JAPANESE HISTORY: PROGRESS WITHOUT MURDER 1. Japan
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Great Thanksgiving Ceremony
PROVISIONAL TRANSLATION (December 2018) Only significant errors of English in the translation have been corrected––the content will be checked against the original Japanese for accuracy at a later date. The History of the Great Thanksgiving Ceremony NITTA Hitoshi1 The Daijōsai, or “Great Thanksgiving Ceremony,” originated as a ritual of rice farming, which is the root of Japanese culture, and the Daijōsai is part of the imperial enthronement ritual, which is the core of the structure of the state. Because of that, it is found that while sustaining the essential features of the ritual, the Daijōsai has changed in terms of the way it has been conducted. The history of the Daijōsai can be explained by dividing it into six stages. First, the first stage signifies the period before the Daijōsai was established as a system. During this period, Niinamesai, which became the matrix of the Daijōsai, was practiced, and from the Yayoi period to the reign of Emperor Tenchi. The second stage is the time of establishment and development. In terms of periodization, it is from the end of the Asuka period to the middle of the Heian period, and from the 40th emperor Tenmu to the 60th emperor Daigo. The third stage is the period of transformation from the middle from the Heian period to the middle of the Muromachi period (around the time of Ōnin War). It is from the 61st emperor Suzaku to the 103rd emperor Go-Tsuchimikado. The fourth stage is the period of interrupt from the middle of the Muromachi period (the Warring States period). -
The Heian Court Poetry As World Literature from the Point of View of Early Italian Poetry the Heian Court Poetry As Poetry the Heian Court World Literature
FLORIENTALIA EDOARDO GERLINI GERLINI EDOARDO The Heian Court Poetry as World Literature From the Point of View of Early Italian Poetry The Heian Court Poetry as World Literature World The Heian Court Poetry as EDOARDO GERLINI FUP FIRENZE UNIVERSITY PRESS STRUMENTI PER LA DIDATTICA E LA RICERCA – 159 – FLORIENTALIA Asian Studies Series – University of Florence Scientific Committee Valentina Pedone, Coordinator, University of Florence Sagiyama Ikuko, Coordinator, University of Florence Alessandra Brezzi, University of Rome “La Sapienza” Marco Del Bene, University of Rome “La Sapienza” Paolo De Troia, University of Rome “La Sapienza” Fujiwara Katsumi, University of Tokyo Guo Xi, Jinan University Hyodo Hiromi, Gakushuin University Tokyo Federico Masini, University of Rome “La Sapienza” Nagashima Hiroaki, University of Tokyo Chiara Romagnoli, Roma Tre University Bonaventura Ruperti, University of Venice “Ca’ Foscari” Luca Stirpe, University of Chieti-Pescara “Gabriele d’Annunzio” Tada Kazuomi, University of Tokyo Massimiliano Tomasi, Western Washington University Xu Daming, University of Macau Yan Xiaopeng, Wenzhou University Zhang Xiong, Peking University Zhou Yongming, University of Wisconsin-Madison Published Titles Valentina Pedone, A Journey to the West. Observations on the Chinese Migration to Italy Edoardo Gerlini, The Heian Court Poetry as World Literature. From the Point of View of Early Italian Poetry Ikuko Sagiyama, Valentina Pedone (edited by), Perspectives on East Asia Edoardo Gerlini The Heian Court Poetry as World Literature -
The Myth of the Goddess of the Undersea World and the Tale of Empress Jingu’S Subjugation of Silla
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1993 20/2-3 The Myth of the Goddess of the Undersea World and the Tale of Empress Jingu’s Subjugation of Silla Akima Toshio In prewar Japan, the mythical tale of Empress Jingii’s 神功皇后 conquest of the Korean kingdoms comprised an important part of elementary school history education, and was utilized to justify Japan5s coloniza tion of Korea. After the war the same story came to be interpreted by some Japanese historians—most prominently Egami Namio— as proof or the exact opposite, namely, as evidence of a conquest of Japan by a people of nomadic origin who came from Korea. This theory, known as the horse-rider theory, has found more than a few enthusiastic sup porters amone Korean historians and the Japanese reading public, as well as some Western scholars. There are also several Japanese spe cialists in Japanese history and Japan-Korea relations who have been influenced by the theory, although most have not accepted the idea (Egami himself started as a specialist in the history of northeast Asia).1 * The first draft of this essay was written during my fellowship with the International Research Center for Japanese Studies, and was read in a seminar organized by the institu tion on 31 January 199丄. 1 am indebted to all researchers at the center who participated in the seminar for their many valuable suggestions. I would also like to express my gratitude to Umehara Takeshi, the director general of the center, and Nakanism Susumu, also of the center, who made my research there possible. -
Of the Former the Families
The HistoricalSocietyHistorical Society of Japan The post of imperial chamberlain of the Former Han Dynasty: An examination of relations between the imperial house and the families of the aristocracty by T,4TllMI Satoshi The Former Han Dynasty adopted a system of territorial admin- istration that blended an earlier system of commanderies and coun- ties with feudalistic institutions, as the administration of regions lying east of HanguwtISPass was completely entrusted to mar- quises and princes affiliated with the imperial family. However, it is generally understood that following the revolt of the seven king- doms, including WuS. and Chunc, during the first year of the reign of sixth emperor Jingdikifi5, those marquises and princes were deprived of their power and became no more than nominal rulers. But was this really the case? In this article, the author ex- amines from various perspectives the post of chamberlain for the imperial clan (zongzhengfi[iE), who oversaw the imperial house- hold, and thereby probe the reasoning behind the continuing en- feoffment of marquises and princes even after the reign of Wudi iFl M. The investigation yields the following conclusions. First, the main duty of the zouggheng was to be abreast of all in- formation related to the imperial family by preparing and main- taining a genealogy. Secondly, a member of the Liuesgimperial family was invaria- bly appointed gongzheng, because his duty was to act as intermedi- ary between the imperial household and the families of its mar- mp!-",III]l.FL.1 quises and princes, who could at anytime turn against the emper- or. Consequently, great importance was attached to the back- grounds of potential gongzheng during selection, while various pol- iticians sought to exercise their influence in appointing to the post a blood relation of those marquises and princes who were ca- pable of interceding between them and the imperial household. -
Slide 36. Introduction of Miwa Deity to Mt. Hiei
Footnote Slide 36. Condensed Visual Classroom Guide to Daikokuten Iconography in Japan. Copyright Mark Schumacher, 2017. INTRODUCTION OF MIWA DEITY TO MT. HIEI Scholars generally assume the Miwa deity (aka Ōmononushi, aka Ōnamuchi) was introduced to Mt. Hiei during the reign of Tenji 天智天皇 (r. 626–71). The prevailing view is that the Miwa deity was “invited” to Mt. Hiei around 663-667 CE, when Tenji moved his court out of the Yamato basin to the more secluded site of Ōtsu 大津 (near Mt. Hiei). In 667 CE, Tenji’s new palace was built just five kilometers south of Mt. Hiei. Before the court’s move to Ōtsu, one of the most important sites of court kami worship was Mt. Miwa, located on the eastern edge of the Yamato plain. The Miwa deity hailed from Mt. Miwa and was perhaps Japan’s most powerful kami in those days. It is therefore “reasonable” to assume the Miwa deity was “invited” by Tenji’s court to reside near the new capital in Ōtsu. NONETHELESS, it is impossible to say with certainty if the Miwa deity was installed at Mt. Hiei between 663-667 CE. It is safer to say the Miwa deity was “imported” to Mt. Hiei sometime in the 7th or 8th centuries (probably before the Nara era). Saichō 最澄 (767-822), founder of Hiei’s shrine-temple multiplex, was certainly aware of the Miwa deity and actively venerated it. • Writes Meri Arichi in Seven Stars of Heaven and Seven Shrines on Earth: The Big Dipper and the Hie Shrine in the Medieval Period, quote from pp. -
1 Church and State ( : Ritsuryo Saisei Itchi Kami
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Welcome to TRUSpace | TRUSpace 1 State Shinto and the Use of Shrines in Japanese Colonies By Cary S. Takagaki In the third month of 1868, the newly formed Meiji government announced its intention to return to the ritsuryo system of government that had been in place during the Nara and Heian periods. This was a system that held to the concept of unity between church and state (saisei itchi). Thus, the Jingikan, Office of (Shinto) Deities (often translated as Office of Kami Worship), was revived in that same month as one of seven departments in the Dajokan, the administrative organ of the state, and in an attempt to “purify” the tradition, a policy of separating Buddhism from Shinto (shinbutsu bunri-rei) was adopted.1 However, in July of 1869, the Jingikan was given the highest rank of all government offices, placing it above the Dajokan, and in the following year an Imperial Rescript on the Enshrinement of the Kami was issued, asserting that, along with various Shinto gods, all the emperors of Japan were to be worshiped as kami: Now that the imperial dignity has passed to Us, small and frail of form though we be, we are afraid both night and day that there will be some want in Our performance of the Imperial duties. We thereby enshrine with the Jingikan (The Office of Kami Worship), the kami of Heaven and Earth, together with the eight kami of Kamimusubi-no-kami, Takamimusubi-no-kami, Tamatsu-memusubi-no-kami, Ikumusubi-no-kami, Taramusubi-no-kami, Omiyame-no-kami, Miketsukami and Kotoshironushi-no-kami, and along with them, the souls of all past Emperors. -
The Hachiman Cult and the Dokyo Incident Author(S): Ross Bender Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol
The Hachiman Cult and the Dokyo Incident Author(s): Ross Bender Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 34, No. 2 (Summer, 1979), pp. 125-153 Published by: Sophia University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2384320 Accessed: 17-03-2016 17:03 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Sophia University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Monumenta Nipponica. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 77.80.42.241 on Thu, 17 Mar 2016 17:03:08 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Hachiman Cult and the D6ky6 Incident by Ross BENDER XO I NE of the gravest assaults ever made on the Japanese imperial institution was launched by the Buddhist priest D6ky6' in the 760s. Dokyo, who came from a clan of the low-ranking provincial aristocracy, gained the affection of the retired Empress K6ken2 in 761 and proceeded to gather political power to himself; by the end of the decade he stood as the paramount figure in the court bureaucracy and had already begun to usurp imperial prerogatives. It was in 769 that an oracle from the shrine of Hachiman in Kyushu was reported to Nara: the god prophesied peace in the realm if Dokyo were proclaimed em- peror. -
Buddhist Sculpture and the State: the Great Temples of Nara Samuel Morse, Amherst College November 22, 2013
Arts of Asia Lecture Series Fall 2013 The Culture and Arts of Korea and Early Japan Sponsored by The Society for Asian Art Buddhist Sculpture and the State: The Great Temples of Nara Samuel Morse, Amherst College November 22, 2013 Brief Chronology 694 Founding of the Fujiwara Capital 708 Decision to move the capital again is made 710 Founding of the Heijō (Nara) Capital 714 Kōfukuji is founded 716 Gangōji (Hōkōji) is moved to Heijō 717 Daianji (Daikandaiji) is moved to Heijō 718 Yakushiji is moved to Heijō 741 Shōmu orders the establishment of a national system of monasteries and nunneries 743 Shōmu vows to make a giant gilt-bronze statue of the Cosmic Buddha 747 Casting of the Great Buddha is begun 752 Dedication of the Great Buddha 768 Establishment of Kasuga Shrine 784 Heijō is abandoned; Nagaoka Capital is founded 794 Heian (Kyoto) is founded Yakushiji First established at the Fujiwara Capital in 680 by Emperor Tenmu on the occasion of the illness of his consort, Unonosarara, who later took the throne as Empress Jitō. Moved to Heijō in 718. Important extant eighth century works of art include: Three-storied Pagoda Main Image, a bronze triad of the Healing Buddha, ca. 725 Kōfukuji Tutelary temple of the Fujiwara clan, founded in 714. One of the most influential monastic centers in Japan throughout the temple's history. Original location of the statues of Bonten and Taishaku ten in the collection of the Asian Art Museum. Important extant eighth century works include: Statues of the Ten Great Disciples of the Buddha Statues of the Eight Classes of Divine Protectors of the Buddhist Faith Tōdaiji Temple established by the sovereign, Emperor Shōmu, and his consort, Empress Kōmyō as the central institution of a countrywide system of monasteries and nunneries. -
Shinto in Nara Japan, 749-770: Deities, Priests, Offerings, Prayers, and Edicts in Shoku Nihongi
Shinto in Nara Japan, 749-770: Deities, Priests, Offerings, Prayers, and Edicts in Shoku Nihongi Ross Bender Published by PMJS Papers (23 November 2016) Premodern Japanese Studies (pmjs.org) Copyright © Ross Bender 2016 Bender, Ross. “Shinto in Nara Japan, 749-770: Deities, Priests, Offerings, Prayers, and Edicts in Shoku Nihongi.” PMJS: Premodern Japanese Studies (pmjs.org), PMJS Papers, November 2016. Note: This paper is a continuation of the thread “Shinto in Noh Drama (and Ancient Japan)” on PMJS.org listserve beginning June 14, 2016. PMJS Papers is an open-source platform for the publication of scholarly material and resources related to premodern Japan. Please direct inquiries to the editor, Matthew Stavros ([email protected]) End users of this work may copy, print, download and display content in part or in whole for personal or educational use only, provided the integrity of the text is maintained and full bibliographic citations are provided. All users should be end users. Secondary distribution or hosting of the digital text is prohibited, as is commercial copying, hiring, lending and other forms of monetized distribution without the express permission of the copyright holder. Enquiries should be directed to [email protected] Shinto in Nara Japan, 749-770: Deities, Priests, Offerings, Prayers, and Edicts in Shoku Nihongi PMJS Papers Copyright © Ross Bender 2016 Shinto has become something of a taboo word, especially in the context of discussions of ancient Japanese thought. Fundamentally of course this tendency began as a reaction to the unsavory imperialist and fascist state Shinto of prewar Japan, and to the notion that Shinto was the timeless, unchanging religion of the Japanese race. -
Issues of Authority in Japanese Architecture
Issues of Authority in Japanese Architecture Karen M. Gerhart Japanese architecture has often been discussed in terms of its decorative appeal, inspired by its beauty of form, its technically proficient construction, and its agreeable materials. While the focus on the aesthetic qualities of buildings reflects our own contemporary enthusiasms, it unfortunately obscures some of the very different original purposes of Japanese architecture. In pre-modern Japan, architecture was the privilege of the elite and power-seekers and was generally undertaken for reasons other than aesthetics; building signified power and authority. As in Europe and elsewhere, the building of grand structures signaled control over architects and craftsmen, sufficient wealth, and the ability to command others to provide material and labor. Building was also about establishing control and legitimacy. Indeed, the first act new rulers generally undertook was to construct buildings to represent the ideals of their rule. For example, regional leaders founded important shrines like Ise and Izumo as visual symbols of the efficacy of their clan deities, the Japanese emperor sponsored monumental temples, exemplified by Tōdaiji, to show the vigorous support of continental Buddhas for the royal family and the nation, and the warrior elite constructed immense castles, such as Azuchi Castle, in support of its own quest for legitimacy. These varied purposes were expressed in many ways—through elevation, sheer size, by limiting access, through innovative technology, and through beauty in the form of fine materials and intricate decorations. I will discuss here a number of buildings in pre-modern Japan that were designed to exemplify the power and authority of their makers. -
Clan Influence in Asuka Japan: Asukadera and the Soga Clan
CLAN INFLUENCE IN ASUKA JAPAN: ASUKADERA AND THE SOGA CLAN by Ian Michael Watts Submitted to the Faculty of The Archaeological Studies Program Department of Sociology and Archaeology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science University of Wisconsin - La Crosse 2012 Copyright © 2012 by Ian Watts All rights reserved ii CLAN INFLUENCE IN ASUKA JAPAN: ASUKADERA AND THE SOGA CLAN Ian Watts, B.S. University of Wisconsin - La Crosse, 2012 The Asuka Period of Japan is characterized by the introduction of Buddhism from Korea and a consolidation of power by the central government. The interplay between the Imperial Clan and the Soga Clan was integral in shaping everyday life in Asuka as the introduction of Buddhism brought the creation of permanent architecture in the shape of temples. These temples, primarily constructed by the Imperial Line and the Soga Clan, required the employment of local populations as a labor force for the construction of the various buildings within each temple complex. An examination of the assemblage of round eave-end roof tiles at the first Buddhist temple in Japan, Asukadera, examines the implications of this labor procurement. Furthermore, spatial analysis between Asukadera, Tōyuradera, and Okuyamakumedera provides data for future research. iii Acknowledgements Much of this study could not have been completed without the help of the following individuals and institution. Large portions of Japanese text were translated by native Japanese and Taiwanese speakers in conjunction with my direction. I was extremely fortunate to have been given a portion of the Asukadera Excavation Report directly by the Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties. -
Removal of the Ban on Meat
The End of a 1,200-year-old Ban on the Eating of Meat Removal of the Ban on Meat Introduction Zenjiro Watanabe Mr. Watanabe was born in Tokyo in 1932 and In March 1854, the Tokugawa Shogunate concluded The graduated from Waseda University in 1956. In 1961, he received his Ph.D in commerce from Treaty of Peace and Amity between the United States and the same university and began working at the the Empire of Japan followed shortly by peace treaties National Diet Library. Mr. Watanabe worked there as manager of the with various Western countries such as England, The department that researches the law as it th applies to agriculture. He then worked as Netherlands, and Russia. 2004 marks the 150 anniversary manager of the department that researches foreign affairs, and finally he devoted himself to of this opening of Japan’s borders to other nations. research at the Library. Mr. Watanabe retired in 1991 and is now head of a history laboratory researching various The opening of Japan’s borders, along with the restoration aspects of cities, farms and villages. Mr. Watanabe’s major works include Toshi to of political power to the Imperial court, was seen as an Noson no Aida—Toshikinko Nogyo Shiron, 1983, Ronsosha; Kikigaki •Tokyo no Shokuji, opportunity to aggressively integrate Western customs into edited 1987, Nobunkyo; Kyodai Toshi Edo ga Japanese culture. In terms of diet, removal of the long- Washoku wo Tsukutta, 1988, Nobunkyo; Nou no Aru Machizukuri, edited 1989, Gakuyo- standing social taboo against the eating of meat became a shobo; Tokyo ni Nochi ga Atte Naze Warui, collaboration 1991, Gakuyoshobo; Kindai symbol of this integration.