6 , ADMIHISTaATION

The following pages aspire to present the picture of government machinery and its working in this region during the period under study. The task Is rendered easier, and the onus Is lightened by the eminent authorities on the subject who have, so far, iwltten on the administration of the various dynasties with which the present study Is con­ cerned. naturally It Is deemed proper to refrain from deal­ ing In details of the administrative machinery functioning fro® the Vakitaka period to that of the Yadavas. In the following pages, therefore, the administrative asoects, the Information about which we could deduce from the eplgraohs found In this region, are only dealt with. Our principal sources of information, in this connection, are therefore, m the statements made In the epigraphs. The information gleaned from the epigraphs found outside our academic Jurisdiction has also been made use of tw>, present a fuller and better persoective. All the data have been occasionally compared to the rules laid dovmr by the contemoorary Smrtl • writers and statements in the records of other contemporary dynasties. Accounts of the Muslim traders have also been 55

Utilized, If the picture of the administrative machinery presented below is not comoletej it does not mean that the machinery was defective or imperfect. It would simply mean that our scope is limited and we could not get adequate information to make it a complete one. Moreover it should be noted that the dynasties under study were ruling over extensive empires and this region was one of the parts of those. Naturally the information about the administration available in this region also constitutes a part of it which might be available in the neighbouring regions and the states.

Though the extensive empires built by the Hashtrakutas etc, had huge standing armies at their disposal} we find no record of the flastrakutas giving much details about the military organization.

SATAVAHAKAS

Some evidence exists to visualise the political status of Marathwada and its administrative machinery prior to the Satavahana period. Similar is the case of the Sata- vahana administration a hazy picture of which can be had with the aid of the information fran a few inscriotions found in the outlying districts of Marathwada and the celebrated work,

Oathasaptasatl. As we have no other adequate evidence about the administration! the works on ancient Indian polity may be accepted as sufficiently reliable sources for the study of administrative machinery and the life of the people, as 55 S

there Is nothing to suggest that in the administration the Satavahanas ignored the ideals set forth in the I Arthasastra and the Smrtis,

Despite the vast extent of the Sitavahana empire its polity was simple and local administration was left largely to the general control of royal officials. King­ ship was hereditary in the male line though matronymles were freely prefixed to the names of the kings and the nobles,^ The king was the guardian of the established social order snd he always wielded suprene authority over it. He was expected to devise time and place properly for the pursuit of the Tlvaga (i .e . Dharma, Artha and Kama) i and to ssrmpathise fully with the weal and woe of the citizens.'

This is in complete accord with Kautalya's recanmendatlon.

1. Chatopadhyaya has tried to trace the descent through the matriarchal line. But this view is not tenable if the puranlc list is referred to. See. "Satakarni/ succession and marriage rule” jaAS.Y^ 1939, P.317, More over in Northern India the practice was to form the metronymic from the name of the country over which the mother's father rules, e.g* AJatarfatru of Rajagrha was called Valdehiputra* In south India the custom* seems to be to adopt the meSfronymic from that of a Bralraana gotra^e, g. Qaut^unlputra, Vasisthiputra etc. June 1919, 2. 'Pora Jananl \7isesa Samasukhadukhasa'. Nalk Cave Inscription, ASWI^ IV, No. 14,

3. Arthasastray bk.I., Chapters, VII and XIX, 55 4

Sovereignty was oeoasionally proclaimed by performing sacrifices,^ Not content with the title Haja, they soon longed for higher ones, Oautamlputra Satakami is therefore A called Hi^arano , Daksinapathapatly Apratlhatacakra and Prathamavlra were a few titles among others. King used to lead armies and to pardon those who submitted humbly C to him. During the king's illness his mother was to g issue orders^ and during the minority of a crown prince, 7 the administration was headed either by the uncle or by O his dowager mother.

Royal Officers

Epigraphs mention only a few of the royal officers who assisted the sovereign in the government of the realm*

1. Satakarnl II Proclaimed it by performing two AsVamedhas and one'Rajasuya sacrifice, EHiPj p .132.

2 . Elf nil, p,60f EHg, p.132. 3. Naneghat inscription, ASMIf V, p .60, 4. I M i . 6, Nasik Inscriotion, VIII, p,60, 6. iMd. 7. K r ^ a had acted as regent in the absence of his cousin Kumira Sitakarni from the capital. EHD. p,114. 8. In the minority of Vedisri, Naganika acted as regent. Cf, Nasik inscription) t P»120. S55

as for Instance, Amitya, ai^amatya, the Mahamatra, Bhanda- • • garlkat Karanlka, Mahasenapatl and the Lekhalrai.

The Amatya was employed as the governor of the divisions knowi as Aharas. For instance, Amatyas like

Vlsnupalita, Syumaka and Slbaskanda-datta successively governed the Ahara op Govardhana (Naslk) in the days of

Oautamltmtra Satakami and Pulumavl,^

« « • 2 The aiyamatyas were probably trusted with the duty of attending on the king and constituting the advisory body. This might be the uttana amatya of Kautalya • and the Governor of the Ahara, the avara type of amitya. There is one more reference to the Amatya in the Kanheri inscription as Vi^vasya amatya who was attached to the q[ueen, probably as private secretary (Personal secretary?)

_ „ A The Mahamatra was coffimissioned to execute a specified task. He probably was the counterpart of Dharma- mahamatra of Asbka.

1. 1252f p. 133, 2, Kanheri Inscription, ASWI,: IV| EHD, p, 133,

3. Also Inscriotion of Vlsisthiputra.

4, Samana Mahimata, Naslk inscription of Kanhaj aanade, pa i .gAtaTahaift t p*7i. The Bhandagarika probably functioned as the

superintendent of stores. The Heranlka acted as a treasurej'-f

Relatively late in the history of the empire was created the office of Mahasenapatl,^ obviously the commander of 3 State forces. He sometimes acted as the governor of one of the provinces.

The Lekhaka functioned as the secretary of state 4 and drafted all documents. The registration of such docu­ ments was looked after by another officer known as the

Nlbandhakara, Mahabhojas® and Maharathls were probably

local chiefs who enjoyed status higher than that of the A Amatyas, They had probably the privilege to mint coins 7 in their own names, Naslk Inscription mentions one more

1, Yazdanli EHD. p .133,

2, Inscription of Pulumavl, Kanherli ASWI IV.

3, The Jangllgimda inscription, £X* P. 165,

4, Kautalya gives the qualification of Lekhaka. Artftasistra. p,71,

5, Kuda inscription, ASWI. IV, p,84) Kanherl inscription^ ASWl.V, pp,84,86,

6, Amatya was to make grants of lands etc, under order of the sovereign, but the Maharathl or Mahabhoja made these his own 8Mthorlty,*Cf, Karle inscription. No,14, El,

7, Maharathl Sadakaya Kalelaya had minted coins of his own, Ranade^ P .7 ., Pal than ghe Satav^ana RaiakulaT P.73, 557

officer known as Patiharahhlya probably Ineharge of the palace affairs. The cave inscription at Pltalkhora refers to a royal physician of Pratlsthana.

The extensive and well organized state like that of the Satavahanas was expected to need the services of all such officers in Marathwada region too. The process^ of drafting, preparation of the bharter, registration in the

Qrovemment archives and the delivery of the document to the donee is sufficloat to prove that the estate administration was well organized.

At its zenith, as ve have s e ^ in Chapter I I , the

Sitavahana empire stretched from the Bay of Bengal in the east to the Arabian Sea in the west, and onbraced the entire region between the Narmada in the north and the Krishna in o the south. It is thus easily understandable that such a vast state could not have functioned smoothly without essen­ tial departments such as those of police, finance, ^^stice, army, agriculture, etc. though contemporary inscriptions do not actually refer to any of these.

1. Nasik Inscriptions, Nos, 4 and 6| E£, VIII,

2, The boundaries might have fluctuated continually as can be surmised from the political vicissitudes of the times. 558

Justice

The king was the foiuitaln head of justice In the

Deccan as In the north. Jails and jailors are rather rarely

referred to. The latter is called Bandhanagaradhyakaa In

the Arthasastra, Male and female prisoners were kept In

separate wards,^

There is nofcaruch information about this in the

Satavahana records. But it is likely that the pattern was

possibly the same as described In the Arthasastra.

Admin

The Satavahana inscriptions refer only to Janapada, 2

Ahira,^ Patha^ and Grama,®

The Nigama affairs were managed by the prefects

with the help of non-official committees (Nigamasabha), 6 These existed at Nasik under the Satavahanas, Such committees

1, Gatha Nos,64-55 (ed,Jogalekar),

2, In the Myakadani inscription of Pulumavi, a Janapada is expressly mentioned as a district under a military Governor, See E l ., XIV. p. 155. 3, Soparaka ahara, and Govardhana ahara', EHD. p,i33,

4, Pratistana-pathaj Rande, oo.cit. , p,71,

5, It is the smallest unit everywhere except in the Rastrakuta and the Yadava period where village is divided into two and known as Laghu and Brhat, Elsewhere, next to the village is a piece of land, *

6, Nasik inscription. No, 12, EJ.» VIII, 559

were fairly common during the ancient period and they are referred to by Magasthenes and Kautalya and were in existence under the Imperial Quptas and Qujarat Chalukyaa, as well.

The inscrlptlonal evidence regarding the village administration is not adequate, Oathasaptasatl mentions M 1 gramanl,^ with jurisdiction over as many as five or ten villages. He possibly enjoyed considerable autonomy as — p he Is referred to as palllpatl. Besides Paltthana• • • and Tagara In Marathwada, eplgraphic records refer to several other towns In the Deccan,

We do not possess any substantial Information about the different kingdoms that flourished In Mafcathwada from circa 360 A,D, to circa 400 A,D, and so It Is not possible to sketch even a hazy picture of their adminis­ tration.

However, In the 6th c€ait, some part of this region was definitely under the Vakataka sway (as has been shown In the chapter on History), Of the two branches of the Vakatakas, the one known as Vatsagulraa branch Is to be taken Into account

1, Gramlka or Gramani In the Gathis Nos,449,469,631, According to Kaulalya, a gopa was In charge of five or ten villages, Arthasastra. 11, Chap,XXXV,

2, Gathi No,632 (Joglekar edition). A t) 1> I*

in taking a stufvey of the administrative machinery in this area, as the main branch had never had direct connection with this region.

The sources available for the purpose are not

adequate, as Vikataka records, only five In number' mention

a few officers and supply hardly any material for presenting

a comprehensive and vl^ld oicture of the central and the local

governments. No foreigner visited their court as was the case

in the Maurya and the Badaral Chalukya period, whose records 2 could have been of ample help to us. Nothing notable about

the administration and the condition of the people under this

rule is recounted in the literature of the period. Consequently

our account of the administration and society will be an

incomplete one.

Theirs was a monarehical state as was the case

in the north of that age. The kingship was hereditary, and

the king was all In all, TSillke their contemporary kings

in the north the Vakatakas assumed relatively simple title

1, Two copperplates* (1) Baslm plates of Vlndhya^aktl I I , and (11) a fragmentary record of Devasena (lA .v o l.11^ p .177), three stone inscrlDtions of the reign of Harlsenai two at Ajanta and one at Ghatotkacha caves near*A3anta; That is four out of five epigraphs belong to this region.

2, Megasthenes and Hluen-Tsang respectively. 561

1 2 like Haja, Mahirija and Dharmaraaharaja, Ifellke their counterparts elsev^ere, they do not trace their ancestry to any Puranlc dynasty.

The Dharmasastras and the Arthasastra advised a welfare state. Harisena the king of the Junior branch is referred to in an inscription at AJanta as a benevolent monarch,^ Devasena's minister Hastibhoja is said to have been popular with the subjects on account of his paternal

affection towards them. The subjects had access to him at A any time. There was no age limit for the supreme office. '

Unlike the Quptas in the north the VSkatakas

imposed few restrictions on their feudatories. It is clear

from the inseriotions of the feudatories where names of

Vakataka kings remain unmentioned,®

TI a^excealio^^^ ^ ^asim P l a t e s .p. 164) 2, Fleet translates this epithet as ’Pious’ (jA ,v n ,p p .3 4 f f .) , while Kielhorn gives it as 'Law abiding (J A ,III,p , 1 4 4 ).The Intended meaning in Bralananlcal records must have been •Defender of the Vedic religion", Dharma-raksako-maharajah, Dharmamahlrajah, Sarvasena and Vindhyasakti*assumed the title in accofdance, probably with the custom of the JSouth like the kings of Pallava dynasty smd Kadamba P.36),

3, Inscription in Cave No,XVI at Ajanta/jgii, V, No,21, l.,2l.

4 , Vindhyasena* s grandson became king when he was only eight years old, Ib_ld.

6, Ohatotkacha Cave Insp, A3WI^ IV, p,138. 562

Uhllke the Guptasi they did not mention the names of their queens in Inscriptions^ nor were they given admini­ strative posts as under the Chalukyas of Kalyiml,^

Very few references of the administrative officers and ministers, are available* Only one of them, at Ajanta, 3 refers to a Saclva , l ,e , minister, without giving his port­ folio* The Ajanta record Indicates that some of the ministers held hereditary offices^ and that all of them were usually well trained in the science of politics and warfare. Sarva- dhyaksa,® the prime minister, who Is referred to in various grants® was in charge of the whole adralnlstratlon. He was 7 empowerSd to appoint Kulaputras as his assistants and he dictated royal orders to them.

Kulaputras were in charge of the maintenance of peace and order in the state* They were assisted by the

1. Exceptions are of Prabhavatigupta, who was a regent, and AJjhitabhattarlka (Queen of Narendrasena)| but both of them were of the Senior Branch. 2. XXXV, pi. IV , 1963.

3. Ajanta Insp. Cave No.XVI, CII. V, Ko.21,

4. ASWI. IV, p. 138,

5. Very appropriate and significant title ever used for this office*

6* V, No*3,. 1*^0*

7. Ibid.f Introduction* p*XXXVII* 56 3

members of the police and military forces Icnown as Catas and Bhatas, They were expected, no doubt, to arrest traitors, thieves and killers of Brahmins^. Thus every charter containing the grant of village was brought to the notice of these officers so as to avoid any Inter­ ference on their part in the affairs of the donated village.

One of the special features of the administration of the Vikatakas was the aopolntment of the officers by 3 Sarvadhyaksa to tour through th© kingdom for inspection.

The inspection machinery of the central government is but rarely referred to in ancient Indian records and the

VSkataka plates are, therefore, regarded as very valuable,

_ 4 Senapatl was another Important officer. As every grant was prepared in his office® he was referred to in almost all of th«n.

1. m . V, No.3, 1.21*

2, EI» XXVI, p.l37ff.

3. Baslm plates, XIV, p,3l8 ff.

4, II, XXVI, P.140; CII, V, p*100,

6, It was to be prepared by Sandlvlgrahlka or minister for foreign affairs according to Yajnavalkya ( I I . St,319-20) S()4

It seems that the king also used to dictate grants, In which case the grant ended with the words "by my order” , elsewhere the messenger (DQtaka) apprised the

Senapatl of the purport of the grant.

Hastlbhoja was commander of the elephant forces,^

This testified to the existence of the office of Hastlsahanl or Pattasahinl

Administrative Dlvl^long

Though the kingdom was divided Into Histra or

Rajya, Vlsaya, Ahara, Bhuktl, Marga and Orama (village) only Vlsaya, Marga and drama are the units found In the

Inscriptions concerning this region.

The name of a Vlsaya generally ended with a suffix kata, or kataka, e.g. Kandlkata (modem Handed).^

Vaka^ka epigraphs mention only one Ahara,® Marga was

1, Inscription from Ajanta Cave No.XVI, V.12.

2, Baslm plates, -WI, P.154j Other Vlsayas in this period were Bhojakata, etc. CII. V, Intro.p.XXXIV. 3* £Ii»V^ intro,p.XXXIV, Ahara tends to disappear after the Satavihana age. It Is rarely to be met with In the succeeding period and even when the expression actually forms a part of the name of a district, It is often followed by the term Vlsaya, e.g. Khetakahara Visayaf Kudurahara Vlsaya etc. a 6 5

which was smaller than Visaya and bigger than the Bhuktl.

Sometimes these are known simply as Its eastern or northern, part, I . e . , Uttaramarga In the WandlkataJ tfellke the

Satavihanas, the Vakatakas used all the names of the divi­

sions as mentioned above, In Sanskrit Instead of In Prakrit,

Vikataka records give no Information abotat the

village administration,

fleyenue

It would be pertinent here to consider the main

sources of revenue in the Vikataka empire. Some idea of the

taxes raised may be gained from the description of the exemp­

tions accompanying grants of villages. Granting the right

to the donee to work in salt mines, to appropriate hidden

treasRires and to use village pastures, suggest that normally p the state claimed ownership over those items,The land tax

was the main source of the State revenue, though the technical

name it bore is not known.

The expenses connected with the stay of the inspec­

ting staff had to be borne by the villagers, the donees of

the grants being exanpted from such payments. The inspectors

1. Baslm plate3. ^UCVI,

2. lUli 141. 3. Ibid, , p,155, Sfifi

had also to be provided with free labour and transport and the donees were exafflpted from this obligation too.^ These were teehnleally known as Prayinadanda and Vasatldanda and 2 were known In the Yadava period also.

A very interesting; exaction was in vogue in this

perlodi the obligation of giving, to the state the first 3 male or f«nale calf of every cow in the village. This,

as also the suooly of charcoal, hides, cots,. water-pots

etc. was not supposed to be given to the state by the donee

of a village,^

That the grant of village meant the grant of the

village revenue, is made clear in the Baslm plates where

we find that the brahmin donee had divided the revenue of

the village among other eight brahmins.

We thus get an incomplete picture of the Vakataka

administration, ^uch evidence as we possess indicates,

however, that it was, on the whole, vigilant, efficient and

highly centralised.

1. Baslm Plates. XXVI, p. 155, <

2. Palthan grant of Ramachandra Yadava, J[A, X IV ,p .318.

3. Manusmpti also mentions a tax on cattle; VII ,v, 130,

4. Baslm plates. El, XXVI, p,l55. tifi?

THE CHALUKYAS OF BADAMI

The absence of adequate literature and epigraphs in Marathwada dealing with the administrative machinery Is greatly felt when we begin to trace the history of the past

Institutions In this reglc^i In the Early or Badaml Chalukya period. Though we get very scanty material for a conjectura reconstruction of their governnent machineryy there is no reason to suppose that In the governmwit they ignored the

Ideals set forth in the smrtis and by the various dynasties that preceded them.

Their records from the enighbouring provinces give us some Information with regard to the territorial units and the offlcers-ln-charge of those units, Rastra, Ahara and

Visaya, so also group of villages and the village were the divisions.

The list of Informants In the formula of the Chilu land grants includesthe Visayapati, the Gramakutai the MahQ ttara and the Adhlkarin. Mahasindhlvlgrahlka is the only designation we could get from the grant belonging to this region. This is a 11tie traceable to the simpler Sandhl- vigrahlka of the imperial Guptas,

The officers like Senipatl, Dandanayaka and Karanl might have existed as they figured in almost all the dynastii of this region. 668

alsHTHAKnTft AmimsTaATiow • •

The Rishtralnitas of Lattalura (modem Latur In

District Osmanabad) as seen in the chapter on history, were the heirs of the Chalukyas of VStapi in the sovereignty of Marathvada. As compared to the early period, we have now considerable epigraphlcal material to construct the picture of the Governmental machinery and its working during the Rashtrakuta rpgime, I.e . from circa 760 to circa 877 A,D,

The king continued to be the centre and fountain head of all power in the state. Though the earlier kings of this dynasty were at first content with the feudatory title of Mahasimantidhipatithey later adopted full imperial 2 titles and in addition began to assume certain personal titles like dharavarsa (raining good things upon the subjects in torrents), akalavarsa (raining good object when least expected), suvarnavarsa (raining gold), jagattunga (lofty peak of the world), etc, Chauris (fly whisks), three white umbrellas, conch-shell of battle, Palidhvaja and banner of

Oaruda were the royal insignia.® The Rashtrakuta ruler used to celebrate the anniversary of his coronation,^ He gave a

1. Ellora Cop.plates, EJ, XXV,26,

2. Bid and Jambagaon plates, 1962 and 1961.

3. Sirur plates, XII, p,2lS,

4 . This ceremony is known as Pattabandhotsava. According to some scholars it means Hajyafcfilseka. See for further discussion a note by Pohnerkar ( N .3 .) .MUT (1964). ^69

promise of protection to those who accepted his suzeralgnty.^

Feudatories were to pay regular tributes to him.^ In the • Kandhar inscription he is described as the Kalyanapidapa

( i .e . Kalpa-vrksa) for eradicating poverty of the people by various charitable measures. His sympathy was not con- fined to human beings but was also extended to cattle. He used to give away, to the destitutes and others, gold etc. - 4 equal to his owi weight, after performing his tula.

Next to the king in dignity stood the crown prince.

The office of the king was hereditary and used to pass on to the eldest son, who was formally installed as the Yuvaraja or the heir-apparent®. The YuvarSja had the status of a

Pwcamahasabdasamanta and was invested with a necklace^ which

1. Bid plates, aoka 17, MW (1962). 2. U i i d ., sloka 16.

3. Kandhar inscription, U , XXXV, 1963.

4 . Jambagaon plates. MUT (1961),

5. It seems that the advice of the Smrtls that an helr- apfiarent should be selected in the* life time of a ruling king was usually followed in this period, Sulalman also mentions this practice as was in vogue in India when he visited, (Elliot, OP.cit. « I,p.6) Election as a possible means of getting a kingdom was unknown to Somadeva also. He was a contemporary of Rashtrakuta kings and had writtoi

Nt.Uy&teraartf,a> ^«26. 6. Altekar, ^,p,60j Sirur plates, lA, XII, p,2l3. 570

was the Insignia of his office.^ He was a member of the ministry according to the Kitlsastra writers of the period» and we find him exercising the royal prerogative of grant­ ing villages,^ Usually, the eldest son was selected as heir apparent, but sometimes, a younger son was selected 3 if he was found to be abler. We have also some cases of younger princes like Dhruva^ and Qovinda IV , deposing their elder brothers after the latters succession. In normal cases, the younger princes vere appointed to the posts of provincial governors® as was the practice among the Mauryas and the Guptas,® In contrast to their successors, the Cha- lukyas of KalyinI, Hashtrakutas hardly exercised any political 7 8 influence or held administrative posts. During the regime of a minor the government was usually in the hands not of a

1 , Ei, IV, p.242( and Bid plates, op. cit. f sloka 11. 2, Alas plates, VI, p,210,

3, As hapnened in the case of Govlnda III, Altekar.op. clt. ^ p. 60, « 4 , Dhruva ousted his elder brother Govlnda II in 779 A.D, Pal than plates of Govlnda I I I , M * H l f p.lOSff.

5, The only case of the eldest son being a provincial viceroy was that of Stambha, though it was In exceptional clrcum- stances; £C, IV, p.93; Aitekar, op.clt. . p,59,

6 , Ghosha, N ,K ,, EHI.p.rgx (a.p- 7, We have only one record of a queen granting a village in her own authorityj £1, XXII, p,l06, 8 , The only known instance Is that of Chandrabalabba, daughter of Amoghavarsa I , who was administering the Haichur Doab in A.D.837, ’ This was, of course, outside Marathwada, 571

dowager queen as vas the procedure in other dynasties, but of male relatives* We, thus come across no queen or princess as regent or governor in Rashtrakuta adminis­ tration, Under the Western Chalukyas, queen governors were not unlmown,^ Ifoder the later Chalukyas also the practice of appointing princesses to high govemmwxt posts was very common.

The emperor carried on the administration with the help of a council of ministers. Our records are silent not only about the qualifications considered necessary for their office but also the manner in which they were selected.

HlshtrakQta records so far discovered, do not refer to any • • member of a superior civil service like that of the Amatyas * 2 under the Mauryas and Satavahanas, There is no information available about the manner in ^^ich the central government exercised supervision over the outlying districts. Yet we shall probably be not wrong ir. assi#aing that there were officers under the Hashtrakutas as there were in the govern- 3 ment of the Vakatakas and under the earlier administrations, who used to go on tours for periodical inspection of the

Interior.

1. Vijayabhattarika, the senior xrlfe of Chandraditya, the elder brother of Vlkramaditya I was a governor, if not a recent. lA, VII, p.163,

2. Nasik inscription, EHD^ p,133,

3. Basim plates. Ei,XXVI, p.l37ff. 573

Among the higher officers of the state are men- X 2 ^ tloned those bearing the titles of Rishtrapati, Visayapatl,

Bhoglka,^ Eijasamanta,^ Dandaniyaka,® Ristrakuta,® Orimlka,'^ 1

Ayuktaka,^ Hlyiiktaka,® Mahattara^® and Adhikarika. ' I 1 Rastrapatl or Hastrakuta was at the head of the i • • • • • administration of the Hastra and was usually a military officer. He was in charge of both the military and the civil administration. Very often he used to enjoy the status and titles of a vassal. His position was similar to that of the Uparika in the Oupta and of the HaJJuka of the Asoka perlol?

1. Bid plates of Govinda III. MIg (I962)i Jambagaon plates of Indra III, Mffi. (1961).

2 . m i - 3. Ell ora plates, XXV. 4. U ^ . 5. Sirur plates. I 4 , X II, literally Chief of the Police, 6. The same as Rastrapatl, Ellora plates, op.cit.

7. Bid, Jambagaon plates, op.olt.

8,& 9. All these are derivatives of the past participle, Yukta(i/yu3) and should be inter-related in sense. Kautalya discusses the q[uallties and duties of an Upa^ktaj Arthasastra. vol.I, p. 160. From this it appears that he was an officer superior to ’yukta'j likewise the officers mentioned in these records must be special officers. According to Altekar they are no other than the village accountants and their assistants, Altekar. oa.cit. ^ p.196. 10. Literally village elder. 11. According to Sankalia he might be a judgej A O .p .l ^ . 12. Altekar, op.clt. . p.l76. Vlsyapatls and Bhogika*^ exercised the same authority as that by the Rastrapatls within their smaller jurisdiction. They carried on the revenue administration in cooperation with hereditary revenue officers since they are invariably mentioned in the copperplates among the officers required not to disturb the possession rights of the donees in respect of the lands and villages granted.

The work of the remaining officers referred to above would be discussed along with the description of village administration, Rajasamanta is referred to in only s one inscrlotlon. It denotes the feudatory oosition, Danda- • • niyaka, military officer or Senapati is often mentioned in the grants.

Remuneration of officers was sometimes in the form of rent->free lands and scHnetimes by salaries paid partly I in cash and partly in kind. This principle of offering rent- free lands to state servants is recommended by a number of 3 writers, Kandhar inscription mentions the supply of a pair of clothes to the servemts attached to the temple, along with their salaries,^

1 , These posts were filled by the emperor himself, and not by the Uparlka as was the case under the Guptas. Altekar, p. 176. 2 , Ellora plates, 3, Manuy VII, 113-9, 4, Elf XXXV (1963), 57 4

A few words ma be said about the Rashtrakuta 7 • • capital and the court. Though the possibility of Elura

(District Aurangabad) being the capital^ of the Rashtrakutas, at least for a few years, cannot be ruled out, we have nothing to attemot a descriotion of the life of the people there and the benevolent measures taken by the king. Fortunately we have an epigraph at Kandhar, once the capital of this dsmasty, giving the details of the life in the capital.

That the ruler used to stay at Kandhar is indi* cated by the existence of the royal palace and the quarters of the king's chief courtesans.

The royal palace adorned with makara and Yaksa- torana (gateways), sattraslla, vidya-sthana, the construc­ tion of the temple of Kamadeva (god of love) close to the g area where the courtesans of the king lived, the construc­ tion of various temples, the arrangement for supply of water etc. are sufficient to show how the capital was planned.

The centres Installed at five places including 3 the gate-ways of the royal palace, for the supply of water,

1 . Cousens, The Ghalukyan Architecture. p .I. 2 . Sirur grant of Amoghvarsa I also speaks of such courtesans, X II,p .2 l9 . 3. One at Makaratorana, other at Yak^atorapa and three were at different'places near the temples including one at the temple of Kamadeva. F-' ^ o r i}

T ire places (Agnlstlka) at five places for saving the ’ « poor people from suffering from cold during winter, cons­ truction of the pavilion called sarvaloka^raya, the sattra- sala for the feeding of the Bratalns, the vldyasthana for the education of the subjects, the arrangement for the supoly of a pair of clothes to the servants along %rlth the salary^ and the care taken for the provision of water and fodder to the cattle, the construction of Jagattunugasawudra were all the benevolent measures taken by the king of this dynasty for the welfare of the subject. Thus the title

Kalyanapadapa (Kalpavrksa) given to the king vAo lived to • • • eradicate poverty by various charitable measures Is appro­ priate and corroborates our statement.

Nothing Is known about the pomp and grandeur of the royal court, but a few hints given by the records of the contemporaries can be useful In this matter. Abu Zald has observed that the kings of India were accustomed to wear earrings and necklaces of great value. In the Hashtrakuta court also very probably the king must have appeared on ceremonial occasions In rich dress and ornaments. He was attended, as was the case with almost all the kings In con- tanporary drama and fiction, by courtesans and dancing girls. 5'7fi

This custom was so common in our period of study that even Somadeva^, the Jain writer, Is Impelled to counte­ nance It, A1 Idris 1 records Its prevalance in the Chalukya court of Anhilapattana and the Sirur plates in which

Amoghavarsa is called Lattalurapuraparamesvara confirms the same when it informs us that he had covered all the 3 territories with thousands of courtesans.

Non-Official bodies possessing administrative

Dowers did exist in this region. Such bodies certainly existed in villages, and probably in provinces as well, - 4 Their members were known as Qr«anamahattaras, Analogy would, therefore, show that Rastramahattara and Visayamaha- ttara might have constituted body of notables and elders in the province and district respectively®. It must, how­ ever, be admitted that our records do not mention these bodies.

1, Nitivakyimf_ta. XXIV. 29, 51,

2, Elliot, op^Jilt, f I , p,83,

3, lA, XII, p.219,

4, It denotes a member of the non-official village council, Altekar, A H,|s.^;g|x.gf th.ft VTestern Indiay pp,20-21 (Hamphrey Milford, 1927),

5, Sbme kind of divisional popular bodies seem to have existed in the Tamil Country also. See, Majumdar, Corporate Life in Ancient India, pp,211-13, (>77

Territorial I)lvl_alQna

The Rashtrakuta emtslre consisted partly of vassal

states and partly of centrally administered areas. Important feudatories like the rslera of southern Gujarat, enjoyed almost perfect autonomy. They had also their own sub- feudatorles who had, however, to secure higher sanction before they could alienate revenues or grant villages.^

p The territorial units were Rastra and Vlsaya • • • roughly corresponding to modem division and district,"^

Though the term mandala Is used by the aSshtrakutas to denote • • the .territorial unit, their documents do not mention any mandala anjrwhere In their enpire.

The Vlsayas® were sub-dlvlded Into Bhuktls® con­

sisting of 50 to 70 villages, and named after the main town,l.e,

1, The Daulatabad plates^ E l, IX , p,195; rA,XII,p, 16,

2, This does not occur In the Rashtrakuta Inscriptions; but Its existence seems to be Implied by such officers as Hastrapati or Hlstrakuta*

3. The number of villages comprising a Vlsaya varied from thousand to four thousandj Altekar, o p ! clt. . pp.136-37.

4. lfcder_^the Kalachurls and the Early Chalukyas who preceded the Rashtrakutas, Vlsaya was later, and under the Rashtra- •• • * * kutas It was a smaller administrative Unit, Ref. Vadner inscription of Budharaja, XII, p,130. 6. Murumba Vlsaya in Lohara plates, and Dharura Vlsaya in Bid plates, 6. The Bhuktl Is the old administrative division known from Qupta times. 57^

Pratlsthana• • Bhuktl,^ The Bhuktls were further divided Into 2 smaller groups of 10 to 20 villages , each group being named after its principal village* coupled with the number of villages contained In It, as for Instance, Sarakaccha-dvadas'a* grama. The village, though Itself the smallest administrative 3 unit, was sub-dlvlded Into two parts, Laghu and Brhat , This is a unique feature of the territorial divisions of this dynasty. This system is continued even to the present day.

It should, however, be noted here that the structure of the local government under the Aashtrakutas partook of the regional variety of their empire. In Marathwada, as in Maharashtra and south Qujarat, the donated villages are often described as lying within the groups of 12, 24 and 84^, while sometimes such a village Is located within a Bhuktl, This would show

1 , Altekar finds several groups of 12 villages in this Bhuktl in the Pal than plates of Qovlnda II I, If so, then the Bhuktl division cositalned about 100 to 600 I villages and hamlets. It thus corresoonds sometimes to the modern taluk or Tahsll,

2, Altekar, op.clt. . (1) Sarakachchha 12 in Palthana plates and ( 1 1 } Chandanapurl 34 in Ellora plates,

3, Laghu and Brhat correspond with modem Khurda and Buzurga,

4, In the Karnataka region, the villages were Included in groups having larger or smaller numerical endings. See for further details, Altekar, op. clt. ^ pp. 139-149. 579

that the dictum In the Mahibharata^, Manu^ and Vlsnu siartls^ • • • that OoYernment should group together 1 0 , 20 or 100 and 1000 villages for administrative purposes was based on actual practice, and not on Imaginary calculations.

The village administration was carried on by the village headman called Gramakuta who was responsible for preserving law and order in the village. That the peace of the villages was disturbed occasionally by thieves and A decolts Is seen In various grants. He was also resoonslble for the collection of the village revenue Is clear from the various grants In which he is invariably mentioned. Besides the headman, there were the Mahattaras (elders) with an executive board bearing the title of Adhlkarins, In the

Kannada area, the villages had their bodies of Mahajanas,^

The village administration must have fotmd the services of the accountant Indispensable, Most of the Rashtrakuta land" grants mention Ayukta, Nlyukta, etc. after the Qrimakutas

1, Santlparvan, 87, 3-6,

2, VII. 116,

3, II I, 4-6, For further details of these sources see Altekar op. cit. ^ p,149 ff,

4, Jambagaon plates, Pluderers were warned, MUT (1961),

5, Sirur grants P*219, and before the Mahattaraa,^ The position of these officers

In the official hierarchy makes it clear that they belonged to the village administration. If so, they could have hardly been other than the village accountants and their assistants.

Thus they could hardly be omitted from the list of officers to be requested not to interfere with the land or village grants.

The village councils existed throughout the ftashtrakuta dominions, though their nature and functions differed to some extent in different localities.^

The persons constituting the village assemblies, were known as Mahattaras in Marathwada (Maharashtra). These

Mahattaras or their executives (Adhikarlnah) are referred to in most of the records from this region. The term 4 Mahattara denoted the householders or the heads of families.

The Mahattaras had a regular executive of their own in Maha­ rashtra as well as in Marathwada, the members of which were called M aha t tar adhikarlnah? Our records give absolutely no

1 . Jambagaon plates, loc.cit. i Bid plates, loo.elt. •. Lohara plates, loc.clt. 2. Generally speaking there were three types of the village councils In this regime. The Tamil type, the Karnataka type and the Maharashtra-Gujarat type. The detailed description of the first two types does not pertain to our study and is omitted. 3. This term is nothing but a paraphrase of the words Peru- makkal and Mahajana that were current in Tamil and Karna­ taka countries respectively, Altekar, o p . cit. ,p.206. 4. I M d . 5. I M i . 581

lnformatl6n as to the strength and the constitution of the executive committee of Mahattaras.

Revenue and Expenditure

Let us now inquire into the main sources of revenue, as recorded in the epigraphs from this region in the Rashtra- kuta empire. Our only source of information about the revenue is the statements made in the copperplate grants about the immunities of the village alienated in favour of Brahmanas and temples. This information, however, can be compared with the rules of the contemporary Smrti writers.

The principal sources of revenue may be classed under five heads.

Regular taxes, occasional taxes or exactions, fines, income from government properties, and tributes from feudatories. Of these, the last has been referred to already. The remaining will be discussed here.

Regular Taxes

Udranga and uparikara^, the sheet anchor of the

1 . "Sanskrit dictionaries” , rightly says Altekar, "are helpless to give the exact meaning of these terms." For further details see Altekar, op.cit. , pp.2l3-14. S82

Qovemment Income, were the taxes regularly levied in all the villages of the empire,^ This Is evidenced from the epigraphs found in this region,^ The earlier dynasties like those of Maitrakas and the later Quptas of Magadha also collected these taxes. Since the Smrti literature invariably uses the terms bhlga or its sjmonym amrfa for denoting the land tax, it is almost certain that the term bhagakara of the grsmt stands for the land tax.

Sometimes an additional tax was to be paid for the remu- neration of the headman. Thus this land tax had to be paid over and above (Upari) the normal land tax, ' Upari- . kara, being an additional impost, was quite an approoriate term to denote it. This tax was usually collected in kind and rarely in cash,

Bhutopattapratvava

All the grants^ found in our region of study contain the expression of this tax. According to Altekar

1 , The synonyms of these terms are Bhaga and Bhogakar^ which are mentioned in some of the records of this dynasty, but not found in our region, 2, JsBnbai^aon. and Bid plates, MOT (1961 and 1962 res« pectively), 3, Gautama, X, 24-7; Manu. V III, 130; Kautalya V ,2 , etc. 4, Fleet holds it as a tax on temporary tenants. Altekar however refutes it, oo.clt. , p,2l6| 5 II, III, p.98. 5, Lohara, Jambagaon and Bid plates. 5 8,1

these expressions refer to the general excise and oetrol duties that were collected at the villages,

Vlstl or Forced labour • t

It was another source mentioned in records. Every citizen ought to pay something by way of taxation to the state is the dictum laid do^^m by the Hindu polity. As the poorer classes were unable to pay it In cash or kind, the state levied a tax in terms of labour from them during, the period of our study,

Catabhat apraves adanda (Occasional Exact ions^) • • • •

The excavations at the time of the arrival of regular and irregular military and police forces is referred to in many a grant as Catabhatapravesadhnda.^ Most of the o village grants are stated to be free from this exaction, iukra lays down that soldiers should encamp outside a village so as not to disturb the life of the villagers,^

Fines

When villages were donated (granted), the right to receive the fines imposed upon the delinquents was also

1, Catas and Bhatas were the members of the police and miiitary forces of the state. 2, Jambagaon plates, loc, cit. Bid plates^ loc. cit. 3, V.84, 584

usually transferred to the donees. The uaaal expression in this connection Is sadandadasaparidhah.^ ■ Of course,

fines could not have formed ai^ appreciable fraction of

the gross Incomes of the state* iSlnsa

CL The expression sahabhyantar^lddhl which occurs

In most of the Rashtrakijta• • records, transfers to the donees the state’ s right to the mineral wealth In the Interior of

the earth,^ It shows that the state was the Inherant owner

of the mines and minerals,

QgV9.n>qten,t?,..ftMjgldl.tiur^

Not only the epigraphs of period, but also the

Nitl and the iamrti works are silent upon the various it«ns

of state expenditure. The list of 14 items given by KautalfV

is also unsystematic and inexhmistive.

1 , Jambagaon and Bid Plates, loc.cit.

2, All dictionaries (Kosas) give the meaning as 'realisa­ tion of whatever is In the interior of the soil or wealth in the interior of the earth. See VSicaspatya- brhadabhidhana OH Sabdftrthaclntamani, S85

It can nevertheless be assumed that the hutds of the expenditure might be the same as enumerated in

^kranltl.^ Rashtrakuta empire maintained huge military forces and naturally the expenditure on it amounted to half of the central revenues. Some amount might have been incurred on the general administration, howsoever little might be the percentage of it. The percentage reserved g for charity seems too high« But it must be remembered that the religious outlook of the age was different from oursy and that the srums spent on this item helped indirectly the cause of education as well. The Item ’people' seemed to Include the provision made In the central budget for the general needs and improvements of the country grants 4 for the big public works , for the management of temoles and for the welfare of the people®. We know from an

1 , ^kra divides the income in six parts and lays down that one should be kept as reserve| as many as three should be assigned to the army and half of a part should be reserved for each of the four following items, viz. ( 1 ) charity (1 1 ) privy purse, (ill) civil administration, and (Iv) people.

2 , Satrasala was Installed for the feeding of 30 Brahmanas dally (Kandhar inscription). So many sattra^alas might have been installed throughcnit the length and breadth of their vast empire,

3, Vldyasthana was established on the Qodatata, i .e . on the bank of river Godavari, Kandhar InscrTption.loc. cit. 4, Jagattungasamudra was constructed probably for irrigation purposes by Kpsna I I I , Ibid. 6. Dasavatara cave inscription describes Dantldurga's alms to the poor. 586

Inscription at Kandhar that the Government had arranged

prapas (water sheds) and Agnistlka at five places in the

capital city of Kandhar for reducing the suffering of

the subjects during summer and winter seasons respectively, n U i a i i

The extensive military operations undertaken by

the monarchs of this d3masty prove beyond doubt the effi­ ciency and the strength of the military of the empire. Yet

the records from this region speak very little about this

important machlnary, We know that the kings had camped at T 2 **3 Palthan , Elura and Mayurkhandl along with the armies*

The expression ' acatabhatapravesya' in the various grants

also suggests the existence of regular armies. The capital

city Kandhar might have been the headquarters of the army -

( sthlrlbhutakatake) though it is not mentioned in the

inscriptions,

T0I.%P

There Is every possibility of the fort at Kandhar

being constructed by the Rishtrakutas, Though there is no

1 , Palthan plates, JLsSLuSUfe. 2 , Da^avatara Cave inscription, loc.cit. 3, Bid plates, loc^clt.

4, Bid plates, loc^ clt. , Ellora plates, Ei,XXV. 587

record of the Hindu rulers anjrwhere Inside the fort, it Is

obvious that the fort was built before the advent of Muha­ mmadans who have used the pillars eto. of old Hindu temples

for the eonstructlon of Dargah and the mosque Inside the

fort.

THE CHALUKYAS OF KALY^I

The Ch^ukjras of Kalyinl were the successors of

the RashtraJcutas In Marathwada as well as In Decean, They • • In their copperplates are particular in tracing their

descent from their ancestors of the Badlarai oerlod.

In this Deriod also the kingship, as was common

in the history of this period both in the north and the

south, was hereditary and succession went generally in the

eldest male line,^ The titles of the kings of this branch, p « found in the epigraphs in this region were samastabhuvana-

sraya (asylum of the irtiole world) Sri-Prthvivailabha ,

Maharajadhlraja, Paramesvara, Paramabhattaraka, Satyasraya- 4 - - r kulatilaka , Chalukyabharana, etc. The boar was to be on

1 ,(1 ) Elder brother being childless Vlkrama V succeeded to the throne, (11) Vlkrama 71 deposed his elder brother but did not question the law of primogeniture in the matter of succession to the throne. 2, Oaneshwadi, YSKP^ 1969» Karadkhed^ IND. Nos, 10,11, 3 , Favourite of the goddess of fortune and the Barth, 4, Literally - forehead ornament of the family of Satyasraya, 5, Literally - Ornament of the (Jhalukyas,

m i 588

the seal, the significance of which Is brought out by a verse of Invocation In several eplgraohs of the d3niasty.

The emperor was the highest court of Justice, the commander-ln-chief of the forces, and the fountain of all honour. We have, of course very little Information In our sources about the Judicial administration In the period.

The king was assisted by competent and trustworthy ministers, most of which were eminent In the council chamber as well as on the battle field .^ The king also respected the valourous generals by attending their marriage ceremony 2 and giving suitable presents on the occasion. It seems that the rule of the emperor was personal in its character.

The special feature of the Chilukyas was the endless peti- 3 tlons for gifts (danas) to be made by the emperor himself or to be sanctioned or rectified by him even when others 4 made them,

Rajagurus are also mentioned in various Inscriptions;

1 , Bhimanatha, Kalidasa etc* Hef, Ganeshwadl, Andur insps, 2 , TadWiel lnsp„ IND. Kos,3-8,

3, Paramesvara-dattl (the gift of the emperor), ref, Daulatabad plates, H , Ur, p .l95ff,

4, Karadkhed,lKD,Nos.lO,ll,13,etc.|Vattal,EI,XXXV (1963). The Salva Ascetic Chandrarasa, who was €he preceptor of Somesvara or of the provincial ruler, appears to have requested the Chalukya king for the ratification of the grant. S89

whether they acted as the Pupohlta, to whom the Smrtl* give a very high place In the counsellors of the king, or not Is not known.

Like the Rashtrakutas^, the Chalukya Yiivaraja was Invested with a Kanthlka (necklace),^ Malllkarjuna,

the Yuvaraja of Vlkrama VI is mentioned In the epigraphs of Andur (District Osmanabad) and Sangam (District Nanded),

Andur Inscription Informs us that he was, In consonance

with the usual procedure among the Chalukyas, put In charge

of the administration of Tardavadl 1000.^ Neither Apararka nor Vljnanesvara have said anything about the contemporary

practice while commenting on the statement made by Yajctna-

valkya about the education of the Princes, The passing

references In Vlkramankadevacarlta about th® education of

Somesvara^ and Vlkramadltya VI ® enable us to assume that

the princes were given manifold training.

1, Altekar, oD»olt« ^ p, 15S,

2, 311, IIII P.83,

3, This Is unlike the Hashtrakutas, They never appointed Yuvaraja as the governor of Ihe outlying provinces,

4 , Somesvara tells his queen about his learning of the Vedas the Agamas and Itlhasa, VIkrarainkadevacarlta^ ll,p ,3 9 . 6, Bllhana tells us that Vlkrana VI mastered all the scripts, (Sarvasu llplaaa) and developed Into a poet and orator, IMd. #PP« 1^19« 589

It should be noted here that one should not expeot a rigid, clearly defined, bureaueratle or feiidal administrative system, in that age. Latitude should be given for the conditions of the time, when the royal policies must have been guided, as now by the varying needs of the different parts of the emnlre.

By now governmental machinery had become much more complex. Offices had Bnultlplled greatly. Like other

Imperial dynasties, the Chalukyas allowed the combination of different offices in the ss^e able and experienced hands.

A record at Qaneshwadi commemorates Bhimanatha, who held the office of High Minister^ (Mahapradhana), Mahasamantadhlpati and Pracandadandanayaka at one and the same time. We have the examples of a dandanayaka who was Mahapradhana and manevergade (major domo)| and of dandanayaka, the donor of the grant who was a Mahasamantadhlpati, mentioned in the

Karadkhed inscription. The dandanayaka mentioned in the • • Andur epigraph was Mahapradhana and Samastatantradhisthayaka • « and had held samantike of Avaradi - 700.^ Tantrapalaa,

Trantrapaladhlsthayaka and the Sandhivlgrahika and the

Manevergade were the prominant officers of the household,

A new tendency tovaP4 s cpecialisatlor of offices Is illus­ trated by such titles as Tadeyadandanayaka (General in charge O of Reserves) and Herls^dhivlgrahlka (Seaiior Minister of

1. Andur in sp.,|2iSl, 1963. 2, Might be the minister of Intelligence department, £HD,p,389, S91

1 war and peace).

The Amatyas and the Mahapradhana formed the royal council of advisers as we do not get any reference to other advisers like Saolva and Mantrl. Mahamandalesvara, Maha* samantadhlpatly Dandanayaka, Pracandadandanayaka, were the provincial or district governors and chiefs of the am y.

Our sources refer to Anesahani-vergade, but not to Patta- sahani. In addition to thisy S«napati, Camupati, Danda> nayaka, etc, were the military officers, Ifefortunately information about the military organization and equipment in this period is still lacking. That there might be various camos of the standing army is gathered from an inscriotion o of Dalimba where the place is referred to as Bidl Dalimba.

Such offices as those of the High Minister were, some times hereditary as for Instance minister Bhimanatha's son Kalidasa was Dandanayaka.• • Rudra Oandadhipa • • was the father of the Mahainandale^vara of Karadkhed. Regular transfer of the officers is also suggested by the Karadkhed epigraph. .

Feudatory families under the Chllukyas of KalyanI in Marathwada were considerable in number and importance.

1 , Lata Sandhivigrahika (for Lata country) Kannada Siuidhivlgrahika are some of the other officers mentioned in the epigraphs found outside the regions of Marathwada. 2 . For a detailed discussi(Mi of the word Bidl Can army camp') see Tulpule, S.Q. ^PMK^LyNo; 23j lntroduotion|P.86. 59?

Th« great feudatory families like that of the Vahnikula of Vattal and Karadldied in District of Nanded^, Viji family 2 ^ of Tadakhel in the same district and of Bhima at Qanesh- wadi in Osmanabad district bore the title of king or Maha- mandalesVara or both. The relations between the emperors and their v«(ssals were by no means strained. Like other Imperial dynasties of aneioit India, the Chalukyas of

Kalyini wisely allowed their feudatories in Marathwada as elsewhere to enjoy autonomy though within limits under the suzerainty of the paramount power. The vessals were expected to statr the imperial titles and reign first of all in their inscriptions and then to Introduce their own respective prasastis with some phrase like tatpadamadmo* pajlri,^ Their rule is often described in nearly the same terms as that of the emperor himself. They too were said » ** fs to be ruling from Rajadhanls or Nelevidus in Karnatak.

It would not be out of place to give some parti­ culars of the aforementioned families. The Vattal inscrip­ tion revealed for the first time the existence of a fire- family (7ahnikula) the story of the origin of this family

1 . £1, XXXV, and JNfi, Nos. 1 0 ,1 1 ,etc. 2. IND. Nos.3-8.

3. luggria.tAai;> > (1969) p.36ff. 4. Dallmba inscription (unpublished)

6. Munm (unpublished). 593

closely resembles that of the flre-plt origin of the Paramaras, which first occurs in their inscriptions about the middle of the 11th century A,D,^ with little variations,^ Karadkhed inscription shows that the chiefs of this family were the subordinate of the later Chalukya kings of Kalyini

and that they ruled over the territory consisting of twenty

thousand villages probably containing several Visayas like

Yerga - 1000, Ti^ich included the area round modem Karadldied

and Vattal both in Kanded District.

The members of this fsmily had built temples at

Kalyini and Karadldied and also granted villages for the

maintenance of the templesy satrasilas and mahaghatikasthana (College). They held offices of Mahapradhana, Manevergade

and Tantrapiladhisthayaka. The second king Dhoraja of the line is said to have been a cont«nporary of Vakpatlmunja of the Paramira dynasty and Tailesvaray i .e ., Talla II (973-97 A.D,) of the Western ChSlukya family.

The Vaji family was another feudatory family from Tadkhel in the Nanded District. The epigraph at the place

gives first of all the genealogy of the Chalukyas upto Trailokyamalla SomesVara and thereafter the genealogy of

the family introduces a subordinate chief Dandanayaka

1. Hay, DHKI, II, p.84ly Aiyangar, Angiflixl J.mULat n , (1941), pp,861ff. 2. Paramaras refers to Vasistha while this Inscription refers to Agastya gotra.* ’ 594

Nagavarma who too Is credited with the victory oyer Mallay the lord of the Vlndhya and the Seuna chief. The Chilukya king was so much pleased with his valour that he personally attended his general's raarrlage« and presented the village

Tadkhel to him as a mark of x^yal pleasure.

The another noteworthy feudatory family Is known from the Oaneshwadl Inscription, It gives Its own genealogy as usual, after the prasastl of Its overlord, the Chilukya king. The donor was Mahasamantidhlpatl, Pracandadandaniyaka. His son Kalidasa also had served as Dandanayaka In the court of the Chalukyas, His family like the families of Bllhana and Indra, was an enlightened one and had migrated from Kashmir. He and his wife Jogaladevi had constructed various temples auid vapis, Bhima had, moreover, established a village Plpparakheta and a satrasala and provided facilities for travellers. Bhlmasaraudra (tank) was constructed probably for irrigation purposes. That the members of the family were lovers of learning is clear from the establishmwit of a

Pathasala, and from the number of learned scholars (Pandits) referred to In the epigraph, Kilidlisa, the Dandaniyaka, had himself composed this epigraph,

Murum is referred to as HajadhMl, There was

another feudatory raja residing there. In his kingdom, the military camp was at Dalimba, 593

This state of affairs enables us to conclude that the administration was by no means strictly centralised, and the empire was best regarded as a loose confederation of numerous neucli of power, presided over by the emperor.

When we turn to the consideration of local admini­ stration, we find that the tovois and villages in Marathwada and a part of the rest of Maharashtra, were grouped into districts, the names of ^ i c h contained small numerical endings as for instance, Dalimba-12, Saldcarge-90, which again were united into divisions with higher numerical end­ ings, viz, Avaradi-700, Yerga-iOOO* However, we find a division of 20,000 in Marathwada which was under the feuda­ tory at Vattal (District Handed). Besides the proper names with conventional numbers^ attached to them, the territorial divisions like Visaya and Kampana are kno%m to us from the eoigraphs found in this region. These districts were ruled over by officers called Mahamandalesvara, The governors of the larger divisions frequently granted villages from the smaller divisions vis, Mahamandalesvara Hemmadiyarasa had granted villages from Avaradi-700 (modem Avarad in Bldar

District of Mysore State) among those villages one Nayigave was again from Saldcarge-90, Occasionally they had to purchase

1 , This system of attaching conventional numbers to particular territorial names was not known to the Chalukyas of Badami. It^seems to have come into vogue under the Hishtrakutas, 59fi

lands before granting those to the t«Bples or Individuals. * -

Some times they had additional appointments like Mahapra- dhana, Steward of the Household, Minister of Peace and

War etc.

The administration of the provincial governors and district officers was modelled on the lines of the central government. We find no reference to the princess* rule over any part of this area though it was common in other parts of Kamatak and elsewhere. Under the Chalukyas, the queens and the wives of the governors enjoyed high status as is apparant from some of the recorded examples. Andur inscription Informs us about the donation by a chief queen.

In the Qanesh%radi record the wife of a governor is stated to have granted lands to a temple and constructed the sala and maintained the sattra.

Generally the word was applied to the larger territorial divisions with numbers attached to their names, e.g. Avaradi-700. Below the Kidu was its subdivision called Kampana, e.g. Sagroli was in a Kampana , which was a part of Sakkarge-90; which was a Nadu.

Each Nadu or division was created for administra­ tive purposes, headed by an officer assisted by Nalagavunda. The Nalagavunda had duties relating to the collection of revenue 597

in general and the land revenue in particular. Hergade (Village Officer) and NadadhikSrigalu (Local Officer*) vere other officers mentioned in the epigraphs,

•

The larger centre « the towns * were designated as nagarat pattana or pura. Some of the cities were clearly more iiaoortant than others, being the residences of the « hereditary ruling princes and called for that reason Raja- dhanis. We learn that at Karadkhed there was a college for adVBBiced studies which doubtless was worthy of the large city and its importance in the empire.

The various grants gi^e some idea of the internal economy of an average middle-sized village and the undisturbed life of the people even when there were big political changes at the centre. The Kat«dkhed, Ganeshwadi, Dalimb Inscriptions record land grants for the benefit of the temples built at the sites and feeding houses for ascetics and students who were learning in the silas at these places. Some times lands were granted and occasionally the revenue and income from all sources was granted to the Brahmanas, The watch and ward arrangement for the continuance of the maintenance of the endowments is most interesting* It is stated that all the local offices and some Settis• • were supposed to maintain the donation, A.t Karadkhed the gift was entrusted with Jnanesvara Pandita, the acharya of the college. 59^

It seems that Aya and Sunka were the two types of

revenue, the latter being generally a contribution of some

kind levied on goods, particularly those In transit, iya

can be classified Into Slddhaya, Pannaya and Dandaya.

Slddhaya was the land tax which was the most Important source

of Inonme. The Pannaya was lnc

octroi duties. It was to be collected either in kind or its

equivalent In money. The Dandaya was income from fines, but not recorded in the epigraohs of this region. Levies of the

Suhka variety are three. Our epigraphs mention only two of

them, Perjjunka or Herjunka and Manneya Sunka were collected

by the district agencies through the Sunkaverggade, i .e .

Collectors of the Taxes. Even the cattle and the things'

like chattra, flywhlsks etc, vrere taxed in those days. The

epigraph of Andur speaks of the repealing of both these taxes.

THE YADAYA ADMINISTRATION

The heirs of the Imperial Cflialukyas of Kalyani in

the soveriignty of Marathwada were the kings of the Yadava

djmasty ^ o ruled for more than two centuries (A, D. H86-1318).

They retained the administrative organisation of their prede­

cessors, the Chalukyas, with necessary additions. Prom

Bhillama V they assumed imperial titles like^ Dvaravatl-

1 . The most common title was Srimatpraudhapratapa- cakravartl. 59 ft

puravaradhlsvara, Vl^uvamsodbhava, Tadavakulakalikabhaskara,

SrLnatpraudhapratapacakravartl ^ etc* The queens assume the corresponding dignified titles of Pattamahishi and Maharajni,

Unlike the Chalukyan princesses they did not take part in the administration. The only exception to this from our region of study vas of Lalksmiy a sister of Kholesvara who is seen governing her brother’s principality during her nephew's minority, q At the head of the YSdava government was the king, whose office was hereditary,"^ It had the usual features of a monarchy. Unlike the VSkatakas and the Chalukyas of Badami, the Yadavas had never made the divisions of the kingdom in order to satisfy the claims of princes.

For the first time in the inscriptions of this

1 . Other titles were Samastabhuvanasraya, Sri-Prthivl- vallabhay Mahara^^adhirajay Paramesvara, Paramabhatta- raka and Rayanarayanay E l , XXXIV, p,34. 2 . Amba inscription, PMKL. No,25,p. 129 (by some writers she has been taken as his daughter),

3, The day of coronation was also commemorated by issuing landgrants, cf, Kalegaon Plates of MahSdeva issued on his coronation day, El,- XXXII, p,33,

4 , Younger brother of the Deceased king was to succeed in the minority of his neohew. On two occasions, the Yadava throne contested (a) by Bhillama V from his nephew^ Vrataldianda. St,37,ii)and (b) by Ramachandra from Amanadeva{ Ely XXX, p,20SJ o c

region, we get positive information about the religious predilection of the monarchs. King Hamadevaraya had visited Naganatha temple at Aundha (District Parbhani) to take darshan of the God, vhich practice possibly was tradi­ tional in his family (kramartha)Moreover, he is known as the chief of the Varakaris (the devotees of lord Vithoba),

The Pandharpur Inscription describes him as Pandhariphada- 2 3 fflukhyu. They also were the patrons of the learned. The 4 — Ylidavas were benevolent autocrats. Ramacandra had granted villages to his minister from the establishment of agraharas for the Brahmanas as to facilitate them to study the Vedas 'm. 5 and the Sastras, Moreover, arrangements were made at some places for the Agnistika and water sheds (prapi) to enable the people to protect themselves from severe cold in the winter and

1, Aupdha inscription, PMKL^ Ko.36, p. 191,

2, Pandharpur inscription. Ibid. ^ No,34, p.l65,

3, Narendra, Bhaskara Bhatta, Henadrl, Sarngadhara were some of them who ^Joyed royal patronage.

4 , Pandharpur inscription refers to him as ' •N I QP-cit.. p. 165, 6. Purushottamapuri plates, £1, XXV, p. 199.

6 . Ibid,, p,202. 601

This kind of solicitude for the welfare of the subjects had been in vogue also In the Hashtrakuta period,^ In those days, the names of the villages vere occasionally changed, e«g»« the Savargaon inscription Informs us of such interesting events. The king in the presence of the

Mahajanas changed the name of a village as Ll^gapura which 2 was originally Attinuru, Even to synchronize the King's coronation the name of the village was changed from Kalugam 3 to Pattavardhanapura,

Council of Kini.sters

The administrative pattern Is referred to in tfehakadeva inscriotion as aajavati.^ When the Yadavas were a small feudatory power, their ministry consisted of seven officers,® The chief of them being Mahipradhina, Sandhivl- •• 6 grahlka, Mahamatya, Mahapracandadandanayaka. Though we do not find any detailed records of Imperial times we may assume on the strength of earlier and contemporary practice

1, Kandhar Inscription) M i (1963).

2 , Itkal inscription of Sihghana Yadava - unpublished. 3. l i , JUUCII, p.34.

4. PMfO,. No.37, p. 198.

6. Panse, M .a., Yadavak^In Maharashtra. p,46. 6. Ibid. 60‘>

that the ministry must have Included all the essential portfolios. The number of secretaries and different minis­ ters must have been Increased with the expansion of the empire.

In the event of the king's absence from the capital, his representative (Pratlnldhi)^ was to discharge the royal P • ^ duties. His rank was just next to the Yuvaraja. Besides, the Mahapradhanas like Purushottama, Honadrl, Raghava etc. acted as a Pratlnldhl of Himacandra. The general, like 4 — Purushottama, had successfully served the crot«i as Maha-

pradhana,® Purushottama who was undoubtedly provincial 6 Viceroy is also described as Mahapradhana. (Prime Minister).

1. StijEEanllli 2 . 7 2 , 2. The Rashtralditas, The Later Chalukyas and the early YSdavas felt no necessity of appointing Pratlnldhl.

3. A noticeable aspect in the Yadava records is that the heir-apoarent was associated with the administration of the kingdom towards the end of the reign of a ruling king.

4. Purushottamapuri plates) op.cit. , p.203.

5. This practice was in vogue under the ^ilaharas also. Akshl inscription informs us of a Mahapradhana who was a Senui, i.e. Senapati. PMKL. No.l, p.7.

6. Bichana, Tlkkamarasa etc. were other officersj EHDc I I , p. 569. 60?

Unhakadeva epigraph refers to Hemadl (not Hemadrl) as

Pradhana (Minister).^ The terms Pattasahanly a synonymnn for Mah&pradhana, is used in the above mentioned epigraph.'2

There is no reference in epigranhs found in our region to

Sandhivigrahika, but on the strength of its presence in r- the earlier Chalukya period and contemporary Silahara administration, we can assume its presence in the Yadava « 3 administration too, Karanadhipa also is to be included in the council of the ministers. Hemadrl^ the celebrated author of Caturvarga clntamani and the Mahapradhana also enjoyed this portfolio.®

Generally the persons who were proficient in war­ fare were given promotions in the ministry during this period. Thus many of the ministers are described in our records as Dandanayakas or military leaders. This is true even in the case of H«aadrly the orthodox Brahmana and the author of Vratakhanda. He had led a succeessful military expedition

1. PMKL, No.37, p. 198.

2. According to Bhor inscription, Kesarlsahini and JeWiamba SahinI were the ministers^ PMKL.No.60.11 ■ 11-12,

3. Amba inscription, Ibid. ^ No.23, pJ21*

4. Pur inscription, he was Sakalakaranadhipa; PMKL .Wo. 39 pp.6-7. 5. Sanadeva gives fivefold duties concerning the revenues, etc., of this office, Kitlvakyamrta. (Edited by Nathuram Preml) 03.49, 60 5

and subdued a rebellion In the Jhadl district. Besides, he was intimately acquainted with the theory and practice of the training of war elephants and had acted as Hathl-

sahani I .e . the chief of the Elephant corps,^ Most of these leading ministers and generals enjoyed the status of Mahasimanta or Maham'andalesvara, The Torgito - 6000 'if* %riilch Purushoi^tiaina administered was his own jaglr,possibly * 2 given to him as an equivalent of monetary remuneration,

Hem'ftdri , according to Pur epigraph was the

comptroller of Public accounts (LokakaranadhilsSrl)^, Another interesting office irais that of the Niroplta (deputy) either of the king or his Mahapradhana,® Purushottamaourl grant informs us of two additional offices. One of them probably was that of an architect or Engineer, for Bhinusuri is said to have constructed several temples and excavated tanks.

1, Padhye, op. cit. . p,12j EHD^ p,560»

2, Mfit P.560, r 3, In the Thana plates of Sake 1194 also he is scdd to have taken to himself the adhipatya or controller- ship of all Karanas.

4, PMKL. No,39, p,209.

5, IJihakadeva inscriptionj ibid, f No.37,t>p# 198-206, 6 0':

Another was that of a Superintendent of the Arrangement of Flowers in the service of Ramadeva. This post was given to Slmhaladeva, the father of Purushottama, the

Mahapradh^a of the Yadavas,^

Mahapraca^dad^danayaka, Dandanayaka, Dandadhlpatl -» 3 Senapatl are synonjrmous terms. The holders of these offices were In many cases Mandalesvaras, I .e . the Chiefs of the

Districts. They were, In this capacity to recruit soldiers and supervise Its functioning, collect the revenue and 4 administer Justice. Kholesvara, according to Amba Inscrlp- e tlon, was Senapatl. Another Inscription at the same place refers to Dandaniyaka.® The reference to this office In o/-* / ^ 7 mm Jnanesvarl is very interesting. Various Dandanayakas were

1. Purushottamapuri plates? o p . clt. . p. 199. 2. The earliest reference to this office is made in A.D. 145 In Manlklala lnscrlr»tlon in Kharosthi script? CII ^11 No.LXXVI^l.^. 3. Karendra used the word SahinI for Senapatl.

aef. Eulminiharatia f v,734 (ed.by Kolte V.B,).

4. p.662. 5. Amba inscription, jjjjjuSii*» N o . ^ , p.llS. 6. Amba inscription, o D . c i t . . No.15, p.23. 7. J ~srsi'^r§r I PTSJi Jnanesvarl. 1,116. 60(^

apoointed by the sovereign to protect different zones of the empire, Kholesvara was oitrusted with the work of protecting the northern zonal boundary, Hithlsahanl was the military office mentioned In the tfehakadeva-

Insorlotlon^, Sauta was the chief of cavalry,"* Nayaka

was still another officer In the army, though In the later

period It had become very common as surname, Jflanesvarl ®

and some epigraphs are useful sources for knowing atleast

the military organisation of the Yadavas, Military was

stationed at different centres. This is clear from Amba

inscription which mentions four bidls i ,e , camps, at Ausa,

Amba, KaiJ and Udigiri (modem Udgir in Osmanabad District),

There is some evidence to show that the YMavas

maintained a small navy since the empire had a long seaboard.

No details, of course, are available so far. It

seems that it was not the aim of the Yadavas to control the

1 , Amba inscription, op,clt. f No.23, pp,H8-123, 2 , The celebrated Hemadri was also holding the office of the chief of Elephant Corps, Padhve.op.olt. . p . 13.

3, Wliai,No.47^ pp. 198-205,

4, Unhakadeva epigraph speaks of a chief of one lakh cavalryj_PMSIif No,37, pp. 198-205, 5, 7,11; 9.214J 18,1047,

6 , PMKL. No.23, p. 118, 7

routes to the west or the east with the help of the navy,^

The administrative divisions in the Yadava empire , 2 were Mapdala, Desa, Khampana and the units with proper names with eonventlonal numbers attached to th«n, Mandala • • is not known from the epigraphs of this region thousch

Kundimandala and Jhidlmandala were in the empire* Probably- • • • • • • •

Vlsaya• of the Hishtrakutas • • had been reolaced by Desa^ In this period, Khampana^ was another territorial division found in this region. It was smaller than Desa.® We also find the mention of Karhataka-l^X)0, MlrinJi-3000 etc.

Astonishingly enough no Information is available from the Yadava records like that of the flashtrakutas about • • the territorial officers® of different grades such as

1. EHD, p.562.

2, The exact number of such territorial divisions which constituted the Yadava empire is not known, but it must have been fairly large considering the wide extent of the empire,

3. Amba Inscription gives various names of the Desas like Ambadesa, KalJ-and-Ausa-desaj PKKL.No.23.

4, Purushottamaourl platesj oo.clt. . p,199,

6, E, g.Nldhivasa Khamoana was In Seiinade^i Neurgaon inscription of R^adevaf Panse, op. clt. ^ p,53, 6 , Occasionally, some of the provinces were grouped to­ gether and put under the overall charge of.one Viceroy, Epithets like Anekadesadhlpati, DakshinadhlDatl. Pasclmasaffludradhipatl, of the govemorSt like Vankuva- Havuta, Laksmldeva, Blcana suggest this. 608

riastrapatl, VIsayapatl, Bhogapatl etc. Even though • • • these are not mentioned specifically in the existing grants we can assume the division of the empire into such administrative divisions.

Our records do not mention the administration of the villages in detail. But it is clear that Grimakuta, i .e . Orionanlf was the head of the villagey who was assisted by Mahajanas and Settls.

Provincial and District O i n ^ r .s

The centre controlled the Provincial and District

Officers through the inspecting staff.^ They were to be entertained during their sojourn by the villagers. Villa­ gers had also to defray the expenditure by levying special charges in this connextion.

In general the administration seems to have been efficient and humane. The Brahnana donees were warned in the grants to be vil?tuous and loyal in their behaviour, courtesans and gamblers were not been given quarter and the donees were not to organize themselves into a military band.

1 , Those officers were also appointed by the V^itakas as has been already seen. 609

Sources of ag-venai^

Many of our records mention the transfer of the state's Income from mines, hidden treasurers, waste lands, pastures, forests and lakes etc. to the brihmana donees.^

The Income from these sources might be the main source of revenue. Moreover Udranga i*e, land tax was the most important source. It was really the backbone of revenue in all the periods, Uparikaras were the additional minor imposts to be paid by the cultivators. In addition to this the customs and excise duties constituted another important source of revenue. Mention is frequently made of custom officers, but details about their duties, the rates they levied, are not available. Fines and cess on artisans were g 4>ther sources of income.

.A number of feudatories of the Yldavas ruled over 3 some of the parts of Marathwada, They enjoyed autonomy.

To pay a fixed tribute and to assist the overlord with the troops in the imperial campal©is were the only responsibi­ lities concerning the paramount power. They were empowered to alienate revenues for charitable and other purposes. In

1 . Purushottamapuri plates, oa.clt. . p.200,

2. i M i . 3. (a) Purushottama, as is clear from Purushottamaouri plates) (b) Ratta family, as is knovai from Ardhapur Inscrip­ tion: (Mumbai Marathi Grantha Sangrahalaya publication, 1966). 61?

short their powers and privileges were the same as were enjoyed by the Rashtrakuta feudatories earlier. Curiously aiough the Viceroys in the YM ava governmmt also enjoyed the status and title of a feudatory and often transmitted their post to their sons.^ The only difference between these two was that the Vioeroya could not alienate the revenues or assign villages and were directly under the control of the supreme power*

Parushottaaa, the consummate general and minister was Mahammdallka of Hamacandra, aimacandra was greatly pleased with him for the execution of all his cornnfands and conferred on him four villages to enable him to make an

Agrahara worthy of himself. In the grant which gives the genealogy of Ramacandra* the pedigree of Purushottama also is given, as was done by the ChSlukya feudatories, Purusho­ ttama, it is stated in the record, carried on the affairs of the state very ably. He ruthlessly punished all traitors and made all people conform to the rules of conduct laid down for the varnas (castes) and asrsmas (orders of l i f e ).^ Being

1 . Thus Kholesvara and Mallisetti were succeeded by their sons Hama and Caundisettl respectively. 2. It appears frcwn the aurtisthala that the Mahinubhavas were subjected to oppression during the rule of Hama probably because of their non-observances of such rules of conduct. 611

the replicas of their overlords, the feudatories also were benevolent, Purushottama also had arranged for the establishment of Agrahara, Vldyasthanas and for the free watersheds (prapa) and Agnlstlka.

Other feudatories of the Yadavas were the

Kadambas of Goa and the ^laharas of Konkan. The latter rule stands for an ideal example of the medieval feudatory system. It was so perfect in almost all the administra­ tive matters that it formed almost intact a state within a state.

The survey of the administrative history of

Marathwada shows that the epigraphs of this region do not give much detailed information about’ the administra­ tion upto the fall of the ChSlukyas of Badami. It also shows how the administrative history begins to take shape in the Rashtrakuta period.

Neither literature, nor eplgraphlcal records, nor accounts by foreign travellers disclose the existence of a non-monarchlcal form of government any where in Marath­ wada of our period. Even in the north at this time, the monarchical governmaits were functioning. 613

Monarchy of the type prescribed in ancient books on Indian polity was the form of goverranent which prevailed from the time of the VSkStakas to the Yadavas,

Succession to the throne, as a rule, was hereditary and

nowhere came across any elective type of monarchy in our period either in the south or in the north. Generally the eldest son succeeded the father. Eldest son was also to be consecrated as Yuvaraja* Kings bore the higher titles of paramountcy. Kings were assisted by the council of ministers, their number differed from time to time.

Feudatories enjoyed autonomy and also served the empire in the capacities of Mahipradhanas or Dandanayakas etc.

The kings who held sway over Marathwada were highly renowned for their estimate of the learned, for the muniflcient grants which they made to scholars and for patronising arts and crafts. They lavished their wealth on the construction of temples and other pious works with the object of securing merit, by making rich presents to them, by dlggli^ wells and constructing tanks, and by opening canals, feeding houses and schools. Hospitality was an ingrained quality in them. They were ever ready to nrovlde men of any nationality with food, clothing and residence and met all their comforts by gifts of lands, villages and revenues. They were a warlike people and they properly 613

valued the martial qualities in others. Here was king who attended the marriage of his valourous chieftain and presented a village on the occasion.

The administration was by no means strictly centralized as has been already seen and the empire was best regarded as a loose confederation of numerous centres of power presided over by the emperor. We should not of course expect a rigid, clearly defined and bureaucratic administrative system, for that is not possible even in this age of paper-made constitutions.

There would hardly be any parallel In history for the religious tolerance which the kings of this reorlon always evinced. They gave patronage to the followers of all the sects. That is why the Satavahanas and the Vaka- takas who were Brahmanas had allowed their ministers to carve out Buddhist caves, A Rashtrakuta king like Amogha- varsa I had been a patron to Jain scholars. In short, the followers of the various sects lived here harmoneously and kings treated all of them alike.

As regards the royal favour bestowed on literary men, it is perhaps sufficient to say at the outset that the poet was a friend and associate of kings in ancient and medieval times. 61/*

The temples continued to be the main centres of culture. Various grantsi including the grants of

villages, were made to them both by the kings and their

feudatories. The feeding houses for ascetics and students

and schools even for advanced studies vere the essential

features of the temples.

In fact it was a happy feature of Hindu India

of the first 12 centuries of the Christiaui era that in

general even the violent changes in the character of the

ruling houses disturbed the life of the subjects in the

least. In an a?;e when god and religion were the very life

breath of man the Hindu rulers cherished and nourished the

religious institutions founded or fostered by their prede­

cessors irrespective of their owi religious predelictlons.

— -oOo— -