some objections of Dr H. Boccone, Paolo Silvio More 489 n. 8, 538 n. 6 donations to Royal Society Hydrostatical paradoxes made out by Repository 639, 640 n. 6 new experiments 99 n. 10 works Observations about the growth of Icones et Descriptiones rariorum metals in their ore exposed to the Plantarum 720 n. 3 air 552 n. 5 Museo di pianto rare della Scilia, Malta, The Origins of Forms and Qualities 99 Corsica, Italia, Piemonte, et n. 9 Germania 720 n. 3 Skeptical Chymist 309 n. 5 de Boodt, Anselmus Boetius Tracts . . . containing new experiments works touching the relation betwixt flame Gemmarum et lapidum historia 252 and air 489 n. 9, 538 n. 6 n. 15, 630 n. 12 Brackenbury, Pierce 368 n. 8 de le Boë, Sylvius 363 n. 5 Brewer, William 371 n. 9 Borch, Ole or Olaus Borrichius Briggs, Thomas rivalry with Herman Conringius 728 n. 3 as Chancellor of the Diocese of works Chichester 42 n. 1, 786 n. 3 Hermetis, Aegypiorum et Chemicorum as junior bursar 11, 12 n. 43, 42 n. 1 sapientia 728 nn. 2–3 debts 829 n. 2 Borel, Pierre or Borellus marriage to Elizabeth Stapeley 785 n. 1, works 829 n. 2 Historiarum, et observationum ML’s fellowship 11, 42 medicophysicarum, centuria Letters from 77–79, 158–160, 165–67, prima 443 n. 19 531–532, 710, 785–786, 829 INDEX 913

Brooke, John Sir Trinity College, Cambridge x, 7–8, 10, ejection from Royal Society 394 n. 9, 408 16–17, 78 n. 3, 90 n. 2, 140 n. 15, 142 n. 12, n. 1 163 n. 5, 196 n. 19, 210 n. 10, 217, 225 n. 1, letters from 447 n. 5 248 n. 1, 363 n. 4, 753 n. 8, 754 n. 2, 828 Broome, Philip 247–248 n. 2, 837 n. 1 Brouncker, William, 2nd Viscount 152 n. 2, Wansford 381–382, 384 n. 21, 627, 631 417 n. 5, 647 n. 15, 650 , 675 n. 2, 731 n. 1, n. 23 767, 844 n. 31 Camden, William 872 n. 12, 873 n. 18 Browne, Edward 78 n. 3, 79 n. 5 Camfield, Benjamin Browne, Sir Thomas works works A Theological Discourse 772 n. 1 Pseudoxia Epidemica 303 n. 62 Carcinoma 105 nn. 3, 7 Buckinghamshire Cardano, Girolamo Stoke Poges 8 works Bullock, Edward 865 n. 2, 877 n. 3 De rerum varietate 87 n. 7, 164 n. 4 Burgess 93 Carr, Jeff x, 7, 159 n. 4, 486 n. 12 Busbridge, Mary 135 n. 7 Casalius, Johannes Baptista or Giovanni Busbridge, Robert 135 n. 7, 144 n. 10 Baptista Casali Butler, Charles works works Romani de profanis et Sacris Veteribus The Feminine Monarchie 185 n. 52 Ritibus 126 n. 8 Casciarolo, Vincenzo 530 n. 19 Cabinets of Curiosities and Museums Cassegrain, Laurent Ole Worm 251 n. 12, 545 n. 4 reflecting telescope 447 n. 8 Royal Society Repository 529 n. 7, 845 Cassini, Giovanni Domenico or Jean n. 38 Dominique Cassini Caesalpinus, Andreas or Andrea Discovery of Saturn’s moons 525 n. 25 Cesalpino 140 n. 7 Plant Circulation 156 n. 4, 284 n. 4, 287 Calzolari, Francesco 252 n. 13 n. 8, 479 n. 10, 500 n. 2, 518 n. 3, 524 n. 2 Cambridgeshire Castelli, Pietro 164 n. 9 Bassingborne 127 n. 2, 147 n. 5, 291 nn. 11–12 cawk Furze Hills, Linton 273 n. 7 and glass of antimony 22, 740 n. 31, 754 Haslingfield 172, 173 n. 3 nn. 1–2, 758 n. 3, 765 n. 4, 775 n. 4, 784 Gonville and Caius College, n. 15 Cambridge 149 nn. 5–6 Celsus, Aulus Cornelius Jesus College, Cambridge 146 n. 8 works Juniper Hill, Furze Hills, Linton 272, 273 De medicina 125 n. 3, 126 n. 4, 139 n. 4, n. 7 383 n. 9, 555 n. 4 Peterborough 631 n. 23 De re medica 16, 486 n. 11 St John’s College, Cambridge Charles I (King of England, Scotland, and Book of Benefactors 185 n. 53 Ireland) 7, 73 n. 1, 134 n. 5, 160 n. 6, Briggs, Thomas 130 n. 3, 196 n. 20 170 n. 4, 864 n. 1 ML’s education 9 Charles II (King of England, Scotland, and ML’s fellowship 130 n. 3, 148 n. 1, 204 Ireland) 11, 13, 22, 131 n. 8, 170 n. 4, 199 n. 11, 321 n. 2 n. 9, 469 n. 2, 470 n. 5, 525 n. 17, 539 Paman, Henry 9–11, 69, 70 n. 1, 78, 79 n. 13, 576 n. 29, 661 n. 6, 820 n. 3 n. 7, 127 n. 3, 159 n. 3 Chamberlen, Hugh 539 n. 16 914 INDEX

Charleton, Walter alkahest 196 n. 14, 472 n. 7, 774 works antimony Onomasticon zoicon 186 n. 56 antimony trisulfide (stibnite) 740 Child, Joshua n. 31 marriage to Emma Willughby 856 n. 4 cups 473 n. 10 Cholmeley, Sir Hugh, 4th Baronet 465 star regulus 630 n. 9 chemistry/chymistry calcium carbonate 442 n. 13, 443 alchemy and secrecy xi, 89 n. 17, 196 nn. 23–24, 539 n. 15, 553 n. 12, 575 n. 12, 472 nn. 4–7, 524 n. 13, 728 n. 2, 740 n. 17, 630 n. 7, 748 n. 3, 759 n. 6, n. 31 813 n. 7 assays caput mortuum (distillation dregs) gall test 443 n. 31, 453 n. 2, 739 n. 10, 675 n. 8 765 n. 5 carbonic acid 443 n. 23 equipment doves of Diana 842 n. 6 alembic or helmet 730 n. 7 ethyl alcohol (spirit of wine) 309 cupel 842 n. 7 n. 6, 472 n. 8, 621 n. 5 pelican (circulatory distillation ferrous sulphate (Hungarian vessel) 472 n. 5 Vitriol) 454 n. 17, 597 n. 5 Johnston, Nathaniel 22, 408 n. 2, 434, formic acid 21, 209 n. 8, 301 n. 14, 306 441, 442 n. 1, 445 n. 4, 448, 459, n. 7, 308 n. 3, 312 n. 3 460–462, 510, 518, 692 nn. 6, 10, 693, 707 green lyon n. 2, 776, 827, 828 n. 3 vitriol 326–327, 358, 435, 439–440, ML 5, 443 n. 29, 677 n. 9, 737–739, 739 442 n. 11, 450, 522, 544, 597, 691, n. 10, 753–754, 773–775 706, 729 n. 5, 734, 812, 840, 843 Newton, Isaac Sir 5, 22–23, 79 n. 4, 446, n. 20 447 n. 8, 492 n. 7, 523, 526 n. 26, 535, gold (sol) 472, 775 n. 10 538 n. 5, 679 n. 6, 729 n. 5, 736, 740 gur or bur 646 n. 2, 653, 654 n. 14, 655 n. 30, 753, 754 n. 2, 775 n. 6, 820 n. 3, n. 3 828, 840, 843 nn. 21–22, 861 n. 40 hydrochloric acid (spirits of salt) 582 processes n. 20, 595 n. 4, 729 n. 5 digestion (concoction, maturation, iron (II) sulfate or ferrous sulfate condensation, coagulation) 16 (vitriolic salt) 442 n. 11, 443 n. 29, n. 71, 471, 472 n. 5, 488, 555, 444 n. 41, 454 n. 18, 739 n. 8 570 n. 4 lead acetate (sugar of lead) fermentation 450, 471, 472 n. 6, 488, 309 n. 5 499, 503 n. 3, 507, 516–517, 555, 618, lead oxide 309 n. 5 775 n. 6, 848 n. 3 lead tetroxide (minium) 582 n. 11 metallogenesis 675 n. 5 manganese dioxide 739 n. 24 palingenics 692 n. 11, 694 n. 1 nitric acid philosophical mill 473 n. 11 aqua fortis 523, 535–536, 538 n. 4, transmutation 89 n. 19, 472 n. 7, 473 539 n. 15, 552, 575 n. 17, 840, 843 n. 11, 775 n. 11 n. 13 volatilizing alkalis 472 n. 7 nitro-hydrochloric acid (aqua substances regia) 729 n. 5 acetate of copper (verdigris) 309 n. 6 oil of tartar (potassium carbonate acetic acid (vinegar) 309 n. 5, 553 in solution) 526 n. 33, 843 n. 12, 630 n. 7 nn. 19–20 INDEX 915

oil of vitriol (sulfuric acid) 326–327, Christopher, Sir Robert 142 n. 5, 144 n. 1 358, 442 n. 11, 544, 729 n. 5, Churchill, Sarah, Duchess of 843 n. 20 Marlborough 12, 94 n. 2, 147 n. 2, 187 Philosopher’s Stone 196 n. 14, 472 n. 15, 197 n. 2, 199 n. 9 nn. 6, 10, 530 n. 19, 729 nn. 5–6, 775 Clays and strata nn. 5, 10, 842 n. 6 blue clay of Wiltshire 844 n. 29 philosophical mercury or aqua Blue lias 666 n. 7 mercurii 472–473 n. 10, 729 Carboniferous limestone 237 n. 23, 581 nn. 4–5, 730 n. 7, 775 n. 10, 842 n. 6 n. 8, 582 n. 13, 631 nn. 14, 16, 666 n. 7 potable gold 472 n. 9 Lower lias 666 n. 7 potassium carbonate (vegetable marl (clay mixed with calcium carbonate) alkali) 308 n. 3, 472 n. 7, 843 748 n. 3 nn. 19–20 pryan or pryant 759 potassium hydrogen tartrate (tartar of Clifford, Lady Anne, Countess of wine) 472 n. 7 Pembroke 342 n. 6, 792 n. 5, potassium nitrate (nitre or saltpetre) 854–855 594, 663, 679 n. 6, 754 n. 2, 790 n. 11 Clusius, Carolus or Charles de l’Ecluse pyroligneous acid 309 n. 5 works salts Exoticorum libri decem 88 n. 11, 595 potassium carbonate (salt of tartar) n. 11, 835 nn. 17–18 308 n. 3, 472 n. 7, 843 nn. 19–20 Rariorum plantarum historia 183 n. 17 volatile alkaline salts 692 n. 11, Coins 694 n. 1, 790 n. 8 Roman silver (luna) 449, 454, 461, 551, 552 reign of Octavian 581 n. 7 n. 4, 573, 580, 775, 792, 793 n. 11, 797, reign of Septimus Severus 793 n. 11 840, 842 n. 6 Cole, Sir Ralph 857, 859 n. 7 succinic acid (acid of amber or sal Collins, James 633, 766 n. 7 succini) 653 n. 8 Collins, John 526 n. 27 sulfuric acid (oil of vitriol) 330 n. 16, Collins, Samuel 495 n. 6 359 n. 9, 442 n. 11, 444 n. 41, 525 works n. 21, 546 n. 24, 729 n. 5, 739 n. 8, 843 The Present State of Russia 495 n. 6 n. 20 Columna, Fabius or Fabio Colonna 84, 86, tincture 295, 321 n. 14, 329 n. 10, 367, 89 n. 18, 222 n. 4, 341–342, 380–381, 383 377, 378 n. 5, 379, 380, 439, 450, 471, n. 12 472 n. 8, 498, 551, 616, 727, 734, works 850–851 Phytobasanus sive plantarum aliquot Simpson, William 454 n. 9, 739 n. 11, 775 historia 383 n. 12 n. 6, 814 n. 1 Purpura: Hoc est de purpura ab animali Webster, John 723, 724 n. 1, 727, 729 n. 3, testaceo fusa 222 n. 4 754, 756 n. 3, 768, 770, 773, 779 n. 1, 803 Colwall, Daniel 502–503, 641 n. 1 Conringius, Herman 728 Cheshire rivalry with John Webster 724 n. 1, 770, Chester 228, 230, 457, 464 n. 1, 864 779 n. 1 Knutsford 865 nn. 3, 5 works Mobberley 864, 865 n. 5 De Hermetica Aegyptorum vetete et Nether Tabley 863–864, 865 nn. 3–4 Paraclesiorum nova medicina liber Christopher, Dame Elizabeth 142 n. 5, 144 n. 1 unus 729, 831–832 916 INDEX

Corals 479, 572, 641 Milnthorpe 810 n. 1, 861 n. 42 brain coral 761 Orton 183 n. 15, 274 Corlesse, Mr. 724 Park Broom 792 n. 4 Cornwall 25–26, 124–125, 425, 426 n. 12, 718, Penrith 183 n. 15, 276 n. 8 725, 742 n. 8, 426 n. 12, 718, 725, 742 n. 8, 745, 760 dances 148 Land’s End 102–103, 106 courante 148 Penzance 107 minuet 148 n. 3 Cornelio, Tommaso 395, 396 n. 3, 402–403, Daniel, George 469 n. 1 417, 419–421 Daniel, Sir Thomas 468, 469 n. 1 Correri, Angelo [pseud. Charles de Ferrare du Davis, Mary 231 n. 8 Tot] 127 de Bourbon, Louis, Prince of Condé 523, Cossé-Brissac family 152 n. 6 527 n. 38 Cotton, Charles xvii, 253, 260 n. 1 de Graaf, Regnier 447 n. 9, 553 n. 7 letters from 253 works works De mulierum organis generatione Scarronides 261 n. 6 inservientibus tractatus novus 447 Coulson, George 825, 827 n. 33 n. 9, 553 n. 7 Cox, Nicholas 834 n. 2, 847 n. 3 de Leicester, Sir Nicholas 863, 865 n. 4 works 831 n. 3, 847 n. 3 de Vaux, Sir Theodore 522, 525 n. 17 The gentleman’s recreation 831 n. 3, Denis, Jean 391 n. 2, 576 n. 24, 597 n. 3, 615 832 n. 9, 638 n. 6 Coxe, or Cox, Thomas 469 n. 4 Dent, Peter 99 n. 2, 170, 185 n. 54, 209 n. 6, palingenesis of plants 692 n. 11, 694 n. 1 214 n. 3 volatile salts 539 n. 13, 692 n. 11, 694 n. 1, Derbyshire 790 n. 8 Beresford Dale 631 n. 16 Crew, Sir Thomas, 2nd Baron Crew of Buxton 582 n. 12, 594, 631 n. 16 Stene 17–18, 90 n. 2, 163 n. 5, 169, 170 Poole’s Hole 582 n. 12 n. 3, 178, 180, 185 n. 48 Peak District 565 n. 3, 581 n. 4, 582 n. 13, Crofts, Mr. 558, 581, 609 600 n. 2, 646 n. 6, 808 n. 5 Cromwell, Oliver 130 n. 4, 142 n. 12, Wortley Mine 582 n. 13 505 n. 9 Stretton 675 n. 12 Croone, William 17, 90 n. 2, 553 Wingerworth 808 n. 9, 813 n. 6 works Derham, William 24–27, 90, 106 n. 1, 210, 214 “Accompt of the use of the grain of n. 1, 242, 456 n. 1, 461 n. 1, 463 n. 1, 468 Kermes for Coloration” 337 n. 2, n. 1, 546 n. 1, 569 n. 1, 588 n. 1, 596 n. 1, 476 n. 13 621 n. 1, 654 n. 1, 662 n. 1, 675 n. 1, 692 Cross, John 526 n. 32 n. 1, 700 n. 1, 718 n. 1, 784 n. 1, 793 n. 1, works 800 n. 1, 809 n. 1, 854 n. 1, 855 n. 1, 865 Dialectica ad mentem eximii magistri n. 1, 877 n. 1 Joannis Scoti 526 n. 32 Works Cruse, Philipp 534 n. 6 Abstracts 125 n. 2, 549 Cumbria 183 The Philosophical Letters of Ray 90, Ashern, Egremont 444 n. 47, 453 n. 1 106 n. 1, 456 n. 1, 461 n. 1, 463 n. 1, Barrow-in-Furness 810 n. 2, 821 n. 2 468 n. 1, 546 n. 1, 569 n. 1, 568 n. 1, Kendal 803, 819 n. 1 596 n. 1, 621 n. 1, 654 n. 1, 662 n. 1, Lake District 675 n. 1, 692 n. 1, 700 n. 1, 718 n. 1, 784 Furness Fells 238 n. 39 n. 1, 800 n. 1, 809 n. 1, 854 n. 1, 865 Wrynose Pass 183 n. 19 n. 1, 877 n. 1 INDEX 917

Digby, George, 2nd Earl of Bristol 131 n. 8 Essex Dioscorides, Pedanius 16, 182 n. 3, 238 n. 34, Black Notley 115, 120 n. 4, 122, 190–191, 621 n. 19 579 n. 2, 865 n. 2 dispensation from Holy Orders 144 n. 3 Braintree 495 n. 6, 877 n. 2 Dixie, Sir Beaumont, 2nd Baronet 334 nn. 1–2 Faulkbourne Hall 865 n. 2, 877 n. 3 Dixie, Sir Wolstan, 1st Baronet 334 n. 2 Wanstead House 856 n. 4 Dodington, John 392, 396 n. 2, 419 n. 2, Evelyn, John 195 n. 5, 204 n. 6, 406 n. 4, 856 528–529, 530 n. 10 n. 2 Dorset works Winterborne Musterton 264, 266 n. 19 Pomona 530 n. 17, 538 n. 10 Winterborne Whitchurch 264, 266 n. 16 Sculptura 406 Winterborne Zelston 226 n. 17 Sylva, or Discourse of Forest Trees 791 driven oscillation 492 n. 12 n. 13 Du Card, Samuel 758 n. 5 Eyre, Adam 580 n. 15, 582 n. 18 Duclos, Samuel 366 n. 3 Eyre, Thomas 582 n. 18, 674, 675 n. 11 Du Moulin, Jacques (James Milne) 18, 128, 130, 149, 152, 161, 163 n. 5, 168–170, Fairfax, Ferdinando 8, 143 n. 12, 582 n. 18, 175–176, 215–217 792 n. 1 Dugdale, George 54 n. 1, 442 n. 1 Fairfax, Thomas 9, 143 Durham Fairfax, Nathaniel 676, 677 n. 7 Cathedral x, 28, 858 works dyes and colours A treatise of the bulk and selvedge of the black resin 336 n. 2, 337 n. 1, 405–407, world 677 n. 7 414, 417, 850–851 Faroe Islands 831 n. 5, 835 n. 18 cochineal 338, 355 n. 7 Feingold, Mordechai xi, 10 n. 34, 11 hsing-hsing 588 n. 14 nn. 38–39 hypericum red 584, 587 n. 9, 616 Fish indigo 349, 541, 545 nn. 9–10, 782, 784 types n. 12, 851 Dactylopterus (flying fish) 713, 714 kermes 285, 287, 326, 335–337, 341–342, n. 1, 741, 742 n. 4 353–356, 360, 364–365, 367, 369, 374, Dasyatis pastinaca (fire-flare or sting 390, 394, 444–445, 451, 454 n. 10, 455 ray) 747 n. 15 nn. 21–22, 459, 474–476, 487–488, 549, Dipturus batis (common skate) 747 550 n. 9 n. 17 murex 222 n. 4, 329 n. 14, 330 n. 17, 384 Dipturus oxyrinchus (long-nosed n. 23, 485 n. 7 skate) 747 n. 19 pomegranate 326, 329 n. 8 Exocœtus (flying fish) 714 n. 1, privet berries 329 n. 11 742 n. 4 Gadidae (cod family) 746 n. 7, 747 earthquakes 443 n. 29 n. 12 Dubrovnik 842 n. 5 Glyptocephalus cynoglossus (pole East Lothian 860 n. 33 flounder) 426 n. 9 Dunbar 858, 860 n. 33 Hippoglossus (halibut) 425, 426 n. 5, engraving 7, 24, 54 n. 1, 664, 709 n. 5, 723 675 n. 11 Hippoglossoides platessoides (long Ent, Sir George 144–145, 146 n. 4 rough dab) 426 n. 7 Enys, John D. 25–26, 190–191, 232–233, 214, Leucoraja naevus (cuckoo ray) 747 n. 18 248–249, 278–279, 444, 744 Limanda limanda (common Erker, Lazarus 250, 251 n. 9 dab) 426 n. 12 918 INDEX

Fish (cont.) Isocrinus (Chladocrinus) tuberculatus Melanogrammus aeglefinus (haddock) 666 n. 10 745, 747 n. 10 Lindisfarne 478 n. 8, 860 nn. 26, 28 Merlangius merlangus (whiting) 745, pentacrinites 630 n. 7, 631 n. 22, 747 n. 11 635 Molva molva (ling, a member of the Platycrinites 631 n. 15 cod family) 747 n. 12 John Ray x, 15–17, 19, 24–25, 82, 89, Myctophids (lantern fish) 425, 426 90, 96, 100, 105–106, 108, 115, 122, 130 n. 13 n. 1, 136, 153, 156, 163, 170, 176, 190, Ostraciidae (trunkfish or boxfish) 595 218, 224–225, 232, 238 n. 40, 240, n. 12 242, 248, 262–263, 266, 270–271, 274, Pleuronectes limanda (sand dab) 426 278, 280–281, 284, 291, 307, 309 n. 6, n. 7 319, 331, 334, 336 n. 7, 342, 350, 353 Pleuronectes platessa (European n. 8, 357 n. 2, 367, 397, 444, 455, 461, plaice) 426 n. 10 463, 467, 476, 546 , 549, 568, 576, Pollachius virens (American pollack or 588, 596, 621, 635, 654, 662, 675, 692, sillock) 746 n. 8, 793 n. 2 699, 714 n. 5, 717–718, 724, 740, 744, Psetta maxima (flatfish) 426 n. 4 746, 752 n. 6, 766 n. 1, 784, 793, 800, Raia batis (skate) 747 n. 14 809, 829, 832, 845–847, 852–853, Rhinobatidae (family of guitarfish) 855, 856 n. 5, 865, 877 747 n. 20 rosary beads 478 n. 8 Scardinius erythropthalmus Saint Cuthbert 478 n. 8, 635, 648, 860 (rudd) 654, 784, 793, 800 n. 30 Scophthalmus maximus (turbot) 426 sea lilies 550 n. 5, 612 nn. 2–3, 630 n. 6 n. 7, 635 n. 3, 723 n. 3, 845 n. 40 Scophthalmus rhombus (brill) 426 n. 3 theories of fossilization 877 n. 4 Solea solea (Dover sole) 426 n. 8 echinites 761 n. 6 Tetraodontidae (blowfish) 595 n. 11 genus Conulus 761 n. 6 Thynnus vulgaris (tunny fish) glossopetrae 700 n. 3 107 n. 2 lapis judaica (sea urchin spines) 625, 631 Torpedo torpedo (torpedo fish) 521, n. 27, 717 524 n. 10 St. Paul’s Bastoons 635 Fisher, Captain 760–761 Thunderbolt or elf-bolt (animal allied to Food cuttlefish) 666 n. 9, 778 n. 3 Dutch edam cheese 442 n. 10 Fothergill, John 4–5 Fisher, John and Samuel 209 nn. 8–9, 313 Foulis, Sir David, 3rd Baronet 702 n. 4, 708, n. 3, 582 n. 19, 675 n. 4 714 Flamsteed, John 526 n. 35 Foulis, Lady Elizabeth 701, 708, 714 disagreement with Johann Hecker 526 France 5, 11, 14, 17–19, 39, 43–62, 65–67, 71 n. 36 n. 2, 78 n. 3, 81–82, 90, 92 n. 1, 122 n. 23, Fontaine, de la Sir Erasmus 148 n. 2 128–129, 130 nn. 1, 4, 131 n. 6, 133, 141, Fontaine, née Noel, Mary 148 n. 2 146, 147 n. 2, 150–151, 169, 170 n. 4, fossils 175–176, 187 n. 15, 189, 197–198, 199 n. 9, ammonites 666 n. 7, 793 n. 4 202, 336 n. 7, 391, 431 n. 3, 490, 530 n. 17, belemites (dactili idaei) 736, 778 n. 3 574, 855 n. 2 brachiopods 479 n. 8 Calais 90 crinoid fossils 478 n. 8, 632 Languedoc 17, 18 n. 78, 90 n. 2, 130 n. 4, astroites 622, 631 n. 22, 692 n. 2 335 INDEX 919

Montpellier 6, 14–18, 38–79, 82 n. 1, 88 Sampson, Henry 18 n. 11, 90 nn. 1–2, 92 n. 1, 111, 127 n. 12, 130 Skippon, Phillip xvi, 164 n. 9, 278 n. 1, 152 n. 4, 162, 163 n. 5, 170 nn. 3–4, n. 2, 284 n. 12, 365 n. 4 180, 185 nn. 48, 53, 204 n. 8, 217 nn. 1, 11, Steno, Nicholas 728 n. 2 225 n. 1, 261 nn. 1, 17, 274, 276 n. 16, 278 Vivian, Peter 17–18, 90 n. 2, 217 n. 11 n. 2, 309 n. 6, 336 n. 7, 337 n. 2, 355, French natural philosophers in 365 n. 4, 426 n. 11, 431 n. 3, 455 n. 21, 476 Joly, Dr 17 n. 13, 553 n. 8, 595 n. 11, 719, 786 n. 2, 847 Joncquet, Dionys 18 n. 2 ML’s diary about botanical garden 18 Lections Achevées, or reading list Expatriates present in 1660s 17 n. 76, ML’s observations in natural 185 n. 48 philosophy 16, 248 n. 2, 402, 432, Bacon, Nathaniel 243, 328 529 n. 6, 790 n. 9 Bruce, Robert, Earl of dissections 16, 485 n. 1, 431 n. 6 Ailesbury 16, 75, 76 n. 1 fossils 24, 98, 249, 252, 384, 427 Crew, Sir Thomas 17–18, 90 n. 2, n. 15, 454 n. 4, 478 n. 8, 601, 608, 163 n. 5, 169, 170 n. 3, 178, 180, 185 622, 630 n. 7, 637 n. 3, 638 n. 2, n. 48 640 n. 5, 661 n. 2, 666 n. 7, 667, Croone, William 17, 90 n. 2, 337 686–687, 691 n. 4, 696 n. 6, 705, n. 2, 553 n. 8 736, 739 n. 18, 778 n. 3, 812 n. 3, de Moulins, Jacques (James 845 n. 40, 866 n. 2 Milne) 18, 130 n. 1, 217 n. 1 viniculture Havers, Gilbert 17 waxmaking 573 Howlett, Samuel 17, 185 n. 53, 196 ML’s voyage from 368, 841 n. 23, 204 n. 12, 210 n. 11, 368 n. 7 ML’s voyage to 431 n. 3 Jessop, Francis xx-xxi, xxiii, 17–18, medical school 10 n. 32 21, 90 n. 2, 186 n. 57, 196 n. 22, Franzini, Federico 127 n. 11 209 nn. 8–9, 312 n. 3, 546 n. 19, French, John 460 n. 3 557, 566, 572, 579, 589, 593–594, French, Robina 505 n. 9 598, 604, 609–610, 643, 671, 673, Fryer, John (1498/9–1563) 492 n. 16 677 n. 1, 680, 697, 777, 796, 801, Fryer, John (1575/6–1672) 492 n. 16 811, 854 n. 2, 861 n. 43 Fryer, Thomas 492 n. 16 Ray, John x, 15–17, 19, 24–25, 82, Fungi 89, 90, 96, 100, 105–106, 108, 115, Amantia muscaria (fly agaric) 820 n. 6 122, 130 n. 1, 136, 153, 156, 163, 170, bolete 820 n. 4 176, 190, 218, 224–225, 232, 238 fairy circles 801, 807 n. 40, 240, 242, 248, 262–263, Lactarius piperatus (peppery milk- 266, 270–271, 274, 278, 280–281, cap) 476 n. 16, 478 n. 3, 509 n. 8, 849 284, 291, 307, 309 n. 6, 319, 331, n. 5 334, 336 n. 7, 342, 350, 353 n. 8, necrotic zone 802 nn. 3–4 357 n. 2, 367, 397, 444, 455, 461, 463, 467, 476, 546 , 549, 568, 576, Galen 588, 596, 621, 635, 654, 662, 675, works 692, 699, 714 n. 5, 717–718, 724, On the Composition of Local 740, 744, 746, 752 n. 6, 766 n. 1, Remedies 772 n. 4 784, 793, 800, 809, 829, 832, On the Natural Faculties 555 n. 4 845–847, 852–853, 855, 856 n. 5, Gardiner, Mr., of St. John’s College, 865, 877 Cambridge 143, 144 n. 3, 166, 167 n. 3 920 INDEX

Garthorp, William (centenarian) 339 works Gaza or Gazis, Theodore 87 n. 2, 300 n. 9 Optica Promota 526 n. 26, 860 n. 40 works Vera circuli et hyperbolae quadratura De generatione animalium 345 n. 6 861 n. 40 De partibus animalium 345 n. 6 Gregory, Susanna (ML’s sister) 836 Germanies Grew, Nehemiah 363 n. 3, 397 n. 5, 409, 503 Frankfurt 378 nn. 4–5 n. 3, 513, 615 Hamburg 640, 756 n. 5 dispute with ML 641 Lübeck 756 n. 5 letters from 500–503 Gesner, Conrad 88 n. 16, 113 n. 3, 242 n. 14 works works An Account of the Vegetation of De avium natura 185 n. 46 Trunks 502 n. 3 De rerum foassilium, lapidum et The Anatomy of Plants 471 gemmarum maxime 630 n. 1 The Anatomy of Vegetables begun 363 Historia animalium 747 n. 9 n. 3, 365 n. 7 Historia Plantarum 268 n. 14 The Comparative Anatomy of Giant’s Causeway Trunks 815 n. 6 Glaser, Christoph 309 n. 4 Disputatio medico-physica, inauguralis, works de liquore nervosa 842 n. 4 Traité de la chimie 309 n. 4 An Idea of a Phytological History 575 glass painting 21, 248 n. 2 n. 11, 587 n. 3 Glauber, Johann Rudolph 581 n. 8 Musaeum Regalis Societatis 363 n. 2, Glover, Thomas 841, 844 n. 35, 851 397 n. 5, 635 n. 2 Goddard, Jonathan 539 n. 13, 587 n. 3 Nature, causes, and power of mixture Godeau, Antoine 657, 658 n. 6 Grove, Robert 40 n. 2, 41, 57–58, 60–61, 144, works 145 n. 2 La Vie de l’apostre St. Paul 658 n. 6 letters from 144–146 Goedaert, Johannes Gunning, Peter 72, 73 n. 1, 95–96 works Gunther, Robert Metamorphosis et Historia Naturalis Works Insectorum 89 n. 19, 164 n. 7, 519 Further Correspondence of John Ray 6 n. 3 n. 13, 27, 90, 106, 456, 461, 463 n. 1, Of Insects, done into English and 468 n. 1, 546 n. 1, 569 n. 1, 589 n. 1, Methodized 511 n. 3, 519 n. 3 596 n. 1, 621 n. 1, 654 n. 1, 662 n. 1, Goldgar, Anne 23 675 n. 1, 692 n. 1, 700 n. 1, 718 n. 1, 784 Gornia, Giovanni Baptista 525 n. 16 n. 1, 793 n. 1, 800 n. 1, 809 n. 1, 854 Goulding, Reverend William 91–92, 94, 127, n. 1, 856 n. 1, 865 n. 1, 877 n. 1 135, 147, 160, 165–166, 174, 197, 232, 399, Gyles, Henry 21, 248 n. 2, 859, 861 n. 45, 876, 403, 531, 836, 838, 839, 849 877 n. 9 Gower, Humphrey 319, 321 n. 4 Greater Manchester Hadrian’s Wall 275 n. 4 Atherton 384 n. 20 Hamilton, Sir George 12, 130 n. 6, 147 n. 2, Middleton 670 n. 3 197 n. 3 Greatrakes, Valentine 98, 99 n. 13 Hammond, Henry 134 n. 5 Gregory, George (ML’s brother-in-law) 13 Hampshire Gregory, James (mathematician) 526 n. 26, Basing House 855 n. 3 791 n. 18, 860 n. 40 Eastrop 174 INDEX 921

Harding, Henry 700, 701 n. 5, 714 n. 12 Hodgson, Lucas 661 n. 2 Hartopp, Agnes 105 nn. 1, 3 Hollar, Wenceslaus 54 n. 1 Hartopp, Dorothy xiii–xvi, 47, 48 n. 1, 68, 69 Hooke, Robert 576 n. 22, 752 n. 7 n. 1, 93 nn. 1–2, 104, 105 n. 1, 107, 108 n. 1, experiments 127 n. 1, 135 n. 1, 147–148, 160 air pump 525 n. 18 letters from 104–105, 107–108, 147–149, chymical 17, 23 160–161 lung bellows 621 n. 16 Hartopp, Sir William xiii, 40, 48 n. 1, 93 n. 2, inventions 251, 351, 352, 383 n. 9, 105 n. 1, 108 n. 1, 133 n. 2, 149 n. 5 852–853 Harvey, William 22, 146 n. 4, 661 n. 6 lamp fueler 840 Henchman, Humphrey, Bishop of rarification engine 331 n. 3, 521, 524 London 145 nn. 2–3 n. 6 Henrietta Maria (Queen of England, weather clock 521–522, 524 n. 12 Scotland, and Ireland, consort of works Charles I) 7, 160 n. 6 Micrographia 98, 99 n. 7, 191, 193, 195 Henshaw, Thomas 533, 534 n. 4, 537, 540, nn. 4–5, 200, 202, 224 n. 13, 329 n. 3, 786, 788, 790 n. 11 357 n. 4 Herbert, Lord Charles 537, 574, 707 n. 4 Horace Hertfordshire 483 works Sandridge 134 n. 3, 187 n. 4 Ars poetica 422 n. 5 Water End House 199 n. 5 Horsnell, Mr. 225 Hesychius of Alexandra 402 n. 7 Howard, Lord Henry, 6th Duke of works Norfolk 491 n. 3, 504 n. 4, 529 n. 1 Alphabetical Collection of All Howard, Thomas, Esq 491 n. 4. Words 402 n. 7 Howard, William, 1st Viscount Stafford 443 Heuraet, Hendrik van 647 nn. 14–15, 661 n. 4 n. 22 Hicks, Captain 752, 760, 766, 777 Howlett, Samuel 17, 90 n. 2, 178, 181, 185 Hicks, Sir William, 1st Baronet of n. 53, 192, 196 n. 23, 204 n. 12, 206, 208, Beverston 235, 239 n. 54 210 n. 11, 368 Highmore, Nathaniel Huddesford, William 3–4 Hill, Abraham 394 n. 9 Hugo, Victor 3 Hippocrates Hulse, Edward 20, 195 n. 7, 204 n. 7, 276 Hippocratic Corpus 196 nn. 15–16 n. 17, 320, 333, 350 Epidemion 194, 196 n. 15 Humphreys, Humphrey 448, 454 n. 4 Hippocratic Oath 126 n. 5 Hunlock, Sir Henry, Baronet 799, Historiae Animalium 808 n. 9 Aristotle 163, 300 n. 12, 301 n. 16 Hunter, Michael x, 842 n. 4, 872 n. 13 Lister 113 n. 4, 194 n. 2, 268 n. 2, 293, 301 Huygens, Christiaan 278 n. 1, 491 n. 6, 510 n. 23, 303 n. 56, 486 n. 19, 691 n. 2, 712 nn. 3–4, 647 n. 13, 661 n. 4 n. 1, 716 n. 1, 727 n. 2, 784 n. 17 disagreement with Boyle over barometric Hobbes, Thomas 467 n. 11, 491 n. 5 pressure 538 n. 5 debate with John Wallis 491 n. 5 invention of a U-shaped tube barometer works 510 n. 4 Lux mathematica, Excussa Collisionibus Saturn’s satellites 523, 535 Johannes Wallissi . . . et 491 n. 5 Thomas Hobbesii 491 n. 5 iatrochemistry 677 n. 9 Multis et fulgentissimis aucta Imperato, Ferrante radiis 491 n. 5 Dell’historia naturale 251 n. 10 922 INDEX ink 24, 240, 271, 331, 363, 395, 420, 454 n. 12, julus (millipede) 310, 316–317, 324 476, 811, 812 n. 2 locusts 300 n. 8 insects millipede 316 n. 2 ants 21, 87 n. 7, 89 n. 22, 178, 181, 203, moths 88 n. 12, 119, 122 n. 15, 268 n. 6, 207–208, 209 n. 8, 210 n. 10, 213–214, 301 808 n. 14, 305, 306 n. 7, 308 n. 3, 312 n. 3, 313 Cossus cossus (goat moths) 121 n. 15 n. 3, 475 n. 4 Crambus hortuellas (grass moth) 291 formic acid 21, 209 n. 8, 301 n. 14, 306 n. 14 n. 7, 308 n. 3, 312 n. 3, 313 n. 3 parasitism 463 n. 4 symbiotic relationship with kermes scale insects 287 nn. 5, 7. 454 nn. 19–20, 475 475 nn. 3–4, 550 n. 9 bedbugs (cimices) 359 n. 4 Coccus polonicus (Polish cochineal) bees 181, 289, 292, 295, 306 n. 3, 309–310, 337 n. 3, 342 n. 15 319, 321 n. 3, 354, 364, 365 n. 3, 369, 379, Dactylopius coccus (cochineal) 355 385, 445, 474, 733 n. 6, 761, 834 n. 9 n. 7 beekeeping 185 n. 52 Eulecanium coryli (hazel nut scale) honeycombs (cartridges) 306 n. 3 476 n. 11 woodland bee 181, 280 honeydew 475 n. 4 beetles 195 nn. 9–10, 214, 215 n. 10, 295, Kermes vermilio (kermes or scarlet 327, 433, 434 n. 3, 543, 808 grain) 355 n. 7 Aromia moschata (musk beetle) 371 Kerria lacca (lac insect) 355 n. 7 n. 4 Parthenolecanium corni (common Cerambyx scopolii (capricorn beetle) brown scale) 476 n. 11 371 n. 6 Pulvinaria vitis (wooly vine scale) Chrysomela (leaf beetles) 215 n. 10 476 nn. 11–12 Cicindela (tiger beetles) 101, 103, 104 Scolopender (centipede or millipede) n. 5, 106, 365 316, 371 n. 8 Lucanus cervus (Great European Stag symbiotic relationship with ants 475 Beetle) 223 n. 12, 545 n. 16 n. 4 scarab beetles 214 stages of development larvae 104, 121 n. 15, 215 n. 10, 291 egg 455 n. 14, 300 nn. 4–5, 12. 301 n. 16, chrysalis 285–286, 307–308, 326, 336, 383 n. 7, 454 n. 19, 475 n. 9, 476 388, 445 n. 5 n. 11, 750 n. 2 larva 223 n. 12, 383 n. 5, 445 n. 3, 462 Oryctes nasicornis (European n. 2, 545 n. 16, 808 n. 11 rhinoceros beetle) 525 n. 20 maggots 289, 292, 300 n. 12, 354, centipede 301 n. 17, 316 n. 2, 371 n. 8 385, 398, 428 n. 7, 477 flies 299, 300 n. 4, 371 n. 2, 383 n. 7, 476 nympha 354, 385, 452, 461 n. 11, 782 pupa 455 nn. 24, 26, 36. 460 n. 1 Lytta vesicatoria (Spanish fly) 315 wasps 285, 295, 301 n. 16, 371 n. 2, 380, n. 5, 589 383 n. 7, 385, 389 n. 5, 399, 401, 428 n. 7, Sarcophaga haemorrhoidalis (red 474, 475 n. 9, 476 n. 11, 824 tailed flesh-fly) 300 n. 3 Andricus fecundator (parthenogenetic galls 237 n. 11, 373, 376 n. 16, 399 nn. 5–6, gall wasp) 399 n. 6 428 n. 7, 438, 448–451 Diplolepis rosae (hymenopteran gall gnats 213, 221, 224 n. 18, 674 wasp) 399 n. 5 grasshoppers 294, 432, 434 n. 3 Ichneumonoidea 371 n. 2 hexapodes 800, 806–807 INDEX 923

Ireland Kent Dublin Philosophical Society 574 n. 2 Agney Court 134 n. 5 Ballinderry, Londonderry and Tyrone Canterbury 70 n. 1, 79 n. 7, 134 n. 5, 199 874, 875 n. 2 n. 6, 219, 429, 445, 466, 467 n. 7, 468, Carrickfergus, Antrim 874 505 n. 10, 532 n. 1, 536 Liburne, Belfast 875 n. 3, 876 n. 3 Deal 708 n. 6 Lough Neagh 874, 875 n. 2, 876 n. 4, 877 Dover 90 n. 3, 219, 426 n. 8 n. 4 Gravesend 707 Italy King, Edmund 89 n. 22 John Ray’s Travels 696 n. 6 King, John (1604–1688) 447 n. 3 Iran King, John (1614–1681) 447 n. 3 Bandar-Abbas 750 n. 1 Kircher, Athanasius 86, 89 n. 20, 98, 100 Lar 750 n. 4 n. 14, 105, 163–164, 250, 252 n. 17, 294, Shiraz 750 n. 3 408, 419, 524 n. 8 works Jennings, Frances Thornhurst, half-sister of China illustrata 408 ML 6, 94 n. 1, 134 n. 3, 162 n. 2, 168 Magnes, Sive De Arte magnetica opus n. 6, 187 n. 4, 199 nn. 4–5 tripartium 419 n. 4 Jennings, Richard 134 nn. 3–4, 187 n. 4 Mundus Subterraneus 84, 86, 89 Jennings, Sarah, see Churchill, Sarah Duchess n. 20, 98, 100 n. 14, 105 n. 3, 164 n. 8, of Marlborough 12, 94 n. 2, 147 n. 2, 250, 252 n. 17 187 n. 15, 197 n. 2, 199 n. 9 Kirke, Thomas 21, 248 n. 2, 753 n. 8, 856, 859 Jessop, Francis nn. 1–2, 14. 860 nn. 25, 32, 42. 874, 875 Broomhall 172–173, 546 n. 19, 565 n. 2, n. 1, 876 nn. 2–3, 877 n. 10 567 n. 6, 581 nn. 1–2, 593 n. 3, 593, 609, marriage to Rosamund Abbott 877 n. 10 798, 802 n. 1 Kisner, Johannes 378 nn. 4–5, 7 dispute with John Wallis 589, 712 n. 4 Kornmann, Heinrich 378 n. 5 epicycloid 567 n. 5 tides 557–558, 565 n. 4, 567 n. 5, 567 Lachmund, Friedrich 654 n. 16, 668 n. 1 n. 8, 575 n. 9, 579, 589, 599, 611 n. 3, works 860 n. 18 Oryktographiae Hildesheimensis 654 letters from 804 n. 16 letters to 658 Lambert, Frances, cousin of Sir Martin Lister, mine damps 812 n. 5, 817 n. 1 ML’s father 8, 142 n. 12 works Lambert, John 8, 9 n. 26, 142 n. 12, 143 n. 12, Propositiones Hydrostaticae ad 238 n. 40, 248 n. 2, 405 n. 3, 408 illustrandum Aristarchi systema Lancashire 173 n. 4 Burnley 339, 612 n. 11, 633 n. 1, 656 n. 8, Johnson, Cornelius 7 779 n. 1, 792 n. 3, 803 n. 3 Johnston, Cudworth 776 n. 1, 777, 828 Rainsbrough Scar 611, 655 Johnston, John 441 n. 1 Townley Estate 779 n. 1 Johnston, Nathaniel 22, 408 n. 2, 441 n. 1, Clitheroe 611, 633 n. 5, 724 n. 5 445 n. 4, 685, 692 n. 10, 707 n. 2, Colne 612 n. 5 828 n. 3 Earby 792 nn. 2–3 works Thurnham 447 n. 10, 692 n. 12, 775 n. 9, Excellency of Monarchical Government 803 n. 1 442 n. 1 Warton 820 Joly, Monsieur of Dijon 840 Wigan 464 n. 1 924 INDEX

Langelot or Langellott, Joel 471, 472 nn. 4, Muckton 135 n. 8, 174 n. 1, 190 n. 7 8. 475, 488 Low Santon 872 n. 9 works Lindsey coast 238 n. 34, 243, 246 n. 10, Epistola ad praecellentissimos naturae 251 n. 5 curiosos 472 n. 4 Louth 157–158, 167 n. 1 Lankester, Edwin 6 n. 13, 27, 107 n. 2, 156 Pinchbeck 823 n. 6 n. 7, 284 n. 6, 853 n. 10 Theddlethorpe 246 n. 10 works Wolds 222 n. 6, 382 n. 3 The Correspondence of John Ray Line or Linus, Francis 828 n. 2, 843 n. 21 6 n. 13 debate with Newton over nature of light Memorials of John Ray 106 n. 2, 107 828 n. 2 n. 2 Lipsius, Justus 126 n. 7 Largus, Scribonius 126 n. 5, 139 n. 3 works works Politicorum sive Civilis Doctrinae Libri Compositiones 126 n. 5, 139 n. 3 Sex 126 n. 7 Lascelles, Daniel 701 n. 4, 702 n. 1, 784 Lister, Anne, née Peers, sister-in-law of ML n. 19 letters from 174 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm von 524 n. 7, Lister, Barbara, sister of ML 836 n. 2 530 nn. 12, 14–15, 537 n. 2 Lister, Edward, great uncle of ML 187 n. 10 step reckoner 524 n. 7 Lister, Jane, sister of ML 134 n. 2, 147 n. 5 Leicestershire marriage to Hugh Allington 39 n. 1, 836 Bosworth Hall, Market Bosworth 334 n. 7 n. 2 Lister, Martin Melton Mowbray 9 Burwell 4, 6, 9, 11–13, 40 n. 1, 44 n. 1, 66 Grammar school 9, 42 n. 1, 525 n. 14 n. 1, 91–92, 94 n. 5, 97, 108 n. 2, 132 n. 1, ML’s education 9–10, 13, 15, 24, 76 135 n. 8, 142 n. 5, 143, 156 n. 1, 157–158, n. 1, 134 n. 5 159 n. 2, 166, 167 n. 1, 168 n. 2, 174 n. 1, Rotherby 40 n. 1, 48 n. 1, 93 n. 2, 108 n. 1, 186, 187 n. 5, 189, 190 nn. 5, 7–8. 197, 198 133 n. 2, 148 n. 2, 149 n. 5 nn. 1–2, 232 n. 3, 285, 823 nn. 1, 4. 836, Thorpe Arnold 9, 74 n. 1, 187 n. 8, 190 862 n. 2 n. 6, 836 n. 6 education Levenson-Gower, Sir William, 4th Baronet Melton Mowbray Grammar School 9 654 n. 12, 723 n. 1 Montpellier 6, 14–18, 38–55, 56 n. 1, Leycester, Peter Sir, Baronet 863, 864 n. 1 57–62, 64 nn. 1, 4, 65–69, 71 n. 2, Lhwyd, Edward 3–4, 6 n. 13, 454 n. 4, 802 72–74, 76 n. 1, 77 n. 1, 78 nn. 2–3, 79 n. 5 n. 5, 82 n. 1, 88 n. 11, 90, 92 n. 1, 111, Lincolnshire 127 n. 12, 130 n. 1, 152 n. 4, 162, 163 Alford 142 n. 5, 144 n. 1 n. 5, 170 n. 3, 173 n. 4, 180, 185 nn. 48, Barton-upon-Humber 545 n. 6 53. 204 n. 8, 217 nn. 1, 11. 223 n. 11, 225 Brigg 867, 872 n. 9 n. 1, 261 nn. 1, 17. 274, 276 n. 16, 278 Burwell 4, 6, 9, 11–13, 40 n. 1, 44 n. 1, 66 n. 2, 309 n. 6, 336 n. 7, 337 n. 2, 355, n. 1, 91–92, 94 n. 5, 97, 108 n. 2, 132 n. 1, 365 n. 4, 426 n. 11, 431 n. 2, 455 n. 21, 135 n. 8, 142 n. 5, 143, 156 n. 1, 157–158, 476 n. 13, 553 n. 8, 595 n. 11, 719, 786 159 n. 2, 166, 167 n. 1, 168 n. 2, 174 n. 1, n. 2, 847 n. 2 186, 187 n. 5, 189, 190 nn. 5, 7–8. 197, 198 St. John’s College, Cambridge 41 n. 1, nn. 1–2, 232 n. 3, 285, 823 nn. 1, 4. 836, 42 nn. 1–2, 70 n. 1 862 n. 2 illnesses Gainsborough 792, 793 n. 10 asthma 12, 71 n. 2, 104 n. 4 INDEX 925

salivary gland calculi 71 n. 2, 431 n. 2 insects 85–86, 87 n. 9, 88 nn. 11–12, letters from 724 n. 3 16. 89 n. 16, 105–106, 112, 122 n. 21, letters to 4, 22, 456 n. 2, 476 n. 14, 505 164, 181, 193, 195 nn. 4–5, 10. 221–222, n. 15, 680 n. 2, 692 n. 12, 774 n. 2, 775 281 n. 3, 285, 287 n. 5, 288–290, 295, n. 9, 812 n. 1, 827 n. 32, 829 n. 1 300 n. 8, 301 n. 16, 302 n. 36, 306 manuscripts nn. 3, 5. 307, 309–310, 314, 318 n. 5, adversaria 16, 285, 414, 415 n. 3, 477, 319, 322, 326, 342 n. 19, 355 n. 7, 356, 493 365 n. 6, 367, 370, 371 n. 2, 372–374, “A Method for the History of Iron” 377, 379–380, 383 n. 7, 387 n. 1, 388, 819 n. 1 393, 401, 404 n. 5, 427 n. 15, 428 n. 7, pocket notebook 38, 41 n. 2, 42 n. 2, 432, 434 n. 3, 454 nn. 19–20, 462, 475 43 n. 2, 44 nn. 2–3, 49 n. 1, 51 n. 1, 55 nn. 3–4, 481, 485 n. 5, 498, 511 n. 3, n. 1, 62 n. 1, 163 n. 5, 170 n. 3 516, 519 n. 3, 539, 546, 550 n. 9, 573, marriage to Hannah Parkinson 21, 232 587 nn. 7–8, 606 n. 2, 612 n. 7, 640 n. 2, 236 n. 1, 239 n. 56, 242 n. 17, 247 n. 3, 670 n. 1, 686–687, 690, 709 n. 1, n. 24, 263 n. 9, 265 n. 1, 283 n. 1, 302 716 n. 2, 720 n. 4, 733 n. 6, 782, 849 n. 43, 313 n. 6, 341 n. 3 n. 11, 852, 853 n. 6 medical work molluscs 5, 24, 222 n. 7, 384 n. 23, intestines 16, 229, 345 n. 7, 498, 548 485 nn. 1–2, 8. 486 n. 19, 646 n. 3, n. 4, 554–555 866 n. 2 caecum 226, 542, 547, 554–557, plants 569, 571, 583 plant circulation debate 156 n. 4, debate with Walter Needham 252 284 n. 4, 287 n. 8, 479 n. 10, 500 n. 21, 265 n. 6, 548 n. 3, 553 n. 6, n. 2, 518 n. 3 556, 569, 574, 575 n. 18, 587 n. 2, spiders 840 ballooning spider controversy 5, ileum 556 n. 5 20, 195 n. 8, 204 nn. 7, 9. 209 n. 3, ileocecal valve 556 n. 5 215 n. 7, 231 n. 13, 284 n. 3, 290 valves of Kerckring 548 n. 4, 557 n. 5, 321 n. 6, 351 n. 1, 784 n. 10 n. 4 views on 284 n. 3 natural history Royal Society birds 7, 98, 99 n. 2, 105–106, 111–112, works 113 n. 3, 114 nn. 7, 9. 118–119, 120 n. 8, De fontibus medicatis Angliae 121 nn. 9, 11. 122 n. 21, 156 n. 5, 177, exercitatio nova 105 n. 4, 459 n. 3, 262, 446, 547, 549, 557, 570–571, 621, 476 n. 15 702, 713, 714 n. 4, 741, 742 n. 5, 745, Exercitatio anatomica in qua de cochleis 747 n. 9, 761, 767, 768 n. 4, 782, 787, 223 n. 8 800, 806, 809 n. 2, 830, 831 n. 2, 832 Historiae Animalium Angliae 691 n. 9, 833, 834 nn. 9–10, 835 n. 10, 857, n. 2, 712 n. 1, 716 n. 1, 727 n. 2, 784 860 n. 23, 882 n. 17, 793 n. 4, 866 n. 2 fossils 24, 98, 249, 252 n. 13, 384 Historiae Conchyliorum 5 n. 11, 31, nn. 18–19, 427 n. 15, 454 n. 4, 478 n. 8, 485 n. 1, 612 n. 2, 720 n. 7, 726 n. 9 601, 608, 612 n. 3, 622, 630 n. 7, 633 Of insects 105, 511 n. 3, 519 n. 3 n. 2, 635 n. 1, 637 n. 3, 638 n. 2, 640 Philosophical Transactions articles n. 5, 655 n. 1, 661 n. 2, 666 n. 7, 667, 5–6, 18, 20–23, 29, 99 n. 12, 140 n. 13, 686–687, 691 n. 4, 692 n. 2, 696 nn. 194 n. 2, 207, 209 n. 3, 247 n. 27, 252 4, 6. 736, 739 n. 18, 778 n. 3, 793 n. 4, n. 20, 265 nn. 5, 10. 268 n. 2, 276 812 n. 3, 845 n. 40, 860 n. 30, 866 n. 2 nn. 14, 17. 278 nn. 2–3, 280, 284 n. 10, 926 INDEX

Lister, Martin (cont.) Lister, William, brother of ML 43 n. 1, 59 287 n. 5, 290 n. 5, 300 n. 6, 306 n. 3, n. 1, 69 n. 1, 74 n. 1 313 n. 7, 321 n. 6, 349 n. 7, 355 n. 4, L’Obel, Mathieu de (Lobelius) 140 n. 9, 237 359 n. 1, 365 n. 4, 371 n. 8, 376 n. 9, n. 11, 275 n. 2, 284 n. 9 378 n. 1, 389 n. 6, 423 n. 7, 442 n. 16, lixivium 337 455 n. 21, 476 n. 13, 511 n. 1, 519 n. 1, Locke, John 15 n. 64, 238 n. 35, 287 n. 5 525 n. 13, 534 n. 4, 550 n. 10, 556 n. 7, Lodge, William 597 n. 3, 607, 608 n. 7, 612 n. 9, 621 Arnoldsbiggin, Yorkshire 612 nn. 1, 5, n. 14, 641 n. 8, 653 n. 1, 654 n. 12, 709 656 n. 4 n. 5, 723 n. 1, 733, 739 nn. 16, 20. 740 friendship with Francis Place 21, 54 n. 1, n. 29, 742 n. 8, 809 n. 20, 811, 828 248 n. 2 n. 2, 845 n. 40 scientific illustrations for ML 21 Lister, Sir Martin, father of ML unreliability 611, 649, 653–656, 725–727 John Lambert 8, 9 n. 26, 142 n. 12, 143, Loft, John the carrier 301 n. 26, 312 238 n. 40, 248 n. 2 London Long Parliament 8, 39 n. 1 Arundel House 467 n. 8, 488, 529 n. 1 member of Parliament 93 n. 4, 670 n. 3 The Bear Inn, Basinghall Street Parliamentary militia 75 359 n. 11 relationship with Thomas Fairfax 9, 143 Cursitor’s Alley or Street 117, 120 Temple, Susanna, wife, mother of ML 8, Dean’s Yard, Westminster 144 n. 8 39 n. 1, 40 n. 1, 44 n. 1, 94 n. 1, 135 n. 7, Doctors’ Commons 532 n. 1 823 n. 1, 862 n. 2 Great Fire 145 n. 3, 199 n. 9, 467 n. 8 Wenman, Mary, wife 7, 48 n. 1, 93 n. 2, Great Plague 78 n. 2, 79 n. 4, 145 n. 3, 291 108 n. 1 n. 9 Lister, Matthew, brother of ML 7, 16, 21, 160 The King’s Head, Chancery Lane 504 n. 6, 187 nn. 8, 12, 190 nn. 6, 12. 823 n. 2, n. 5 836 n. 6, 862 n. 2 Leicester Fields 442 n. 1 Lister, Matthew, nephew of ML Oldenburg’s House, Pall Mall 316 marriage to Eleanor Dymoke 823 n. 2 Red Lyon, Aldergate Street 669, 764 Lister, Matthew Sir, great-uncle of ML Rose and Crown, Duke Place (now Mitre 11, 160 n. 6, 187 n. 12 Street), Aldgate 758 Lister, Michael, eldest brother of ML White Hart, Southwark 188 n. 2, marriage to Anne Peers or Piers 174 n. 1, 189 n. 2 190 n. 7, 823 n. 4 White House, Shoreditch High Street, marriage to Catherine Morton 823 n. 6 Aldgate 794 n. 1 Lister, Richard, half-brother of ML 74 n. 1, Long Parliament 8, 39 n. 1 75 n. 1 longevity 209 n. 4, 215 n. 6, 301 n. 22 Lister, née Temple, Susanna, mother of ML Lucian of Samosata 261 n. 13 6, 43 n. 1, 232 n. 3 Lull, Ramon 756 n. 3, 775 n. 11 Lister, Susanna, daughter of ML 68 n. 1, 69 Lux, David 23 n. 1, 132 n. 1, 134 n. 5, 135 n. 7, 144 Lynch, Sir Thomas 533 n. 3 nn. 1–2, 5. 147 n. 4, 187 n. 7, 190 nn. 2, 5, 7, 197 nn. 1, 3, 5. 198 n. 1, 199 n. 3, 232 Magnol, Pierre 15 n. 3, 263 n. 9, 268 n. 10, 269, 271 n. 6, 276 Magnus, Albertus 87 n. 6, 164 n. 3, n. 18, 291 n. 12, 399 n. 8 434 n. 7 Lister, Susanna, sister of ML works marriage to George Gregory 13, 147 n. 4, De animalibus 87 n. 5, 164 n. 2, 291 187 nn. 7, 14, 190 n. 2, 232 n. 4, 239 n. 53, n. 10, 300 n. 5, 365 n. 6, 434 nn. 4, 7 286 n. 3, 836 nn. 1, 3, 862 nn. 1–2 Malpighi, Marcello 22, 489 n. 6, 814 n. 5 INDEX 927

works ascitic fluid 105 n. 3 Anatome Plantarum 409, 410 n. 3, dropsy (oedema) 826 n. 18 417, 420, 422, 424 n. 2, 575 n. 14, 814 choler 826 n. 16 Dissertatio epistolica de Bombyce 410 cicatrice 574 n. 2, 455 n. 36, 460 n. 4 dry bellyache or knotgut (lead poisoning) Dissertatio epistolica de formatione 826 n. 15 pulli in ovo 423 n. 5, 489 n. 6 empyema (collection of pus in pleura due Mammals to pleurisy) 828 n. 4 Dasyprocta agouti (agouty) 826 n. 10 eschar 574 Dolphin 107, 228–229, 422 n. 5 extenuate (thin or emaciated) 826 n. 17 Gulo gulo gulo (wolverine) 556 n. 8 meningococcemia 758 n. 7 Herpestes ichneumon (Egyptian pori biliari 840 mongoose) 386 n. 1 premature ejaculation 569 n. 2, 579 n. 1, Ondatra zibethicus (muskrat) 826 n. 9 589 n. 2, 596 n. 2, 622 n. 3 Porpoise 107, 228, 231 n. 6 pledget 601 Mapletoft, John 235, 238 n. 35 suppuration 574, 597, 608 n. 5, 614 Marchetti, Alexandro 523, 526 n. 31 thrombocytopaenic purpura 758 n. 7 Marggraf, Andreas Sigismund 209 n. 8, 312 medicaments n. 3 antimony Marlborough, Duchess of, see Churchill, glass of antimony 22, 740 n. 31, 754 Sarah 6, 12, 94 n. 2, 134 n. 5, 147 n. 2, nn. 1–2, 758 n. 3, 765 n. 4, 775 n. 4, 187 n. 15, 197 n. 2, 199 nn. 6, 9 784 n. 15 Massingberd, Elizabeth 130 n. 2 asses’ milk 269 Massüe, Daniel de, first Marquis de Ruvigny blood stone 822 n. 4 170 n. 5 calomel 809 n. 19 mathematics camphor 825, 827 n. 21 cycloid curves 21, 566, 567 n. 5, 712 n. 4 cantharides (Spanish fly) 314, 315 n. 5, conchoid plane curves 593 588, 589 n. 2, 636, 367 n. 7 debate between Jessop and Wallis 712 cinchona bark or Peruvian bark 539 n. 4 n. 20, 827 n. 20 priority dispute between van Heuraet and crab’s eyes (oculi cancrorum) 813 n. 7 Huygens 647 n. 14 diasatyria 569 n. 2, 596 n. 2, 622 n. 3 rectification of curves 647 n. 15, 661 n. 4, glister 825, 827 n. 23 675 n. 2 ground flaxseed 270 n. 5 semicubical parabola 647 n. 15 Goddard’s drops 536 Margravius, Georgius or George Marggraf laudanum or tincture of opium 320, 321 627, 631 n. 21 n. 14 works opium 137–138, 249, 265 n. 9, 321 n. 14, Historia naturalis Brasiliae 631 n. 21 539 Matthiola, Pietro Andrea Peruvian Bark (quinine) 826 n. 20 works plantain water 367 Compendium de Plantis Omnibus una cum potable gold 472 n. 9 Earum Iconibus (1571) 182 n. 3 purges 827 n. 24 Mayerne, Sir Theodore Turquet de 88 n. 16, smelling salts (ammonium chloride) 525 n. 17 822 n. 9 medical diseases or terms styptic liquor 511 n. 2, 519 n. 2, 576 n. 25, ague 144–145, 262, 263 n. 5, 265 n. 3, 267, 597 n. 3, 638 n. 6, 661 n. 1 268 n. 11, 271, 286 n. 1 topick medicine (topical) 827 n. 26 928 INDEX medicaments (cont.) white lignum 655 n. 4 turbith root 586, 588 n. 19 iron vinegar 181, 208, 307, 443 nn. 19, 23, 454 ball mine 747 n. 19, 482, 600, 608, 622, 624, 626, 630 coldshire 779, 780 n. 3 n. 7, 663, 674, 781, 795, 847, 848 nn. 2–3, bottom mine 747–748 852 Method for the History of Iron by ML volatile salts 539 n. 13, 692 n. 11, 694 n. 1, 819 n. 1 790 n. 8 mining 819 n. 1 Merret, Christopher 98, 100 n. 18, 177, 179, mundick 662 n. 2, 759 182 n. 8, 238 n. 40 pitter mine 747 Works pyrites or fools’ gold (iron sulfides) Pinax rerum naturalium britannicarum 443 n. 37, 666 n. 7, 738 n. 6, 813 n. 5 100 n. 18, 182 n. 8 redshire 779, 780 n. 4 mezzotint sow iron 780 n. 5, 810 Lister’s black resin 336 n. 2, 337 n. 1, white vein mine 747 405–407, 414, 417, 850 n. 1, 851 jet 244, 246 nn. 11–12, 249, 251 n. 6, 312, Prince Rupert 405 n. 4, 407 n. 2, 838, 839 869, 873 n. 15 n. 2, 841, 850 n. 1 latten 793 n. 8 Milbank, Mark 859 n. 14 mullions 594, 643 Mildmay, Anthony 134 n. 4 phosphorus Milne, James (see Jacques du Moulin) 18, Bolognian Stone 530 130 n. 1, 217 n. 1 shale 739 n. 8 mines tin 552 n. 5, 679 n. 6, 718–719, 746 n. 1, damps 812 n. 5, 817 n. 1 828 n. 2 “Old Man” 646 n. 7 Miscellanea curiosa 849 n. 7 minerals and metals Molluscs alum (hydrated potassium aluminum chirality 231 sulfate) 454, 738 n. 5, 739 nn. 8–9 heliciculture asbestos 721, 723 n. 4 Pliny 485 n. 4 barite or baryite (barium sulfate) 22, mollusc types 740 n. 30, 754 n. 1 Anodonta cygenaea (swan mussel) as Derbyshire cawk 22, 827 487 n. 31 in glass of antimony 22, 740 n. 31, Arianta arbustorum (copse snail) 754 nn. 1–2, 758 n. 3, 765 n. 4, 775 486 n. 16 role in Newton’s telescopes 861 n. 40 Arion ater (large black slug) 486 bitumen 458, 581 n. 8, 604, 652, 653 n. 25, 709 n. 4 nn. 7, 9–10. 673–674, 675 n. 6, 677–678 Arion intermedius (hedgehog slug) Bristol Diamonds 656 n. 6, 778 n. 4 486 n. 24, 709 n. 3 coal Balea heydeni (species of air-breathing cannel 246 n. 12, 249 land snail) 486 n. 20 parrot-coal 246 n. 12, 251 n. 6 Balea perversa (sinistral species of pit coal 779, 780 n. 6 air-breathing land snail) 486 n. 20 fluor 656 n. 7 Cepaea hortensis (white-lipped snail) galactite (calcian variety of 726 n. 4 natrolite) 738 Cepaea nemoralis (brown-lipped snail) gur or bur 486 n. 15, 726 n. 4 subterraneal fungus (bitumen) 458, Clausiliidae (door snails) 222 n. 3 581 n. 8, 604, 652, 653 nn. 7, 9–10, Cochlicopa lubrica (small air-breathing 673–674, 675 n. 6, 677–678 land snail) 486 n. 18 INDEX 929

Cochlicopa lubricella (small air- Morden, William 262, 263 n. 7, 267, 268 n. 4 breathing land snail) 486 n. 18 More, Henry Cocholodina laminata (plaited door works snail) 709 n. 2 Enchiridion metaphysicum 489 n. 8 Euconulus fulvus (brown hive) 486 Morison, Robert n. 19 Plantarum umbelliferarum distributio nova Helicella itala (heath snail) 486 n. 21 511 n. 5 Helicigona lapicida (medium-sized Praeludia Botanica 227, 231 n. 10, 460 species of air-breathing land n. 5 snail) 486 n. 22 Morland or Moreland, Sir Samuel, 1st Baronet Helix aspersa (garden snail) 486 drum cap-stands 576 n. 30 n. 17 plunger pump 576 n. 29 Helix lapicida (variegated rock snail) speaking trumpet (megaphone) 409 486 n. 22 Morton, David 710 Helix pomatia (the edible snail or Moseley, Thomas 827 n. 30 escargot) 225 n. 5, 486 n. 13 Mouffet, Thomas Limax maximus (great grey slug) works 483, 485 n. 9, 486 n. 23, 712 n. 2 Insectorum sive minimorum animalium Lucanus cervus (Great European Stag 87 n. 9, 88 n. 16, 164 nn. 5–6, 291 Beetle) 223 n. 12, 545 n. 16 n. 10, 301 n. 15, 371 n. 9 Lymnacea stagnalis (great pond snail) Moulin du, Jaques or James Milne 18, 130 487 n. 27 n. 1, 217 n. 1 Murex (genus of tropical sea snail, the Murgatroyd, John 344 n. 1 source of imperial purple dye) Murgatroyd, Susan 344 n. 1 329 n. 14, 384 n. 23, 485 n. 7 Musgrave, William 16, 749 Onoba semicostata (species of minute Murrain 821 sea snail) 222 n. 4 Patellogastropoda (limpets) 355 Needham, Walter 250, 252 n. 21, 264, 265 n. 6, 376 n. 10 n. 6, 548 n. 3, 551, 553 n. 6, 555 n. 3, Pisidium (genus of minute freshwater 569–570, 574, 575 n. 4–5, 575 n. 18, 576 clams) 487 n. 32 n. 25, 587 n. 2 , 840, 843 n. 23, 843–844 Planorbis carinatus (species of n. 26 airbreathing freshwater snail, or Neile, William 647 n.15, 649 ramshorn snails) 487 n. 29 Newman, William 630 n. 9 Planorbis planorbis 487 n. 30 Newton, Isaac Sir 5, 22–23, 79 no. 4, 447 no. Pomatia elegans or Nerita elegans 8, 526 no. 26, 679 n. 6, 680 n. 7, 729 n. 5, (round-mouthed snail) 486 n. 14, 740 n. 30, 754 n. 2, 775 n. 6, 820 n. 3, 828, 720 n. 5, 726 n. 8 828 n. 2, 840, 861 n. 40 Tellinidae (genus of bivalves) 384 alchemy 729 n. 5 n. 23 antimony 828 pearls 307 cawk 22–23 Monluc, Blaise de gur 581 n. 8, 646 n. 2, 653, 654 n. 14, 655 works nn. 3–4, 675 n. 5 Commentaires et lettres 261 n. 15 laboratory notebooks 679 n. 6 Montgomery, Robert (centenarian) 338 metallogenesis 840 Moray, Sir Robert 407 n. 2, 429, 447 n. 1, 521, relationship with ML 679 n. 6, 740 n. 30, 524 n. 11, 528, 533 n. 3, 536, 574 775 n. 6, 828 n. 2 Morden, Charles 263 n. 7 response to Francis Linus 840 930 INDEX

Newton, Isaac Sir (cont.) plant circulation controversy 479 n. 10, telescope 447 no. 8, 526 no. 26, 754 n. 2, 500 n. 2, 524 n. 2 828 n. 2, 861 n. 40 Olearius, Adam or Adam Oehlschlaeger 250 telescopic mirrors 5, 679 n. 6 n. 3 works Opium 137–138, 249, 265, 321 n. 14 Optics 754 n. 2 Ovid Nicholas of Damascus works works Heroides 189 n. 3 De Plantis 140 n. 7, 428 n. 6 Oughtred, William 661 n. 6 Nieuhoff, Jan Oxfordshire works University of Oxford 7, 442 n. 1 An Embassy from the East India of the United Provinces 40 n. 4, 424 n. 2, Pallavicino, Ferrante 127 n. 12 588 n. 14 Paman, Henry Northampton 384, 705, 880 bibliophilia 10 Wansford 627, 631 n. 23 ML’s tutor 9–10, 70 n. 1, 79 n. 7, 127 n. 3, Northumberland 274, 745, 747 n. 9, 856, 859 159 n. 3 n. 12, 17, 860 n. 18, 25, 31 politics 10–11 Alnwick 859 n. 17 Paracelsus Berwick-upon-Tweed 860 n. 31 Paracelsian medicine 431 n. 6 Farne Islands 859 n. 18, 860 n. 23 Parker, John x, 122, 466 Lindisfarne 478 n. 8, 860 n. 26 Parker, Samuel, Bishop of Oxford Morpeth 747 n. 9, 857, 859 n. 16 467 n. 7 Newcastle 457 n. 3, 460 n. 7, 857, 859 Parkinson, Hannah, wife of ML 21, 231 n. 2, nn. 14, 16 232 n. 2, 236 n. 1, 239 n. 56, 242 n. 17, 247 St. Nicholas Church 857, 859 nn. 13, 14 n. 24, 263 n. 9, 656 n. 1, 270 n. 2, 283 n. 1, Tynemouth 859 n. 10 302 n. 43, 313 n. 6, 341 n. 3, 241 n. 2, 774 Withrington Castle 857 n.1, 832 n. 8 Norton, Mary 823 n. 5 Parkinson, John Nottinghamshire 239 n. 53, 247 n. 26, 266, works 271, 286 n. 3, 311, 334 nn. 1–2, 384 n. 22, Theatrum Botanicum 122 n. 20, 236 n. 4 582 n. 18 Parkinson, Thomas, father-in-law of ML 247 Gunthorpe 384 n. 22 n. 24, 344 n. 1 Wollaton Hall 236 n. 1, 247 n. 26, 265 n. 1, Pascal, Blaise 266, 268 n. 5, 271 works Lettres de A Dettonville 662 n. 8 Oakley, Margaret 547 n. 3 patella (Roman cooking pan) 342 n. 17, 355 Octavia 126 n. 5 n. 6, 360, 364, 367, 376 n. 10 Octavius 126 n. 5 Paulet or Powlett, Charles, 6th Marquess of Oldenburg, Henry Winchester and 1st Duke of ballooning spider controversy 284 n. 3 Bolton 855 n. 1–3 interest in longevity 306, 312–313, Peck, John 315–317, 335, 337 letters from 45 n. 1, 46 n. 1, 47 n. 1, 48 letters from ML 454 n. 9, 475 n. 3, 479 nn. 1–2, 49 n. 1 , 50 n. 1, 57 n. 1, 60 n. 1, 70 n. 10, 615 n. 5, 615 n. 8, 691 n. 4, 730 n. 8, n. 1, 72 n. 1, 73 n. 2, 656–657 784 n. 15 sexual harrassment case 658 n. 4 letters to ML 505 n. 15, 680 n. 2, 881 Peers or Piers, Abraham 175 n. 3 INDEX 931

Peers or Piers, Thomas 174 n. 1, 175 n. 3, 190 Androsace maxima (greater n. 7, 823 n. 4 rock-jasmine) 182 n. 3 Pembroke, Countess of, see Herbert, Mary Armoracia rusticana (horseradish) Sidney 239 n. 51 Penn, Samuel 783 Atriplex olida (wild, stinking orach) 375, Penny, Thomas 86, 87 n. 9, 88 n. 11, 8 n. 12, 376 n. 11 88 n. 16, 89, 164 n. 5, 371 n. 9 Atropa belladonna (deadly nightshade) petrification 663, 877 n. 1 383 n. 11 Pettus, Sir John 251 n. 9 Asparagus vulgaris (asparagus) 107 Petty, Lady Elizabeth, Baroness Shelburne Astragalus (large genus of legumes) 588 wife of Sir William Petty 467 n. 9 n. 16 Petty, Sir William Barbarea (yellow cress or winter his ship, Invention 492 n. 14 rocket) 375 works Bartsia alpina (alpine bartsia) 183 An Apparatus to the History of the n. 18 Common Practices of Dy[e]ing 287 Berberis vulgaris (European barberry) n. 5 342 n. 11, 342 n. 14 Concerning the use of duplicate Blackstonia perfoliata (yellowwort) proportion in sundry important 265 n. 8 particulars 808 n. 6 Bryonia (cucumber family) 349 n. 5 Place, Francis Calluna vulgaris (heath or ling) as York virtuoso 22 336 n. 10 friendship with William Lodge xii, 21 Camelina sativa (false flax) 237 n. 20 scientific illustrations for ML 21 Campanula latifolia (greater Pitt, Moses 410 n. 7 bellflower) 180, 185 n. 45, 238 n. 29 plant anatomy Canavalia ensiformis (jack bean) 431 n. 7 codd 826 n. 7 Cannabis sativa (hemp) 249 Grew, Nehemiah 363 n. 3, 365 n. 7, 503 Capsella bursa-pastoris (shepherd’s n. 3, 575 n. 1, 587 n.3, 635 n. 2 purse) 268 n. 9 parenchyma 412–413, 495, 501 n. 1, 503 Carex flava (large yellow sedge) 122 n. 20 n. 3, 506, 586, 616–617 Carpinus betulus (European hornbeam) snake roots 824, 826 n. 6 237 n. 12 “veins” 139, 329, 415 n. 16, 417 n. 1, 479 Cedrela odorata (Spanish cedar) 739 n. 10, 495 n. 7 n. 21 plant circulation controversy 156 n. 4, 284 Centaurea (knapweed) 621 n. 11 n. 4, 287 n. 8, 329 n. 3, 479 n. 10, 500 n. 2 Cerastium arvense (field chickweed) Plant, lichen, and moss species (modern 268 n. 8 nomenclature) Ceratocapnos claviculata (climbing Acer pseudoplatanus (sycamore corydalis) 241 n. 5 tree) 273 n. 10 Chelidonium majus (greater celendine or Actaea spicata, (baneberry or Herb European tetterwort) 325, 329 n. 3, Christopher) 173 n. 6, 184 n. 26 516, 618–619, 621 n. 17 Adiantum (maidenhead ferns) 344, 345 Christophoriana (baneberry) 171, 172, 173 n. 9 n. 6, 177 Agrostis spica-venti (loose spiky bentgrass) Cicendia filiformis (Yellow centaury) 273 n. 5 621 n. 20 Alchimilla vulgaris (lady’s mantle) 97, 99 Cicuta genus (water hemlock) 497, n. 5, 234, 238 n. 32 500 n. 3, 588 n. 20 932 INDEX

Plant, lichen, and moss species (cont.) Erica vagans (Cornish heath) 107 Cinchona officinalis (cinchona) 165, 539 Erodium moschatum (musk n. 20, 826–827 n. 20 storksbill) 239 n. 48 Cinnamomum camphora (camphor Euphorbia (spurge) 415 n. 9 laurel) 827 n. 21 Erysimum cheiranthoides (treacle Cirsium heterophyllum (creeping mustard) 179 melancholy thistle) 180, 184 n. 41 Fraxinus ornus (Manna Ash) 403 Cladonia (lichen genus) 236 n. 5 Fritillaria imperialis (imperial fritillary) Clematis flammula (fragrant virgin’s 518 n. 4 bower) 313 n. 4 Galeopsis segetum (downy hemp Cneorum tricoccon (spurge olive) 329 nettle) 180, 184 n. 22 n. 9 Galium divaricatum (least goosegrass) Colchicum autumnale (meadow saffron) 723 n. 9 239 n. 50 Galium verum (lady’s bedstraw use in Cornus suecica (bunchberry) 276 n. 9 cheesemaking) 383 n. 6, 848 n. 2 Cortex peruvianus (Peruvian Bark) 826 Gentiana pneumonanthe (marsh n. 20 gentian) 180, 184 n. 36 Corylus (hazel trees) 180 Geranium sylvaticum (wood Crataegus (hawthorn or thornapple cranesbill) 184 n. 23 tree) 317 Gymnocarpium robertianum (Hoffm.) Cruciata laevipes (crosswort) 180, 183 n. 14 (limestone fern) 180 Cryptogramma crispa (parsley fern) 180, Helichrysum arenarium (sunflower) 183 n. 20 714 n. 11 Cypripedium calceolus (Lady’s slipper Heracleum maximum (cow parsnip) orchid) 172, 173 n. 8 500 n. 4 Cystopteris fragilis (common fragile Herniaria ciliolata (smooth fern) 238 n. 28, 241 n. 8 rupturewort) 107 Cytinus hypocistis or hypocistis (parasitic Hesperis (mustard family) 234, 237 plant on the dog-rose) n. 22, 240, 241 n. 6 139 n. 4, 140 n. 6 Hieracium (hawkweeds) 97, 99 n. 4 Datura stramonium (jimson weed or Hippophae rhamnoides (sea thorn apple) 714 n. 8 buckthorn) 238 n. 34, 442 n. 7 Dianthus deltoides (maiden pink) 242 Huperzia selago (fir clubmoss) 184 n. 11, 273 n. 7 n. 39, 236 n. 8 Dioscorea communis (black bryony) Hyoscyamus niger (stinking nightshade or 621 n. 8 black henbane) 359 n. 5 Diphasiastrum alpinum (alpine clubmoss) Hypericum ascyron L (great St. John’s 184 n. 38, 236 n. 7 Wort) 723 n. 8 Digitalis purpurea (foxglove) 234, 238 n. 30 Hypericum perforatum (St. John’s Draba muralis (wall whitlowgrass) Wort) 587 n. 9 183 n. 12, 237 n. 23 Ilex (holly family) 336, 355, 369, 370 n. 5, Drosera (sundews) 587 n. 8 451 Empetrum nigrum (crowberry) 237 Impatiens noli-tangere (touch-me-not n. 14 balsam) 185 n. 44 Epipactis atrorubens (dark-red Indigofera tinctoria (Southeast Asian helleborine) 184 n. 29 indigo) 545 n. 9 Equisetum (horsetail or snake grass) 667 Isatis tinctoria (woad) 237 n. 19, 241 n. 15, 695–696 n. 4, 383 n. 14, 621 n. 9 INDEX 933

Juglans (walnut) 273 n. 10 Pinguicula (butterworts) 517–518, 587 Lactuca serrioloa (wild lettuce) 265 n. 9 n. 7 Lactuca virosa (wild lettuce) 265 n. 9 Polemonium caeruleum (Jacob’s Ladder or Larix occidentalis (Western larch) 739 Greek valerian) 179, 182 n. 4, 238 n. 22 n. 38, 271 n. 4, 273 n. 4 Lathyrum sylvestris (narrow-leaved Polygonatum odoratum (angular or everlasting pea) 239 n. 42 scented Solomon’s seal) 182 n. 8, 183 Laurocerasus (cherry-laurel) 317, 341, n. 8 354, 476 Polygonum cocciferum (water smartweed) Lemna minor (common duckweed) 783 337, 341, 342 n. 15 n. 8 Portulaca oleracea (pigweed) 783 n. 6 Levisticum officinale (lovage) 723 n. 7 Potentilla fruticosa (shrubby Ligustrum (privet) 326, 329 n. 11, 616 cinquefoil) 276 n. 10 Lotus hirsutus (hairy canary clover) 140 Potentilla palustris (marsh n. 10 cinquefoil) 723 n. 6 Lycopodiella inundata (marsh clubmoss) Primula farinosa (bird’s-eye primrose) 184 n. 40 184 n. 32 Lycopodium clavatum (stag’s-horn Prunus armeniaca (apricot) 451, 476 n. 11 clubmoss) 184 n. 37, 236 n. 6 Prunus avium (sweet cherry) 317, 340 Lysimachia nemorum (yellow pimpernel) Prunus padus (bird-cherry) 184 n. 31, 342 238 n. 31 n. 13 Lythrum portula (water purslane) 239 Pterocarpus indicus (amboine, or n. 46 narra) 329 n. 12 Malus domestica (apple) 415 n. 5, 788 Punica granatum (pomegranate) Meliotus officinalis (sweet clover) 784 326, 329 n. 8 n. 9 Pyrola rotundifolia (round-leaved Mentastrum spicata (mint) 234, 240, 241 wintergreen) 172, 173 n. 7, 179, 184 n. 7 n. 28, 327 n. 21 Mertensia maritima (oyster plant) Quercus (oaks and scrub oaks) 336 275 n. 6 n. 8 Meum athamanticum (baldmoney) Rhizomnium punctatum (dotted 180, 184 n. 25 thyme-moss) 242 n. 8 Narthecium ossifragum (bog asphodel) Reseda luteola (weld plant) 621 n. 10 239 n. 47 Ribes (gooseberries) 317 Noccaea caerulescens (alpine pennygrass) Rosa × centifolia (literally hundred leaved/ 172, 173 n. 9, 182 n. 5 petaled rose) 588 n. 17 Odontites vernus (red bartsia) Rosa mollis (soft downy-rose) 184 183 n. 18 n. 24 Papaver rhoeas (wild poppy) 376 n. 12 Rosa sherardii (Sherard’s downy-rose) Parkinsonia aculeate (palo verde) 184 n. 24 431 n. 7 Rosa spinosissima (burnet rose) 242 n. 10 Passaflora (passion flower) 826 n. 8 Rosa villosa (apple rose) 239 n. 45 Persicaria bistorta (common bistort) Rubus chamaemorus (cloudberry) 180, 184 n. 30, 239 n. 49 184 n. 34, 238 n. 25 Persicaria vivipara (alpine bistort) Salix herbacea (dwarf willow) 275 173 n. 5, 183 n. 9 n. 5 Phegopteris connectilis (beech fern) 183 Salix pentandra (bay willow) 184 n. 16 n. 33 934 INDEX

Plant, lichen, and moss species (cont.) Veronica triphyllos (finger speedwell) Salix repens (creeping willow) 238 n. 37 273 n. 8, 275 n. 1 Saxifraga oppositifolia (purple saxifrage) Vicia faba (broad or fava bean) 431 179, 183 n. 11 n. 7 Scilla autumnalis (autumn squill) 107 Vicia orobus (wood bitter-vetch) 276 n. 7 Scrophularia umbrosa (water betony or plant pastilles 247 n. 30 green figwort) 588 n. 21 Plaxton, George 248, 652, 654 n. 12, 655 n. 4, Sebauda (hawkweed) 237 n. 18 723, 757–758, 820 n. 1 Sedum anglicum (English stonecrop) Pliny 180, 185 n. 43 ML’s views on 85, 87 n. 3, 243 Selanginella denticulata (Swiss clubmoss) Natural History 87 n. 3, 139 n. 4, 164 n. 1, 242 n. 9 243 Seseli tortuosum (French hartwort) Portugal 276 n. 16 Madeira 714 n. 10, 783 n. 2 Silene dioica (red campion) 238 n. 24 Postmarks Silene nutans (Nottingham catchfly) Bishop Marks 28 242 n. 14, 268 n. 6, 273 n. 6 Receiving Office Marks 28 Sorbus aucuparia (the rowan or mountain Prevost, Jean 637 n. 6 ash) 237 n. 13, 334 n. 3, 342 n. 12 Principe, Lawrence 89 n. 20, 472 n. 4, 472 Solanum dulcamara (bittersweet) n. 7, 473 n. 10, 552 n. 4, 729 n. 5, 740 239 n. 41 n. 31, 775 n. 5 Sonchus oleracaus (sow thistle) 237 n. 17, priority of discovery 276, 284 n. 3, 351 n. 1 330 n. 21, 783 n. 7 Staphylea pinnata (bladdernut) 318 n. 6, Quevedo, Francisco de 342 n. 10 works Syringa (lilac) 284 n. 9, 290 n. 8, 321 n. 5 Historia de la vida del Buscón 261 Taraxacum officinale (dandelion) n. 10 383 n. 4 Teesdalia nudicaulis (shepherd’s Rabelais, Francois cress) 268 n. 9 works Teucrium marum (cat thyme) 376 n. 14 La Vie de Gargantua et de Teucrium scorodonia (wood sage) 237 Pantagruel 261 n. 16 n. 16 Rabutin, Roger de or Comte de Roger de Tilia cordata (small-leaved lime Rabtin Bussy tree) 236 n. 9 works Tilia x europaea (common lime) 236 Histoire amoureuse des Gaules 223 n. 10 n. 10 Trientalis europaea (chickweed Raven, Charles 30 wintergreen or Arctic starflower) Ray, John 182 n. 6, 275 n. 3 Act of Uniformity 196 n. 19, 210 n. 10 Trollius europaeus (globe flower) 180, 185 ballooning spider controversy 207 n. 4, n. 42 209 n. 3, 290 n. 5, 321 n. 6, 351 n. 1, 784 Turritis glabra (tower mustard) 238 n. 33 n. 10 Vaccinum myrtilus (bilberry) 239 n. 43 crinoid fossils 860 n. 30 Vaccinum oxycoccus (small-fruited trailing fossilization, theories of 877 n. 4 cranberry) 239 n. 44 health Vaccinum uliginosum (bog bilberry) sexual dysfunction 19, 569 n. 2, 596 276 n. 11 n. 2, 622 n. 3, 637 n. 5 INDEX 935

journey to Montpellier 15–17, 90 n. 2, 130 Synopsis methodica Stirpium n. 1, 276 n. 16 Britannicarum 242 n. 8 letters from 26, 90, 96, 105–106, 115, 122, Redi, Francesco 136, 153, 163, 170, 176, 190, 204, 225, 232, works 240, 248, 262, 266, 271, 274, 278, 331, 350, Esperienze intorno alla generazione 367, 424, 455, 463, 467, 546, 576, 635, degl’ insetti 286 n. 4, 306 n. 5, 309 662, 675, 718, 744, 784, 832, 845, n. 8, 361 n. 3 852–853, 855, 865, 877 Experienze intorno a diverse cose letters to 20, 82, 89, 90 n. 1, 100, 106, 108, naturali 521, 524 n. 8 156, 200, 210, 218, 242, 263, 270, 281, 284, Reisel, Salomon 505 n. 14 291, 307, 319, 342, 397, 444, 476, 549, Reptiles 568, 588, 596, 621, 654, 692, 699, 717, lizards 724, 740, 793, 800, 809, 829, 847 roquets 826 n. 11 marriage to Margaret Oakley 547 n. 3 snakes 301 n. 16, 543, 637 n. 3 relationship with ML 16–18 Epicrates subflavus (Jamaican Boa, or Wilkins’ universal language 271 n. 1, 273 yellow snake) 826 n. 4 n. 2, 276 n. 14 vipers 391, 824 works Republic of Letters 20–21, 24 Catalogus Plantarum circa Robartes, Francis 574 n. 2 Cantabrigiam nascentium or Robartes, John, 1st Earl of Radnor 574 n. 2 Cambridge Catalogue of Plants 91 Roberts, Sir William, 1st Baronet of Catalogus Plantarum Angliae or Willesden 152 n. 5 Catalogue of English Plants 91, 99, Roman altars x 173, 1–182–185, 209, 214, 236, Roman potter 238–239, 241–242, 254, 263, 265, 273, Dales ware 872 n. 3 275–276, 281, 284, 330., 345, 376, 402, furnaces 759, 780 n. 7, 810 n. 4, 867, 872 837, 846 n. 1, 848 n. 3, 853 n. 5, 853 n. 10 n. 4 Samian ware 872 n. 13 Collection of English Proverbs 209 urns 792 n. 1, 868, 872 n. 3, 872 n. 13 n. 5, 214 n. 2, 247 n. 37, 263 n. 7, 266 Roman roads n. 15, 268 n. 4, 286 n. 2, 309 n. 12, 321 Ermine Street 872 n. 11 n. 15, 878 n. 5 Rondelet, Guillaume Collection of English Words 140 n. 15, works 156 n. 5, 637 n. 4 Libri de Piscibus Marinis 426 n. 11 Dictionariolum Trilingue 140 n. 15 Universae aquatilium pars altera 485 Historia Insectorum 301 n. 13, 383 n. 7 n. 10–11, 511 n. 4, 519 n. 4, 733 n. 6, Roos, Anna Marie 30 849 n. 11, 853 n. 6 Royal College of Physicians 3, 5, 30, 70 n. 1, Historia Plantarum 103 n. 3, 140 n. 5, 79 n. 7, 100 n. 18, 252 n. 21, 442 n. 1, 469 140 n. 8, 173 n. 10, 182 n. 5, 183 n. 11, n. 4, 553 n. 6 184 n. 41, 237 n. 18, 252 n. 14, 268 Royal Society n. 14, 273 n. 9, 415 n. 7, 620 n. 3 Arundel House 467 n. 8, 488, 529 n. 1 Methodus Insectorum 853 n. 6 bequests to 505 n. 7 Observations Topographical, Moral and History of the Royal Society (Sprat, Physiological 456 n. 4, 489 n. 10, 1667) 217 n. 5, 287 n. 5, 293 n. 13, 524 739 n. 16 History of the Royal Society of London Synopsis methodica avium et piscium: [1660–1687] 275 n. 5 opus posthumum 114 n. 4 meetings 22, 403, 467 n. 8, 529 n. 1 936 INDEX

Royal Society (cont.) 343, 345–348, 351, 357, 370, 371 n. 9, 372, Oldenburg, Henry iv, 20, 21, 22, 23, 30, 71 377, 378 nn. 2–3, 380, 382, 384, 386–387, n. 2, 87 n. 2, 224, 225 n. 1, 4, 248 n. 2, 390, 393, 396, 399 n. 7, 403, 407, 419 n. 2, 275, 276 n. 17, 277, 278 n. 1, 282, 284 n. 3, 425, 445–446, 456, 461 n. 2, 463 n. 2, 287, 290 nn. 1, 3, 4, 291, 291 n. 14, 292, 464, 468 n. 2, 470–471, 475 n. 2, 478 n. 1, 292 n. 3, 293, 293 n. 4, 300 n. 1, 8, 10, 301 489 n. 10, 500 n. 2, 547 n. 4, 550 n. 1, 579 nn. 25–27, 303, 305, 306, 306 n. 1, 3–4, n. 1, 622 n. 2, 637 n. 9, 654 n. 2, 674, 675 306 nn. 6, 9, 307, 308 n. 2, 309, 309 n. 10, n. 2, 703 n. 2, 746 n. 4, 784 n. 18, 785 n. 2, 312 n. 1, 313, 313 n. 8, 314 nn. 1–2, 315, 800, 807, 814, 831 n. 1, 833, 834 n. 1, 835 316, 318 nn. 1–2, 320, 321 nn. 3, 6 7, 9, 10, n. 12, 849 n. 11, 853 n. 6, 856 nn. 2–4, 12, 322, 323, 323 n. 1, 329 nn. 2, 4, 330, 860 n. 20 331, 333, 334, 334 n. 6, 336, 336 nn. 1, 4, Sarpi, Paolo 127 n. 12 5, 337, 338 n. 4, 338, 341 n. 1342 n. 8, 342 Saturn’s moons 525 n. 25 n. 15, 343, 344, 344 nn. 2–3, 345, 345 Savile, Samuel, Earl of Mexborough 462 n. 8, 346 n. 1, 347, 347 nn. 2–3, 349 Saywell, William 145, 146 n. 8 nn. 2, 7, 351, 353, 353 nn. 1, 5–7, 9, 355 Scaliger, Julius Caesar 300 n. 9 nn. 2, 4, 356, 357, 357 n. 4, 359 nn. 2, 10, Scarburgh, Charles 360, 361, 361 nn. 1, 5–6, 363, 363 n. 6 works Philosophical Transactions 5–6, 18, Euclid’s Elements 661 n. 6 20–23, 29 Syllabus Musculorum 661 n. 6 property 491 n. 3 Scarron, Paul 76–77, 91, 92 n. 2, 254–255, Hog Lane 731 n. 3 258, 261 n. 6 Repository 294, 386, 397 n. 5 Schaffer, Simon 489 n. 8 Rupert of Bavaria, Prince 405 n. 4, 839 n. 2 Schröder, Johann 250, 252 n. 16, 504 works Sagar, J. (centenarian) 339 Pharmacopoeia medicochymica 252 Salmasius, Claudius or Claude de n. 16 Saumaire 243, 246 n. 3 Schröter, William 505 nn. 13–14, 522 Sampson, Henry 18 Scudamore, John 530 n. 17, 755, 756 n. 6 Sand, Christoph 641 n. 8 redstreak apple 530 n. 17, 756 n. 6 sap, motion of Senguerdius, Wolferdus 419 n. 5 ligature experiments Works plant bleeding 156 n. 4, 284 n. 4, 287 n. 8 Disputatio philosophica inauguralis de plant circulation controversy 156 n. 4, tarantula 419 n. 5 284 n. 4, 287 n. 8, 479 n. 9, 500 n. 2, 518 Shapin, Steven 489 n. 8 n. 3, 524 n. 2 shells 98, 140 n. 13, 203, 218–219, 222 nn. 1, Ray, John 262, 264, 272 4–5, 295, 376 n. 10, 381–382, 384, 390, Willoughby or Willughby, Francis 16–17, 403, 404 nn. 5–6, 427 n. 15, 437, 445 n. 5, 19, 22, 90 n. 2, 98, 100 nn. 15, 20, 103 n. 2, 4504–451, 478–480, 482–487, 489 n. 1, 105 n. 1, 106 n. 2, 113 nn. 1, 4, 114 nn. 5–8, 539 n. 15, 574, 575 n. 17, 580, 585, 604, 11, 120 n. 7, 121 n. 10, 122 n. 23, 125 n. 2, 611, 676–677, 686–687, 691, 712 n. 2, 719, 136, 138, 155, 156 nn. 4–5, 158, 165, 720 n. 5, 726 n. 8, 728, 760–761, 813 n. 8, 171–173, 179, 181, 185 nn. 47, 49, 186 n. 55, 821, 830, 875 192–193, 196 n. 24, 203, 205–206, 208, Sheldon, Gilbert, Archbishop of 212, 214, 226, 228, 231 n. 4, 235–236, 239 Canterbury 134 n. 5, 467 n. 5 n. 52, 244, 246, 247 n. 26, 252 n. 18, Shropshire 272, 654 n. 12, 721, 723 nn. 1–2, 263–268, 270–273, 281–282, 284–285, 14–15, 758 n. 5, 819, 820 n. 1 287, 289, 292, 297, 301, 304, 306–308, Broseley 723 n. 2 310, 312, 320, 323, 332, 334, 336 n. 6, 337, Litteshall Hall 723 n. 15 INDEX 937

Sherriffhales 654 nn. 12–13, 655 n. 4, 723 319–320, 321 n. 6, 322, 345 n. 4, nn. 1, 14, 819, 820 n. 1 350, 351 n. 1, 360, 361 n. 6, 366, 379, Simpson, William 385, 387 n. 1, 388, 389 n. 5, 392, 394 blackballed from Royal Society 814 nn. 4–7, 397, 400, 402 n. 10, 419 n. 3, dispute with Robert Witty 739 n. 11, 814 420–421, 422 nn. 4, 6, 8, 453, 455 n. 1 n. 39, 478, 686, 691 n. 2, 703–704, works 712, 715–717, 726, 727 n. 2, 752, Hydrologia chymica 454 n. 9 782–783, 784 nn. 10–11, 17, 830, Zymologia Physica 775 n. 6, 814 n. 4 866 n. 2, 875 sinistral shells 140 n. 13, 222 n. 1 Henry Oldenburg 20, 224 n. 17, 284 sizar 42 n. 1, 48 n. 1, 93 n. 1, 149 nn. 5–7, 1549 n. 3, 293 n. 3, 166 nn. 3, 8, 657 n. 1 John Ray 209 n. 3, 276 n. 17 Skippon, Philip 17–18, 90 n. 3, 130 nn. 1, 4, classification and taxonomy 20, 224 163 n. 5, 164 n. 9, 225 n. 1, 228, 277, 278 n. 17, 273 n. 2, 302 n. 30 n. 2, 283, 284 n. 12, 365, 456 n. 4, 844 Hulse, Edward 20, 195 nn. 7–8, 204 n. 7, n. 34 276 n. 17, 290 n. 5, 320, 321 n. 6, 333, An Account of a Journey 17 n. 76, 90 350 journey to Montpellier forking of webs 292, 319 letters from 218, 224–225 mating (the ‘coit’) 373, 393 Sloane, Hans 5, 15 n. 64, 64 n. 1, 359 n. 7, 444 Mouffet, Thomas 87, 88 n. 16, 164, 289, 291 n. 51, 463 n. 9, 603 n. 4, 615 n. 2, 845 n. 38 n. 10, 301 n. 15, 317, 318 n. 5, 371 n. 9, 380 smallpox 3, 5, 13, 92 n. 4 palps 20 Smith, Edward 148, 149 n. 5, 183 n. 17 Penny, Thomas 87 n. 9, 88 nn. 11–12, 16, Snow, Ralph 466, 467 n. 4 164 n. 5, 371 n. 9 Solomon’s Temple 820 n. 3 species (arachnids) Stony-Eaton 842 Achaearanea lunata (crescent Somerset, Charles, Marquess of comb-foot) 302 n. 39 Worcester 576 n. 21 Alopecosa pulverulenta (common fox Somerset, Henry, 1st Duke of Beaufort 539 spider) 303 n. 53 n. 17, 576 n. 21 Araneus diadematus (cross orbweaver Sorel, Charles 261 n. 8 or European garden spider) 302 works n. 32 Histoire comique de Francion 261 n. 8 Araniella cucurbitina (cucumber green Southwell, Sir Robert 786, 789, 790 n. 12 spider) 302 n. 37, 361 n. 6 speaking trumpet 409 Clubiona corticalis (bark sac spider) spiders 303 n. 48 ballooning spider controversy Cyclosa conica (orb weaver) 302 n. 36 Edward Hulse 20, 195 n. 7, 204 n. 7, Dictyna arundinacea (common 276 n. 17 mesh-weaver) 302 n. 40 ML 3, 5, 20, 24, 88 n. 10, 122 n. 21, 193, Euophrys frontalis (jumping spider) 194 nn. 2, 4–6, 8, 201–202, 203 nn. 1, 303 n. 56 4, 204 nn. 6–7, 9, 207, 209 n. 3, 213, Evarcha falcata (jumping spider) 303 214 n. 4, 215 n. 7, 218, 220–222, 224 n. 57 nn. 15–18, 225 n. 4, 231 n. 13, 244, Larinioides cornutus (furrow 263, 267–268, 268 n. 2, 270, 272, 273 orb-weaver) 302 n. 33 nn. 11–12, 274–275, 276 nn. 14, 17, Linyphiidae (sheet weavers or money 277, 278 n. 1, 282, 284 nn. 3, 5, 286, spiders) 195 n. 8, 204 n. 7 287–288, 290 nn. 5, 6, 292, 293–304, Nuctenea umbratica (walnut 306–310, 312, 313 n. 7, 314, 316, orb-weaver) 302 n. 34 938 INDEX spiders (cont.) Steno, Nicholas 16, 381, 384 n. 18, 386, 427 Pardosa amentata (spotted wolf- n. 15, 728 n. 2 spider) 303 n. 54 dissections 16, 831 n. 6 Philodromus cespitum (crab spider) theories of fossilization 384 n. 18 303 n. 51 works Salticus scenicus (zebra spider) 303 Prodromus 381, 404 n. 5 n. 55 Sterne, Richard, Archbishop of York 429, Scotophaeus blackwalli (mouse 447 n. 1 spider) 303 n. 49 Stirzaker, Robert 819 n. 3 Tegenaria domestica (house spider) Stubbe or Stubbes, Henry 492 nn. 13, 17 302 n. 42 works Tetragnatha extensa (common A Justification of the Present War stretch-spider) 302 n. 35 against the United Textrix denticulata (toothed Netherlands 492 n. 17 weaver) 302 n. 44, 704 n. 2 Legends no Histories 492 n. 13 Trombidium (genus of mites) 303 n. 62 Sturdy, John 447, 470, 691, 692 n. 12, 693, 751, Xysticus cristatus (common ground 774, 775 n. 9, 779 n. 1, 803 nn. 1–2, 6, 810 crab spider) 303 n. 52 n. 4, 819 n. 1, 820 n. 1, 822 n. 10, 825, 827 species (opiliones or harvestmen) 195 n. 32 n. 4, 224 n. 16 Surrey 169 n. 1, 467 n. 6 Leiobunum rotundum 303 n. 59 Dorking 225, 272 Opilio parietinus 303 n. 61 Farnham Castle 467 n. 6 Phalangium opilio 303 n. 60 Sussex 6, 42, 98, 135, 137, 139, 140 n. 15, 156 tarantella dance 394 n. 7, 419 nn. 3–4 n. 3, 505 n. 7, 531, 710, 718, 725–726, 739 spontaneous generation 86, 88–89, 164 n. 8, n. 20, 785 n. 1 186 n. 4, 291 n. 15, 301 n. 16, 309 n. 8, 338 Chichester 41 n. 1, 42 n. 1, 145 n. 2, 188, n. 3, 361 n. 3, 376 n. 5, 428 n. 7, 524 n. 8 189 n. 3, 785, 786 n. 3 Sprat, Thomas 130 n. 5, 150–152, 170 n. 7, 176 Egham 108 n. 3 n. 2, 217 n. 5, 287 n. 5, 621 n. 16 Swale, Sir Solomon 435, 442 n. 5 works Swammerdam, Jan 295 n. 8, 301 n. 13, 380, History of the Royal Society 28, 130 383 nn. 10–11, 13, 404 n. 5, 427 n. 15, 511 n. 5, 152 n. 1, 170 n. 7, 176, 217 n. 5, n. 4, 519 n. 4, 522, 525 n. 19, 528, 529 287 n. 5, 524 n. 1 n. 7, 536, 539 n. 14, 551–552, 732, 733 translation 130 n. 5, 152 n. 1, 170 n. 7, nn. 4, 6–7 176, 217 n. 5 works Stafford, Richard 209 n. 4, 215 n. 6, 301 n. 22 Historia insectorum generalis 301 Staffordshire n. 13, 383 nn. 10–11, 511 n. 4, 519 n. 4, Middleton Hall 96, 99 n. 1, 100 n. 15, 103 733 n. 6 n. 2, 153, 196 n. 24, 204, 225, 232, 240, Miraculum naturae, sive uteri muliebris 248, 274, 278–279, 331, 350, 367, 424, fabrica 529 n. 7, 553 n. 10 576, 635, 718, 744, 834, 856 nn. 4–5 Sydenham, Thomas 13, 79, 99 n. 11, 822 n. 4 Trentham Hall 654 n. 12, 723 nn. 1, 13 works Stanhope, Alexander 798, 804, 808 n. 4, 861 Methodus curandi febres propriis n. 43 observationibus superstructa 99 Steensen, Nicholas, see Steno, Nicholas n. 11 Stenigot, Lincolnshire 108 n. 3, 232 n. 1, 836 Sylvius, Franciscus or Franz de le Boë 362, n. 7 363 n. 5, 692 n. 8, 775 n. 6 INDEX 939

Tacquet, André 559, 562, 567 nn. 15–16 Troutbeck, John 405 n. 3, 407 n. 1 works Tulp, Nicholas 546 n. 18, 677 n. 8 De circulorum volutionibus per planum works dissertatio physico-math[emati]ca Observationum medicarum libri 562, 567 n. 16 tres 546 n. 18, 677 n. 8 Tancred, Sir William, 2nd Baronet 5 n. 12, Tunstall, George 457 n. 3, 459, 460 n. 7, 463 654 n. 2, 873 n. 20 n. 6 Temple, Sands 199 n. 14 Turner, William 112, 114 nn. 10–11, 180, 260 Temple, Sir John 134 n. 5, 199 n. 14 n. 1, 500 n. 4, 747 n. 9 Temple, Susanna, mother of ML, see also works Lister, Susanna A New Herball 500 n. 4, 747 n. 9 Templer, John 363 n. 4, 573, 575 n. 18 Avium praecipuarum quarum apud Tertian Fever 228 Plinium et Aristotlem mentio Theophrastus 22 est 747 n. 9 Thoresby, Ralph 21, 248, 442 n. 1, 654 n. 12, 723 n. 1, 753 n. 8, 792 n. 1, 880 Unwin, Robert 546 n. 2, 607, 716 n. 3, 726 works n. 5, 727 n. 2, 866 n. 3 Ducatus Leodiensis 792 Thornhurst, Sir Gifford 6, 39 n. 1, 94 n. 1, 199 Valentine, Basil 740 n. 31, 756 n. 3 n. 4 Van Helmont, Johannes or Jan Baptista van Tillotson, John 503, 505 n. 10 Helmont 105 n. 4, 196 nn. 12–13, 653, Tomasini, Giacomo Filippo 1216 n. 9 654 n. 14, 772, 775 n. 6, 822 n. 7 works Varney of Montpellier 475, 476 n. 13 De Donariis ac tabulis votives 126 n. 9 Varro, Marcus Terentius 220, 223 n. 9 De Tesseris Hospitalitatis 123, works 126 n. 9 De re rustica 223 Tonge, Israel or Ezerel Tongue 521, 524 n. 13, Vaughan, Lord John, 3rd Earl of Carbery 471 525 n. 13, 548, 555, 821 n. 2, 802, 812, 813 n. 9, 825 n. 1, 826 nn. 2, grafting of trees 545, 548, 555, 803, 821 7, 12, 827 n. 27 Topham, Nathaniel 875, 877 Verchant, Henry 15 n. 64, 64 nn. 1–2, 67–68, Topsell, Edward 113 n. 3, 556 n. 9 161–162 works Vernon, Francis 841, 845 n. 37 Historie of foure-footed beastes 113 n. 3 Virgil 247 n. 30, 261 n. 6, 376 n. 4, 447 n. 6 de Tormes, Lazarillo 77 n. 3, 261 n. 11 works Townes, Thomas 67, 700 n. 1, 701 n. 5, 708 Georgics 376 n. 4 n. 4, 746 n. 3, 784 n. 10, 794–795, 809 Vivian, Peter 17–18, 90 n. 2, 217 n. 11 n. 2, 813 n. 11, 832 n. 10, 844 n. 36, 860 Vos, Gerrit Janszoon 402 n. 8 n. 21 Vossius, Isaac 788, 790 n. 9 trade winds 713 ventus subsolanus 714 n. 6 Wain, Captain 594, 604, 605 n. 1, 643, 646 Travagino, Francesco 842 n. 5 n. 1, 799, 806, 812 n. 1 Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 131 n. 6 Walker, Mr. 801, 802 n. 3 Trinity College, Cambridge 8, 10, 16–17, 78 Waller, Sir Hardress 467 n. 9, 552 n. 2 n. 3, 90 n. 2, 140 n. 15, 142 n. 12, 163 n. 5, Waller, Richard 492 n. 6 196 n. 19, 217 n. 11, 225 n. 1, 248 n. 1, Wallis, John 21, 223 n. 8, 491 n. 5, 565 n. 4, 363 n. 4, 753 n. 8, 754 n. 2, 828 n. 2, 647 n. 15, 661 n. 4, 680 n. 1, 712 n. 4, 728 837 n. 1 n. 2, 768 n. 6, 789 n. 2, 844 n. 31 Ray, John 17 plant circulation controversy 518 n. 3 940 INDEX

Wallis, John (cont.) Bequest to the Royal Society 505 n. 7, 731 snails 20, 24, 139, 140 n. 13, 154, 157, 203, n. 3 220, 222 nn. 1, 3–4, 223 nn. 8, 11, 224, 231 Essay Towards a Real Character 210 n. 12, n. 13, 294, 300 n. 6, 329 n. 14, 380, 383 457 n. 1 n. 11, 476 n. 13, 481 n. 5, 483–484, 485 Illness and Death 210 n. 12 nn. 4, 6–9, 486 nn. 11–12, 20, 26, 487 Wilkinson, Henry 248, 470, 471 n. 2, 877 n. 7 n. 28, 546 n. 2, 607, 612 n. 9, 635 n. 4, Williamson, Sir Joseph 535, 538 n. 8 677 n. 9, 687 n. 7, 691 n. 2, 709 nn. 1–2, Willis, Thomas 13, 469, 470 n. 8, 814 712 n. 2, 719, 720 n. 6, 726 n. 5, 730 n. 8, Willisel, Thomas 100 n. 18, 173 n. 5, 183 n. 10, 750 n. 2, 849 n. 11 235, 238 n. 40, 241, 242 n. 12, 267, 268 works n. 7, 272, 273 n. 8, 274, 275 nn. 3, 6, 276 A discourse of gravity and gravitation nn. 9–10, 368 n. 9, 426 n. 2, 717, 718 768 n. 6, 789 n. 2 nn. 2, 4, 802, 809 n. 4, 812, 813 n. 9 Tractatus duo 567 n. 20, 661 n. 7, 675 n. 2 death 717 Watkinson, Henry 532, 606 n. 2, 704 n. 4, expeditions 238 n. 40, 242 n. 12 710, 752, 753 n. 11, 764 n. 11 Willughby, Cassandra 268 n. 12, 334 n. 1, 478 Walton, Izaak 260 n. 1, 505 n. 5 n. 1, 834 n. 1, 856 n. 5 The Compleat Angler 260 n. 1, 505 n. 5 Willughby, Emma 856 n. 5, 186 n. 55, 268 Ward, Seth 162, 163 n. 5, 661 n. 5 n. 12, 478 n. 1, 834 n. 1, 856 nn. 2, 4–5 Warwickshire Willughby, Francis 16, 19, 90 n. 2, 103 n. 2, Francton 199 n. 14 105 n. 1, 106 n. 2, 113 n. 4, 158 n. 4, 172, Middleton Hall 100 n. 15 186 n. 55, 195 n. 11, 196 n. 24, 236 n. 1, 239 Sutton Coldfield 834 n. 1, 865 n. 52, 247 n. 25, 265 nn. 1, 10, 271 n. 1, 273 Webster, John 724 n. 1, 728 nn. 1, 3, 729 n. 5, n. 10, 281 n. 3, 284 n. 8, 286 n. 1, 306 n. 3, 730 n. 7, 756 n. 3, 770, 772 nn. 1, 3–4, 774 334 n. 1, 336 n. 6, 346 n. 1, 357 n. 4, 463 n. 2, 775 nn. 5, 10, 779 n. 1, 784 n. 15, 803 n. 2, 465 n. 3, 468 n. 2, 475 n. 2, 478 n. 1, n. 1, 814 n. 1, 831 n. 6 550 nn. 1, 3, 579 n. 1, 675 n. 9, 703 n. 2, debate with Benjamin Camfield 772 n. 1 785 n. 2, 808 n. 12, 831 n. 1, 834 n. 1, 856 letters from 723 n. 2, 860 n. 20, 287 n. 8 works children Academiarum examen 724 n. 1 Cassandra Willughby 268 n. 12, 334 The Displaying of Supposed n. 1, 478 n. 1, 834 n. 1, 856 n. 5 Witchcraft 772 n. 1, 774 n. 2 death 265 n. 10, 456 n. 3, 471 n. 3, 547 Metallographia 724 nn. 1, 4, 756 n. 4 n. 4, 550 n. 1, 622 n. 3, 784 n. 18, 834 n. 1 Wedel, Georg Wolfgang 692 n. 8, 694 n. 3 marriage to Emma Bernard 186 n. 55, Weldon, Charles 165, 166 n. 8 268 n. 12 Wendy, Sir Charles 173 n. 3 Middleton Hall, Warwickshire 100 n. 15 Wharton, Susanna 269 n. 1 ornithology 19 Wheeler, Charles 94 n. 5 plant circulation 156 n. 4, 284 n. 4, 287 Whitaker, Mr. 520, 524 n. 3 n. 8, 500 n. 2 widow’s mite 12, 94 n. 4 relationship with ML 16–17, 19–20, 22, 90 Wiggen, Thomas (centenarian) 317, 339 n. 2, 138, 155, 158 n. 3, 208, 228, 235, 236 Wilkins, Joseph 875, 876 n. 3 n. 1, 239 n. 52, 265 nn. 1, 10, 263–266, Wilkins, John, Bishop of Chester 100 n. 16, 272, 285, 286 n. 1, 307, 320, 351, 370, 390, 163 n. 5, 196 n. 17, 210 n. 12, 225 n. 1, 231 464, 470, 474, 477–478, 856 n. 3 n. 3, 268 n. 1, 271 n. 1, 273 n. 2, 276 n. 14, relationship with Ray, John 16–17, 100 306 n. 2, 363 n. 3, 447 n. 4, 457 n. 1, 471 n. 15, 103 n. 2, 105 n. 1, 106 n. 2, 113 n. 1, n. 3, 476 n. 14, 491 n. 2, 492 n. 15, 728 n. 2 114 n. 5, 120 n. 7, 156 n. 4, 158 n. 3, 246 INDEX 941

n. 22, 265 n. 10, 271 n. 1, 334 n. 1, Leptodera oxophila (vinegar eels or 336 n. 6 nematode worms) 443 n. 19 Wollaton Hall, Nottinghamshire 17 n. 72, Nematomorpha (horsehair worms) 434 236 n. 1, 247 n. 26, 265 n. 1, 268 n. 5 n. 3 works Wren, Christopher 524 n. 5, 564, 645, 646 A brief Account of Francis Willoughby n. 12, 650, 659, 661 nn. 4, 6, 662 n. 8, 675 Esq; his Voyage through a great part n. 2 of Spain 489 n. 10 Historia piscium 122 n. 23, 426 n. 11, yarn winder 704 n. 1 654 n. 2, 675 n. 2, 853 n. 8, 854 n. 4, York Corporation of Physicians 441 n. 1, 463 856 n. 3 n. 9, 470 n. 10, 524 n. 4, 658 n. 5 Ornithologiae libri tres 114 nn. 4, 8, Yorkshire 785 n. 2, 831 n. 1, 860 n. 20 Arnoldsbiggin 612 nn. 1, 5, 656 n. 4 Willughby, Sir William of Selston 334 n. 2 Barmby and Barmby Moor 872 n. 8 Wiltshire Barwick-in-Elmet 248 n. 2, 654 n. 12, 723 Easton-Peirse 844 n. 29 n. 1 Seend 844 n. 28 Beswick 469 n. 1 wines Beverly 872 n. 8 Canary 131, 781, 795 Boroughbridge 22, 394 n. 9, 408 n. 1, 873 Madeira 783 n. 2 nn. 18–20 Rhenish 490, 791 Langthorpe 873 n. 20 Wiseman, Richard 468, 470 n. 5, 574, 576 Bradford 266 n. 13, 774, 780 n. 1, 803 n. 1 nn. 24–25, 638 n. 6, 639–640, 648, 649 Broughton-in-Craven 631 n. 14 n. 4, 658, 678 Bugthorpe or Buckthorpe 550 n. 4, 631 works n. 25, 666 n. 5 Several Chirurgicall Treatises 469 Carleton-in-Craven 19, 247 n. 24, 265 n. 1, n. 4, 470 n. 5, 576 n. 24 271 n. 5, 302 n. 43, 313 n. 6, 318 n. 3, 341 Witham, J. 173 n. 6, 444 n. 51, 837 n. 1, 865, n. 3, 478 n. 2, 550 n. 6, 606 n. 1, 774 n. 1, 877 849 n. 5 Wittie or Witty, Robert 441, 444 nn. 50–51, Carleton Hall 247 n. 31, 263 n. 9, 268 453, 454 n. 9, 455 n. 40, 457 n. 3, 460 n. 10, 271 n. 6, 276 n. 18, 283 n. 1 n. 7, 463 nn. 7, 9, 469, 470 n. 10, 524 n. 4, Marton Woods 477, 478 n. 2, 493, 508, 739 n. 11, 765 n. 5, 814 n. 1 847, 849 n. 5 dispute with William Simpson 739 n. 11 Pinno Moor and Pinhow Hill 478 n. 2 works Clapdale 182 n. 8 Scarbrough Spaw 457 n. 3 Cleveland 741, 784 n. 20, 813 n. 11 Wood, Anthony à 9, 467 n. 4, 524 n. 13, 524 Ingelby Manor 702 n. 4, 784 n. 20, 813 n. 13 n. 11 Woodroffe, Benjamin 469 n. 2 Cookridge 753 n. 8, 861 n. 42 Woodworth, Francis (centenarian) 339 Craven Scar 237, 238 n. 26, 268 n. 13, 270, Woolsey, Thomas 705 n. 1 282, 299, 300 n. 29, 311, 313–314, 317, 335, Worm, Olaus 251 n. 12, 545 n. 4, 631 n. 13 338, 341 n. 3, 343, 353, 476, 631 n. 14, 652, Historia animalis quod in Norvagia 534 663, 703, 704 n. 2, 735, 739 n. 15, 791, 792 n. 5 n. 3, 793 n. 6, 847 Museum Wormianum seu Historia Rerum Dent 339, 540, 545 n. 3 Rariorum 251 n. 12, 545 n. 4 Doncaster 441, 567 n. 6, 609, 610 n. 3 Worms East Marton 477, 478 n. 2, 493, 508, 847, Dracunculus medinensis (Guinea 849 n. 5 worm) 750 n. 2 Emswell or Elmswell 656, 657 n. 2 942 INDEX

Yorkshire (cont.) Whitby 246 n. 11, 465, 704 Ferrybriggs or Ferrybridge 266 nn. 12–13 Fyling Hall 465 n. 2 Gisburne 612 n. 1 Wilberfosse 867, 872 n. 8 Haselwood 180, 184 nn. 26–27 Winterburn-in-Craven 266 nn. 15, 18 Hazlehead 582 n. 18 Friar’s Head 739 n. 15 Helmsley 739 n. 19 York 5–6, 20–23, 54 n. 1, 189 n. 3, 228, 232 Hincklehaugh Hill 180, 238 n. 26 n. 2, 236 n. 1, 237 n. 23, 239 n. 56, 248, Ilkley 872 n. 12 265 n. 1, 266 n. 12, 269, 283 n. 1, 293, 301 Ingleborough Hill 177, 179–180, 182 n. 8, n. 26, 302 n. 43, 313 n. 9, 353 n. 4, 368, 183 n. 10, 233, 274 394 n. 9, 399 n. 8, 417 n. 3, 422, 425, 426 Kettlewell 656 n. 3, 793 nn. 6–7 n. 2, 429, 442 nn. 4–5, 444 n. 51, 447 n. 1, East Scale Park 793 n. 7 454 n. 9, 463 n. 9, 471 n. 2, 511 n. 2, 519 West Scale Park 793 n. 7 n. 2, 532 n. 3, 533, 546 n. 2, 550 n. 4, 552 Knaresborough 444 n. 49, 453 n. 3, 460 n. 1, 570, 573, 574 n. 3, 578, 606 n. 2, 612 n. 3, 593 n. 4, 869, 873 n. 18 n. 7, 631 n. 25, 640 n. 3, 655–656, 657 Leeds 184, 283 n. 1, 611, 654 n. 12, 712, n. 2, 658 n. 4, 666 n. 6, 670, 701, 702 715, 723 n. 1, 753 n. 8, 792 n. 1, 861 n. 42 n. 4, 703 n. 2, 705, 709 n. 1, 715–716, 719, Leppington 663, 666 n. 6 720 n. 4, 724 n. 2, 27 n. 1, 739 n. 17, 743, Malham Cove 271 n. 5, 345 n. 10 745, 751, 752 n. 2, 775 n. 6, 776 n. 1, 827 Gordale Scar 345 n. 10 n. 30, 837–838, 862 n. 3, 864, 872, 873 Malton 735–736, 739 nn. 17, 19, 873 n. 21 nn. 19, 23 Castle Howard 739 n. 17 Cripplegate 301 n. 26, 313 n. 9 Milnthorpe 810 n. 1, 861 n. 42 Fairfax House, Bishophill 873 n. 23 Peniston 799, 806, 808 n. 8 Micklegate Bar 283 n. 1, 869 n. 2 Pontefract 441 n. 1, 442 nn. 1, 3–4, 445 Minster 308, 309 n. 9 n. 4, 692 n. 6 Multangular Tower 181, 694 n. 5, 844 Shambles 435, 442 n. 4 n. 28 Ripon 809 n. 18 Shambles 435, 442 n. 4 Scarborough 444 n. 48, 457 n. 3, 464 n. 1, Stonegate 428 n. 8, 862 n. 3 704 n. 3 Swinegate 726, 727 n. 1 Selby 837 n. 2 Yorkshire Dales 173 n. 8, 184 n. 35, 238 Settle 180–181, 182 n. 8, 183 n. 10, 184 n. 26, 545 n. 3, 739 n. 15 n. 29, 238 n. 26, 545 n. 3 Eshton Tarn 735, 739 n. 15 Skipton 270, 271 n. 3, 317, 318 n. 3, Yorkshire Wolds 631 n. 25, 657 n. 3, 873 338–339, 342 nn. 6–7, 631 n. 14, 655 n. 2, n. 18 656 n. 3, 792 n. 3 York virtuosi 21–22, 248 n. 2, 394 n. 9, 408 Scale Park, Kettlewell 655, 656 n. 3, nn. 1–2, 447 n. 10, 546 n. 2, 606 n. 2, 793 n. 7 692 n. 12, 775 n. 9, 779 n. 1, 803 n. 1, Sheffield 17, 90 n. 2, 172–173, 184 n. 29, 859 n. 5 208–209, 313, 442, 546 n. 19, 565 n. 2, 581 Gyles, Henry 21, 248 n. 2, 859, 861 n. 45, nn. 1–2, 4, 582 nn. 18–19, 594, 673, 675 876–877 n. 4, 802 n. 1, 804, 806 Jessop, Francis 21 Broomhall 173 n. 4, 565 n. 2, 567 n. 6, Johnston, Nathaniel 22, 408 n. 2 581 nn. 1–2, 593 n. 3, 798, 802 n. 1 Kirke, Thomas 21, 248 n. 2 Stock 623–624, 626–627, 631 n. 14, 633 Lodge, William 21, 248 n. 2, 546 n. 2, 606 West Marton 477, 478 n. 2, 493, 508, 847, n. 2 849 n. 5 Place, Francis 21, 248 n. 2