A Zoroastrian Proper Name from the Man'yoshu
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The Myth of the Goddess of the Undersea World and the Tale of Empress Jingu’S Subjugation of Silla
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1993 20/2-3 The Myth of the Goddess of the Undersea World and the Tale of Empress Jingu’s Subjugation of Silla Akima Toshio In prewar Japan, the mythical tale of Empress Jingii’s 神功皇后 conquest of the Korean kingdoms comprised an important part of elementary school history education, and was utilized to justify Japan5s coloniza tion of Korea. After the war the same story came to be interpreted by some Japanese historians—most prominently Egami Namio— as proof or the exact opposite, namely, as evidence of a conquest of Japan by a people of nomadic origin who came from Korea. This theory, known as the horse-rider theory, has found more than a few enthusiastic sup porters amone Korean historians and the Japanese reading public, as well as some Western scholars. There are also several Japanese spe cialists in Japanese history and Japan-Korea relations who have been influenced by the theory, although most have not accepted the idea (Egami himself started as a specialist in the history of northeast Asia).1 * The first draft of this essay was written during my fellowship with the International Research Center for Japanese Studies, and was read in a seminar organized by the institu tion on 31 January 199丄. 1 am indebted to all researchers at the center who participated in the seminar for their many valuable suggestions. I would also like to express my gratitude to Umehara Takeshi, the director general of the center, and Nakanism Susumu, also of the center, who made my research there possible. -
Slide 36. Introduction of Miwa Deity to Mt. Hiei
Footnote Slide 36. Condensed Visual Classroom Guide to Daikokuten Iconography in Japan. Copyright Mark Schumacher, 2017. INTRODUCTION OF MIWA DEITY TO MT. HIEI Scholars generally assume the Miwa deity (aka Ōmononushi, aka Ōnamuchi) was introduced to Mt. Hiei during the reign of Tenji 天智天皇 (r. 626–71). The prevailing view is that the Miwa deity was “invited” to Mt. Hiei around 663-667 CE, when Tenji moved his court out of the Yamato basin to the more secluded site of Ōtsu 大津 (near Mt. Hiei). In 667 CE, Tenji’s new palace was built just five kilometers south of Mt. Hiei. Before the court’s move to Ōtsu, one of the most important sites of court kami worship was Mt. Miwa, located on the eastern edge of the Yamato plain. The Miwa deity hailed from Mt. Miwa and was perhaps Japan’s most powerful kami in those days. It is therefore “reasonable” to assume the Miwa deity was “invited” by Tenji’s court to reside near the new capital in Ōtsu. NONETHELESS, it is impossible to say with certainty if the Miwa deity was installed at Mt. Hiei between 663-667 CE. It is safer to say the Miwa deity was “imported” to Mt. Hiei sometime in the 7th or 8th centuries (probably before the Nara era). Saichō 最澄 (767-822), founder of Hiei’s shrine-temple multiplex, was certainly aware of the Miwa deity and actively venerated it. • Writes Meri Arichi in Seven Stars of Heaven and Seven Shrines on Earth: The Big Dipper and the Hie Shrine in the Medieval Period, quote from pp. -
1 Church and State ( : Ritsuryo Saisei Itchi Kami
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Welcome to TRUSpace | TRUSpace 1 State Shinto and the Use of Shrines in Japanese Colonies By Cary S. Takagaki In the third month of 1868, the newly formed Meiji government announced its intention to return to the ritsuryo system of government that had been in place during the Nara and Heian periods. This was a system that held to the concept of unity between church and state (saisei itchi). Thus, the Jingikan, Office of (Shinto) Deities (often translated as Office of Kami Worship), was revived in that same month as one of seven departments in the Dajokan, the administrative organ of the state, and in an attempt to “purify” the tradition, a policy of separating Buddhism from Shinto (shinbutsu bunri-rei) was adopted.1 However, in July of 1869, the Jingikan was given the highest rank of all government offices, placing it above the Dajokan, and in the following year an Imperial Rescript on the Enshrinement of the Kami was issued, asserting that, along with various Shinto gods, all the emperors of Japan were to be worshiped as kami: Now that the imperial dignity has passed to Us, small and frail of form though we be, we are afraid both night and day that there will be some want in Our performance of the Imperial duties. We thereby enshrine with the Jingikan (The Office of Kami Worship), the kami of Heaven and Earth, together with the eight kami of Kamimusubi-no-kami, Takamimusubi-no-kami, Tamatsu-memusubi-no-kami, Ikumusubi-no-kami, Taramusubi-no-kami, Omiyame-no-kami, Miketsukami and Kotoshironushi-no-kami, and along with them, the souls of all past Emperors. -
The Hachiman Cult and the Dokyo Incident Author(S): Ross Bender Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol
The Hachiman Cult and the Dokyo Incident Author(s): Ross Bender Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Summer, 1979), pp. 125-153 Published by: Sophia University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2384320 Accessed: 17-03-2016 17:03 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Sophia University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Monumenta Nipponica. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 77.80.42.241 on Thu, 17 Mar 2016 17:03:08 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Hachiman Cult and the D6ky6 Incident by Ross BENDER XO I NE of the gravest assaults ever made on the Japanese imperial institution was launched by the Buddhist priest D6ky6' in the 760s. Dokyo, who came from a clan of the low-ranking provincial aristocracy, gained the affection of the retired Empress K6ken2 in 761 and proceeded to gather political power to himself; by the end of the decade he stood as the paramount figure in the court bureaucracy and had already begun to usurp imperial prerogatives. It was in 769 that an oracle from the shrine of Hachiman in Kyushu was reported to Nara: the god prophesied peace in the realm if Dokyo were proclaimed em- peror. -
Shinto in Nara Japan, 749-770: Deities, Priests, Offerings, Prayers, and Edicts in Shoku Nihongi
Shinto in Nara Japan, 749-770: Deities, Priests, Offerings, Prayers, and Edicts in Shoku Nihongi Ross Bender Published by PMJS Papers (23 November 2016) Premodern Japanese Studies (pmjs.org) Copyright © Ross Bender 2016 Bender, Ross. “Shinto in Nara Japan, 749-770: Deities, Priests, Offerings, Prayers, and Edicts in Shoku Nihongi.” PMJS: Premodern Japanese Studies (pmjs.org), PMJS Papers, November 2016. Note: This paper is a continuation of the thread “Shinto in Noh Drama (and Ancient Japan)” on PMJS.org listserve beginning June 14, 2016. PMJS Papers is an open-source platform for the publication of scholarly material and resources related to premodern Japan. Please direct inquiries to the editor, Matthew Stavros ([email protected]) End users of this work may copy, print, download and display content in part or in whole for personal or educational use only, provided the integrity of the text is maintained and full bibliographic citations are provided. All users should be end users. Secondary distribution or hosting of the digital text is prohibited, as is commercial copying, hiring, lending and other forms of monetized distribution without the express permission of the copyright holder. Enquiries should be directed to [email protected] Shinto in Nara Japan, 749-770: Deities, Priests, Offerings, Prayers, and Edicts in Shoku Nihongi PMJS Papers Copyright © Ross Bender 2016 Shinto has become something of a taboo word, especially in the context of discussions of ancient Japanese thought. Fundamentally of course this tendency began as a reaction to the unsavory imperialist and fascist state Shinto of prewar Japan, and to the notion that Shinto was the timeless, unchanging religion of the Japanese race. -
Clan Influence in Asuka Japan: Asukadera and the Soga Clan
CLAN INFLUENCE IN ASUKA JAPAN: ASUKADERA AND THE SOGA CLAN by Ian Michael Watts Submitted to the Faculty of The Archaeological Studies Program Department of Sociology and Archaeology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science University of Wisconsin - La Crosse 2012 Copyright © 2012 by Ian Watts All rights reserved ii CLAN INFLUENCE IN ASUKA JAPAN: ASUKADERA AND THE SOGA CLAN Ian Watts, B.S. University of Wisconsin - La Crosse, 2012 The Asuka Period of Japan is characterized by the introduction of Buddhism from Korea and a consolidation of power by the central government. The interplay between the Imperial Clan and the Soga Clan was integral in shaping everyday life in Asuka as the introduction of Buddhism brought the creation of permanent architecture in the shape of temples. These temples, primarily constructed by the Imperial Line and the Soga Clan, required the employment of local populations as a labor force for the construction of the various buildings within each temple complex. An examination of the assemblage of round eave-end roof tiles at the first Buddhist temple in Japan, Asukadera, examines the implications of this labor procurement. Furthermore, spatial analysis between Asukadera, Tōyuradera, and Okuyamakumedera provides data for future research. iii Acknowledgements Much of this study could not have been completed without the help of the following individuals and institution. Large portions of Japanese text were translated by native Japanese and Taiwanese speakers in conjunction with my direction. I was extremely fortunate to have been given a portion of the Asukadera Excavation Report directly by the Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties. -
A Comparison of Ruler Longevity in Merit and Feudal Institutions Cody Schmidt Iowa State University
Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2016 Constraints that Bind? A Comparison of Ruler Longevity in Merit and Feudal Institutions Cody Schmidt Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of the History Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Schmidt, Cody, "Constraints that Bind? A Comparison of Ruler Longevity in Merit and Feudal Institutions" (2016). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 15806. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/15806 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Constraints that bind? A comparison of ruler longevity in merit and feudal institutions by Cody Schmidt A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major: Political Science Program of Study Committee: Robert Urbatsch, Major Professor Jonathan Hassid Amy Erica Smith Mack Shelley Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2016 Copyright © Cody Schmidt, 2016. All rights reserved. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................... iii LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................... -
The Century of Reform
CHAPTER 3 THE CENTURY OF REFORM Japan's history has been deeply marked by reforms adopted during two long but widely separated periods of contact with expansive for- eign cultures. The first began around A.D. 587 when Soga no Umako seized control of Japan's central government, made an extensive use of Chinese techniques for expanding state power, and supported the intro- duction and spread of Chinese learning. The second came after the Meiji Restoration of 1868 when new leaders moved the country toward industrialization and Western ways. Japanese life was greatly altered by Chinese culture long before the Soga seizure of power in 587 and long after the closing years of the ninth century when a decision was made to stop sending official missions to China. But during the intervening three centuries Japanese aristocrats were understandably fascinated by the power and achievements of China under the great Sui (589 to 618) and T'ang (618 to 907) dynasties, giving rise to action and thought that gave Japanese life of those days a strongly Chinese tone, especially at the upper reaches of society. The first of the three centuries of remarkable Chinese influence - roughly the seventh century and the subject of this chapter - was a time of reform along Chinese lines. The second - the eighth century, which is covered in Chapter 4 - is known as the Nara period, when Japan was ruled from a capital patterned after the Chinese capital at Ch'ang-an. And the third was a time when almost every aristocrat was immersed in one aspect of Chinese learning or another. -
Q&A the Origins of Shinto Shrines
CULTURE The sun rises over the summit of sacred Mt. Miwa. The otorii in the foreground is the gateway to Omiwa Jinja in Sakurai City, Nara Prefecture, one of the oldest extant Shinto shrines. (PHOTO: Courtesy of Omiwa Jinja) Q&A The Origins of Shinto Shrines Okada Shoji, Professor, Kokugakuin University with editorial staff, Geijutsu Shincho Geijutsu Shincho : How and when did the history of Shinto shrines begin? Okada Shoji: Apart from the clay figures used during rituals in the Jomon period and the bronze bells used in rituals during the Yayoi period, the first definite evidence we have for rituals (kami worship) linked to present day Shrine Shinto is from the latter half of the fourth century, i.e. from the mid Kofun period on. Although we have found various traces of rituals, essentially there is nothing like a sacred building (shrine building). It is thought that there was a long period during which the kami were worshipped at iwakura (sacred rocks) and himorogi (branches set up temporarily to receive the kami). The location for these rituals was the boundary between mountain and village, which was also the boundary between the world of kami and the world Okada Shoji, Professor, Kokugakuin University of men. People brought the best food they had to these places as offerings to the kami. Even today offerings of food (shinsen ) to the kami are the core of Shinto rituals, and this is the origin. However, we know very little about the exact process by which this developed into our modern image of a shrine. -
Deconstructing `Japan'
East Asian History NUMBER 3 . JUNE 1992 THE CONTINUATION OF Paperson Far EasternHistory Institute of Advanced Studies Australian National University Editor Geremie Barme Assistant Editor Helen 1.0 Editorial Board John Clark Igor de Rachewiltz Mark Elvin (Convenor) Helen Hardacre John Fincher Colin Jeffcott W.J.F. Jenner 1.0 Hui-min Gavan McCormack David Marr Tessa Morris-Suzuki Michael Underdown Business Manager Marion Weeks Production Oahn Collins & Samson Rivers Design Maureen MacKenzie, Em Squared Typographic Design Printed by Goanna Print, Fyshwick, ACT This is the second issue of EastAsian Historyin the series previously entitled Papers on Far Eastern History. The journal is published twice a year. Contributions to The Editor, EastAsian History Division of Pacific and Asian History, Research School of Pacific Studies Australian National University, Canberra ACT 2600, Australia Phone +61-6-2493140 Fax +61-6-2571893 Subscription Enquiries Subscription Manager, East Asian History, at the above address Annual Subscription Rates Australia A$45 Overseas US$45 (for two issues) iii CONTENTS 1 Politics and Power in the Tokugawa Period Dani V. Botsman 33 Shanghai Before Nationalism YeXiaoqing 53 'The Luck of a Chinaman' : Images of the Chinese in Popular Australian Sayings LachlanStraha n 77 The Interactionistic Epistemology ofChang Tung-sun Yap Key-chong 121 Deconstructing Japan' Amino Yoshthtko-tr anslated byGava n McCormack iv Cover calligraphy Yan Zhenqing ���Il/I, Tang calligrapher and statesman Cover illustration Kazai*" -a punishment -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Sages
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Sages, Sinners, and the Vernacularization of Buddhism in Nihon ryōiki A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Languages and Cultures by Shih-Wei Sun 2020 © Copyright by Shih-Wei Sun 2020 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Sages, Sinners, and the Vernacularization of Buddhism in Nihon ryōiki by Shih-Wei Sun Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Languages and Cultures University of California, Los Angeles, 2020 Professor Torquil Duthie, Chair Nihon ryōiki is known as the earliest extant Buddhist anecdotal collection in Japan. Very little is known about its compiler, a monk named Kyōkai who belonged to the lower aristocracy and was active in the provinces rather than at the central court. Nihon ryōiki was compiled to keep a record of the miraculous events occurred in Japan. Like the tales documented in Buddhist sutras and Chinese anecdotal collections, Kyōkai insisted that similar events had happened in Japan in different ii ages and areas. Evidence of such miraculous events indicated, in Kyōkai’s view, that Japan, like India and China, was a land that deserved the Buddha’s salvation. Nihon ryōiki makes the case that the reason miraculous events occurred equally in Japan is the existence of Japanese sages of great virtue who were not inferior to Chinese sages. Although the reliability of the historical accounts in Nihon ryōiki is somewhat questionable, I am not interested in whether the Nihon ryōiki stories have any basis in reality, but rather in what has been changed and why the changes have been made. -
Japan's Early Female Emperors
Japan'sEarly FemaleEmperors E. PatriciaTsurumi According to conventional Japanese chronology, the time between Suiko'saccession in 592 and Shotoku's death in 770 is divided into sixteenreigns, half of rvhich featured female emperors.r Since two of thesewomen reigned trvice, returning to the throne after abdication to rule under different reign-namesthan before, theseeight sovereignsin reality numbered six individuals. For at least two centuries scholars-mostly Japanese although in recent times they have been joined by Westerners-have studied the lives and careersof these six, along with the early male emperors, Becauseeven the most intelligent useof thesechronicles as primary sourcesfor historical research is full of problems,the historians' studies have been enlivened by a variety of controversial interpretations. Although troublesome Baps in their comprehensionof pre-ninth century Japan do exist and approachesto thesedo vary, specialistsin ancient Japanesehistory probably know as much about most of these six women as they know about their male counterparts.What have they told us about theseearly female emperors who reigned eight times, occupying the throne throughout approxi- matelyhalf of the 178 yearsbetween 592 and 770? They tell us that with Suiko'saccession in 592 began the practiceof an empress-consort(Kogo) ascending the throne after the death of her imperial spousein order to secure the throne for a descendantof that deceasedmale sovereign.That descendantwas usually her son who was perhapsstill a child or in danger of being challengedby another royal claimant to the throne.2 Echoing the voice of his mentor, Inoue Mitsusada,G. Cameron Hurst explains: "An empress came to the .\ls. Tsuntmi is a memberof the Departmmt of Hktory, Uniuersity of Victoria.