Starcher Dissertation
THE TRIRACIAL EXPERIENCE IN A POOR APPALACHIAN COMMUNITY:
HOW SOCIAL IDENTITY SHAPES THE SCHOOL LIVES OF RURAL MINORITIES
A dissertation presented to
the faculty of
the College of Education of Ohio University
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree
Doctor of Education
Stephanie Diane Starcher
June 2005 2005
Stephanie Diane Starcher
All Rights Reserved
This dissertation entitled
THE TRIRACIAL EXPERIENCE IN A POOR APPALACHIAN COMMUNITY:
HOW SOCIAL IDENTITY SHAPES THE SCHOOL LIVES OF RURAL MINORITIES
BY
STEPHANIE DIANE STARCHER
has been approved for
the Department of Educational Studies and
the College of Education of Ohio University by
Arlie Woodrum
Associate Professor of Education
James Heap
Dean, Ohio University College of Education
STARCHER, STEPHANIE D. Ed.D. June 2005. Education Administration
The Triracial Experience in a Poor Appalachian Community: How Social Identity
Shapes the School Lives of Rural Minorities (176 pp.)
Director of Dissertation: Arlie Woodrum
This study investigates the ways racial labeling and the stigmas associated with a poor rural community influence the life circumstances of a group of triracial families living in
Appalachia. Qualitative interviewing techniques are used as a way of understanding what is going on in the daily lives of participating triracial families. The data reveal that markers of distinctiveness associated with race, class, and place shape the identities of participants, which, in turn, influence their school experiences. Participants who identify with the African-American sociocultural group experience a —caste-like“ status because of the compounding effect of racial stigmas and stereotypes of place and class. Faced with such oppressive life conditions, participants report that social advancement is nearly impossible. The values of competition, achievement, and securing an ever higher standard of living that are promulgated by the school compete with participants‘ version of what constitutes the —good life“ in this rural setting. Students must often choose between the beliefs of their own culture and those advanced by the school. Participants report that community members who do not share these multiple markers of distinctiveness are less likely to experience such cultural conflict and the same degree of marginalization at school.
Approved:
Arlie Woodrum
Associate Professor of Education
Dedication
This work is dedicated to two extremely supportive people in my life. To my mother,
who has since passed on, I am grateful that you served as an advocate of compassion--
always encouraging me to be sensitive to the needs and perspectives of others.
I miss you, and I love you.
Finally, I dedicate this study to my loving husband who continually supports my dreams and endeavors. At times, your faith in my ability to complete my degree far outweighed
my own self-determination. You helped make this project a reality--I love you!
Acknowledgments
First, I would like to acknowledge the triracial families in southeastern Ohio who participated in the study. I am grateful for their willingness to share their life stories. My interactions with them have profoundly shaped my understanding of the ways social location influences schooling.
Many Ohio University faculty members have significantly influenced and supported not only this research but my professional endeavors and educational beliefs as well. Although it is not possible to acknowledge them all, I want to name a few. Over the past four and a half years, Dr. Aimee Howley has fulfilled many roles in my graduate studies--first as my advisor as I completed Ohio University‘s Rural Principalship
Program and later as a member of my dissertation committee. I thank Dr. Howley for her high academic standards. She constantly pushed me to delve deeper and encouraged me to marvel in what I perceived to be overwhelming complexities. Moreover, her constructive feedback greatly refined my writing skills, resulting in more coherent arguments. I was also fortunate to have on my dissertation committee the Dean of the
College of Education, Dr. James Heap. He assisted in the development of conceptual themes by directing me to look at the mechanisms by which people understand one another and themselves. At times, I struggled to separate members‘ experiences from analytical constructs, and he challenged me to clarify my ideas.
Dr. Mary Markowitz also served on my dissertation committee as representative for Ohio University‘s College of Education. She helped me comprehend the ways that social status impacts the lives and schooling of other marginalized groups, and this understanding guided the development of the idiographic theory advanced here. Another university faculty member who played a role in the completion of my dissertation is Dr.
Rosalie Romano. Although she was not a member of my dissertation committee, she provided guidance throughout the process by encouraging me to approach these social and educational issues with sensitivity and respect for the participating families. During some of my most frustrating moments, Dr. Romano always inspired me to remain calm and look at this project from a practitioner‘s perspective.
Finally, I would like to acknowledge the mentoring provided by Dr. Arlie
Woodrum, my doctoral program advisor and chair of my dissertation committee. This project evolved, in part, from my interest in Dr. Woodrum‘s educational studies set in
Appalachia. His understanding of how subordination influences social and educational experiences is amazing, and his passion for addressing social inequalities in schooling is motivating. Dr. Woodrum was extremely patient when providing continued direction and feedback. He guided me through the complicated process of interpreting the data and challenged me to understand the educational implications of my findings.
The Graduate Study and Research Fund of Ohio University‘s College of
Education provided monetary support for this study. I am grateful for this funding. 8
Table of Contents
Page
Abstract...... 4
Dedication...... 5
Acknowledgments...... 6
List of Tables ...... 11
Chapter One ...... 12 Background...... 12 Rationale for Research...... 13 Discussion of Relevant Sociological Constructs ...... 15 Triracial Isolate ...... 16 Culture and Race...... 18 Identity ...... 18 Context of the Study ...... 19 Pilot Study...... 19 Description of the Research Site...... 21 Framing the Research Questions ...... 24 Limitations and Delimitations...... 27
Chapter Two...... 29 Understanding the Experience of Oppression...... 29 Experiencing Oppression: Class Versus Caste ...... 31 Identity ...... 33 How Social Reality Influences Identity ...... 35 How Race Shapes Identity...... 38 Racial Labeling as a Source of Othering ...... 38 Reactions to Racial Labels...... 44 Rurality as a Form of Marginalization...... 52 Description of Rural Communities ...... 52 Poor Rural Communities...... 55 Schooling in Rural Communities...... 57 Poor Blacks in the Rural Setting...... 61 Summary...... 63
Chapter Three...... 66 Methodological Plan ...... 66 The Researcher...... 67 Personal Background ...... 68 9
Professional Experiences ...... 69 Research Participants...... 71 Procedures...... 74 Data Collection ...... 75 Data Analysis...... 79 Summary of Methodology ...... 81
Chapter Four ...... 83 Context...... 84 A Place Called Appleton...... 84 Participant Demographic Information ...... 85 Relationships and Interactions with Participants ...... 87 Visiting Participants’ Homes ...... 88 Interviewing in Public Settings...... 90 My Perceptions of Participants and Their Perceptions of Me ...... 91 Emergent Themes ...... 93 Place Influences Identity...... 93 Race Influences Identity ...... 99 The Interplay of Multiple Social Stigmas...... 114 How Identity Influences Schooling ...... 115 Overview of the School System...... 115 Identity Shapes Your School Day...... 117 The Role of Schooling in Our Lives...... 122 Summary...... 126
Chapter Five...... 129 Social Forces That Shape Identity ...... 129 Perceptions Based on Place ...... 130 Racial Labeling ...... 133 Social Reality Is Defined by Compounding Effects of Markers of Distinctiveness..135 Sociocultural Identity Groups...... 135 Life Experiences May Reflect Sociocultural Group Membership...... 139 Relationships Among Different Sociocultural Groups...... 144 The Impact of Identity on Schooling ...... 148 School Experiences...... 149 The Role of Schooling in Achieving the “Good Life” ...... 152 How the Data Support an Idiographic Theory...... 153 Implications of the Findings ...... 157 Issues Warranting Further Study ...... 158
Bibliography ...... 161
Appendix A: Parent Interview Guide ...... 172
10
Appendix B: Institutional Review Board Approval Letter...... 176
11
List of Tables
Table Page
4.1 Student Grade Levels...... 86
4.2 Participants‘ Living Arrangements...... 86
4.3 Wage Earners...... 87
4.4 Racial Identification...... 99
4.5 High School‘s Performance Levels ...... 116
5.1 Comparison of Sociocultural Group Values...... 137
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Chapter One
This study explores how racial labeling and the stigmas associated with residence in a poor rural community influence the experiences of a group of triracial families living in Appalachia. Further, the study focuses on how their life circumstances shape the participants‘ social identities, and how these, in turn, influence their experience of schooling. Chapter One provides background information related to the study, including the rationale for and significance of this research. Particular theoretical concepts that are relevant to the study are discussed, and the context of the research is described.
Background
It is a late evening in the spring of 2003, and I sit comfortably in the living room of a triracial family in the rural 1 southeastern Ohio community of Milton. 2 A mother, daughter, and cousin describe their experiences as minorities in this geographic area where only a small population of minorities resides. They also explain their educational values and the expectations they have of schooling. The daughter, a junior in high school, enthusiastically describes the personal significance of a recent Black history course. From her bedroom, she totes a small, framed poster depicting pictures of Black heroes and heroines--a project she has created in history class. In the center of the display there is a quote in large text by Martin Luther King Jr. that reads —Success, recognition, and conformity are the bywords of the modern world where everyone seems
1 Bosak and Perlman (1982) identify over 250 definitions that have been used to identify a rural setting in research studies. In the present study, the classification of the context is based on Howley‘s (2002) ethnographic system for determining what is actually rural. According to Howley, —If you think you are rural, you are“ (p. 2). The participants in this study identify their environment as a rural, country setting. The concept of ruralness as it pertains to education is explored in Chapter Two. 2 Because of the promise of confidentiality, the names of locations and people are fictitious. 13 to crave the anesthetizing security of being identified with the majority.“ As she puts the poster away, the young student comments, —At school, it‘s like you have to be White.“
Driving away from the family‘s home that night, King‘s quote and the girl‘s comment resonate with me, illuminating how much I, as a Euro-American, middle-class educator, do not know about the minority students with whom I work. How does being a member of a racial minority group in a poor, rural setting impact social experiences? Are the meanings these minority families assign to schooling shaped by their identity, and how do these assigned meanings correspond with the values and expectations of school institutions? How are particular social identities revealed and shaped by interactions that occur at school? These questions are both intriguing and perplexing because little is known about the interaction of minority group membership and the social and cultural context of schooling, especially for students in rural Appalachia (Heath, 1983; Woodrum,
2004). To understand educational organization and experiences, we must comprehend them through the experience of others who are or have been participants in that process of schooling. —Social abstractions like education are best understood through the experiences of the individuals whose work and lives are the stuff upon which the abstractions are built“ (Seidman, 1998, p. 4).
Rationale for Research
Schooling serves as a primary means for transmission of the dominant group‘s culture (Chiong, 1998; Delpit, 1995; hooks, 1994; Martin, 2002; Ogbu, 1982). Members of minority groups are pressed to conform to mainstream expectations, an assimilation process that likely affects their identity development and the meanings they attach to and 14 derive from schooling. Historically, when a minority group‘s values and cultural practices have not matched the Euro-American mainstream culture, the mismatch has been attributed to deficiencies among members of the minority group (Fordham, 1996).
No attempt is made to understand the origins of their [minority] behavior, values, and attitudes or to explore the structural and institutional forces that impinge on their lives. It is much easier and less threatening to define the inadequacies. If both sides of the story were told, we would have a highly complex scenario (Lightfoot, 1978, pp. 13, 34-35).
Nevertheless, there are other ways to interpret this mismatch. Ogbu (1990), for example, suggests that cultural dissonance between mainstream education and minority students positions schooling as an ambiguous context for the self-realization of such students. He explains that
the histories of the minorities, their interpretations of cultural and language differences, their willingness to cross cultural and language boundaries, and their beliefs about the role of school credentials for them as minorities in achieving upward social mobility affect their education strategies or how they go to school, and, hence, their school performance (p. 4).
This insight, however, receives little consideration because so much rhetoric in education focuses on accountability, and so little of it focuses on the larger context in which schooling takes place (Brandau & Collins, 1992; Meier, 2002; Ohanian, 2001; Ogbu,
1978; Wraga, 1999). Educators try to —fix“ minority students who are perceived to be lacking in educational proficiency despite evidence suggesting that their sociocultural experiences as members of marginalized groups are important determinants of their school performance. Moreover, educational policymakers and practitioners often fail to 15 consider the impact of life circumstance on the meanings and experiences associated with schooling (Fordham, 1996; Nelson, 1986; Ogbu, 1983).
The United States is a pluralistic society with a growing number of minority groups and an increasingly large minority population, but schools often attempt to educate students using a monolithic model. As a consequence, schooling tends to minimize our national diversity (hooks, 1994; Meier, 2002; Ogbu, 1983; Ohanian, 2001).
At the same time, in a democratic society, schooling has become institutionalized as the pathway to adult status (Ogbu, 1983). Yet, this circumstance tends to be counterproductive for minority education because these students, particularly students of
African descent, often experience school failure (Delpit, 1995; Fordham, 1996; hooks,
1994; Irvine, 1989; Lightfoot, 1978; Ogbu, 1983). Nevertheless, if public schools are to represent a —public good,“ they must help all students become contributing and valued adult members of the larger society.
A starting point for realizing this goal is an understanding of the ways members of minority groups currently experience the institutions--schooling notable among them-- that influence their prospects as adults. Although a considerable body of research documents how minority students fare in such institutions, much less focuses on the experiences they bring to and take away from schooling (Seidman, 1998).
Discussion of Relevant Sociological Constructs
Several sociological concepts form the theoretical underpinnings for this study.
Because these terms have diverse interpretations, a discussion of their meanings and relevancy to the study is provided. 16
Triracial Isolate
In this study, —triracial isolate“ describes a people of mixed ancestry whose historical roots can be traced back to Europeans, Africans, and Native Americans of the
British colonies. All of the participants acknowledged that their ancestors included
African Americans, European Americans, and Native Americans but reported a racial identity as —Black.“ Triracial groups have formed small communities across 16 states in the eastern portion of the United States. Of the approximate 175 such intact communities, an estimated 33% are inhabitants of rural Appalachia (Walker, 2000). The triracial families who participated in this research project live in the geographically remote villages of Milton and Appleton located in southeastern Ohio, an area where
European immigrants, particularly Quakers, were historically not hostile toward people of color. Although a few family members reportedly have moved away to urban areas, triracial groups have largely remained in this poor Appalachian region for several generations.
Triracial peoples constitute a minority group because they represent a population that is smaller in number than some other groups (e.g., Whites) to which they are compared. However, a minority label also implies that
the dominant group has stereotyped ideas about some smaller segment of the population, that to some degree it accords this segment discriminatory treatment, with the result that members of this segment grow resentful and often intensify their determination to remain a distinct group (Allport, 1958, p. 235). 17
In our social system based, in part, on race, minorities tend to occupy the lowest levels of the hierarchy. People with low social rank face the greatest life difficulties but have access to fewer economic and political resources (Feagin, 1994).
Because they are a combination of three ancestries, members of triracial enclaves struggle to be accepted as Whites, Native Americans, or Blacks. Triracial families tend to —occupy the social interstices of local communities“ (Walker, 2000, p. 3). It is perhaps difficult for triracial individuals to identify with a particular recognized identity group because their manifest physical features, or phenotype, may not match the socialized norm of what a person of that group is to look like. Their preferred or imposed social identity may not parallel their phenotype. Genetically, triracial peoples‘ appearances may be unique. Some have phenotypes associated with Native American (e.g., high cheekbones) while others have Afro features. 3 Yet it is not uncommon for triracial peoples to possess primarily White, Anglo-Saxon features (Walker, 2000). However, phenotype is not singularly responsible for distinguishing this group. The labeling of a group as a triracial isolate
conveys the presence of multiple racial admixtures, social identification of group members by the larger community, and a dynamic interaction between the two. The extent to which a person or group is triracial and the extent to which a person or group is socially isolated by others, depends entirely on this dynamic interaction (Walker, 2000, p. 3).
The existing literature contains little research in regard to this disjuncture between phenotype and social identity.
3 I use the terminology —Afro features“ to describe the phenotypical features of coarse hair texture and dark skin coloring often associated with Blacks of African descent. Participants refer to these features as —nappy“ hair and —dark“ skin. 18
Culture and Race
In choosing to examine cultural practices, this study focuses on abstractions because culture is a group‘s way of acting, thinking, believing, and valuing (Kluckhohn,
1949). —Culture is a shared pattern of behavior and beliefs that are learned and transmitted through social communication“ (Davis, 1991, p. 18). When we describe cultural traits, the characteristics are a reflection of human choice, —not about natural properties such as mental capacities“ (Hilliard, 1995, p. 169). A cultural group has a set of norms that serves as rules for how members should and should not behave, and membership roles are guided by these norms (Feagin, 1994). —Culture constitutes a storehouse of the pooled learning of the group“ (Kluckhohn, 1949, p. 24) and provides a set of standards for living that link a group of people together through a common sentiment. People tend to view their world, including schooling, through the lens of their group‘s culture (Delpit, 1995).
In this study, race is not synonymous with culture. Some cultural groups are racially distinctive but not necessarily. This study looks into complex patterns of group identity and cultural practices as social phenomena, which may be dictated by phenotype, racial composition, or social class. The possible interplay between cultural and racial amalgams as signifiers of identity and social status are explored here.
Identity
The concept of identity used throughout this study reflects the sociological perspective that social reality shapes identity--our identity is a negotiation between our inside and outside worlds (Breakwell, 1986; Chiong, 1998; Taylor, 1994; Torres, 19
Howard-Hamilton, & Cooper, 2003). Identity is socially constructed--people have identity scripts based on their social location (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996). How others perceive us impacts our identity (Breakwell, 1986). —We define our identity always in dialogue with, sometimes in struggle against, the things others want to see in us“ (Taylor,
1994, p. 33).
When we talk of the identity development of minority group members, we must consider the oppression they face in a society dominated by middle-class Whites (Torres et al, 2003). The identities of minorities are intertwined with larger sociocultural issues
(Root, 1990). Minorities often experience social stigmas, and such stereotypes influence self-conception (Alba, 1990; Waters, 1999). Thus, individuals who experience similar social circumstances often share a collective identity, and a collective identity often includes a script for how members are to think and act (Alba, 1990; Appiah & Gutmann,
1996; Chiong, 1998).
Context of the Study
Fieldwork for this research project began with a pilot study in a small
Appalachian community located near the community that eventually became the research site. The contexts of both the pilot study and the research site are discussed.
Pilot Study
My original research plan targeted only the triracial families residing throughout
Milton. Upon further contemplation and roundtable discussions with colleagues, I realized that although I do not reside in Milton, my role as a school administrator within the community could affect my own objectivity and the participants‘ responses in 20 unanticipated ways. I am currently the principal of two small elementary schools which serve Milton‘s triracial population. As part of my supervisory duties, I am involved in attendance, academic, behavioral, community, and financial issues, which often results in both positive and conflictive relationships with local families. Moreover, any results derived from the study might have political implications for both the participants and myself, because district officials at the time of this research are considering closing one of the local schools. Bernard (1995) concludes that there is truly no verdict on the appropriateness of studying one‘s own culture. The benefit of studying culture internally is knowing the norms and having access to the culture, but the challenge is being able to recognize patterns that are lived out everyday or take into consideration any personal biases that you may have. Seidman (1998) recommends that researchers refrain from interviewing people whom they supervise because of possible conflicts of interest.
Because I did not want my research to be influenced or scrutinized as a result of my employment as a school administrator in Milton, and to avoid any political controversy as a result of the findings, I did not choose Milton as the site for the research project. Instead, interviews were conducted with some of Milton‘s triracial families as part of a pilot study, occurring prior to the research which resulted in the findings presented here. The purpose of the pilot study was to —understand some of the meanings of the participants and aide the design of the actual study“ (Maxwell, 1996, p. 44).
Findings from the pilot study allowed me to articulate better the cultural phenomena I later investigated and provided me with the opportunity to challenge the label of deviance often ascribed to triracial peoples and other minority groups by the larger society 21
(Lightfoot, 1978). Furthermore, knowledge gained from the pilot study better informed my understanding of the literature and refined data collection methodology.
Description of the Research Site
A rural Appalachian 4 Ohio county adjacent to Milton is the home of other triracial peoples who participated as informants in the present study. The group resides throughout the rural community of Appleton, a small community located about 10 miles north of Milton and is part of the Ohio River Valley. Many communities in rural
Appalachian Ohio, including Appleton, have faced economic hardships and social struggles, which often results in shared cultural practices and a social legacy that is removed from larger society (Woodrum, 2004). The remote geographic location of rural
Appalachian communities has fostered a resistance to external intervention and helped to create an ethic of self-reliance among many community members (Gaventa, 1982).
When I attempted to provide a thorough description of the research setting and a history of the local triracial families, I quickly discovered that historical and demographic information regarding the triracial peoples of Appleton is very limited, due, in part, to the complexity of their racial and social identity (Walker, 2000). Only 21% of Appleton‘s
305 residents formally self-identify as non-White according to U.S. Census Bureau records (2000). Of this 21%, 15% identify as Black and 6% indicate —Other“ as their race. The actual number of triracial peoples living in the area is likely higher. Some of the triracial families in Appleton may self-identify as White or officials may have labeled them White, based on their appearance in cases where families were unable to complete
4 The 29 counties in the southeastern portion of the state are considered Ohio‘s Appalachian region. Because Ohio is predominantly an urban state, Appalachia differs significantly and is economically, socially, and geographically isolated (Spohn & Crowther, 1992). 22 official forms. Several of the participating families live on the outskirts of Appleton and may not be represented in Appleton‘s census data. Moreover, Appleton is so sparsely populated that the number of government records and official documents collected and produced are minimal.
Demographic information related to the educational attainment of Appleton‘s adult population is available. In regards to educational attainment of adults over 25 years of age, 2000 Census data shows that 2% of Appleton‘s population has not completed any high school education, and approximately 14% has some high school experience but no diploma. Fifty-seven percent has earned at least a high school diploma. Twenty one percent has completed some college coursework but no degree whereas 8% has earned some type of college-level degree.
According to archives in the local and county libraries, the village of Appleton, which was named after a Quaker town in England, was founded in 1845 when three
Quaker families of English descent purchased land from the Ohio Company (Walker,
2000; Hoopes, 1957). Prior to Quaker settlement, many other Europeans had made their way to the Appleton area in the late 1700s, primarily for the purpose of farming and excavating natural resources such as coal (Milton County Historical Society, Inc., 1980).
These immigrants were typically of German, Irish, and Scottish descent. In the mid
1800s, the Marietta & Cincinnati Railroad was built across southern Ohio with a station located near Appleton. Construction and operation of the railroad brought additional
Irish and German immigrants to southeastern Ohio, including Appleton. The area was booming for the times with several stores, mills, boardinghouses, and churches. But by 23
1900, the nearby railroad station had closed and the industry had begun to fade with it.
The influx of people of European descent to the area drastically slowed (Brant, 1980).
The history of Native American groups in the area is less documented than the history of European settlement, and tribal groups roamed the area long before the written history of the late 1700s. Delaware, Shawnee, Wyandot, Mingo, and descendants of
Iroquois tribes lived throughout areas in and surrounding Appleton, but documentation of their daily existence could not be located (History of Milton County, Ohio, 1788-1881 ,
1989). The Native American heritage of Appleton‘s triracial families is difficult to delineate because Whites in the village have traditionally referred to any dark-skinned individuals as —coloreds,“ and local historical documents make reference to this term rather than differentiate between African Americans and Native Americans (Walker,
2000). Thus, written accounts of Native Americans‘ life experiences in the area cannot be singled out from this group classification.
Documentation of the African-American heritage of Appleton‘s triracial peoples is more prevalent in local archives than its Native-American counterpart (Walker, 2000;
Adams, 2001). Appleton and surrounding communities were an official part of the
Underground Railroad by 1835 (Means, 1888). After the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, the Ohio River was a geographical and ideological boundary for slavery. Southeastern
Ohio‘s terrain provided excellent escape routes and hiding places for slaves, and many
White inhabitants were willing to help fugitive slaves (Dennis, 1986).
Upon reaching the area of Appleton, many African Americans discovered that local White settlers, particularly Quaker families, treated them with a degree of respect 24
(Walker, 2000). These freed slaves formed African-American churches and sponsored camp meetings, and community members of other descent embraced them. In a diary of historical notes, a White scholar of European descent, M.C. Means (1888), refers to these former slaves as —upright and intelligent people“ (p. 47). Appleton and its surrounding vicinities provided a safe haven where African Americans could pursue their version of the good life (History of Milton County, Ohio, 1788-1881 , 1989).
It is difficult to trace the evolution of an identifiable triracial population in
Appleton to any specific time period or a distinct history, though Walker (2000) reports that approximately 1,000 minority members were living in the area by 1840. Many of the triracial families interviewed trace their roots back to interracial marriages while others claim to be the out-of-wedlock children of peoples from different races. Often referred to as Appalachia‘s Brown Belt, triracial peoples in southeastern Ohio, including Appleton, remain isolated.
Framing the Research Questions
This study examines how multiple sources of oppression influence the social identities of members of an Appalachian triracial isolate, and, in turn, how these identities impact their school experiences. As a researcher, I explore what participants themselves believe they need in education and what role schooling plays in their lives--an understanding that is important in our frequent —one-size-fits-all“ approach to schooling.
How do they perceive their places in the world, in light of their life circumstances?
Moreover, this research explores the interplay among various forms of subordination--is the isolation that often results from racial labeling reinforced by economic subordination 25 in a remote geographic location? By contextualizing racial labeling within a specific economic class context, the linkages between these different forms of exclusion are revealed (Miles, 1989).
Historically, researchers have often framed their research questions prior to collecting their data. But in keeping with the qualitative tradition, I constantly refined the research questions as new data were collected and theories postulated (Maxwell, 1996;
Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Bogden and Biklen (1998) explain that
qualitative researchers tend to analyze their data inductively. They do not search out data or evidence to prove or disprove hypotheses they hold before entering the study; rather, the abstractions are built as the particulars that have been gathered are grouped together (p. 6).
Prior to the pilot study, these early research questions were somewhat vague due, in part, to my limited background in research associated with identity development, minority studies, and social oppression. My initial research objectives narrowly focused on accountability mandates as the most significant and influential educational issue in the lives of rural minorities. The pilot study served to sensitize me to the social realities of triracial students, including their school experiences, and it was during the pilot study that the confounding effect of place, racial labeling, and class first began to surface as research themes. Prior to the pilot study, I had not perceived identity issues to be relevant to this study. However, the pilot study data suggested that identity development is an important concept in this research because oppression has an impact on identity experiences; and identify experiences, in turn, influence the meaning and experience of schooling. 26
Schools operate on a scientific model of efficiency, rationality, and rigidity where individualism, independence, and initiative are rewarded (Feagin, 1994; hooks, 1994;
Lightfoot, 1978; Meier, 2002). Minority students are often silenced in these monolithic bureaucracies (Lightfoot, 1978). This study investigates how identity is recognized, if at all, in teaching practices, curricular programs, and social popularity and compares the school values and expectations of triracial families to those promulgated in the mainstream culture. Are triracial peoples silenced in their rural Appalachian school as a result of our one best system of education, and do oppressive life circumstances shape educational expectations and cultural behaviors in ways that limit mainstream academic success?
Fordham (1999) and Levine and White (1986) found that minority groups are often accused of being culturally deprived because they are unable to meet Euro-
American, middle-class standards of success. Typically described as apathetic and disinterested in social advancement, minority families are stereotyped as innately deficient. Their behaviors and beliefs are rarely interpreted —as a response to a long history of exclusion and rejection“ (Lightfoot, 1978, p. 166). How do triracial families handle their day-to-day presentation of self in light of the multiple forms of oppression they face as minorities in a poor, rural community? What role does schooling play in moving a minority person forward in life, and how does identity shape school experiences? The objective of this study is to illuminate these and other questions raised in that were formulated through the data collection process.
27
Limitations and Delimitations
Qualitative studies have limitations, and researchers must take these limitations into consideration when attempting to draw valid conclusions or make generalizations.
The information obtained from participants is not always a portrait of reality. Informants may attempt to appease interviewers by saying what it is they think researchers want to hear rather than the facts, or the information that participants share may be inaccurate
(Bernard, 1995; Strauss & Corbin, 1997). Furthermore, because participants were identified through snowball sampling, triracial peoples with conflicting viewpoints may not have been identified for participation. Another limitation that may sway study findings is the tendency for —researchers to obtain the results they expect, not simply because they have correctly anticipated nature‘s response but rather because they have helped to shape that response through their expectations“ (Bernard, 1995, p. 233). For example, when working with triracial families in Milton, my prior experience with members of this cultural group could easily have influenced what I expected to learn from the data. And in interviewing Milton‘s triracial families, I may have influenced their responses such that they match my preconceived ideas.
The findings of a study focusing on a particular group of people in a specific setting are not applicable to all educational environments nor to all minority adolescents.
Any attempt to apply these findings toward a one best method or system of education would contradict the cultural perspective put forth in this study. The intentions here are not to make wide-sweeping claims that have implications across the board. Instead, I want to demonstrate how a cultural perspective applied to the study of a social 28 phenomenon can yield a far greater understanding of the social and school experiences of diverse groups of students in light of the oppression that exists in their lives. Second, I challenge myself and other educational researchers and policymakers to debate whether the discoveries made here can be generalized to any other specific groups of people and/or settings where similar variables of racial labeling, phenotype, regionality, and poverty may have compounding effects on social class and identity, and, in turn, the school experiences of particular students. I do not intend for this to be an end in itself, but a contribution to a greater understanding.
29
Chapter Two
The purpose of this chapter is to review the bodies of literature relevant to the study. The literature review begins with an overview of theories of oppression because the oppressive social conditions often faced by members of minority groups influence the life experiences of these people. This section is followed by a discussion of concepts relating to identity formation and the influence of oppressive social experiences on identity formation. The chapter then focuses on the literature pertaining to race and geography as two potential bases of oppression with implications for identity formation as well as for the way individuals experience social life and schooling. The final section of the chapter summarizes literature examining the combined effects of multiple sources of oppression, focusing on the social and educational experiences of impoverished Blacks in rural communities. The strengths and the weaknesses of the existing knowledge base related to the identity and school experiences of oppressed groups are also discussed in this summary.
Understanding the Experience of Oppression
In examining the impact of oppression upon peoples‘ lives, we recognize that one set of values and cultural practices often dominates over another. These dominant values are arbitrarily assigned to all actors in the community. Rewards, services, privileges, and benefits in a particular society are based upon membership in the dominant group
(Waters, 1990). Oppression, the most extensive form of domination, involves the exercise of having overwhelming control over another person or group, which leads to marginalization of the person or group that is oppressed (Birman, 1994). Economically, 30 socially, and politically speaking, the oppressor prevails over the oppressed. The oppressor is able to accumulate resources that reinforce the barriers the oppressed face to entering the social mainstream. —Power serves to create power. Powerlessness serves to reinforce powerlessness. Power relationships, once established, are self-sustaining“
(Gaventa, 1982, p. 256). Exercising its power, the dominant group often influences minorities to behave and think in particular ways.
The dominant cultural group, typically identified as the Euro-American, middle class in the United States, establishes value systems and behavioral patterns that define social reality not only for themselves but for minority groups as well (Fordham & Ogbu,
1982; Hardiman & Jackson, 1997; hooks, 1994; Waters, 1999). What has emerged from
Euro-American bourgeois dominance is a social structure promulgating Eurocentric attitudes, capital accumulation, individualism, and competition (Brandau & Collins,
1992; Delpit, 1995; Fordham & Ogbu, 1982; Giroux, 1996; hooks, 1994; Ohanian, 2002;
Stack, 1974; Waters, 1999). Our social stratification system is a hierarchy in which the ordering is based on Euro-American, middle-class cultural norms. Access to higher social status is often dependent on the physical and social similarities one shares with this dominant group (Allport, 1958; Miles, 1989; Romo & Falbo, 1996). Markers of deviation from the majority signify one‘s place in the social order.
In the United States, middle-class Whites control a disproportionate share of resources, such as property, wealth, and education, and, thus, shape the lives of the less powerful through subordination (Aguirre & Turner, 1998; Feagin, 1994). When an individual is a minority group member, that individual is part of a subpopulation subject 31 to discrimination by more powerful groups (Aguirre & Turner, 1998; Peshkin, 1991).
Some individuals encounter multiple forms of oppression because they are members of two or more oppressed groups, making it extremely difficult, if not impossible, for them to move upward in the social hierarchy (Reynolds & Pople, 1991). In such cases where social status is ascribed and barriers to social mobility are present from birth, a caste system often evolves (Allport, 1958; Borgatta & Montgomery, 2000; Irvine, 1989;
Johnson, 2000; Nelson, 1986; Ogbu, 1983).
Experiencing Oppression: Class Versus Caste
Sociologists differentiate theories of caste from theories of social class. Caste and class are both concepts used to explain how status is acquired in stratified social systems.
Caste is a phenomenon not widely applied to industrial societies like the United States and historically has been a term used to describe endogamous, rigid social categories in agrarian societies such as the Hindu groups of India (Borgatta & Montgomery, 2000;
Johnson, 2000). In its technical sense, caste implies —defined limits upon the individual member in terms of mobility and interaction, and on his nature as a person“ (Allport,
1958, pp. 303-304). —Caste“ denotes a social system of distinct ranks that stand in relation to one another (Borgatta & Montgomery, 2000; Johnson, 2000). In a true caste system, social status is completely ascribed and is dependent on any one of several markers, such as skin color, place of residence, or family-based social location (Borgatta
& Montgomery, 2000; Sernau, 2001). In a caste system, ascription of social roles makes movement through the social order extremely difficult because one must behave in 32 accord with inherited rank--there are few resources, if any, for upward mobility (Borgatta
& Montgomery, 2000; Johnson, 2000; Nelson, 1986; Ogbu, 1983).
In contrast, a class system permits some social mobility based on an individual‘s achievement or actions. Persons can typically improve their status in a class system through educational attainment and occupation. —Class is a matter of acquired status rather than of birth ascription, and is in this respect different from race, caste, and ethnic stratification, with different social consequences“ (Ogbu, 1978, p. 103).
Some social scientists suggest that there is an African-American caste in the
United States (Borgatta & Montgomery, 2000; Irvine, 1989; Nelson, 1986). —The line of demarcation between African Americans and Whites is chiefly a line which is socially drawn and biologically imputed. . . . For the most part, people with African ancestry have been relegated to the African American caste by Whites“ (Nelson, 1986, pp. 318-319).
Ogbu (1978) explains that minorities of African descent are forced into society‘s least desirable social and economic roles. The dominant group explains minorities‘ fulfillment of these undesirable roles as evidence of their being naturally suited for low positions in society (Fordham, 1999; hooks, 1994; Stack, 1974).
The concept of caste is not used in this study to suggest that there are specific birth-ascribed social ranks in Appleton, but I do metaphorically use Ogbu‘s (1983) term
—caste-like“ here to indicate the low social rank of minorities of African descent in the
United States (which is cited throughout the literature review) and in Chapter Five to describe the oppressive nature of some participants‘ life circumstances. Ogbu (1983) identifies a typology of minorities and refers to —caste-like“ minorities as often being 33 assigned to involuntary and permanent social roles. —Caste-like“ minorities tend to be politically powerless and relegated to menial jobs. Because it is difficult for —caste-like“ minorities to achieve or acquire a higher social ranking through education, they often devalue the role of educational attainment. The only —caste-like“ minorities who typically escape this inferior rank are individuals whose physical features allow them to
—pass as White.“
Throughout the literature, one finds numerous discussions of the cultural conflict between minority groups and the greater society, and the research indicates that such conflict tends to result in the marginalization of minorities (Heath, 1983; Hilliard, 1995;
Ogbu, 1978; Ohanian, 2002; O‘Hearn, 1998; Root, 1996). For some minority groups, these differences in cultural patterns are perhaps a product of their being —caste-like“ in the first place--adaptations to their oppressive social conditions (Birman, 1995; Nelson,
1986; Ogbu, 1983). A collective identity exists for some marginalized groups because group members often exhibit similar adaptive behaviors. Collective identities shared by some minority group members (e.g., —caste-like“ minorities) are possibly a response to or an ascription of their continued alienation from the mainstream (Aguirre & Turner, 1998;
Waters, 1999).
Identity
The literature discussed here explores how minority groups react to conditions and experiences that threaten their identities and looks at how particular identities may be a result of distinctiveness from the mainstream culture. Identity is an extremely abstract phenomenon, and its connotations are so diverse throughout the fields of psychology that 34 the term lacks a generally accepted definition. Each discipline has approached the concept somewhat differently, but the most common reference to identity is how one defines self. Erikson (1959) claims that the search for identity, one of the main themes of life, occurs during adolescence as individuals integrate their senses of self with peers, family, and community. However, the majority of identity theories are based on the identity development of Whites, and there are few studies related to the identity development of Black youth (Jackson, 2001; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991).
A different approach to identity development emerged from the sociological tradition (Deaux, 2001), and the concept of identity used here is based on such a sociological perspective. Moreover, this literature review includes only the sociological research related to identity development. A sociological approach to identity formation explores the status a person holds in the structure of society or in the group to which he or she belongs, examining the roles an individual plays in the system and the impact of oppression on the self (Torres, Howard-Hamilton, & Cooper, 2003). Such a sociological approach accounts for the influence of social stratification upon identity development.
In addition to focusing on the importance of context on identity development, the sociology literature related to identity development proposes two different levels of identity that are interrelated. Collective or group identity refers to group memberships that include —narratives that people can use in shaping their life plans and in telling their life stories“ (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996, p. 97). This aspect of identity is —derived from group membership, interpersonal relationships, social position, and status“ (Breakwell, 35
1986, p. 14). In this study, the collective or group identity is explored in light of the multiple forms of oppression group members experience.
The other level of identity, which is not considered a social category, is the personal dimension. Appiah and Gutmann (1996) describe the personal dimension of identity as —intelligence, wit, cupidity that are not themselves the basis of forms of collective identity“ (p. 93). Collective or group identity focuses on the outside world or group experience whereas personal identity represents negotiations with one‘s inside world--complexities of the psyche (Torres et al., 2003). There are no scripts for the personal dimension of identity. A person achieves personal identity through introspection and contemplation (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996). Although this development is unique for each individual, the process of developing personal identity occurs in relation to group membership (Alba, 1990; Appiah & Gutmann, 1996; Jackson, 2001;
Miles, 1989; Wijeyesinghe, 2001). Again, it is this collective aspect of identity, and not the personal dimension, that is reviewed in the literature and utilized as a framework here for analyzing data. However, because it is impossible to completely separate dimensions of personal identity from one‘s collective identity development (Appiah & Gutmann,
1996), the findings here likely have implications for personal identity formation.
How Social Reality Influences Identity
According to the sociology literature related to identity development, people have the autonomy to self-identify but only within the context made available by their culture and society (Torres et al., 2003, Wijeyesinghe, 2001). What people can do and how they perceive themselves depends on the concepts and identities available to them; thus, 36 oppression can significantly impact identity experiences (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996;
Breakwell, 1986; Jackson, 2001). —Oppressed people are not individual thinkers in controlling their own destiny; their future is determined by the oppressor“ (Torres et al.,
2003, p. 19).
A review of the literature suggests that minorities have been identified traditionally in terms of how they differ from the dominant group and its cultural practices (Apple, 1999; Coll & Magnuson, 1999; Freire, 1987; Ogbu, 1978). Individuals who belong to two or more minority groups often have particular attributes that mark their distinctiveness and signify their social rank, which in turn, results in a threatened identity (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996; Waters, 1999). When labels (e.g., Black,
Appalachian, female, homosexual, poor) are applied to a group, certain assumptions come with the label, and the people being labeled rarely have control over this characterization (Aguirre & Turner, 1998; Appiah & Gutmann, 1996; Breakwell, 1986;
Feagin & Feagin, 1986). The dominant group has the power to assign labels and oppress individuals on the basis of these distinctions. These experiences of oppression in low social ranks make it difficult for minority groups to develop a positive sense of their own identity (Birman, 1995; Breakwell, 1986; Ogbu, 1983; Waters, 1999). —A person can suffer real damage, real distortion, if the people or society around them mirror back to them a confining or demeaning or contemptible picture of themselves“ (Taylor, 1994, p.
25).
Minority group members typically do not have the economic resources or political efficacy to alter their social identity (Breakwell, 1986; Nachtigal, 1982b). —Caste-like“ 37 minorities have even fewer resources to overcome their powerlessness (Ogbu, 1983). In reaction to their experiences of —Other,“ minority group members often share similar belief systems and modes of behavior (Aguirre & Turner, 1998). A collective or group identity may emerge, which comes —with notions of how a proper person of that kind behaves“ (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996, p. 91). Social stigmas often become normalized, and solidarity is experienced through this isolation (Aguirre & Turner, 1998; Breakwell,
1986; Peshkin, 1991). The minority status is self-fulfilling in creating and sustaining isolation and a distinct identity (Aguirre & Turner, 1998; Allport, 1958; Waters, 1999).
Some minority populations have economic and political assets that allow them to negotiate with and assimilate into mainstream society despite their differences.
Individuals who possess at least some characteristics similar to the dominant group are perhaps more likely to avoid continued identity threats and may, in fact, experience improved social status (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996; Breakwell, 1986). For example,
Glazer (1997) argues that Hispanics, Asians, and Blacks of non-African descent continue to become more integrated into the American economic and social fabric than Blacks of
African descent, in part, because of the historical roles of African Americans in this country. The research of Waters (1999) focusing on the identity experiences of immigrants from the West Indies reveals how some minorities have advanced their social positions because of their economic capital, despite racial discrimination.
Assimilation requires, however, that these minority groups learn at least two cultures (Crockett & Schulman, 1973), and assimilation is often not an option for minority groups who possess multiple forms of distinctiveness, particularly dark skin, 38 from the dominant group (Kirk, 1992; Reynolds & Pople, 1991; Walker, 2000).
Moreover, mastery of the dominant culture does not give —caste-like“ minorities membership in the dominant group. In other words, —one can be culturally assimilated but not structurally assimilated“ (Nelson, 1986, p. 324).
How Race Shapes Identity
Multiple forms of oppression compound the marginalization of some minorities and result in ascribed identities (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996; Jackson, 2001; Reynolds &
Pople, 1991; Waters, 1990; Wijeyesinghe, 2001). Racial labeling can be a form of oppression that influences the identity of many minorities. For centuries people have been categorized and labeled on the basis of —race.“ Racial labeling plays a significant role in social development and is a source of social isolation, particularly in institutions such as schools (Irvine, 1989; Nelson, 1986; Ogbu, 1983). This is true for many minorities (Breakwell, 1986; Jackson, 2001; Waters, 1999). The oppressive nature of race as it relates to identity, social experiences, and schooling is explored here in the literature review.
Racial Labeling as a Source of Othering
Historically, race has denoted a controversial scientific label referring to biological categorization of humans (Miles, 1989). Although scientific data have discredited the notion that all members of a particular racial type share specific psychological and physical traits, certain sets of beliefs about people of that race continue to accompany particular racial labels. In mainstream American society, racial labeling is based primarily on phenotypes, specifically skin color. Miles (1989) writes: 39
The idea of race is now usually (although not exclusively) employed to differentiate collectivities distinguished by skin color so that races are either Black or White but never big-eared or small-eared. The fact that only certain physical characteristics are signified to define race in specific circumstances indicates that we are investing not a given, natural division of the world‘s population, but the application of historically and culturally specific meanings to the totality of human physiological variation. Thus, the use of the word race to label the groups so distinguished by such features is an aspect of the social construction of reality: races are socially imagined rather than biological realities (p. 71).
Human behaviors and traits often attributed to race are sociocultural rather than biological (Allport, 1958). Attached to racial labels are sets of assumptions about how people of that racial type behave (Alba, 1990; Chiong, 1998; Feagin, 1996; Miles, 1989;
O‘Hearn, 1998). —A great deal of people‘s lives is determined, or at least informed by, what racial group they belong to“ (Nakashima, 1992, p. 175). Allport (1958) explains that people often fail to distinguish between phenotype and culture.
Appiah and Gutmann (1996) claim that cultural distinctions are often a result of racial labels œ race influences how people are socially identified. Alba (1990) explains that minorities are often treated differently because of their physical distinctiveness from the White majority and that people who experience such marginalization eventually behave and think in ways different from the majority. Thus, a —racialized culture“ may exist among some minority groups (Alba, 1990; Birman, 1995; Torres et al., 2003). For example, Peshkin (1991) documents the —racialized“ cultural practices of various ethnic groups living in a California community. In this study, Peshkin (1991) found that community members perceive racial labels as social categories in which minorities are 40 distinguished from one another based, in part, by social behaviors that are thought to be indicative of race.
However, in the social sciences, race and culture are not always synonymous.
There is a body of literature that distinguishes race from cultural practices. Appiah and
Gutmann (1996) are critical of traditional research that equates culture with race, arguing that some racial groups share inherited phenotypic tendencies, such as specific hair textures or skin color, rather than specific behavioral attributes. People of a particular race with shared phenotypes do not necessarily experience a common or unique culture
(Appiah & Gutmann, 1996; Kich, 1992; Thornton, 1996). Ethnocultural heritage may or may not relate to phenotype (Miles, 1989). Culture is a shared pattern of behavior and beliefs that are learned and transmitted through social communications, and a cultural group may or may not be racially distinct (Davis, 1991).
Regardless of the relationship between race and culture, racial labeling has been used to identify minorities as a representation of what the majority is not--race is used to ascribe negatively evaluated characteristics (Miles, 1989). Our social system is predicated on —race“ (Root, 1992), and the dominant majority seeks a racial purity that genetically does not exist (Chiong, 1998). According to the historic one-drop rule, individuals with a —drop“ of African ancestry are considered Black. Because of the one- drop rule, many people of mixed racial ancestry are socially constrained to identify as
Black despite their multiracial genetic makeup (Chiong, 1998; Davis, 1991; O‘Hearn,
1998; Root, 1996; Waters, 1990; Wijeyesinghe, 2001). However, these monoracial 41 boundaries have become blurred with the social recognition of multiracial as an identity option (Root, 1996; Waters, 1999; Wijeyesinghe, 2001). 5
How race marginalizes. People racially categorized as Black are described throughout the literature as experiencing an enormous amount of alienation from the greater society because of various perceived deficiencies. Traditional research suggests that Blacks are regarded as intellectually inferior to Whites, implying that their innate abilities are less than those of White peers (Coll & Magnuson, 1999; Delpit, 1995;
Feagin, 1994; Fordham, 1996; Glazer, 1997; Heath, 1983; hooks, 1994; Jackson, 2001).
Historically, cultural and physical criteria have been used to show that Blacks are cognitively deficient (Miles, 1989; Peshkin, 1991). Modern educational studies involving Black students reveal how many Blacks continue to be labeled cognitively inferior because of assumed racial deficits, with little consideration given to the roles continued oppression and social class play in creating these differences in educational values and performance as measured by mainstream standards (Delpit, 1995; Feagin
2000; Fordham, 1999; hooks, 1994; Levine & White, 1986; Lightfoot, 1978; Ogbu,
1978). School curricula and academic content may not correspond with what is being taught at home, and what the school expects children to learn may be of little value in the lives of minority children (Feagin, 1994; Ogbu, 1978).
According to case study analyses of the educational experiences of Black students over prolonged periods of time, Delpit (1995), Fordham (1999), Heath (1983), and
5 Although mixed ancestry is becoming a socially recognized racial construct, the discussion here focuses on the experiences of Blacks, in part, because there are so few studies relating to the social and educational experiences of multiracial people and, in part, because the majority (82%) of participants in this study categorized themselves as Blacks or African Americans, despite identifying a triracial ancestry. 42
Lightfoot (1978) suggest that the stereotype of Blacks as intellectually inferior results in students experiencing lower academic and social expectations. Feagin (1994) and
Ohanian (1998) claim that Blacks are assigned to vocational or lower-level academic tracks because of preconceived notions of their intellectual deficiencies. As a result of lowered expectations, a Black student‘s educational experiences and attainment are often negatively impacted. Significantly, Blacks are almost twice as likely to drop out of school as Whites (National Center for Education Statistics, 2000).
Many minority groups are also chastised for their involvement in economic activities that do not parallel Euro-American, middle-class economic interests (Brandau
& Collins, 1992; Fordham & Ogbu, 1982). Again, such differences in value systems historically have been attributed to the assumed genetic inferiority and a lack of ambition, and the impact of oppression on cultural and economic values has received little attention
(Chiong, 1998; O‘Hearn, 1998). Blacks may desire middle-class employment, but their social location often does not include such economic opportunities (Ogbu, 1983; Romo &
Falbo, 1996). Thus, they often adjust their economic aspirations to their social realities, and, in turn, parallel their expectations of schooling to their economic opportunities.
—Because of their own limited future employment opportunities and the preferential treatment of Whites in the job market, Blacks students often become disillusioned about the future employment opportunities and doubtful about the value of schooling“ (Ogbu,
1978, p. 188).
Minorities often do not experience the importance of education in attaining a
—good life.“ Moreover, no one shows minorities how to —make it“ in school (Delpit, 43
1995; hooks, 1994; Ogbu, 1996). Perhaps because of —caste-like“ barriers they experience, Blacks, in particular, often develop —attitudes and skills less favorable to the
White, middle-class type of school success“ (Ogbu, 1978, p. 357). They are, again, blamed for their own disenfranchisement.
In addition to these racial labels of deviance, Blacks traditionally have not been given positions of political and economic authority and have not been incorporated into the school curriculum or the mainstream media in a positive light (Glazer, 1997). The culture of power that exists in the classroom often replicates the culture of power in society. The Euro-American cultural majority is likely to have access to and hold positions of power while minorities are limited by mainstream control mechanisms
(Apple, 1999). Delpit (1995) argues that Blacks do not know the cultural codes for participating in power relations because they have experienced continued isolation; and, therefore, different identity scripts have emerged for Blacks and Whites.
Differences in language patterns evidence the contrasting cultural practices that may result in the disenfranchisement of minority groups. Delpit (1995) claims that literacy acquisition often has practical purposes for Blacks--reading recipes and directions--and is characterized by a particular dialect. In contrast, literacy development is often a much more academic task for the Euro-American middle class, involving standard English. Such differences frequently result in academic difficulties for Black students because they have not learned the school skills and behaviors necessary to succeed in mainstream schools (Delpit, 1995; Heath, 1983; Ogbu, 1990). 44
Further, unfamiliarity with mainstream cultural practices can negatively impact the school experiences of minorities.
Persons from oppressed cultures tend to live in a world that does not value them, marginalizes their efforts, erases their history, and silences their voices. Dominant cultures have an opportunity to see themselves reflected in textbooks, the media. They become the ones who shape the classroom experience by sharing information that is familiar to their frame of reference and negating (overtly or covertly) the experiences of others (Root, 1990, p. 93). hooks (1994) explains that —school is an entirely engaging experience if one‘s experiences are recognized as central and significant“ (p. 37). Minority students claim their school achievement would increase if class materials and instruction related to their life experiences and group identity (Romo & Falbo, 1996).
Reactions to Racial Labels
Blacks have responded to their isolation from mainstream society in a variety of ways, and behavioral patterns have emerged and are documented in the literature. —The process by which people come to understand their racialized selves is inextricably linked to their group‘s social location in the society and the social ecology in which they are raised. It often means seeing themselves through the lens of others“ (Root, 1996, p. 202).
The literature provides many examples of how minority groups have responded to continued oppression. Again, this discussion of collective reactions to alienation focuses specifically on the experiences of Blacks. The limited knowledge base pertaining to how people of mixed races respond to alienation from mainstream society primarily contains rhetorical works and few empirical studies. Moreover, these few empirical studies are often set in urban contexts and focus on racial minorities who have immigrated to the 45
United States--a minority status that is much different from the historical experiences of people of African ancestry (Glazer, 1997; Ogbu, 1978).
The responses of Blacks to continued oppression are interrelated with identity development themes because identity formation is shaped by context (Appiah &
Gutmann, 1996; Deaux, 2001; Root, 1996). Experiences of oppression play a significant role in the identity development of minorities because how people come to make sense of the world is an outgrowth of their identity (Birman, 1995). Their reactions to continued oppression mirror the stages of identity formation suggested by identity development models focusing on the African-American experience, including Jackson‘s (2001) Black
Identity Development model. 6 The responses of minority groups to social marginalization are considered part of identity development for people of color and are discussed here because they are evidence of how oppression often leads to the formation of distinct collective identities.
Acceptance. As a result of experiencing continued oppression, some Blacks attempt to become part of the majority. For example, in her study, —Dissin ”the
Standard‘: Ebonics as Guerilla Warfare at Capital High,“ Fordham (1999) discovered that
Black students often choose to mimic common Euro-American behaviors in an effort to avoid confrontations with White peers and adults. These students were enrolled in classes that are typically stereotyped as —for Whites,“ and they utilized Standard English rather than African-American dialect. Romo and Falbo (1996) also found that some minority students assimilate with Whites by imitating —White ways.“ A few participants
6 Jackson‘s Black Identity Development model (BID) suggests five stages of identity development specific to the developmental experiences of Black Americans in a society Jackson describes as extremely racist. The model identifies how being —Black“ influences behavior, experiences, and responses to the context. 46 in their study claimed that their success in school was dependent on socially camouflaging as —White.“ Lightfoot (1978) and Fordham (1996) suggest that Black students can be somewhat successful when they accommodate —White ways“ during the school day. However, Davis (1991) argues that the extent to which Blacks can culturally identify as part of the majority is controlled, in part, by phenotype.
Sources in the literature confirm that —passing as White“ can have grievous social consequences for minorities (Breakwell, 1986; Chiong, 1998; Davis, 1991; Delpit, 1995;
Fordham, 1999; Ogbu, 1990; Stack, 1974). When Black students attempt to —pass as
White,“ other racial minorities frequently question their loyalty to the group (Glazer,
1997). —Acting White“ is a form of betrayal to the group‘s identity. Although phenotype has some control over cultural identification, actions also signify culture. Blacks who appear to —act White“ often face verbal and physical harassment from other minority peers and potentially lose connection with the minority group (Romo & Falbo, 1996).
Root (1990) describes this experience as extremely frustrating because individuals trying to pass often experience rejection by both groups.
Passive acceptance or quiescence occurs when minorities embrace the conviction that the dominant group is superior (Chiong, 1998; Jackson, 2001). Individuals choosing to accept the notion of Euro-American supremacy may devalue their own cultural group and avoid going against the grain in an effort to get along in mainstream society. In school, many Black students may purposefully choose classes that do not conflict with stereotypes of Blacks‘ intellectual inferiority. Studies suggest that Black students do not enroll in advanced science and mathematics classes because it is not a socially 47 appropriate behavior (Fordham, 1996; Ohanian, 1998). Moreover, minorities may not participate in academically challenging activities or extracurricular events to further avoid being publicly labeled inadequate in some way (Fordham, 1996; Romo & Falbo,
1996). Non-participation is often a result of fear and vulnerability, particularly for
Blacks (Gaventa, 1982). In addition, minority families often do not speak out against the discriminatory practices of schools because they are afraid of the repercussions of challenging the system (Delpit, 1995; Ogbu, 1978).
Some Blacks may attempt to acculturate by simultaneously attempting to identify as part of the majority and as part of the minority (Aguirre & Turner, 1998; Chiong,
1998; Wijeyesinghe, 2001). The identity invoked by an individual is dependent on the social circumstance (Alba, 1990). Therefore, a Black student may renounce —Whiteness“ in the presence of Black peers but commit to mainstream behaviors when in the presence of White peers. For example, Fordham (1999) explains that some Black students participating in her research only leased —White ways“ during the school day but reverted to minority identity when not in school. Students switching back are also accused of
—acting White“ and may struggle to have a strong sense of any one particular identity
(Fordham, 1999; Jackson, 2001).
Rejecting domination. Another response to marginalization is dissociation where oppressed individuals reject the majority culture (Chiong, 1998; Jackson, 2001;
Lightfoot, 1978; Root, 1996; Wijeyesinghe, 2001). According to Jackson‘s (2001) identity development model, individuals who resist domination are painfully aware of oppression and how it negatively impacts their lives. This resistance can be passive or 48 hostile. Qualitative studies focusing on the school experiences of minorities suggest a collective, militant response to continued oppression often occurs (Delpit, 1995;
Fordham, 1996; Glazer, 1997; hooks, 1994; Ogbu, 1978; Romo & Falbo, 1996; Stack,
1974; Waters, 1999). Although they are outraged by Euro-American domination and its negative repercussions, many minorities make no attempt to cross boundaries and cling to what is comfortable and familiar. The benefits of power are possibly desirable, but the possible personal costs of attaining power by assimilating oneself into the dominant culture outweigh the potential advantages (Fordham & Ogbu, 1982; Ohanian, 2001).
Like other minorities, these more militant minority group members often perceive their status of —Other“ to be permanent; therefore, they invest little time and energy into
—making it“ according to mainstream standards. A sense of learned helplessness has emerged among some minorities. For example, minority parents report that their children do not enroll in extracurricular programs or participate on athletic teams because their children do not receive equal opportunities as White peers (Romo & Falbo, 1996).
Again, their lack of participation is referenced by the majority as evidence of minority group members‘ lack of initiative.
Common forms of minority resistance include refusing to speak or dress like
White peers, physical isolation from Whites in social settings, confronting Whites for prejudiced behaviors, and disinterest in academic endeavors associated with being Euro-
American (Fordham, 1996; hooks, 1994; Ogbu, 1978; Romo & Falbo, 1996). Avoiding educational competition with Whites includes being late to class, staying home from school, refusing to complete work, nonparticipation in class, and disobeying school rules 49
(Delpit, 1995; Fordham, 1982; Ohanian, 2002; Romo & Falbo, 1996). Some Blacks choose not to write or read Standard English as a way of identifying with their own cultural group.
Minority students are cognizant of their invisibility in the curriculum and the media. They are often very vocal in their criticisms of this lack of representation (Root,
1996). The outcome of such resistance strategies is often school failure (Delpit, 1995;
Fordham, 1982; Ogbu, 1978; Ohanian, 2001; Stack, 1974). Their poor school performance is attributed to lack of intellect and ambition, which often results in an overrepresentation of minorities in special education (Coffey & Obringer, 2000; Kusimo,
1999; Meier, 2002). Poor performance is typically not considered a deliberate resistance to learn and interact in the Euro-American, middle-class way or as students‘ inability to transcend oppression.
Black students demonstrating resistance to domination exert a great deal of pressure on one another to remain loyal to their minority group. The sense of fellowship and the experience of solidarity foster pride and avoidance of Euro-American cultural practices (Davis, 1991). Romo and Falbo (1996) found that some minority parents make sincere efforts to help their children succeed in school, but the pressure from peers to resist any endeavor associated with Euro-American domination is often more powerful.
Lightfoot (1978) highlights how Blacks historically have reacted collectively to oppression, referencing the battle to end slavery, the fight for voting rights, and the movement to end segregated schooling. When a minority student experiences problems at school, other minorities are often supportive regardless of the circumstances. Delpit 50
(1995) describes this mind-set shared by many Blacks as —my brother is my brother regardless of what he has done“ (p. 99).
Black Americans of African descent have become particularly militant in their attitudes toward assimilation because of the —inability or unwillingness [of the majority] to incorporate into its society African Americans in the same way and to the same degree it has incorporated so many groups“ (Glazer, 1997, p. 147). Glazer (1997) argues that
Blacks historically have sought the same experiences and recognition as Whites. But because they do not see themselves represented in the mainstream culture or in positions of authority, many Blacks endorse separatism. —Black separatism is largely a reaction to what is seen as White rejection, of the failure of the larger society to integrate Blacks.
Separation for the most part is not voluntarily chosen“ (p. 137). Because assimilation has failed them, Blacks are demanding a respected distinctiveness. There are some African
Americans who cite their awareness of oppression as a reason to excel and strive to conquer this collective oppression (Allport, 1958; Kusimo, 1999).
Some minorities choose to reject both Euro-American superiority and withdraw from their own cultural group, self-segregating themselves through a distinct identity that is neither that of the majority nor of the minority (Aguirre & Turner, 1998; Root, 1996).
These individuals are no longer concerned with how they are perceived by Whites and do not exhibit an obsession with protecting their minority identity (Jackson, 2001). Root
(1990) claims that few minorities choose the option to create collectively an altogether new identity group because it does not fit the social order--the group is often not recognized in the larger society. However, according to Jackson‘s (2001) Black Identity 51
Development model, minorities may individually seek an alternative personal identity where they eventually apply a new sense of self to all aspects of their lives. They may develop a multicultural perspective where sensitivity to oppression, survival skills, and an understanding of power are incorporated into a distinct identity status, although this identity status is not dependent on collective recognition. There are few, if any, studies exploring such self-actualization in the identity development of Blacks.
The identity of multiracial people. Unlike many minorities, people of mixed race fall into a —class of those for whom the consensus is not clear“ (Appiah & Gutmann,
1996, p. 80) because they do not fit the existing social stratification system predicated, in part, on race. Racially mixed people may have options in how they racially identify themselves depending on their phenotypes and inherited social rank (Appiah & Gutmann,
1996; Root, 1992; Waters, 1999; Wijeyesinghe, 2001), but, again, there are few studies documenting the social experiences of multiracial people (Root, 1996; Chiong, 1998).
However, Wijeyesinghe (2001) has created the Factor Model of Multiracial Identity
(FMMI) which suggests eight factors that influence how people of mixed races choose their racial identity: racial ancestry; early socialization and childhood experiences; cultural attachment to a particular racial category; physical appearance; social and historical context in which one is raised; political awareness and orientation toward race; spirituality; and other social identities one might experience. Triracial individuals are likely influenced by some, but not all, of these factors. The findings and implications of this study, which are presented in Chapters 4 and 5, contribute to an understanding of identity development for triracial peoples. 52
Rurality as a Form of Marginalization
A second form of oppression, which influences both identity development and social status and is relevant to this study set in Appalachia, is membership in a poor rural community. In regards to social class designations, urban environments are typically referenced as the norm (Fiene, 1993). Context, such as a poor rural environment, shapes identity (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996; Breakwell, 1986; Fiene, 1993; Jackson, 2001). Rural areas are often geographically isolated, which can lead to a distinct community ideology and possible social stigma and often limit the types of economic opportunities available
(Duncan, 1999; Porter, 1997). Poverty in the rural setting further marginalizes residents and limits their access to mainstream resources, including educational services and healthcare (Brooks-Gunn, Klebanov, Liaw, & Duncan, 1995; Gadsden, 1995). These issues are explored in relation to the impact that such geographically and economically alienating factors have on school experiences and identity.
Description of Rural Communities
Identifying what constitutes a rural setting varies, depending on the definition of rural that a researcher chooses to use. Howley‘s (2002) classification, based on a community‘s self-perception as rural, is used here to distinguish a rural community. 7 If a community thinks it is rural, then it is rural. Throughout the literature, rural America is described as extremely diverse. The contrasts in geography, climate, economic systems, and history of rural areas are significant (Galston & Baehler, 1995). Despite the diversity, areas considered rural often share some fundamental characteristics, which
7 The literature contains over 250 definitions of what constitutes rural. Howley (2002) bases the labeling of settings as rural on the perceptions of local inhabitants. People who perceive themselves as rural are considered to live a rural context. 53 perhaps result from their geographic isolation. Rural communities are typically sparsely populated, and that population is usually geographically dispersed (Gaventa, 1982;
Nachtigal, 1982b; Schroth, Pankake, Fullwood, & Gates, 2001). Rural inhabitants are often socially cut off from the rest of the world because of their remote geographic location.
Like Blacks, rural people often demonstrate a group solidarity in which
—individuals and families come to know one another intimately, assist one another in time of need, and trust one another enough to cooperate in pursuit of goals that cannot be attained through solitary endeavor“ (Galston & Baehler, 1995, p. 3). This connectivity may stem from a sense of shared fate because of their geographic remoteness or as a response to protecting the community from external threats (Blum, 1999; Haas &
Nachtigal, 1998; Porter, 1997). These important human relationships are typically characterized by a strong sense of loyalty, shared economic activities, and informal communications systems (Giroux, 1996; Nachtigal, 1982b; Porter, 1997). Galston and
Baehler (1995) claim that the antithesis to such relations with other human beings is the value system of fierce competition and independence promulgated by the greater society, which Nachtigal (1982b) argues is typical of urban communities. Often invisible in the greater society, rural people have come to value one another (Carter, 1999).
Another common attribute of rural areas is that residents tend to exhibit a special connection to place (DeYoung, 1995; Howley & Howley, 1995; Kannapel & DeYoung,
1999; Porter, 1997; Theobald, 1997). Historically, rural life has stood in contrast to urban life, set apart from the industrial mainstream as —something particular and special, 54 a symbolic representation of the desire to be at one with the land“ (Galston & Baehler,
1995, p. 3). This relation to nature is based on human interactions with the land reflecting balance, respect, responsibility, and care. Rural people are often described as exhibiting awareness of the limits of nature‘s resources (Galston & Baehler, 1995).
Traditionally, rurality has been synonymous with agrarian life, in part, because of this oneness with the land. However, as the number of rural farms continues to decrease, the agrarian model does not necessarily represent rurality (Levine & White, 1986;
McGranahan, 1994; Stauber, 2001). Despite becoming less agrarian, many rural communities still resist industrialization promoted by the larger society (Brandau &
Collins, 1992). Therefore, a conflict between —market- and place-oriented development“ exists (Galston & Baehler, 1995, p. 4).
This conflict is perhaps most salient in defining work ethic (Cahill & Martland,
1993). The mainstream idea of work is labor for which one is paid and that which contributes to our market system. In rural communities, work encompasses much more than paid labor. Work is considered tasks which contribute to the household well-being, including hunting and gardening. Such non-market endeavors would not likely be considered work in the industrial model, but in a rural setting, such efforts are praiseworthy. Cahill and Martland (1993) claim that rural residents are often characterized as lacking the motivation to work that exists among other non-rural communities because they do not necessarily pursue careers valued by the mainstream.
Shared memories are also an important part of most rural communities (Galston &
Baehler, 1995; Kannapel & DeYoung, 1999; Porter, 1997). Rural communities are 55 typically not as transitory as urban areas; thus, generation after generation of families may come to know one another by narratives of family and community; and because of geographic isolation, interaction with outsiders is often limited (Galston & Baehler, 1995;
Haas & Nachtigal, 1998; Porter, 1997). There is a resistance to change and interaction from the outside (Nachtigal, 1982b). These shared meanings become part of rural inhabitants‘ collective identity, and leaving the community is often perceived as a rejection of and a threat to cultural identity (Cahill & Martland, 1993). Children often assume their parents‘ role in the community and may remain living in a particular rural area their entire lives (Cahill & Martland, 1993). In many rural communities, there is a sense of nostalgia for the way life is perceived to have always been.
Poor Rural Communities
Rural communities are differentiated by the priorities of local people, availability of economic resources, the commonality of purpose, and their political efficacy.
Nachtigal (1982b) suggests three distinct types of rural communities: poor rural communities, traditional middle-America rural communities, and rural communities in transition. Using Nachtigal‘s (1982b) classification system, a traditional middle-America rural community is typically inhabited by middle-class families with high educational priorities who have influence in political systems. Members of a rural community in transition exhibit a wide range of personal values and vary significantly in their educational expectations. Rural communities in transition have high to low family income levels and are experiencing an influx of newcomers who are gaining political power. 56
A poor rural community typically does not demonstrate political efficacy. Power is held by outsiders, perhaps in a neighboring town. Lower levels of educational attainment, family income, political power, and self-determination characterize poor rural communities. Poor rural residents have fewer personal resources, such as time and money, to devote to change or improvement; many focus on subsistence living.
Appalachian communities, like Appleton in this study, are often poor (Fiene,
1993; Gaventa, 1982). Poor rural communities in Appalachia have poor grass roots participation in civic life. Gaventa (1982) and Fiene (1993) claim that the Appalachian region has not been integrated into the United States cultural, social, or political mainstream and that poor Appalachians occupy low positions in the social hierarchy.
Living in poverty often results in oppressive identities for many rural residents. Like many poor communities, the way of living in many poor Appalachian communities represents a deficient existence in the larger American society because social stratification is based, in part, on the ability to adapt to middle-class norms (Fiene, 1993;
Gaventa, 1982; Woodrum, 2004). Attached to Appalachia is the label of —hillbilly“--a negative stereotype criticizing Appalachians for their traditional values, choice of lifestyles, and connection with the land. This —mountaineer“ lifestyle is stereotyped as evidence of cultural lag, of rural people‘s inability to adapt to modern times and issues
(Fiene, 1993).
Although chronic poverty historically has plagued many rural communities, rural poverty has not received the same attention that urban poverty has been paid (Gaventa,
1982; Woodrum, 2004). Appalachians are often stigmatized as socially deviant as a 57 result of this image of poverty (Fiene, 1993; Gaventa, 1982). Appalachian quiescence is interpreted by the dominant majority as fatalism rather than a result of a sense of powerlessness in mainstream society. It is assumed that —if [poor Appalachians] were to participate, they would choose the same values as those being ascribed to them by the dominant order“ (Gaventa, 1982, p. 41). Expression of grievances concerning social ills in poor Appalachian communities is blocked by local elites. There is often a sense of powerlessness in regards to social advancement, which may result in an attitude of live- for-today among the rural poor (Fiene, 1993).
Poor Appalachian families tend to remain in a community for generations and adhere to a local culture; therefore, cultural practices for specific Appalachian settings may vary greatly. For example, communities in rural Appalachian Ohio have encountered economic, social, and political struggles, which have resulted in common cultural elements (Woodrum, 2004). Such local cultures are often labeled inadequate, and members may adhere to the degradation ascribed to the culture by local elites or the larger society (Gaventa, 1982).
Schooling in Rural Communities
Small schools have traditionally been at the center of many rural communities, in part, because they serve as social gathering places and offer opportunities for community interaction (Brandau & Collins, 1992; Porter, 1997). Because of sparse and geographically dispersed populations, rural regions tend to have trouble supporting social institutions, particularly in poor rural communities (Stauber, 2001). The schoolhouse serves a social capacity--it is a place for people to connect, not to compete with one 58 another. Non-academic activities often hold more prestige than academic programs in rural places and schools because of the social experience (Kannapel & DeYoung, 1999).
The educational attainment of rural residents is lower than that of residents from other localities (McGranahan, 1994). Historically, children in rural communities attain fewer years of schooling and progress more slowly than their urban peers (Nachtigal,
1982a). This may be a result of conflicting values between rural communities and mainstream schooling. Many rural residents do not want to leave their rural communities; therefore, educational achievement focused on obtaining a job outside of the rural setting is not sought or valued (Brandau & Collins, 1992; Schroth et al., 2001).
School curricula geared toward moving students up the industrial ladder may conflict with the rural attachment to place (Kannapel & DeYoung, 1999). Moreover, typically, poor rural families have not experienced any family member escaping poverty as a result of educational success. For many poor rural families, schooling is not viewed as a way to achieve higher social status (McLaughlin, 1982).
Rural communities are usually not within commuting range of large, metropolitan areas. Thus, the job and income opportunities growth rate fall behind the rest of the nation. The available rural employment requires few professional skills and offer lower wages (McGranahan, 1994). In fact, based on their case study analysis of the work, family life, and schooling in a rural community, Brandau and Collins (1992) argue that many rural jobs do not require a high school diploma. Through an informal economy of interdependence, rural families in poor communities often sustain themselves without achieving mainstream educational success (Nachtigal, 1982b). Educational attainment 59 for poor families, particularly poor Blacks, does not correlate with economic achievement
(hooks, 1994; Ogbu, 1983). People occupying poor-paying, less prestigious jobs do not necessarily choose their occupation--society often assigns these roles.
For over a century, the schooling offered in rural communities has been labeled inferior and deficient in comparison to mainstream schools (Kannapel & DeYoung,
1999). In a call for efficiency and effectiveness, rural schools have been consolidated into large, scientifically managed bureaucracies, resulting in loss of community centeredness (DeYoung, 1990; Meier, 2001; Mulcahy, 1996). Poor rural communities especially struggle to maintain their small, local schools because of the lack of economic and political resources. Rural students are further isolated physically when these consolidated schools are located long distances from their homes (Kannapel & DeYoung,
1999). The notion of schools as social gathering places is challenged by such consolidation and the connection between schooling and daily life is often lost. Poor
Appalachian families view school consolidation as alienating and further powerlessness.
It is one more form of disenfranchisement in their oppressed lives (Woodrum, 2004).
Rural schools that have not been closed through school consolidations have been introduced to urban education strategies where the purpose of education is —to provide a top quality workforce capable of maintaining the country‘s competitive edge in the changing global economy“ (Brandau & Collins, 1992, p. 2). This preparation, again, typically does not coincide with the rural lifeworld, especially in a poor rural community.
Rural students often become disenfranchised from schools operating the urban model
(Howley, 2001; Porter, 1997). Non-participation on the part of rural families is deemed a 60 lack of interest in education rather than a conflict of values, which perhaps results from their isolated identity experiences.
Schools perhaps play a role in the —recreation of an unequally responsive economy“ (Apple, 1999, p. 57). Social stigmas attached to low economic status often result in students being educationally sorted based on their perceived assigned place in the social order. —Schools endow individuals with the qualifications that determine their respective places in a social order“ (Levine & White, 1986, p. 192). Many poor students are assimilated into tracks geared toward lower-paying jobs--there is a glass ceiling, which limits their educational aspirations (Brandau & Collins, 1992). School is therefore often devalued and deemed irrelevant to the poor, and academic problems persist
(Gadsden, 1995).
Perhaps the marginalization of poor rural students results, at least in part, in their not meeting state academic accountability standards (Porter, 1997; Howley 1998). The academic bar continues to rise in an effort to prepare students for the increasingly competitive global economy (Brandau & Collins, 1992; Feagin, 1994; Giroux, 1997).
Woodrum (2004) found that the values underlying state accountability legislation do not parallel the values of many rural families, especially those living in poverty. Because of conflicting values, poor Appalachian families often feel they must choose between what is promulgated by the school and their own cultural values. When family values do not parallel those of the school, the local culture is labeled deficient by the mainstream culture. Furthermore, school reform efforts in poor rural communities often result in failure because more basic socioeconomic needs go unmet In fact, some educational 61 researchers argue that socioeconomic status is the single greatest predictor of student academic achievement (Darden, 2003).
Poor Blacks in the Rural Setting
The physical and social isolation of rural communities, particularly poor rural communities, influences the life experiences of rural inhabitants. Rural poverty is described as a persistent problem in the literature (Freshwater & Scorsone, 2002).
Approximately 22% of rural children live in poverty compared with nineteen 19% of urban children (Fluharty, 2000), and rural poverty continues to grow at a faster rate than urban poverty (Stauber, 2001). Duncan (1999) explains that economic, political, and social isolation continues to plague many rural communities, resulting in persistent poverty.
Minorities, specifically Blacks, are more likely to experience poverty than Whites
(Brooks-Gunn et al., Gadsden, 1995). The U.S. Census Bureau (2003) reports that 24% of Blacks and 21% of Hispanics live in poverty compared with 8% of Whites. For generations, Blacks have been required to possess the same skills and education as
Whites in order to obtain jobs but have not been given the same quality and quantity of training and education (Ogbu, 1978). Moreover, despite educational attainment similar to that of Whites, many Blacks have experienced a tradition of only securing low-income employment (Brandau & Collins, 1992). Blacks often feel resigned to a lowered social class.
62
The persistence of such a frustrating experience over generations has led to the evolution of the belief that education does not help Blacks to achieve the same degree of self-improvement as Whites. Blacks have come to believe that in the areas of jobs, promotions, wages, and social position in the community, they are judged not as individuals . . . but as Blacks. They respond to this situation by repudiating the rhetorically and explicitly expressed educational expectations of the schools and society (Ogbu, 1978, p. 196).
Similarly, minorities living in rural areas are more likely than rural Whites to live in poverty. Blacks and Native Americans are disproportionately represented among the rural poor. Approximately 41% of rural African Americans and 60 percent of rural
Native Americans are poor compared with 13% of rural Whites (Carter, 1999). Blacks living in rural poverty exhibit further markers of distinctiveness from the mainstream society and likely face additional alienation. The existing literature base includes few studies documenting the experiences of poor racial minorities in rural communities.
Based on analysis of standardized test scores of urban and non-urban minorities, Houston
(1988) claims that minorities in non-urban settings, which include rural communities, consistently score lower than minorities in urban areas. Houston (1988) describes non- urban minorities as failing at higher rates than their White peers, resisting engagement with academic activities, and attaching less value to education. As discussed previously, these attributes are typical of many minorities. However, ruralness, coupled with poverty, perhaps multiplies the oppression.
Poverty is in itself insufficient to explain the oppressed social status assigned to rural Blacks. Poverty and belonging to a racial minority group are factors that increase vulnerability for Appalachians (Gaventa, 1982). Being a poor Appalachian does not 63 always result in being assigned to the lowest social rank, and not all Blacks inherit a
—caste-like“ status. However, when the three conditions (poorness, Blackness, and ruralness) exist simultaneously, a dynamic is created that results in an oppressed social position for poor rural Blacks. It is impossible to divorce race from social class and context (Miles, 1989). These forms of exclusion are intricately linked to one another.
Summary
The identities of oppressed peoples are not normative and do not necessarily fit identity theories based on White adolescent identity experiences (Lee, Spencer, and
Harpalani, 2003). Oppression, however, is central to understanding how race, economic status, and rurality impact identity and cultural practices as well as school experiences.
This literature review reveals long-held misconceptions associated with these marginalized populations, including stereotypes of their intellectual inferiority, innate lack of motivation, and cultural deficiencies. Only a small body of research examines how oppressed groups are culturally socialized in a Euro-American, middle-class world that devalues them and explores the impact of such oppression on schooling.
For many people experiencing threatened identities, multiple forms of oppression are perhaps so inextricably tied together that they cannot be adequately analyzed in isolation of one another (Darden, 2003). Identity development occurs within a particular context, and potential sources of social alienation in that context must be considered when talking about identity experiences and cultural incongruencies. —Identity cannot be isolated from the struggles from which it emerges“ (Ginwright, 2000, p. 93). The identity of oppressed individuals is linked to their everyday social battles. Identity experiences 64 are the product of competing interests resulting from multiple forms of marginalization and the negotiation between these sources of oppression.
A discussion of the impact of racial labeling on identity development is incomplete without considering the influences of poverty experienced by a large number of minorities. Furthermore, poverty also plagues many rural communities and perhaps plays a role in the social alienation of rural families and the marginalization of racial minorities. Because they are so few in number, particularly in rural Appalachia (Kusimo,
1999), and because they tend to live in poverty, rural Blacks encounter multiple sources of oppression. Unfortunately, much of the research examines the impact of race on life experiences with a disregard for the complex dynamic of poverty in the rural setting. The task of future research is to explore the relationship among race, class, and context and to articulate the exclusionary practices that result from these potentially oppressive forces, particularly as they occur in school.
There is a growing body of literature that attributes conflicting educational values between mainstream society and the minority to cultural dissonance, rather than alleged deficiencies of minorities, and examines how minority groups have socialized themselves to identities that are dictated to them by multiple sources of oppression. These studies analyze minorities‘ academic difficulties from a cultural lens but often do not consider the origin of these cultural differences. It is perhaps necessary to —explore the structural and institutional forces that impinge upon their lives“ (Lightfoot, 1978, p. 13). Moreover, although more recent identity development theories examine the identity experiences of minorities in light of the oppression they face, minimal attention is given to within-group 65 variations and the factors that result in such incongruencies (Allport, 1958; McLoyd,
1999).
The amount of research focusing on the impact of identity on school experiences is minimal (McLoyd, 1999). As the minority population increases, the need to understand how minorities acquire social competence within oppressed environments will likely increase. Empirical studies focusing on the experiences and schooling of minorities, particularly triracial individuals, in poor rural settings are warranted because much of the traditional research is not based on empirical evidence and focuses on the minorities in an urban context.
66
Chapter Three
Chapter Three highlights the methodological strategies and procedures used in this study to portray the life stories of participating members of a triracial community living in southeastern Ohio. The chapter also includes a description of the researcher and the participants.
Methodological Plan
The purpose of this study is to understand the influence of sociocultural systems on the identity development and school experiences of Appalachian triracial families living in a poor southeastern Ohio community. Qualitative research methods are utilized as a means of examining the lives of participants and identifying the meanings minority families assign to school structures, processes, and events. The purpose of using qualitative interviewing in this study is —not to get answers to questions nor to test hypotheses, and not to evaluate as the term is normally used. At the root of the in-depth interview is an interest in understanding the experience of other people and the meaning they make of that experience“ (Seidman, 1998, p. 2). The methodological aim of qualitative interviewing is to have access to the observation of others--participants are asked to reconstruct their experiences during the interview (Seidman, 1998; Spradley,
1979; Weiss, 1994). Such interviews reveal the complex intersection among life experiences, identity, and schooling for these families.
An idiographic theory, which is discussed in Chapter Five, has emerged from this research methodology. Research that results in idiographic theory is not a sequential process; thus, the components of the research are interactive (Gilgun, 2001; Maxwell, 67
1996; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Wolcott (1999) explains that qualitative researchers often discover their focus during fieldwork. As data collection and analysis occurred, I continued to review the related literature in order to guide development of conceptual themes and refine the interview protocol used in the field (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998).
The data compiled in this study are based on interviews and interactions with 21 triracial families and a few local residents who were present during family interviews. I purposefully excluded school personnel because their perspective is overemphasized in the literature, and school personnel often do not fully appreciate or recognize the implications of cultural differences on student achievement. The conflict between minority values and those of mainstream schooling can never be fully understood when examined from the school‘s perspective (Fordham, 1996; Ogbu, 1982). Moreover, from observations during a pilot study, I discovered that many triracial families would not participate in a study involving school officials for fear of possible repercussions.
Informants consented to participate in the Appleton study with the understanding that no contact would be made with school officials.
The Researcher
An instrument for data collection and analysis in qualitative studies (Angrosino,
2002; Seidman, 1998; Weiss, 1994), a researcher‘s background influences observations and interpretations (Angrosino, 2002; Peshkin, 1991; Romo & Falbo, 1996; Spradley,
1979; Wolcott, 1999). Therefore, as I conducted this study, I was cognizant of my own subjectivities and conferred with colleagues and my dissertation committee when collecting and analyzing data to minimize potential distortions that result from my own 68 biases. I acknowledge that my own personal life experiences impacted the process and outcomes of my study.
As a middle-class educator of European descent, it wasn‘t until recently that I began to understand and respect the cultural differences of students and how identity influences schooling. A decade ago I would not have considered sociocultural systems to be significant issues in education, but my professional experiences and critical reflection of my personal background have left me dissatisfied with the mainstream perception that certain groups of students do not fare well in school because of cultural deficiencies.
Moreover, through my own administrative experience, I have often discovered a disconnect between policymakers and their intended constituents.
Personal Background
Understanding the influence of multiple forms of oppression and cultural conflict on the school experiences and achievement of triracial students has both personal and professional meaning for me. As a child, I grew up in a small, rural West Virginia community where little emphasis was placed on academic achievement. Superior athletic performance, active involvement in church and family life, and outdoor activities such as hunting and automobile racing were highly valued. Most of my friends completed high school with the aspiration of obtaining a job locally, and such employment typically did not require a college degree. I, on the other hand, wanted to escape the community that offered few high-paying job opportunities.
After graduating from high school, I left the area to attend college in pursuit of a degree in elementary education. While attending a small liberal arts college in 69 southeastern Ohio, I tried to hide my poor Appalachian background for fear that it would have social and academic repercussions. It was not until graduate school, when I studied issues of social justice and critical theory, that I began to appreciate human difference and consider the role our social stratification system plays in the continued existence of subordinate groups. In addition, I began to realize how the White, middle-class majority controls public institutions, particularly schools, and therefore, how this dominant group controls the —official knowledge“ and employment market. These personal revelations have sensitized me to the school experiences of minority students whose cultural backgrounds may not parallel the values promulgated by mainstream society, thus shaping my understanding of the influence oppression can have on school experiences.
Professional Experiences
Interestingly, I did not leave Appalachia, but chose to accept a principalship at two small schools in rural, southeastern Ohio where minority students account for approximately 15% of the student population (this figure is likely low as many minority students are officially recorded as White on school documents [Chiong, 1998]). Working in a predominantly White, middle-class district, I have discovered that few district residents understand the social reality of our triracial students, many of whom are poor.
Because of low school performance and lack of parental involvement, minority families are criticized for not valuing education and failing to support the local school system.
Their lifestyles are often labeled inferior and deviant. The unspoken charge of educators is to rectify the alleged cultural deficiencies of these students--to replace values from the 70 home with mainstream beliefs so that these children, too, may demonstrate high academic performance, particularly on state-mandated accountability tests.
As a school administrator, I was aware of the marginalization that minority students experience, but I did not fully recognize how educational policies and practices impact their school lives. I avoided what Miles & Huberman (1994) refer to as —going native“--losing your perspective because you have assumed a view too empathetic to the perception of informants (avoidance of such bias is further described in the procedures).
In fact, my dissertation committee chair suggested on several occasions that my middle- class values were clouding my understanding of what was going on in the lives of participants, which further motivated me to probe deeper into how participants‘ lives may be influenced by multiple forms of oppression.
People of a culture have shared meanings. As a researcher, I start from the outside of the culture and attempt to gain access (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998). The researcher must suspend judgment and possess a genuine interest in learning about the culture (Bernard, 1995; Wolcott, 1999). My rural upbringing and professional experiences were assets in gaining access to Appleton‘s triracial community; however, I was still an outsider to these families. They questioned my motives, my professional role, and my identity. Because of my Italian ancestry, my skin color is as dark as or darker than many of my informants. In discussions of their racial identity, many participants were also interested in my racial identification, often asking, —Well, what are you?“ Their interest in my own identity suggests their sense of servitude--it was important for these racial minorities to recognize my status in the social order. 71
Research Participants
Informants for both the Milton pilot study and Appleton research were identified through snowball sampling, a sampling technique often used in community studies.
In snowball sampling, you locate one or more key individuals and ask them to name others who would be likely candidates for your research. If you are dealing with a relatively small population of people who are likely to be in contact with one another, then snowball sampling is an effective way to build an exhaustive sampling frame. (Bernard, 1995, p. 97).
This methodology is appropriate for studying a small population of triracial families who are difficult to locate in remote geographic regions. Moreover, I wanted to avoid identifying who belongs and does not belong to the group as self-identification helps to validate the existence of a distinct sociocultural group. Such purposeful sampling is helpful when attempting to make contact with individuals who are representative of the study‘s focus. Qualitative interview studies often rely on small samples, in part, because each informant typically provides extensive information (Angrosino, 2002). Moreover, these in-depth interviews are extremely time consuming, which can impact the feasibility of a larger sample size (Seidman, 1998).
As noted in Chapter One, the pilot study involved triracial families whose children are enrolled in Milton schools where I serve as principal. I did not conduct the research project in Milton because conflicts of interest often arise when you interview people you supervise (Seidman, 1998). Based on my school interactions with triracial families, I established a professional relationship with a Milton triracial parent who has social networks in Appleton. This informant suggested possible participants for the pilot 72 study and for the research in Appleton. In turn, these participants identified other triracial families who might be willing to participate.
Through snowball sampling, 24 families were contacted, 21 of whom participated in the study. The three families who chose not to participate cited lack of time and/or interest in the study as reasons for non-participation. A telephone conversation I had with a family member from one of these three families is referred to in Chapters Four and
Five because it reveals how markers of distinctiveness impact identity experiences and expectations of schooling. There were two other families who did not respond to repeated telephone messages and mailings inviting them to participate.
Because race is only one contributing factor in identity development, I avoided focusing solely on race as a marker of distinctiveness that separates the participants from other families in the community. However, participants were asked to identify the characteristics of their social group that distinguishes it from other groups, and race was the most frequently cited attribute that defines the group. Race is a member‘s phenomenon--not the analytical framework of the researcher. Racial identity is a complex phenomenon in this study because claiming a racial minority status (e.g., Black, mixed, triracial) determines, in part, social acceptance within a particular group. Sixty- seven percent of participants identified themselves as Black; while other participants reported being mixed, multiracial, African American, colored, triracial, or other. No participants indicated White as their racial status, but in addition to African-American ancestry, all of the participants claimed both Native-American and White ancestry. 73
Participants repeatedly made reference to —White“ modes of behavior and to
—Black“ ways of thinking and acting. Such racial labeling of cultural behaviors is how members speak, which is distinguished from ways of interpretive analysis. This study utilizes a cultural framework for understanding the social world, and phenotype may or may not relate to cultural identity. African-American or Euro-American, middle-class labels are attached to cultural practices by the researcher. The terms Black and White denote phenotype here unless otherwise indicated by members.
With the exception of one high school dropout, Appleton students participating in the study were enrolled in grades nine through twelve at the county high school located approximately 14 miles away from Appleton. Most student participants were accompanied by at least one legal guardian, who in several cases was a grandparent. A few students who were 18 years of age participated without a guardian, and two other students obtained written permission from their guardians to participate alone. A total of
25 students and 17 adult guardians were interviewed. The participants have lived in the
Appleton area all of their lives, although other family members may have moved to different communities in southeastern Ohio.
According to the 2000 U.S. Census, Appleton‘s unemployment rate is reported at
3% of people 16 years and older, and of that age group, 60% is actually in the labor force.
Eighty percent of the labor force is salary workers or earn private wages; 16% work for government entities. In 1999, 19% of Appleton‘s households earned less than $10,000 while approximately 32% of households earned between $10,000 and $35,000. Only 4% of Appleton‘s households reported earning more than $100,000. 74
Thirty-eight percent of the participating families described their economic circumstances as poor while 62% economically identified as middle class. The highest- paying job cited was manufacturing work while several women are Wal-Mart employees in a distant town. According to Sernau‘s (2001) descriptions of economic class structure, the majority of participating families can be classified as the working poor or the working class because their annual family incomes are likely less than $25,000. Only three families reported specific jobs that reflect a middle-class income of more than $40,000.
The majority of adult participants do not work in an out-of-home business; some of these individuals solicit work through an informal economy such as childcare services or
—handyman“ work. Only one family mentioned receiving government welfare assistance, and one grandparent participant cited Social Security as his only source of income.
The informants provided information pertaining to their educational attainment and school performance. Because I excluded school officials from this study, I was unable to obtain official records pertaining to their school performance and history.
Eighty percent of the students describe themselves as average to below-average school achievers while 20% reported being high-achieving students. Two of the participating parents and one 18-year-old male identified themselves as high school dropouts, and one parent reported having earned a two-year associate degree.
Procedures
Data collection for this project occurred over an 18-month period, beginning with the pilot study in the neighboring community of Milton. —The fact that such data are collected over a sustained period makes them powerful for studying any process; we can 75 go beyond snapshots“ (Miles & Huberman, 1994, p. 10). The pilot study provided the opportunity to experiment with the interview protocol, facilitating the development of questions that targeted the research objectives (Weiss, 1994). Moreover, through the pilot study, I discovered that the influences of racial labeling and class oppression on identity experiences were much more relevant to this study than anticipated. As a result, the interview protocol was significantly revised based on the pilot study findings.
Data Collection
Because I wanted to glean specific information related to expectations of and meanings associated with schooling--but wanted to give participants the opportunity to identify important cultural and school forces that shape their lives–I utilized semistructured interviewing. Semistructured interviews incorporate a specific set of questions targeting the research problem but allow the informants to go off on their own tangents (Angrosino, 2002; Bernard, 1995; Wolcott, 1999). The participants‘ stories are rich with information and provide descriptive accounts of their life experiences and how they understand their places in the world.
Bernard (1995) cites expectancy effect, the tendency for a researcher to shape participants‘ responses in order to obtain the researcher‘s expected result, as a limitation of interviewing. When interviewing families, I encouraged open-ended discussion to help insure the validity of the data. Qualitative studies allow us to understand the participants‘ experiences within the context of their particular situations, but by relying solely on the stories of informants, which is the case here, there is no assurance of validity (Seidman, 1998; Weiss, 1994). To corroborate information provided by other 76 participants, my follow-up telephone interviews often included questions focusing on a particular topic.
I attempted to interact with the informants in natural settings so that context was not removed. I initially contacted potential informants by telephone to establish rapport and discuss the purposes of the interviews. Individuals who agreed to participate were given the choice of being interviewed in their homes, the local library, or some other public place. When meeting with informants in public settings like the local library, I usually arrived early and stayed late in order to familiarize myself with the environment and local residents. Bernard (1995) describes such loitering as hanging out with participants, an effort to foster trust so that participants‘ behaviors are more typical and do not change because they are being studied.
Prior to the interview, informants were assured that their identities would remain confidential and that school officials would not participate in this research project. All of the interviews occurred on weekdays during evening hours. Interviews varied in length from 45 to 90 minutes. Interviews were tape-recorded and later transcribed for analysis.
A few families refused permission to tape-record; therefore notes were taken during the interview. The tape recorder malfunctioned, however, during several interviews resulting in recordings that were inaudible. In these cases, summaries of the interview content were written immediately after the interviews took place. There were some instances where clarification was needed regarding an emerging theme or idea or a participant‘s earlier response, and several follow-up telephone calls were made in order to confirm or 77 deny information. According to Maxwell (1996), such follow-up contacts are member- checks that increase internal validity and validity in general.
As suggested by Bogdan and Biklen (1998), interviews were set up in conversational style. —It is only in this manner that they (researchers) can capture what is important in the minds of the subjects themselves“ (p. 35). Informants were treated as cultural experts and encouraged to share ideas and vignettes. Bernard (1995) suggests probing interview participants for more detailed information. Techniques for probing utilized in this study included repeating responses to solicit additional descriptions, asking for further clarification when little detail was provided, and remaining silent in order to provide informants with opportunities to speak openly. Such probing techniques also address validity issues. Repeating responses and asking for clarification is a way to check for accuracy and meaning. Moreover, such probing allows the researcher to ask for specific examples to illustrate wide-sweeping claims. For example, when participants commented that they were alienated as Blacks, I asked them to describe specific incidents in which they experienced such marginalization.
When a participant provided conflicting data or when negative evidence occurred,
I tried to determine why the inconsistencies existed. For example, were there competing reasons for the disagreement or were the differences a result of differences in social experiences? What are the spurious relations amongst the informants providing the data?
In cases of outliers, I looked for further cases to check the representativeness of the data.
Information was corroborated by different sources, a process referred to as triangulation, which Miles and Huberman (1994) and Seidman (1998) affirm increases validity. It is 78 tempting to overweight data from high-status informants who are articulate and to place less emphasis on data provided by less articulate informants (Bernard, 1995). In cases where informants were reluctant to participate in the discussion, I purposefully allowed more time for responses and asked additional questions so that their ideas receive equal representation to more outspoken individuals.
A field journal was maintained throughout data collection, which included reflections regarding my interpretations and comments about the research process. Field journals allow researchers to deal with possible bias and help them grapple with conflicting or complex data (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998), and I shared my journal with my colleagues and my dissertation committee so that we could discuss the influence of my own thoughts and feelings on the research process. The journal also served as a road map for follow-up contacts because it contained my unanswered questions.
In discussing the validity of the data with regards to triangulation techniques, it is important to note that the data are not necessarily social realities but the perceptions of the participants. The information collected during the interviews is based on the life experiences of the triracial families--it is their reality told only from their perspective.
Triangulation does occur in the sense that data were provided from families with different markers of distinctiveness, and the information shared by these families was compared and contrasted in order to understand how they make sense of their life circumstances, particularly as they relate to schooling. However, there were triracial families living in the community who did not participate, and potential participants were identified through snowballing, which may have resulted in triracial peoples with alternative views being 79 excluded from the self-identification process. Therefore, part of the story may be missing. Moreover, the perspective of school officials and Whites living in the area were not included. Thus, it is acceptable to generalize about the participating triracial families, but controversial to generalize the findings of this case study to other contexts.
Data Analysis
Qualitative researchers are continually searching for patterns in the data, and they look for evidence that explains the existence of these patterns (Bernard, 1995; Wolcott,
1999). —In attempting to understand the unconscious rules members of a group follow in their lives, we often look for patterns and themes of behavior which are carried from the home life into . . . the community“ (Heath, 1983, p. 201). Miles and Huberman (1994) describe specific categories that researchers employ to code qualitative data:
• Setting/context--general information on surroundings that allows researcher to
place the study in larger context;
• Definition of the situation--how people understand or define the study topics or
setting;
• Perspectives--the way things are done here;
• Ways of thinking about people and objects--much more detailed than
perspectives;
• Process--changes over time, sequence of events;
• Activities--patterns in behaviors;
• Events--special occasions;
• Strategies--ways for getting things done; 80
• Relationships--unofficially designed structures (p. 61).
I made use of these data-coding categories during data analysis but did not separate each category into individual themes. Instead, these categories were used in combination with one another as mechanisms to articulate the themes related to identity and its impact on schooling. For example, I examined how relationships among particular participants revealed shared thinking patterns and strategies for survival. I compared the activities and events cited by parents with the information provided by students to understand what factors influence perspective. Moreover, I discovered that the impact of the poor rural context could not be isolated from other themes.
When drawing conclusions, data were clustered by codes and plausibility examined. Qualitative researchers try to identify interplay between and among themes to move from conceptual to theoretical coherence. Miles and Huberman (1994) explain that qualitative researchers analyze pieces of data to determine what phenomenon, if any, they illustrate. Comparisons and contrasts are made, and ideas or occurrences that appear to repeat are counted to determine frequency. The goal is to make complicated social realities more understandable by subsuming particulars into the general and by revealing how component parts fit together according to cultural rules (Bernard, 1988; Miles &
Huberman, 1994). A qualitative researcher examines members‘ actions and experiences to make sense of their social worlds.
Qualitative research involves a great deal of ambiguity--findings do not necessarily lend themselves to definitive conclusions. Such lack of closure is frustrating to many researchers, influencing them to —interpret events as more patterned and 81 congruent than they really are, looping off the many loose ends of which social life is made“ (Miles & Huberman, 1994, p. 263). As previously mentioned, when negative evidence occurred, it was not discarded. Instead, I attempted to determine its source: variation within the culture, lack of my understanding of the topic, or simply an outlier
(Bernard, 1995). Throughout the study, the data were reviewed with my dissertation committee and several other graduate students in an effort to check the clarity, accuracy, and objectivity of my results and to address any researcher bias.
Summary of Methodology
—The adequacy of a research method depends on the purpose of the research and the questions being asked. . . . If the researcher‘s goal is to understand the meaning people involved in education make of their experience, then interviewing provides a necessary, if not always completely sufficient, avenue of inquiry “ (Seidman, 1998, pp. 4-
5). Semistructured interviews were used in a pilot study involving triracial families in a community neighboring Appleton, and participants‘ responses provided insight into lifeworld of these families. The interview protocol was slightly refined after the pilot study, and such interviewing was again utilized for collecting data in Appleton.
The interview transcripts and field notes were analyzed for reoccurring themes.
Outliers were reviewed to determine their meaning, and the accuracy of themes was confirmed by comparing data provided by different informants. The processes of reviewing the literature and collecting and analyzing the data were ongoing throughout the study and continually interacted. From these procedures, an idiographic theory emerged. 82
Perhaps a limitation of the Appleton study is that a cross-case comparison is not available. Miles and Huberman (1994) claim that results from comparative studies enhance generalizability, transcend radical particularism, and deepen understanding of a phenomenon. However, the results and conclusions presented in Chapters 4 and 5 have implications for education policymakers because they allow educators to understand the effect a particular sociocultural system has on schooling rather than focusing on an evaluation of school effects. Wolcott (1999) claims that such qualitative studies guide educators in realizing —the potential of the school experience“ (p. 181) rather than generalizing what is good or bad educational policy.
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Chapter Four
Through a qualitative mode of inquiry, this study examines the social lifeworld and school experiences of a group of triracial families living in a poor Appalachian community. How does being a member of a triracial enclave in a poor rural context influence one‘s social experiences and life opportunities? How do participants perceive their social status in the larger society in light of their life circumstances? What role does schooling play in the lives of these minority families, and what meanings do they attach to school experiences? These research questions evolved from both a literature review and a pilot study, and this chapter presents the data related to these questions.
The purpose of this chapter is to share participants‘ stories--to explain how they make sense of the lives they are experiencing. To provide a context for the findings, the chapter begins with a depiction of Appleton and its surrounding countryside, an account that is based on my personal observations. The discussion of context is followed by a description of participants‘ self-reported demographics. Then I discuss my relationships with informants.
These opening sections are followed by a presentation of the themes in the data, which emerged through the approach of looking at the social world from the perspectives of the participants. The influences that both place and race have on identity are the first two themes explored. Because they are not mutually exclusive themes, the compounding interplay between race and place is also included in the presentation of the findings. I have ascertained the participants‘ understandings of the social processes that structure their school world, which has led to the theoretical proposition that racial labeling and 84 stigmas of place shape identity, and identity, in turn, shapes school experience. The data supporting this theory are presented as a final theme in this chapter.
Context
The lives of participants are shaped, in part, by the contextual setting of Appleton.
A description of this rural community, based on field notes recorded during my visits, is provided in order to situate the findings.
A Place Called Appleton
The small village of Appleton was an unfamiliar place to me despite the fact that I had worked for four years in a community located fewer than 10 miles away. Prior to this research, I had never visited the village and was not acquainted with any local residents. Before I began interviewing participants, I made several trips to Appleton, which included stops at area businesses and leisure drives along rural roadways.
My first impression of Appleton was that it looks similar to many small towns in rural Appalachia: a local bank, restaurant, grocery store, gas station, church, post office, and library line a rural route that passes through Appleton. During business hours, it is not uncommon to see people walking along the narrow cement sidewalk that connects the businesses and houses located on the main rural route. Patrons frequent these establishments during the daytime, and these customers can be observed discussing politics, the weather, local gossip, and community events. At dusk, a few streetlights are lit along the main street, and there are few, if any, people wandering the sidewalks.
Like most of southeastern Ohio, the countryside surrounding the village consists of hilly terrain and scattered farmlands. Livestock graze along pastures and hillsides, and 85 farmers use the small amount of flatter acreage for growing beans and corn. There are two main rural routes that connect the countryside with the village, and the —backroads“ or —hollows“ that run throughout the countryside are patches of blacktop, dirt, and gravel.
Located throughout the countryside are many wood-frame houses and mobile homes, several of which are dilapidated or sit next to piles of scrap metal or trash. Scattered amongst these homes are a few manufactured, vinyl-sided, or brick dwellings. Some roads in the area surrounding Appleton are more remote than those on which homesteads are located. A person can travel several miles along these country roads through thick forests and rolling hills without passing a single home.
Participant Demographic Information
Participants shared information related to student grade levels, family living arrangements, household wage earners, and economic status. This information is helpful in understanding participants‘ lives.
A total of 42 informants participated in the study. The participant sample included: 13 mothers, 2 fathers, 1 grandmother, 1 grandfather, and 25 students. Seven students (28%) participated in the study without a guardian or other family member.
Eleven female students participated in the study compared with 14 male students.
Students‘ reported grade levels are listed in Table 4.1.
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Table 4.1 Student Grade Levels
Grade Level Number of Students Percent of Sample
Freshman 4 16%
Sophomore 6 24%
Junior 10 40%
Senior 4 16%
High School Dropout 1 4%
Students were asked to identify their household living arrangements, including their relationship to the people residing in their homes. This information, which is based on a sample size of 21 families, is outlined in Table 4.2. Two students stated that they often —live from house to house“ with different family members and friends.
Table 4.2 Participants‘ Living Arrangements
Living Arrangements Number of Families Percent of Sample
Students lives with both 8 38.1% parents Students lives with 3 14.3% extended family and parent Student lives with 3 14.3% grandparent Student lives with single 4 19% parent mother Student lives with single 1 4.8% parent father Student lives from house to 2 9.5% house
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Eight of the families classified their economic circumstances as —poor“ or —low income“ while 13 families described themselves as —middle income.“ Several families who characterized their economic circumstances as —middle income“ explained that they are neither rich nor poor. In addition to describing their economic status, families were also asked to identity which household members earn wages from work. These data are presented in Table 4.3. In the case of five families, a member of the extended family (not the mother or father), who lives within the family home, is the wage earner. This is labeled as —Other adult in the household is wage earner“ in Table 4.3.
Table 4.3 Wage Earners
Reported Wage Earner Number of Families Percent of Sample
Father or mother is wage 3 14.3% earner Both parents are wage 5 23.8% earners Single parent is wage earner 5 23.8%
Other adult in the household 5 23.8% is wage earner Nobody in household is 3 14.3% wage earner
Relationships and Interactions with Participants
Because I was able to have lengthy discussions with participants and repeatedly interviewed the members of some families, I had numerous interactions with these families and developed relationships with them. A description of these interactions is 88 provided here so that the reader can understand the perceptions that I had of these families, and in turn, what I believe were their perceptions of me.
Visiting Participants‘ Homes
During my interviewing sessions in Appleton, I visited 5 of the 21 participating families‘ homes. Descriptions of these five homes are provided here in order to portray the living conditions of some of the participants and my experiences with families inside their homes.
Two of the homes I visited were mobile home units, and two homes were wood- frame structures. One home was a recently purchased manufactured home. I found that each of the five houses was neatly organized--personal items such as books and pictures were stored in an orderly fashion on shelves or counters. In two of the homes--one mobile home and one wood-frame dwelling--I noticed a few holes in the walls. In three of the five homes, the furniture looked somewhat worn and stained. During these home visits, the families gathered in their living rooms to share their life experiences with me.
The family members were polite and hospitable, always insisting on serving me refreshments such as ice tea or soda.
Of the five families I visited, two families classified their economic circumstances as poor. Regarding the condition of their homes, participants from both of these families commented that their homes reflected their low household incomes. One of the mothers explained that material possessions do not guarantee personal happiness. Several rusted cars were parked in the yard beside the family‘s mobile home, and the mother commented that transportation is often problematic for the family. 89
An elderly man and his grandson, who also described the family‘s economic conditions as poor, occupy one of the wood-frame homes I visited. Their home was remotely located on a dirt road. When I first arrived at this house, the grandson was chopping firewood in the company of a friend as the elderly man tended to several goats in the yard. Inside the house, they shared with me their experiences as minorities in rural
Appalachia. The grandfather commented that the family uses the nearby natural resources, such as game for hunting and wood for building and heating, for daily living purposes.
The other three families whose homes I visited described their economic conditions as middle income. The mother who was living with her family in the newer manufactured home stated, —I work hard to have a house like this. Black people work hard for what they get“ Another mother, who also described her family as middle income, was living with her two children and husband in a mobile home. Although members of this family did not discuss the condition of their home, the mother did refer to their —nice things,“ such as a fish aquarium and a computer.
The third family who also classified its economic conditions as middle-class arranged to meet with me at the grandparents‘ wood-frame home located in the center of
Appleton. The mother is a single parent raising two teenage daughters. Both the grandmother and mother indicated that the girls spend most of their time at the grandparents‘ home because of the mother‘s work schedule. The mother and her two daughters did not discuss the condition of their house but referred to their grandmother‘s house as —home.“ 90
Interviewing in Public Settings
When arranging interviews with informants, I offered to meet them in public settings in Appleton (e.g., the local library or restaurant), their homes, my school office located in a nearby town, or any other location that they suggested would be comfortable and convenient. Many families seemed hesitant about being interviewed in their homes by someone who was a stranger. With the exception of the five families whose homes I visited, the participants chose to meet at the local library or restaurant.
The majority of the interviews were conducted at the local library, and some informants, particularly the students, appeared nervous and fidgety. When they entered the library, many family members did not come directly to the arranged meeting area.
They wandered throughout the aisles of books or talked in a leisurely manner with other patrons. However, although I always arrived at least 30 minutes prior to the scheduled interview time, several families were waiting for me when I arrived.
Appleton‘s local library does not have any secluded meeting rooms; therefore, my discussions with participants occurred at a table located by the back entrance. I always felt as though this physical arrangement infringed upon the privacy of the interviews, and it appeared to make some participants uncomfortable when discussing experiences of racial prejudice. They often whispered and leaned across the tables closer to me as they shared a story about someone discriminating against them.
During the interviews conducted at the restaurant, I did not interact with the other patrons and had only limited verbal exchanges with the workers. The restaurant‘s seating was arranged so that people seated together were somewhat excluded from other 91 customers, which allowed participants to share their life stories but limited my contact with other villagers. I offered participants food or drinks during the interviews, but only a few accepted by ordering a soda or tea. I always ordered some type of snack, hoping to make participants more comfortable. My strategy seemed effective because participants openly discussed issues as I snacked and provided an occasional laugh or comment in between questions and answers.
My Perceptions of Participants and Their Perceptions of Me
Regardless of the site, the interviews were informal. Both students and guardians dressed casually for the interviews. Family members wore blue jeans or sweatpants and had on tennis shoes or boots. Some participants wore T-shirts with heavy coats, sweaters, or sweatshirts. I, too, dressed casually for these interviews in an effort to —fit in.“
During interview discussions, participants often altered their body language and behaviors depending on the topic and context. Family members did not hesitate to provide personal information about their income levels, occupations, living arrangements, and educational attainment. Some participants‘ demeanor did change, however, when certain topics were discussed. Many informants appeared angry and frustrated when they related accounts of racial tensions between local Whites and Blacks or described the educational services offered by the county school system. For example, a few informants raised the volume of their voices, clenched their fists, or pointed their fingers as they discussed these matters. However, when they discussed their relationships with one another, participants often laughed, smiled, and joked. 92
Informants often inquired about my professional and personal experiences as well as my background, information that I readily shared. Several participants seemed impressed that I was a principal and questioned me about racial conflict in the schools where I work. My position as a school administrator may have intimidated some participants as revealed by the behavior of a few parents who repeatedly encouraged their children to share their stories, reminding them that their identity would be kept confidential. A few parents made reference to my administrative role when describing their school experiences, insinuating that I, too, was aware of the problems that occur in school settings. —You know what it‘s like. I don‘t have to tell you,“ said one father.
Other informants were less concerned about my career as a school leader and inquired about my ethnic background. Several participants made comments about my dark skin and asked about my race. When I shared my diverse ethnic background, they often expressed empathy: —Well, then you know what [being dark] is like.“
Participants were identified through snowball sampling, and after the first several interviews, it was obvious to me that many students had agreed to participate in the study after they had discussed the project with other students who had already taken part in the interviews. I sensed that as the interviews continued, participants from the triracial community became much more comfortable. In fact, several students, who had previously been interviewed, accompanied their friends to interviews so that they could share more about their life experiences and provides updates on the events in their lives.
A student said, —My cousin told me you was cool. He said to tell you that he got a job.“ 93
Although I seemed to establish good rapport with participants, on the several occasions when I stopped to make purchases at Appleton‘s local grocery, restaurant, and gas station, I always sensed that the local residents perceived me as an outsider. People often stared when I entered these local businesses. The library patrons and workers were the only non-participants who initiated conversations with me.
Emergent Themes
Participants‘ stories reflect the ways in which their experiences are shaped by particular markers of distinctiveness. Appleton is stereotyped as a remote rural community plagued by social deviance and poverty, and these stigmas influence social identity. In addition to negative perceptions of place, informants also explained how racial labels impact their social status. Place and race interact as conditions relevant to participants‘ social location.
Place Influences Identity
The stories shared by participants suggest that the negative stereotypes of
Appleton result in social alienation from the larger society. Appleton is perceived as a place of social deviance populated by minorities, poor families, and/or —hicks.“
Stigmatized as social deviants. Many participants claimed that Appleton is stereotyped throughout the county as a community plagued by criminal activity. A female student remarked, —The rest of the school thinks that because you are from
Appleton you do drugs. But that is not true. There are some drugs in Appleton but it is a label that kids cannot escape.“ Another informant agreed:
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I want to get out of here because I am so tired of being treated this way. [School officials] think so bad of Appleton and we live out in the country but we are bad because we come from the Appleton area. They think so much bad stuff has happened here but they don‘t know. They say we get kicked out of school, we fight, there is drugs, everyone is colored. They don‘t know.
Similarly, a mother explained that her son had been accused of selling drugs because the family was able to provide him with a car. —[He] had a nice car that I gave him so the kids assumed he was selling drugs just because he has a nice car but he is not.“
According to several informants, Appleton students are nicknamed
—Appletonians“--a label that also suggests their social deviance:
[Interviewer]: Why do [people] call you that?
[Student]: Because people here think things about Appleton, and I mean some of them are true but I mean not everyone from Appleton sells drugs or does drugs and does this and does that. I mean they just again are stereotyping.
During a different interview, another female student and her mother made similar accusations regarding the label —Appletonians“:
[Interviewer]: So at your high school do all the students from Appleton hang out together?
[Mother]: They call us Appletonians. They talk about the ghetto here and inbred. We screw our own family and we don‘t.
[Daughter]: Yeah, they say that when they come through here they have to duck because there is a drive-by and they will get shot at but it is not like that.
Parents and students agreed that some residents from other communities in the county refrain from visiting Appleton and avoid socializing with its residents because of 95 the villagers‘ perceived social abnormalities. A mother recalled social situations where she felt her daughter had been shunned because the family lives in Appleton:
[My daughter] could not have kids over to our house because they were afraid of Appleton. I had to call their parents and tell them it was ok at our house. We are good We don‘t let our kids go up town and hang on the streets. She was allowed to go to their houses but they could not come to our house. Some of them are afraid of us just because we are from Appleton.
Most participants refuted Appleton‘s reputation as a place of social deviance, but one mother, whose daughter reported socializing primarily with Whites from the county seat, did not question the legitimacy of this stereotype.
We have had so many problems in the area like bank robbery, you know. It‘s more less people do whatever they please. They drive down the street 80 miles per hour no matter what street in Appleton because we have a bad reputation for drugs, sex--you know everything.
Poverty in Appleton . According to many of the informants, Appleton is also perceived as a poor community in regards to economic conditions. Many students agreed that most families from Appleton are collectively labeled poor regardless of their income levels. —The kids would say [people from Appleton] are poor,“ said a male student. A female student made similar remarks: —People think we are poor trash, and they treat us bad.“
As the two students‘ comments suggest, there is consensus among participants that being stereotyped as poor is a socially oppressive experience. Furthermore, some participants argued that the oppression faced by people perceived as poor is not 96 dependent on race--both Blacks and Whites from Appleton experience the same alienation as a result of being stigmatized as poor.
[Father]: Mainly it‘s Blacks versus Whites here. But I believe it‘s the rich over the poor and the Black. If you‘re a poor man, you ain‘t making it nowhere.
[Interviewer]: Who do you think faces the most discrimination--the poor or the Black?
[Father]: The poor people. I think the rich people are playing both sides of the fence.
A male student confirmed: —At the high school, really showing that you're poor hurts.“
—Hillbillies“ from Appleton . Many participants claimed that Appleton residents are often labeled —hicks“ or —hillbillies“ because of the village‘s relatively remote location and the mountaineer lifestyle of many residents. According to several students, the likelihood of being stereotyped as a —hick“ increases as a person moves farther away from the county seat and closer to Appleton. Although the entire county is considered rural, students claimed that Appleton is perceived as the most remote, and this remoteness is associated with a —backwoods“ way of life.
—People think we are all country people--like we live like hillbillies. They think
Appleton people are lazy,“ she said. Another mother and daughter also discussed the derogative nature of these —hick“ and —hillybilly“ labels. —We care about our kids‘ futures, but that‘s the way we took it that if you are from here, you don‘t care about your kid‘s education like other country people don‘t about that kind of stuff.“ A father commented, —People think that we live way out, we are farmer types and hicks.“ 97
Although they are aware that people from Appleton are commonly perceived as
—hicks,“ some participants claimed that there are not many Black —hicks“:
[Participant]: There is a lot of real country dudes and we don‘t get along at all. It‘s just, I don‘t know.
[Interviewer]: Are there Black kids that are —country“ kids?
[Participant]: I guess a few but not really. I don‘t know.
Participants also claimed that White —hicks“ are more prone to prejudicial behavior than other Whites. A female student explained:
[Participant]: There is stuff between Blacks and hicks.
[Interviewer]: What is a hick?
[Participant]: Someone who wears tight pants and big old muddy boots and hunting shirts. Not cool. They tend to not like Blacks.
Similarly, a male student reported significant racial tensions between Black students and
White —hicks.“ He stereotyped Whites into two categories. —They are hicks and they are preps. If you are a White hick, they hate Blacks.“ His male friend agreed, —There is a lot of racism--or whatever that word is--here. The hicks are the worse.“
Appleton means colored. Participants repeatedly discussed the ways in which the small Appalachian community is relevant to their identities as minorities. Many family members suggested that other county residents perceive Appleton‘s residents as Black because of the community‘s concentrated minority population. —Well, everyone in
Appleton, even if they are not, they are all considered Black. I think that is basically the way they think we are. We just know we are Black,“ said a female. Another student 98 confirmed, —If you are from Appleton, you are colored no matter what. You cannot separate the area from being colored.“ A mother remarked, —Appleton means colored.“
Appleton is a sparsely populated community; therefore, typically, residents are familiar with one another. Because of this intimacy, some participants allegedly cannot self-determine their racial category. Local residents are cognizant of most families‘ ancestral histories, resulting in the one-drop rule being applied. Many students reported they that could not disguise their ancestral histories in this small community. Moreover, a few participants explained that particular family names are known throughout the community as —Black“ families. A mother stated:
Being Black, I always felt that there was prejudice. Our last name is very common and popular around these parts. When you hear that name, it‘s like--look out, they‘re Black! Our last name has a very bad reputation.
In regard to place impacting racial labels, many participants also claimed that racial tensions are intensified in a small community like Appleton because, again, although few Blacks live in this Appalachian region, there is a concentrated minority population in Appleton, which informants suggest poses a threat to many Whites in the area. A mother explained, —There is a lot of racism in this county. I know it‘s everywhere, but in smaller towns I think it‘s a bit worse.“ Another mother remarked, —It makes me feel angry because down here in this county, it is just a small community, and I think [Whites] don‘t understand.“ A student commented, —Everybody associates with everybody except for the people who don‘t like Black people. That is just how they were raised here--some of them are racist.“
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Race Influences Identity
In this context, racial labels may influence how triracial families are perceived and, in turn, how they perceive themselves. The participants described several factors that influence how they are racially labeled. Participants often distinguished between race and culture but discussed the ways in which cultural habits are, in part, shaped by race. Similar to the marginalization that results from stereotypes of Appleton, informants also shared stories reflecting the alienation that results from being labeled —Black.“
Factors that influence identity. During the interviews, participants reported their racial identities. Racial identities as indicated by informants are listed in Table 4.4.
Table 4.4 Racial Identification
Racial Male Female Adult Total Percent of Identification Students Students Sample Black 10 6 12 28 66.7%
Mixed 2 2 4 9.5%
Multiracial 2 1 3 7.1%
African 1 1 2 4.8% American Colored 1 1 2 4.8%
Triracial 1 1 2 4.8%
Other 1 1 2.3%
Regardless of their public racial identity, all 42 respondents claimed that their ancestral heritage included three racial groups. One girl stated, —I am Black, White, and 100
Native American.“ Her mother said, —You don‘t know what you are. I mean we have
Indian and Irish, too.“ Another family also discussed family members‘ ancestry:
[Interviewer]: What racial group do you identify with?
[Mother]: Black.
[Daughter]: I don‘t know. I have never had to fill out forms. Can I put —Other“ on some forms?
[Interviewer]: What would —Other“ stand for?
[Daughter]: White and Black both.
[Mother]: We are White, Black, and Indian.
Despite acknowledging their multiracial heritage, many participants reported that their families have traditionally been labeled —Black“ based on the one-drop rule. —We were always told that if you have a little bit of colored in you, you are Black because you have that colored in you. So we have always said we are colored since we are not
White,“ explained a mother. Another parent stated, —If you are not completely White then you are Black. It is just simpler to mark Black because multiracial is often not a choice.“
The participating parents and grandparents also claimed that government forms, such as birth certificates and school documents, historically have ascribed triracial people a monoracial identity:
[Mother]: I think it is just now getting to where on forms there is a choice to put multiracial or other because before it was White or Black or Hispanic. And now it is just everything is there.
[Interviewer]: So when you have the option what do you mark? 101
[Mother]: Probably Black. I am so use to it.
[Grandmother]: Well, you are Black. This multicultural-- we did not know it until recent years.
[Mother]: Yes. If you have Black blood you are Black. No one is going to let you forget that.
Similarly, another mother stated, —Basically, it is on my birth certificate and it‘s on my kids‘ birth certificates. I mean my mother didn‘t put multiracial or nothing else. She put
Black. So I thought let‘s just go for Black, you know. What else do you do?“
When discussing racial labels, participants often referred to physical attributes, particularly skin coloring and hair texture, as indicators of race. A female informant remarked, —[Whites] judge you on how you look and how your hair is.“ Another female supported this claim:
[Student]: Most kids aren‘t dark here at all. I‘m not real Black but enough that you can tell.
[Interviewer]: Because of your appearance?
[Student]: Yeah, cause the way I look.
A male student agreed, —If you are dark-skinned at all, you are Black.“
The 42 participants‘ physical appearances reflect great variation, and they reported that their social experiences are dependent, in part, on the degree to which their phenotype reflects their African ancestry. Some respondents are very light skinned and don‘t have —nappy“ hair. For example, there are four female respondents with light skin and light brown or blonde hair. All four of the females noted that their appearances are more —White“ than —Black,“ and they admitted to socializing primarily with White students. Some of the other participants accused these females of —passing as White.“ 102
There are other participants who have slightly darker skin coloring (often referred to as —tan“) and/or somewhat more —nappy“ hair compared with the four light-skinned females. These slightly darker participants claimed that they have the option to identify socially as —White“ or —Black“ because of their phenotypes. For example, a subject who characterized herself as —looking mixed“ reported, —I‘ve had people come up to me and say like do you have Black in you? Sometimes they look at me like I‘m mixed or whatever.“ Some of these students who reported that they could —pass“ as —White“ or
—Black“ choose to physically or behaviorally mark themselves so that they can be assigned a particular label. For example, a male student who described himself as —tan“ remarked that he had grown his hair into an extremely large Afro to signify to Whites that he is —not partially White but all Black.“
A third group of participants has extremely dark skin (black) and described their hair as —nappy.“ These darker-skinned individuals reported that they are labeled —Black“ because of their appearances. —I am too dark to be considered White,“ said one of the darker-skinned males. His dark-skinned friend agreed, —No one wonders what we are.“
The triracial families agreed that phenotype influences both racial labels and social experiences, including socialization in the school setting. One of the female participants remarked, —It matters how dark you are. Darker kids get in more trouble.
People treat them differently.“ Two sisters and their mother also discussed the ways in which physical features influence people‘s perceptions of Blacks. One of the sisters has dark skin and what she refers to as —nappy“ hair. The other sister is light skinned and has 103 straight, light brown hair. Their mother recalled an incident where her darker-skinned daughter was treated differently because she is Black:
[Mother]: Like one time, she came home and said that one of the kids on the bus had said something about I bet her dad stinks because all Black people stink.
[Lighter-Skinned Daughter]: I don‘t get like a lot of comments said about me because I am not as dark. Most people think that I am White.
[Interviewer]: Describe how darkness matters.
[Darker-Skinned Daughter]: They treat you worse.
[Mother]: Yes, because when they don‘t know, then you don‘t have it. Like with my job, I am light and I work for Head Start. I go into a lot of homes. People make comments about Blacks to me because they don‘t know that I am Black. That is probably the thing with [the lighter daughter] because they don‘t know she is Black.
—Black“ as a racial category and a cultural identity. Triracial families appear to share an understanding of their social realities that often distinguishes racial labels from cultural practices. —Black“ is a member‘s term used to denote both a racial type and cultural practice. Respondents recognized their multiracial ancestries but referred to themselves as —Black.“ However, several participants reportedly don‘t participate in cultural practices exhibited by other Appleton Blacks. For these families, race does not necessarily dictate culture. In explaining the difference between race and culture, a male student commented, —There is Black and then there is Black.“
This difference between culture and race repeatedly surfaced during interview discussions. A female student and her mother discussed particular students who are racially —Black“ but don‘t practice what they define as —Black“ cultural habits. When 104 identifying possible participants for the study, a family identified potential informants by separating them into two categories: Blacks who —act Black“ and Blacks who —act
White.“ In reference to a light-skinned female student, one of the family members said,
—I would not call her [to participate in the study]. She isn‘t what I call Black.“
Transcripts from interview conversations with the two sisters, whose physical features sharply contrast, also reflect the common understanding that race is not synonymous with culture. The darker sister with —nappy“ hair accused her lighter- skinned sibling of not being —Black.“ The lighter sister reported socializing with White peers and being criticized by Blacks for —acting White.“ In reference to her behavior, the darker sister said, —It is offensive. I tell her she‘s not Black.“
Similarly, a male student, who did not directly participate in the study but spoke with me by telephone, distinguished race from culture. He racially identified himself as
—Black,“ referring to himself as dark skinned. However, he separated himself culturally from Appleton Blacks by saying he was not —niggerish,“ because he did not act, dress, or speak like other Blacks. He reported that when a Black classmate recently confronted him with, —You ain‘t Black,“ he replied, —I ain‘t what you are.“
Narratives from the interviews reflect great variation in how participants determine who belongs to the —Black“ cultural group and who does not. Two of the darker-skinned Black students, who are identified by other participants as members of the
—Black“ cultural group, argued that a few White students can be culturally labeled
—Black“ although genetically they have no African ancestors. In reference to his racially
White friend, one of the boys said, —We all consider him Black because he has hung out 105 with us so long. We have always been close.“ Another male student remarked, —There‘s one White boy but I swear he thinks he is Black. He acts Black and he thinks Black but he is not Black like us.“ For these students, a —Black“ racial identity seems unnecessary for membership in the African-American culture.
Other participants scoffed at the idea that a White person culturally could be considered —Black,“ suggesting that race and culture are not mutually exclusive phenomena. A conversation with a male student, who is dark skinned, illustrates this point:
[Interviewer]: One of the kids said he had a friend that hung out with him that was White and he had no Black ancestry. But it was like he was Black because he was one of them.
[Student]: (Laughs) I use to have a friend kinda like that but I wouldn‘t consider him being almost Black. I mean, ya know.
[Interviewer]: A White person couldn‘t be a part of your —Black“ culture at all?
[Student]: No, ya know, if we were growing up in L.A. or Oakland or something I mean if we had a White kid grow up with us in the neighborhood I could. But not just somebody around here. There still is gonna be that difference like you know I mean he‘s pretty much doing the same thing I‘m doing, but he‘s White, you know. He don‘t have to worry about the stuff I‘m gonna have to worry about, ya know. I don‘t know. I guess you could consider but I don‘t know.
[Interviewer]: What are you going to have to worry about that he is not going to have to worry about?
[Student]: I mean a lot of stuff like the whole basketball thing and like people just expecting certain things of you, you know, like they look at me like that‘s how it is. 106
[Interviewer]: You said that if it were like growing up in L.A. or somewhere else that it might be different. How would that make a difference?
[Student]: Because if you grow up in the neighborhood, like the hoods or something or the ghetto, say you have a White dude and a Black dude, they grew up in the same struggle so they know what its like to be. So they are practically like the same person, just it‘s like their personality is split in two .
This student seems to base cultural group membership, in part, on the one-drop rule--that someone can only experience the —Black“ culture if his or her ancestors include Blacks.
Furthermore, his comments indicate the shared experience of oppression (e.g., minorities living in the ghetto) contributes to his concept of cultural identity.
Cultural habits of Appleton‘s Blacks and Whites. Although participants disagreed about who belongs to the local —Black“ cultural group, there is consensus regarding what behaviors constitute —acting White“ and —acting Black.“ Participants often distinguished
Blacks from Whites by contrasting local African-American cultural practices with cultural habits of Whites in the area. According to participants, there are two distinct
—White“ cultural groups. More affluent Whites in the county exhibit Euro-American, middle-class values while poorer Whites, particularly those living in Appleton, exhibit some mainstream values but also have lifestyles characterized as —hillbilly.“
More affluent Whites, particularly those living outside of Appleton, and the four female participants accused of —passing,“ were referred to as —preps.“ Participants claimed that White —preps“ utilize formal English language patterns. A female student said, —It is real preppy and saying ”ing‘ at the end of your words. You have to be perfect.
You cannot be laid back and not care.“ She claimed that the difference in language 107 patterns is a racial construct, which, again, suggests culture and race are not mutually exclusive here. —Like I said the word hungry funny, and my brother said it is ”hungi.‘ He is darker than me but the same parents. He has more colored in him so that is why he says things differently.“
White —preps“ were described as wearing particular brands of clothing, such as
Polo, Tommy Hilfiger, and Abercrombie, and listening to particular kinds of music.
Students reported that some Whites listen to rap music that is popular among Blacks but that many of them listen primarily to rock and country music. Participants also reported that more affluent Whites often value educational attainment and achievement more than
Blacks. —Whites suck up real bad to the teachers. Black kids don‘t because they know it won‘t do any good,“ said a student. Particular courses, such as chemistry, are associated with —acting White.“ In addition to academic excellence, White —preps“ were described as involved in extracurricular programs and activities-- involvement not prevalent among participating triracial families.
Many informants made comments reflecting bitterness toward the four females for exhibiting the behaviors of White —preps.“ —They just want to be more popular,“ stated one of the darker girls in reference to these Blacks who try to —pass.“ Another dark-skinned female stated that, —[the four girls] get teased and made fun of. It is worse if you are Black and try to act White than if you are White and try to act Black.“ One of these four females who —passes“ is the lighter-skinned sister mentioned earlier. This lighter-skinned sister confirmed that she does —act White.“ In contrast, her darker sister described herself as disinterested in school and social popularity. In reference to her 108 lighter-skinned sister —acting White,“ she said, —It is offensive. It is a pride issue. The way she acts and stuff like White. She tries to deny being Black. She talks White. We fight about it.“
Like these four females, a lighter-skinned male student claimed that he had tried to —pass“ as a White —prep“ for a period of time. The boy characterized himself as
—passing as White“ during his first two years of high school. He strived to earn high academic marks, dressed like White students, and avoided interacting with Black peers.
However, although he was successful at —acting White,“ the boy reported feeling alienated from Black peers and betrayed by White friends. —I used to hang out with
White kids, but these people were being nice to my face. But you know, I wonder what they would say behind my back. So then I just started hanging out with them less and less.“
The only dark-skinned individual accused of acting like a White —prep“ has moved with his middle-class family to the largest community in the county. This student refused to participate in the study. When I spoke with him by telephone, he continually distinguished himself from Appleton Blacks by describing their behavior as —niggerish.“
He claimed that when Appleton‘s Blacks are gathered in a social setting, their behaviors more strongly reflect the —Black“ culture. Because these behaviors are salient at particular times, the boy argued that their actions are —put on.“
Participants distinguished White —preps“ from White —hicks“ by identifying
”hicks“ as people who —live out in the country“ and have different tastes in music and clothing than most Blacks. Some participants referred to the cultural habits of White 109
—hicks“ as out of sync with modern times. White —hicks“ allegedly wear tight-fitting blue jeans, cowboy boots, and flannel shirts. Although they may listen to some rock, White
—hicks“ primarily listen to country music. Student participants claimed that White
—hicks“ often participate in the Future Farmers of America Club but are rarely involved in other extracurricular programs. Like most Blacks, White —hicks“ reportedly are typically not enrolled in college prep courses.
As discussed earlier, Whites who are part of a —hick“ culture were accused of being extremely racist toward Blacks. Participants attributed these racist attitudes to a mountaineer mentality. In reference to the racial behaviors of White —hicks,“ an informant stated, —That‘s the way they have always been around here. It is not going to change.“ Another student alleged that such racial discrimination is less common in metropolitan areas because people there have become more socially accepting of minorities whereas White —hicks“ living in the area have refused to embrace Blacks as part of the social mainstream. —We get treated that way here because that is all people have ever known here. It would be different in a big city,“ said a male student.
In addition to explaining the cultural attributes of Whites, informants also described the local African-American culture. A student remarked:
Black kids talk different--the way they say words and stuff. They dress different and walk different. Their attitude is more laid back and easygoing where the school is formal and very strict. We stick up for each other if someone does something to us because we don‘t want to be outnumbered. Family is real important and we help each other out.
A female student also shared examples of what constitutes African-American cultural practices. —A Black person has their own way of style. We wear beanies. How 110 they dress. White people try to be preppy. A Black person wears Gucci, Fubu, or Fat
Albert,“ she stated. Her male friend added, —We listen to R & B. We do what we gotta to do to get by in school.“
Participants did not accuse any of the dark-skinned informants of —acting White.“
Dark-skinned participants described themselves as strictly adhering to —Black“ cultural practices. Furthermore, several of the participants referred to particular dark-skinned
Blacks, specifically males, when discussing local African-American cultural practices and beliefs. For example, a lighter-skinned female described her dark-skinned brother as
—acting Black.“ —He‘s cool. The way he dresses and the beanies on his head. He is just fun to hang out with because he is so laid back,“ she remarked.
Racial labeling results in social alienation. According to participants, racial labeling often results in triracial families being perceived as socially inferior.
Furthermore, participants report that the extent of this isolation is dependent on the degree to which a person is identified as —Black“--which further suggests that race and culture are compounding influences on identity. Participants also discussed the various ways in which they respond to being stigmatized as —Black.“
Participants suggested that being identified as —Black“ results in social alienation.
One student summarized this isolation as —there is Black and there is White.“ Another student explained how Appleton‘s Blacks are identified as a representation of what the majority is not:
[Whites] see Blacks œ they would not like us. They would compare us to White kids and they would see us as less. They would say we did not do as well as smart kids or that we are low income. You just can‘t explain it. You just 111
have to see it. How they look down on you. We want to be treated even. No Black. No White. No more comparisons.
Like this informant, participants often referred to Whites and mainstream institutions as
—they“--this orphaned pronoun was used without specificity but served as representation of everything participants are not. —They“ is used as a label for the people and the mechanisms that separate the triracial families from the mainstream, rendering them as
—Other.“ In turn, participants repeatedly referred to Blacks as —we“--a collective entity of people who reportedly experience the same social conditions.
Some participants claimed that they were raised with the understanding that
—Black“ was a negative marker of distinctiveness, particularly in rural Appalachia. A mother recalled several situations in which her parents had reminded her —being Black is not always a good thing.“ A female student remarked, —We get looked down upon once they realize you are Black . . . well, people say the ”n‘ word, and I get pretty upset about that. People judge me before they even know who I am.“
The social alienation between Whites and Blacks allegedly extends to dating relationships. Eight male participants shared stories about how they had tried to date
White females but that the girls‘ parents often refused to allow their daughters to date
Blacks. A male student explained, —To tell you the truth, I date a lot of White students and stuff, and there has been mostly more than half of their parents was prejudiced. I tried not to go to their house, or I have to sneak around to see them.“
Participants claimed that a Black female dating a White male is less common than
White females dating Black males. The female participants agreed that they are willing to date Whites, but none of the dark-skinned female students reported ever having dated a 112
White male. However, two of the girls who —pass as White“ claimed that they have dated
White males in the past. A third female, who —passes as White,“ commented that she would not date a Black male.
Alienation depends on the degree of the —Black“ identity . Triracial families agreed that not all triracial people experience the same social alienation. Similar to the argument that —darkness matters“ in how people treat you, participants suggested that triracial persons who primarily socialize with the local African-American cultural group and have dark skin and —nappy“ hair experience more social alienation than other triracial students whose phenotypes and cultural identity do not reflect the same degree of African heritage. For example, the light-skinned females who —pass as White“ did not report being socially alienated. In reference to social alienation, one of the girls said, —I don‘t get as [many problems with Whites].“ A mother of one of the females commented, —She is treated differently because they don‘t see her as Black. She hangs out with Whites.“
Darker-skinned students who identify with the local African-American sociocultural group shared extremely different social experiences. They reported having few interactions with affluent Whites and often hostile encounters with White "hicks.“
One of the darkest-skinned students, who identifies as part of the African-American culture, shared that he was on probation as a result of a physical altercation with White students from the county seat. Other students claimed that they do not socialize with
Whites in the school setting, explaining that there is a hallway in the school where Blacks socialize separately from Whites and that particular cafeteria tables are socially designated for Blacks. 113
The informants who perceived themselves as socially disenfranchised described the ways in which they respond to these experiences. Several participants suggested that such social isolation results in close-knit relationships with other Blacks who share similar experiences. —Well, White kids and Black kids--there is a different understanding amongst them, a closeness that only Blacks have.“ Another student remarked:
We all have to look out for each other. I mean there are just so few of us. There‘s like 800 people in our school. I mean we all know each other and we all have to look out for each other because each of us has our strengths and weaknesses. And if they see your weaknesses, they will use that against you.
A few participants commented that they had no plans to leave the area in order to escape their low social ranks because they valued these intimate relationships. —My family is here. My friends are here. I just like hanging out,“ stated a student.
Some informants explained that despite this marginalization, being identified as
—Black“ creates a feeling of acceptance and pride:
[Interviewer]: Let‘s say you were lighter-skinned and could get away with identifying yourself as —White.“ Would you?
[Mother]: No.
[Interviewer]: Why not?
[Mother]: Because I am proud of what I am, and I always taught my kids to be proud of what you are. Why be something you are not?
Another parent stated, —I would not trade being Black for anything. I love being Black.“
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The Interplay of Multiple Social Stigmas
How participants perceive themselves and how others perceive them is greatly influenced by the stigmas attached to race and Appleton. These multiple forms of oppression do not exist in isolation to one another. It is extremely difficult to disentangle the social consequences of racial labels and stigmas of place--it is their interaction that likely results in many participating families being assigned to the lowest social ranks.
Participants agreed that Appleton residents are stereotyped as poor and socially deficient because of alleged criminal activity. Appleton residents are reportedly labeled
—hillbillies,“ a distinction that suggests a cultural lag from mainstream norms. Moreover, because a group of minorities is concentrated in Appleton, community residents are typically perceived as —Black“ regardless of their ancestry. Being identified as —Black“ is an additional marker of distinctiveness from the mainstream. Participants claim that a
—Black“ identity implies a low social status.
Participants acknowledged that the compounding of these stereotypes makes their social worlds extremely oppressive. One male student said:
Being Black and poor is the worse. We try to present ourselves with the best of what we got and what we can get I mean being Black and poor at the high school is just a deadly combination. I mean because that‘s automatically they will try to tear us down, break us down.
When asked about his experience as a Black person from Appleton, another student discussed the perception of his family as poor and deviant, commenting, —Well, you‘re just screwed.“ Participants are cognizant that several social forces contribute to their 115 isolation, and, in turn, the data support the theory that their oppressive identities as
—deviant, poor Black hicks“ influence their school lives.
How Identity Influences Schooling
The data suggest the social identity influences participants‘ school lives. To provide a context for their school experiences, a brief history and overview of the county school system is provided. Then the data related to how identity shapes participating students‘ school lives are presented along with a discussion of the meanings participants assign to schooling.
Overview of the School System
Historically, Appleton‘s county school system had over 100 individual one-room schoolhouses that have been consolidated over time. Until January of 2002, there were eight elementary schools situated throughout the county, including two that were located near the village of Appleton. After a major county consolidation initiative, there are now three elementary schools, the closest of which is located 10 miles from Appleton.
Adolescent students attend a consolidated county junior high school and enter the consolidated county high school in grade nine; both the junior high school and high school are located in the county seat approximately 14 miles from Appleton.
The construction of the new county high school was completed in 2002, and the comprehensive high school offers industrial arts programs, general curriculum classes, and college placement courses on campus. According to 2003-2004 reports from the
Ohio Department of Education, the high school is rated as a —continuous improvement“ 116 school for meeting five out of the seven state accountability standards. The school‘s performance levels are listed in Table 4.5.
Table 4.5 High School‘s Performance Levels
Performance Standard Percent of Students Meeting Standard
85% of 10 th grade students passing Ohio 81.8% 9th grade mathematics exam 85% of 10 th grade students passing Ohio 85.7% 9th grade science exam 85% of 10 th grade students passing Ohio 86.1% 9th grade citizenship exam 85% of 10 th grade students passing Ohio 96.1% 9th grade writing exam 85% of 10 th grade students passing Ohio 89.5% 9th grade reading exam 93% student attendance rate 93.6%
90% high school graduation rate 85.4%
The consolidation has resulted in long bus rides for students being transported to and from the high school, and several participants reported they ride the bus each day for more than two hours in order to attend the county high school. A few parents discussed refusing to allow their children to participate in extracurricular activities, such as after- school clubs, athletics, and evening tutoring sessions, despite the district‘s offer to transport the students from late evening events. These parents argued that the school day was already too long for their children because of the amount of time spent traveling on rural routes to and from school. 117
When asked to share their thoughts about the consolidation, some guardians and students expressed resentment over the consolidations, citing the local school closings as yet another example of their social alienation. —They took our school from us. Now our kids aren‘t real involved,“ a parent commented. In reference to the consolidation, one student stated, —Everything has to be in town.“
Identity Shapes Your School Day
According to triracial families, social identity influences daily school experiences.
Participants who are identified as —poor, deviant Blacks from Appleton“ are marginalized in the school setting, but triracial students who —pass as White“ do not experience the same discrimination at school.
Perceptions about academic ability. Many students, particularly those identified with the African-American sociocultural group, claimed that their teachers perceive them as academically inferior to Whites, which, in turn, results in teachers allegedly lowering their academic expectations of Blacks. —[Teachers] think that some Black people are stupid and they don‘t know what they are doing. So they think that all Black people are like that,“ commented a freshman. A grandparent agreed, —They expect [Blacks] to be failures.“ A mother stated, —The school has very low expectations of colored kids.“
According to informants, the high school —tracks“ students into particular curricular programs based on students‘ perceived abilities. The high school guidance counselors and teachers reportedly guide students in course selection. Several participants alleged that they have been encouraged to enroll in vocational courses regardless of their academic achievement. A mother commented, —They did not push 118
[my son] to take the college prep track but instead encouraged the vocation track because they think we are poor and he may not be able to [go to college].“ Another participant agreed:
Well, I think when you‘re like a sophomore, [school officials] encourage you to take like vocational classes, but I had no idea what I was taking. Like my freshman year, I took a lot of easy classes that they said to take that were too easy cause I didn‘t know what they were.
Light-skinned students who —pass as White“ explained that their teachers do not perceive them in the same way as they do other Blacks. They reported being the only
Black students in college placement courses. —Sometimes it is a little awkward because I don‘t get to see [Black friends] as much, and sometimes they think that you think you are better than them,“ stated one of these students.
Differences in school services. Students who reported being socially stigmatized as —Black“ claimed that the school does not provide the same educational services to them as it does to other students, particularly Whites. Both parents and students argued that teachers often refuse to provide academic support necessary for Blacks to be successful. Several students summarized their school experiences with a common sentiment: —If you are Black you will not get near as good of education as if you are
White.“ A female student enrolled in eleventh grade expressed a great deal of frustration when describing her school experiences:
[Student]: It seems [school officials] have more patience for White kids than colored kids.
[Interviewer]: How does the school meet your needs?
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[Student]: Well, they work with White kids more. Like these real smart kids they pass it all, and the football players get help and stuff but we don‘t. They pass the test and the class but if a Black athlete did that he would not get help. Like [a Black kid] got kicked off the team because of grades.
Other informants made similar accusations. When describing her experiences as an Ohio Reads Volunteer in her daughter‘s classroom, a mother claimed that Black students were not provided with small group or individualized reading tutoring. Her volunteer services were provided exclusively to White students. A female student also recalled an incident in which a teacher had refused to help her.
[Student]: Yeah, they want everyone to keep up and learn at the same pace but not everyone can learn at the same pace. They just keep going on if most people get it but a lot don‘t but they go right on. So I just don‘t even try because I know I can‘t do it and I can‘t keep up.
[Interviewer]: What does the school expect of you?
[Student]: (Laughs) Probably to drop out. They don‘t think we can do it. They just think that colored kids can‘t do it and they ain‘t going to help us.
Teachers were also accused of harassing Black students in the classroom. A male student alleged that his teachers stereotype him in front of peers:
I mean I got one teacher who said I sold drugs just because I had a job and came in with money. I said to him, —What are you trying to say?“ He was like, —Are you doing something illegal?“ He started laughing about it.
School officials were also criticized for not providing the same extracurricular opportunities to Black students as they offer to Whites. —That‘s another thing about the schools down there. If you‘re not from the county seat and you‘re not White, you really 120 don‘t get anything. They don‘t pick you for whatever,“ stated a parent. A male student said, —If you play sports then the coaches try to put you down and everything. But when the scouts come, they usually sit you on the bench, and they won‘t let you play when the scouts are there.“ Other students argued that few Blacks even make the athletic teams, suggesting that extracurricular programs and social clubs are —for White preps.“
These triracial families claimed that the county high school does not address their multicultural heritage through diverse curricular offerings and school programs. The school was criticized for only sponsoring school activities that reflect the life experiences and histories of Whites:
[Interviewer]: What about Black culture or history? How is it taught in this school?
[Student A]: It‘s not taught at all.
[Student B]: Even during Black History Month we don‘t talk about it at all.
[Student A]: Yeah. We don‘t even talk about Black names or any Black leaders or nothing like that.
[Student B]: Nothing at all. Besides everyone knows that Black people were slaves and that‘s about it. That‘s basically all. I mean you hear Martin Luther King was a preacher about twice and that was it.
Many students shared this perspective. —We don‘t learn anything in school about being Black. If there were courses on Black history or they related more to my life or what I wanted to do in life, then I would be more involved and do better in school,“ remarked a female student. A male student recalled how the previous year the school had 121 sponsored motivational speakers each month to serve as positive models for students, but all of the speakers were White.
The four females who —pass as White“ agreed that the school does not address their multicultural heritage through diversity in the curriculum and school programs and that students identified as —Black“ often are denied opportunities to participate in extracurricular programs. However, these girls claimed that the school‘s teachers do provide students with the necessary academic support and that they are active in the school‘s extracurricular programs. A mother of one of the girls stated, —The teachers really like [my daughter]. She is smart and liked by the kids.“
A different discipline system for Blacks . The most commonly cited difference in school experiences between Blacks and Whites relates to discipline. All of the participants agreed that there are two distinct discipline systems in the school: one for
Blacks and a different one for Whites. As they see it, school officials are more lenient with White students than Black students for the same offenses, and teachers tolerate racial harassment. A female student explained:
Oh, we get treated so much differently. Like last year a Black kid and a White kid got into a fight and they called the cops on the Black kid. It was like a couple of weeks before that these White kids were fighting outside, and they did not call the cops or nothing. Only if it involved the Black boy. Nothing gets done to White kids.
One particular discipline incident continues to anger many of the participants.
The student involved in the situation recalled the events along with his mother:
[Student]: Well, me and some of my friends wore real baggy clothes and stuff. The assistant principal did not like it. All but one was Black. He was a racist. Everyone said 122
it. He was harder on us than anyone. Then he cussed at us about stuff. One day he slammed me up against the wall and told me about my clothes. He called me a nigger.
[Mother]: Nothing was done to him. It happened in October and he was supposed to retire in December. If they did something to him, he would lose his retirement so they did not want to do anything.
Students cited such incidents as justification for Blacks reacting collectively to inconsistent school disciplinary practices. —We gotta look out for each other because no one else will for us,“ said one student. A female student recalled an incident in which a
White student had allegedly punched a Black student. Because the White student was not disciplined, a group of Black students reportedly gathered outside the principal‘s office and refused to return to class until the principal reviewed the situation. Several parents explained that —if you do something to one of us, it is like doing it to all of us.‘“
Participants who are able to —pass as White“ reported that they had not been involved in any situations that resulted in disciplinary actions. However, they agreed that students who are identified as —Black“ receive harsher disciplinary consequences than
Whites. —The school is real hard on them,“ said one of the girls.
The Role of Schooling in Our Lives
According to participants, these negative school experiences have resulted in
Black students devaluing education. —Why should [Blacks] care [about schooling]? It won‘t matter,“ a mother said. Her son stated, —Black kids don‘t even try because they know it won‘t do any good. They have already tried and it did not work so they quit trying.“ A student confirmed, —A lot of Black kids don‘t put forth much effort because 123 they know it won‘t do any good. Like on the basketball team, the Black kids often don‘t try out because they know they don‘t have a chance in making it.“
A mother characterized the majority of triracial families as apathetic toward educational attainment because of repeated racial injustices that occur at school.
[Interviewer]: Why do you think the students don‘t care?
[Mother]: That they are Black and they think it is a strike against them, which I think it is, too, you know.
[Interviewer]: Why do the parents not care?
[Mother]: Because they were raised that way maybe. I‘m not for sure. And the way the community is--it is so prejudiced. And they think they can‘t go anywhere because of their race. I know I feel that way. I wish there was more Black people involved but it can‘t happen because the community won‘t let it happen because there are so many people that are above them that has authority.
Participants‘ educational aspirations may mirror their social realities; many informants argued that educational attainment does not lead to social advancement.
Eighty percent of the student respondents described their academic aptitude as average to below average. Many participants explained that —doing enough to get by in school“ is acceptable. A mother of a dark-skinned student commented:
White kids are pushed real hard. They are real competitive whereas the colored kids--as long as they can pass I am ok. No Ds or Fs. White kids think they are smarter so they have to make the A. We are more relaxed and laid back.
Similarly, the majority of participants alleged that an education does not guarantee employment for Blacks. —Being Black, an education may not mean anything,“ remarked a parent. However, both students and adult family members agreed that a 124
Black person‘s chance of securing employment is minimal without an education. —I think
[an education] is going to help get me, well, get a job, especially if you are Black its helps a lot,“ said one student. Many students shared intentions of completing high school in order to obtain jobs locally after graduation. —I want to become an electrician. I want to start my own business or something like that so I can make a little bit of money so I don‘t have to work my whole life,“ remarked a student.
Participants defined the purpose of education in terms of the role it plays in achieving the —good life.“ Participants whose version of the —good life“ reflects Euro-
American, middle-class standards described success in life as achieving wealth and higher social status. One of the light-skinned females who —passes as White“ remarked,
—I want to have what I need and be able to spend money--not just enough to get by.“ She explained that a college degree is necessary for such success.
However, 64% of student subjects defined the —good life“ as having a family and being able to pay household bills through personally satisfying employment. A mother and son both agreed that people must dedicate their life work to occupations that make them happy. In reference to her older son, who is considered a poor auto mechanic, the mother said, —The fact that he makes a low income is irrelevant.“ Another male student stated, —I just want to have a good time in life.“ Participants who focused on personal happiness as the —good life“ did not plan to pursue collegiate degrees.
Regardless of how they defined the —good life“ and their ideas about educational attainment, many participants suggested that one of the primary purposes of mainstream education today seems to be passing state graduation exams. Parents reported that there 125 is too much emphasis on passing the Ohio Proficiency Tests. They argued that extensive class time is spent reviewing and drilling for the standardized exams, which is a source of unhealthy stress for some students. A mother shared how this testing impacts her son:
Everybody just don‘t like it. There is too much pressure. He gets all stressed out the week of the tests. It is totally different. I looked over the tests and they are hard, and I could not do it. The kids are so stressed that week. You can tell what it does to them. He is nervous and sick at his stomach. He does not want to go to school.
Participants are also concerned that school activities and curricular programs are too narrowly focused on meeting state accountability requirements rather than focusing on skills that are relevant to their lifeworld. A parent commented, —The stuff on those test will not help them in life. Too much time is wasted on it.“ A few mothers complained that such assessments are based on the premise that all children can learn the same concepts at the same rate but that not all children fit the mainstream mold.
There were several students who expressed ambivalent attitudes toward mandated graduation testing. They perceive standardized tests as another mandatory practice over which they have no control. The students who are able to —pass as White“ reported having passed all sections of their graduation tests; therefore, they expressed little frustration over the requirement to earn a proficient score in order to graduate. Yet, like the other students, they, too, questioned the purpose of the test. One of these females remarked, —I don‘t really think [proficiency tests] do that much.“
Some families also cited state accountability tests as discriminatory toward minorities because minority students don‘t have the same educational opportunities as other students, particularly in the rural setting. Participants commented that Black 126 students typically don‘t pass the assessments until later in their high school years, arguing that many White students pass them in the ninth grade. One female student disapproved of how scores are segregated by race. She questioned the purpose of sorting student scores. —The scores are segregated by nationality which is wrong. Why do we do that?
Then we use the scores to say that minorities are lower.“ A father of two male participants claimed that the content of the tests is inappropriate for Appleton students:
I‘m gonna tell you I think it‘s unfair. We both know that already. Because it‘s--I don‘t want to say it‘s directly pointed at White people. How do I say this? Because there are certain ethnic groups that is excluded from--I mean these kids out in this part of the world–jimeny, they don‘t see half the things or aren‘t taught like some of these inner city schools. They have to work harder.
Summary
The data suggest that context influences life experiences. Appleton is characterized as a community plagued by poverty and crime. According to informants,
Appleton residents are assumed to be poor, Black, and unmotivated. As they see it, racial and cultural diversity are almost non-existent in Appalachian communities, which they claim results in less tolerance for people who are different from the majority. Moreover, the social stigmas attached to Appleton result in their marginalization.
For participants, racial labeling is impacted by place, racial ancestry, the historic one-drop rule, phenotype, and government forms. Participants agreed —darkness matters.“ Dark-skinned informants with —nappy“ hair claimed that despite being multiracial, they are labeled —Black.“ They described feeling socially alienated. Some students are able to —pass as White“ because their phenotype does not dictate a —Black“ 127 identity. —Passing“ may allow these participants to escape some of the social isolation experienced by other Blacks.
Informants distinguished between race and culture--—there is Black and there is
Black“--but their discussions suggest that the two are not mutually exclusive. They indicated that some students whose racial ancestry includes African act in ways that are atypical of African-American culture. Therefore, these students are racially —Black“ but not culturally —Black.“ The data suggest that there are distinct identity groups based, in part, on race and culture: White —preps,“ White —hicks,“ and Blacks.
During these interviews, family members shared many stories reflecting the social alienation between Whites and the majority of triracial peoples. Participants explained,
—There is Blacks and there is Whites,“ indicating both a physical and social separation between the two. The relationships between Blacks and Whites are often hostile, particularly between Blacks and White —hicks.“ This social alienation extends to schooling.
An extensive amount of interview conversations focused on participants‘ educational experiences. Many students and parents characterize the school‘s services and programs as discriminatory toward Blacks. They alleged that teachers set lower academic expectations for Blacks and don‘t provide them with adequate academic support. Participants claimed that they do not have equal opportunities to participate in extracurricular programs and that Blacks are disciplined more severely than Whites.
When asked to describe their version of the —good life“ and the role of education in achieving the —good life,“ participants expressed different views. Some informants 128 claimed that educational attainment does not increase a Black person‘s chances of securing a high-paying job, but participants agreed that obtaining any type of employment is difficult without a high school diploma. Many students who reported earning average to below-average grades claimed that they did not plan to attend college but would obtain a job locally. Like these students, some of their parents expressed the belief that academic effort is more important than obtaining high academic marks. These families characterized the —good life“ as being able to pay household bills, raising a family, spending time with friends, and enjoying their work.
Families in which students reported —passing“ expressed a very different picture of their life conditions and school experiences in Appleton. Students who —pass as
White“ are content with the educational services offered at the high school and reported having the opportunity to benefit from extracurricular programs and socializing with
Whites. They plan to achieve middle-class status through education.
Few, if any, studies examine the life experiences and school lives of minorities living in poor Appalachian communities. The data here suggest that the lifeworlds of these participating triracial families are greatly influenced by confounding social forces over which they have little, if any, control and that social identity impacts school experiences.
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Chapter Five
The data collected in this study support the mounting body of literature that suggests that cultural and social forces can result in the alienation of minority students in mainstream educational settings. This research explains the impact of race and the influence of a poor, rural setting on participants‘ identities and life conditions. It is the interaction among these social forces that creates a system of disadvantage for many of these minority families living in Appleton, determining their social rank and, in turn, their school experiences. In this chapter, I will connect the multiple stories to build a theory about how such marginalization shapes participants‘ lives and school experiences.
Existing theories explaining the ways social stigmas and racial labeling impact the lives of minorities are used as a framework for discussing participants‘ experiences as minorities living in a poor Appalachian community. First, the specific markers of distinctiveness that impact the identities of participants are presented; these concepts are the building blocks of my theory, that social forces shape identity. Second, I further explain how the compounding effects of these markers of distinctiveness result in many triracial families being identified as members of a low-status social group. Then, an explanation of how identity influences schooling is presented. A discussion of how the idiographic theory developed here is supported by the data is included. The chapter ends with the implications of the findings and future research avenues.
Social Forces That Shape Identity
Social context determines, in part, the content of our thoughts and shapes our actions (Chiong, 1998; Fiene, 1993; Root, 1990). For triracial families living in 130
Appleton, several contextual factors related to stereotypes of place and race may dictate identity. Participants shared stories reflecting how they believe they are identified in the larger society. Access to a higher social status is often dependent on the physical and social similarities one shares with the dominant group.
Perceptions Based on Place
Identity development models suggest that the ability to self-identify is limited, in part, by the context in which we live (Alba, 1990; Appiah & Gutmann, 1996; Breakwell,
1986; Chiong, 1998; Jackson, 2001; Peshkin, 1991; Taylor, 1994; Torres et al. 2003).
Appiah and Gutmann (1996) claim that particular aspects of our identities define us. The findings here suggest that context greatly impacts how participants are perceived by others and how they perceive themselves because —being from Appleton“ is a salient aspect of participants‘ identities.
Social deviance. Family members reported that Appleton is characterized as a town plagued by crime and that this perception results in their being viewed as social deviants. They note that outsiders are fearful of Appleton and often refrain from visiting because of the supposed illegal activities that occur there. When Appleton residents do not meet mainstream standards of success, it is attributed to their alleged socially deviant behavior. Moreover, families reported that their material gains are often attributed to involvement in illegal behavior rather than being viewed as a product of —honest“ work.
Stigmatized as poor. Rural poverty and the stereotypes associated with this low social status greatly impact the lifeworlds of poor Appalachians (Fiene, 1993; Gaventa,
1992; Woodrum, 2004). The oppressive nature of rural poverty is evidenced here. 131
According to informants, Appleton is perceived as a poor, rural community throughout the region; therefore, Appleton‘s residents are labeled —poor“ in the larger society. Some participants noted that the marginalization that results from being labeled —poor“ is not dependent on race--the majority of both Blacks and Whites from Appleton are stigmatized as —poor.“ However, although participants agreed that poverty is oppressive for both Whites and Blacks, many informants explained the specific and unique challenge of being poor minorities in the rural setting. Again, there is only a small population of minorities living in the area, and few of these minorities have achieved middle-class status (Danial, 1992). This likely contributes to the derogative stereotype of Appleton‘s minorities as —poor.“
Based on their studies of underprivileged families in Appalachia, Gaventa (1982) and Fiene (1993) found that middle-class residents often believe that cultural values of the poor as contributing to their impoverished life conditions. The data here also indicate that the perception of Appleton‘s residents as —poor“ is connected to the belief that the cultural practices of the poor contribute to their continued poverty. Many parents reported that their families are stereotyped as apathetic toward social advancement and labeled —lazy“ because they have not achieved middle-class status. Families explained that they are often denied opportunities to better themselves economically because of their perceived apathy toward social advancement.
Participants did not refute the stereotype of —poor.“ Instead, many participants reported disguising their income levels and revealing only —the best of what [they] got.“
They discussed helping one another out in times of need, and some families described 132 their subsistence living behaviors. These behaviors and values are reportedly perceived in the larger society as antisocial and self-defeating rather than as possible adaptations to marginalization or as part of a rural value system where relationships with family and friends are often more important than wage labor (Kannapel & DeYoung, 1999).
Labeled —hicks.“ According to the literature, rural Appalachian residents are often stereotyped as culturally deficient when compared with the mainstream cultural values associated with White, middle-class, urban standards (Fiene, 1993; Gaventa, 1982;
Woodrum, 2004). Such cultural dissonance and stigmatization is evidenced here. People from Appleton are reportedly identified as —hicks“ throughout the county as a result of
Appleton‘s remote location. Participants explained that the —hick“ label denotes a mountaineer lifestyle. This stereotype of —hick“ implies that they are uneducated and socially deficient. In this context, —hick“ is a social class recognized by participants as inferior to middle-class Whites.
Participants agreed that both Blacks and Whites from Appleton are perceived as
—hicks,“ but informants claimed that most Blacks do not embrace the cultural practices associated with —hicks.“ Moreover, they claimed that White —hicks“ are extremely racist and that many racial tensions exist between Appleton‘s Blacks and White —hicks.“ These social relationships are discussed later in the chapter.
Place impacts racial identity. Participants explained that place also influences the way in which they are racially labeled. Because the county‘s minority population is concentrated in Appleton, respondents claimed that residents of Appleton are often characterized as Black in the larger community, regardless of their ancestries; and 133 therefore, they experience the —Otherness“ associated with being Black. Moreover, the option to identify as anything but Black and possibly escape the prejudicial treatment is further limited by the intimacy of the small rural community. Because of its small population and isolation from other communities, Appleton residents are familiar with one another‘s family histories. In Appleton, particular family names are recognized as belonging to people of African descent.
Racial Labeling
Participants‘ life stories reveal that several social factors impact their racial identities. In this context, race is a social construct rather than a biological reality.
Regardless of their social status, participants claimed that they are racially assigned a
—Black“ identity. The historic —one-drop rule“ and official government forms often limit triracial families‘ identity options. Physical appearance may also impact racial labels.
Being identified with the African-American sociocultural group is an involuntary identity for many triracial peoples.
Ancestry and government forms. Although all 42 participants described themselves as triracial, the families claimed that they are racially identified as —Black“ because their ancestries include African descent. According to participants, their families historically have reported —Black“ as their racial origin on family records, and this tradition has continued throughout the generations. The —one-drop rule“ cited in the literature is influential in determining how participants are racially categorized.
Moreover, the option to report a multiracial racial type is a recent phenomenon. —Black“ 134 racial identities have been assigned to triracial peoples because historically government forms have limited people to a monoracial identity.
Phenotype. Miles (1989) argues that racial labels are, in large part, controlled by physical appearances. This study suggests that phenotype not only impacts racial categorization but that it also influences social status. According to participants, they are racially categorized as —Black“ in this setting regardless of their phenotype. However, this racial categorization may not apply to all participants. One of the four females who
—pass as White“ suggested that her White friends who live in the county seat are not cognizant of her African ancestry and therefore do not racially perceive her as —Black.“
Regardless of how phenotype influences how participants are racially identified, physical appearances may shape their social group membership. Physical features associated with
Africans, such as dark skin coloring and dark, coarse, coiled hair, may result in some participants being identified as a part of an African-American sociocultural group.
Only a few participants whose Afro features are less visible reported having the option to socially identify with the Euro-American middle class. These participants expressed the benefit of socializing with Whites, particularly affluent Whites. However, participants with extremely dark skin coloring and —nappy“ hair claimed that they are both racially and socially marked as —Black.“ Minorities who are identified with the
African-American sociocultural group experience extremely oppressive life conditions
(Fordham, 1999; Heath, 1983; hooks, 1994; Ogbu, 1982; Stack, 1974). In this context, the degree of darkness may also shape life circumstances.
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Social Reality Is Defined by the Compounding Effect of Markers of Distinctiveness
The data suggest that participants‘ identities, specifically cultural group membership and social status, are significantly influenced by the compounding effect of racial labeling and stereotypes of place.
Sociocultural Identity Groups
Participants often distinguished between race and culture when discussing their experiences as minorities in rural Appalachia. However, their stories suggest that race and culture are not mutually exclusive phenomena as participants categorized area residents into three distinct sociocultural groups--classifications based on cultural behaviors that may reflect the impact that markers of distinctiveness have on social identity. 8 Membership in these social groups is influenced by racial type, perceived economic status, and place. Miles (1989) explains that there is interdependence between class and race, and the data here support the theory that racial labeling and perceptions of place are part of a wider system of class disadvantage for triracial families. When a person experiences —Otherness“ regarding a certain aspect of identity, this —Otherness“ often becomes salient (Alba, 1990). In this context, the markers of distinctiveness define participants‘ place in the world.
Analysis of the data suggests that participants recognize local residents as members of three sociocultural groups: White —hicks,“ White —preps,“ and minorities identified as —Black.“ The specific cultural values that participants attribute to each
8 The existence of distinct sociocultural groups in this setting is based on the participants‘ reported life stories. Because the study did not include other community members, there is no additional evidence to support the existence of these distinct social groups. However, these group distinctions reveal how participants perceive themselves and their places in the social order, and these perceptions support the theory that markers of distinctiveness influence social identity, which, in turn, shapes schooling. 136 group are outlined in Table 5.1. In this display, social characteristics of White —hicks“ are referred to as —Euro-American Lower-Class Values“ because participants explained that —hicks“ and —Blacks“ are perceived in the community as lower-status (e.g., poor) whereas the cultural practices of White —preps“ are labeled —Euro-American Middle-
Class Values.“ The reported cultural patterns of people socially identified as —Black“ in this setting are referred to as —African-American Values.
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Table 5.1 Comparison of Sociocultural Group Values
African-American Euro-American, Euro-American Values Middle-Class Values Lower-Class Values Language Use of informal Use of formal English Use of informal English language language patterns (like English patterns patterns (slang) those taught in schools)
Dress Nice shoes, baggy Expensive clothing Hunting shirts, boots, pants, Fubu or such as Abercrombie or tight jeans, large belt SouthPole clothing Tommy Hilfiger buckles brands
Music Rap music Rap, country, and rock Country music music
Beliefs --Less emphasis on --Strongly emphasize --Less emphasis on Regarding economic success and —winning“ and economic success and Particular social advancement materialism social advancement Issues --Value close-knit --Focused on --Value close-knit relationships with popularity in the relationships with family and friends mainstream family and friends Educational --—Doing your best“ --Academic excellence --Educational Values is valued over and acceleration are attainment is not a earning the —A“ valued high priority --A college degree is --A college degree is not a necessity critical to success in the world
How participants are socially grouped. Participants‘ life stories suggest that they are not all members of the same sociocultural group. A few participants explained that despite their residence in Appleton and their racial identities as a people of African 138 descent, they are able to identify socially as —White.“ —Passing“ is documented in the literature as a common adaptive behavior for Blacks who are trying to assimilate as part of the mainstream (Fordham, 1996; Jackson, 2001; Waters, 1999). Again, this option to socially —pass“ in this setting is controlled, in part, by phenotype. At the time of the interviews, four female informants (very light-skinned and with straight hair) reported
—passing“ as members of the Euro-American, middle-class sociocultural group.
Camouflaging their racial origin is not a significant issue in their cultural identification.
However, although the girls can socially identify with Whites, they acknowledged that they could not indicate their racial type as —White“ in this setting. For example, one female informant said that she could only indicate —White“ as her racial type if she moved away from Appleton.
Several other participants claimed that they, too, could —pass as White“ but that they do not choose this identity option. These students, however, must put forth a greater effort to mark themselves culturally because their phenotypical features do not indicate a monoracial type--camouflaging is required physically and/or behaviorally because of their tan skin coloring and hair coloring and texture. For example, the male student who had grown the large Afro claimed that the pronounced Afro feature helps socially and physically separate him from White peers.
The majority of participants, particularly those with dark skin and —nappy“ hair, reported that they could not socially identity with other Whites. Physical appearances may dictate a —Black“ social identity. These darker students reported cultural values 139 referred to in Table 5.1 as —African-American.“ They perceived their social conditions as oppressive and described being assigned to low social ranks.
However, one dark-skinned student, who has moved away from Appleton, does allegedly —pass as White,“ which suggests that —passing“ as a member of a Euro-
American sociocultural group may not be exclusively controlled by physical appearance in other settings. —Passing“ may also be controlled by place and economic status. The dark-skinned male student who refused to participate in the study was characterized as socializing with White —preps.“ During a telephone conversation, he explained that he is culturally assimilated with Whites because he does not act —niggerish“ like other
Appleton Blacks. Although he is reportedly dark skinned, this student may not be socially identified with other dark-skinned Blacks because he has moved to the county seat and belongs to an affluent family.
Life Experiences May Reflect Sociocultural Group Membership
Social status, which in this context is determined, in part, by perceptions of
Appleton and race, is influential in determining life experiences and identity (Alba, 1990;
Breakwell, 1986; Chiong, 1998; Fiene, 1993; Peshkin, 1991; Waters, 1999). Participants who claimed being part of the Euro-American, middle-class sociocultural group shared life stories that sharply contrast with the reported life circumstances of minorities socially identified as African American. Thus, their experiences reflect their ability to socially identify with the dominant group. Historically, people of African descent have been assigned to the lowest ranks in American society, and social forces have limited the opportunities for African Americans to improve their social status (Appiah & Gutmann, 140
1996; Breakwell, 1986; Glazer, 1997). Ogbu (1982) argues that there is a typology of minorities in the United States based on the ability of particular minority groups to culturally and structurally assimilate into the mainstream, and that Blacks of African descent often experience a —caste-like“ status because of the social barriers they face.
Based on their studies of African-American students in a variety of settings, Fordham
(1996), hooks (1994), and Stack (1974), confirm that these students are often assigned to the lowest social ranks.
Participants‘ descriptions of the different sociocultural groups in this setting reflect a social typology of minorities--participants identified with the African-American sociocultural group may be similar to Ogbu‘s (1982) —caste-like“ minorities because social advancement is extremely difficult for them. However, the typologies here are not exclusively defined by race, for perceived income levels and stereotypes of place contribute to social status. In distinguishing these sociocultural groups, participants differentiate Blacks from one another and Blacks from Whites.
Jackson‘s (2001) Black Identity Development (BID) model, which is discussed in
Chapter Two, may be used to interpret how participants‘ identities reflect their sociocultural group membership. The BID theory is helpful in understanding the varied behaviors exhibited by participants in response to social stigmas. Moreover, Jackson‘s
(2001) claims about identity development among minority group members is also supported by other research.
Experiences of participants who identify with the Euro-American middle class.
There are several participants who were characterized by themselves and others as 141
—passing as White.“ The four female students who reported socially —passing as White“ appear to embrace the idea that being —White“ is superior to being —Black.“ Jackson
(2001) refers to this identity phase as the —acceptance stage.“ Their life stories starkly contrast with those shared by other participants, specifically those possessing more pronounced Afro features.
The girls claimed that they are socially accepted by White peers, described themselves as —popular“ at the county high school, and alleged that they receive the same educational services as their affluent White friends. Phenotype does not appear to dictate a —Black“ social identity for these participants. Moreover, these participants reported their income status ranging from low-income to middle class; thus, income level may not limit their access to —White“ privileges.
The informants who —pass as White“ expressed only positive representations of themselves, which is likely a result of being perceived as part of the dominant social group. They claimed that they have the power and resources to determine their life outcomes but remarked that triracial people, who are socially identified as —Black,“ face continued social alienation.
The experience of a —Black“ social identity . Many of the students who exhibit
African-American cultural values and beliefs reported behaviors consistent with identity resistance, the third phase of the BID model. These students may realize the harmful effects of denying their African ancestry, and they are aware of the inferior status assigned to them through social stigmas. They often confront White peers for making 142 derogatory racial remarks and reject the notion that their physical and cultural differences from the mainstream are indicators of deviance.
In communicating how they perceive themselves, participants who are identified as part of the African-American sociocultural group referred to themselves as part of a collective that is a representation of what the majority is not. As discussed in the literature review, what people can do and how they perceive themselves depends on the concepts, identities, histories, and models available to them (Appiah & Gutmann, 1996;
Breakwell, 1986; Chiong, 1998; Peshkin, 1991; Torres et al, 2003). Triracial families recognized as part of the African-American sociocultural group have identity scripts based on their class positions--it is difficult for them to overcome these compounding forms of oppression.
Jackson (2001) argues that people of African-American descent often do not have the social power to determine their life circumstances, but they still respond by resisting mainstream norms. In regard to their life destinies, these darker-skinned participants suggested that their life scripts are determined by their position in the social hierarchy.
They cited perceptions of Appleton and racial stigmas as barriers to social advancement, and they identified the ways in which they resist such domination.
Other research suggests that such resistance is common among minorities of
African descent (Delpit, 1995; Fordham, 1996; hooks, 1994; Stack, 1974). Glazer (1997) argues that many Blacks have become militant against assimilation into —White“ society, and several students confirmed that they did not want to fit into the —White“ mold.
Historically, assimilation has resulted in fewer opportunities and privileges for Blacks, 143 which is reportedly the case for this group of participants. These students may be demanding more than has traditionally been available to them in the melting pot and perhaps have developed what Ogbu (1978) refers to as an oppositional identity toward mainstream norms.
The cultural values and behaviors exhibited by participants identified with the
African-American sociocultural group are likely adaptive behaviors to continued marginalization. Ogbu (1978) suggests that minorities who experience a —caste-like“ status often exhibit such adaptive behaviors. For example, many of the participants expressed the view that personal contentment is more important than economic advancement. Most members of this social group have not experienced economic prosperity and may have been denied access to high-paying jobs. Therefore, they adjust their values to their life circumstances. Stack (1974) argues that people living in socially oppressive life circumstances make adjustments to such conditions.
How participants describe the social reality of White —hicks.“ Although students identified as White —hicks“ did not participate in this study, triracial families described their perceptions of the life circumstances typical of members of this alleged sociocultural group. An understanding of how participants perceive White —hicks“ is necessary for recognizing how these informants view their social location. Furthermore, the recognition of these different social groups reflects the complexity of the social hierarchy in this setting and supports the theory that identity is shaped by several social forces. 144
According to participants, White —hicks“ live throughout the county, but participating triracial families have the most contact with White —hicks“ from Appleton.
In many ways, the life experiences of minorities who are not part of the dominant social group are similar to the reported life conditions of White —hicks,“ who are perceived by participants as culturally deficient and poor and are accused of not valuing education and economic prosperity. Many participants also characterized White —hicks“ as exhibiting values commonly shared by rural residents--close-knit relationships, oneness with the land, and resistance to change. Like triracial individuals identified as —Black,“ White
—hicks“ are reportedly socially alienated from more affluent Whites.
Relationships Among Different Sociocultural Groups
Participants‘ social relationships may also be shaped by their life circumstances and how they are identified in larger society. Reported interactions among the various social groups may be impacted by the competition for social resources and the extent to which social barriers limit class advancement.
How participants who —pass“ relate to other community members. The small group of participants who identify as part of the Euro-American middle class described positive relationships with both White peers and most Black students. They did not report feeling socially stigmatized in such a way that limits their social relationships, but they did explain that they have minimal interactions with White —hicks“ and other minority students at school, which includes after-school programs and activities. Such social exclusiveness allegedly extends to dating relationships. One student who —passes“ 145 remarked that she would never date a Black male, and the other three girls commented that they had not dated a Black male.
The four females who —pass as White“ also explained that they are enrolled in college preparatory courses with other Whites whereas other Black students typically enroll in vocational and/or general curriculum courses, which further limits interactions between the two groups. Moreover, they claimed that there is animosity between them and some minority students who are socially identified as part of the African-American sociocultural group because many Blacks view —passing“ as a form of betrayal.
In addition to having minimal interactions with other minority students, the participants who —pass as White“ made comments suggesting that they also have few interactions with people they perceive as White —hicks.“ These students remarked that they are enrolled in advanced courses with students from —well-to-do“ families, and one of the girls commented that she dates popular White males. When describing their social relationships, the four females identified other White students from the county seat as their closest friends, describing these students as popular and academically successful.
The attributes of White —hicks“ reported by participants do not match the descriptions of the girls‘ friends. For example, White —hicks“ are reportedly uneducated, apathetic toward schooling, and poor--characteristics participants did not attribute to White
—preps.“
How informants identified with the African-American sociocultural group relate to other community members. How people perceive the differences implicit in the social hierarchy impacts their life-views and their identity, which is evidenced here in the 146 reported relationships between informants socially recognized as —Black“ and people from other sociocultural groups (Fiene, 1993; Peshkin, 1991; Root, 1990). Although informants who are identified with the African-American sociocultural group perceived
—passing“ as a form of betrayal, their life stories reveal that there are not many social problems between them and most students who —pass as White.“
Participants who are members of the African-American sociocultural group explained that more affluent Whites have significant influence in social and educational settings; they establish social standards and determine public policy. When asked about conflict between the two groups, participants who are socially labeled —Black“ claimed that lower-class minorities are socially insignificant to this more dominant group, and, therefore, few social tensions exist. Many dark-skinned informants remarked that they do not challenge middle-class Whites because —it wouldn‘t do any good.“
The relationships between members of the African-American sociocultural group and people characterized as White —hicks“ were described as much more hostile. Allport
(1958) argues that lower-class Whites exhibit more prejudicial behaviors and attitudes toward people of African descent than people of higher social status, in part, because the two groups compete for the same social resources. Moreover, Allport (1958) explains that the racial conflict between lower-status Whites and Blacks is intensified when minorities are concentrated in a particular setting, which is the case in Appleton.
Participants claimed that the people they perceive as lower-class Whites (e.g., —hicks“) compete with the African-American sociocultural group for social and economic 147 resources. Minorities socially recognized as —Black“ are likely perceived as a social threat to these White —hicks.“
Many participants alleged that White —hicks“ are extremely racist toward
Appleton‘s minority families, specifically those families who are part of the African-
American sociocultural group. The interactions between members of the two groups reportedly involve both verbal and physical confrontations, and participants claimed that the relationships are volatile. Dark-skinned informants reported that White —hicks“ label
Blacks as socially inferior, and this inferiority is attributed to heredity. Allport (1958) explains that it is easier for the larger society to attribute social differences to heredity rather than address the social grounds for these differentials.
In addition to having hostile relationships with White —hicks,“ many of the informants who belong to the African-American sociocultural group expressed bitterness toward the male student who refused to participate in the study. Again, this dark-skinned male previously lived in Appleton but his family has moved to the county seat. Referring to this student, a few male informants who experience —Black“ social identities remarked that —he used to be one of us.“ However, this student is now accused of —passing as
White“ despite his extremely dark skin. He has escaped the stigmas attached to
Appleton, and because his family allegedly is affluent, he is able to identify with the
Euro-American middle class. The other dark-skinned students may be resentful of his ability to overcome the social barriers that they cannot surmount, that is, place and poverty. 148
Although there are lower-class Whites living in Appleton, members of the
African-American sociocultural group claimed that they are assigned to the lowest possible social rank, which is referred to in the literature as —caste-like“ (Birman, 1994;
Nelson, 1986; Ogbu, 1983). These informants explained that not only are they stigmatized by perceptions of poverty and Appleton, they also are subjugated to the racial labeling. In fact, the data suggest that racial labeling often is the greatest source of social alienation for many of these informants--stigmas attached to Appleton only compound their social marginalization. Several participants explained that local Whites could not socially experience and understand a —Black“ social identity because they do not face the same sources of oppression. For example, a male student remarked that only people who experience very similar life conditions (e.g., ghetto, being —Black“) share the same social identities and belong to the same social group. These differences in life circumstances impact social identity, which, in turn, influence their experiences at school.
The Impact of Identity on Schooling
School is a place where adolescents establish their identities as members of particular peer groups (Peshkin, 1991). For minority students of African descent, developing a positive sense of one‘s identity through schooling is challenging because of their continued experiences of marginalization (Delpit, 1995; Fordham, 1996; hooks,
1994; Ogbu, 1982; Stack, 1974). Similarly, in this context, participants identified with the African-American sociocultural group claimed that they face exclusion at school-- schooling reinforces their identity as —Other.“ Erikson (1970) argues that schools promote standardization of identity, encouraging students to model themselves after the 149 majority. According to many participants, schools are intolerant of differences. Because the four, light-skinned females are able to identify with middle-class Whites, their school experiences are positive and reportedly meet their educational needs. But participants who identify with the African-American sociocultural group describe their disenfranchisement from schooling. Moreover, the role that schooling plays in achieving the —good life“ may be dependent on social status as the two groups of students shared different expectations of schooling.
School Experiences
The four females who —pass as White“ reportedly do not experience alienation at school because of their social status. Instead, their higher social status results in special privileges for these girls. They praised the high school teachers for providing them with the necessary academic support to successfully complete college preparatory courses, and they described their classroom interactions with peers and school officials as pleasant.
Their parents claimed that school officials treat them with respect and offer their daughters opportunities to participate in extracurricular activities. The girls allegedly have not been disciplined at school for inappropriate behavior.
These light-skinned girls claimed that they had easily passed the state testing required for graduation, commenting that they had earned proficient scores on their first attempt to pass the exam. The test was viewed as a stepping-stone toward graduation, only a slight inconvenience. They seemed motivated to complete this exam and other tasks necessary for earning a college degree, explaining that a college degree is necessary for securing a high-paying job. 150
The students who are identified with the African-American sociocultural group, however, shared very different school experiences. Their school stories suggest that their low social status often translates into inferior educational services and opportunities.
These darker participants reported school lives similar to the school experiences of
African Americans that is found in the literature (Delpit, 1995; Feagin, 1994; Fordham,
1996; Ogbu, 1982; Stack, 1974). Members of the African-American sociocultural group alleged that teachers often do not provide them with the academic assistance necessary to successfully complete courses.
Moreover, these informants reported that lower-class minority students are often encouraged to take general curriculum courses or enroll in vocational programs because teachers may have lower academic expectations of these students. Such courses do not prepare these students for college, and several students also claimed that they were not adequately prepared to take the state‘s graduation exam. Based on a study investigating
Appalachian families and teachers attitudes towards standardized accountability testing,
Woodrum (2004) found that many Appalachian families viewed such standardized assessments as one more obstacle they have to overcome, and the majority of the participants here referred to accountability mandates as another form of discrimination.
The participants criticized teachers for placing too much emphasis on passing these exams rather than providing them with instruction relevant to their lifeworlds.
The students socially recognized as —Black“ claimed that school officials impose more severe disciplinary consequences for members of their social group than they do to
White students, and teachers were criticized for not protecting these students from racial 151 slurs. They even accused some teachers of harassing them in class. Allegedly this discrimination extends to extracurricular programs where teachers are ridiculed for denying these students opportunities to participate in after-school programs, particularly athletics. Because of allegedly being denied access to extracurricular programs, these students often do not express interest in such activities.
Many of the students who are socially identified as —Black“ remarked that they place little emphasis on schooling. They reported not putting forth much academic effort, and some student informants commented that they frequently miss school to pursue other interests. Such school behaviors are cited in the literature as contributing to minority students‘ academic failure and are often viewed by school officials as evidence of the students‘ apathy toward educational attainment and social advancement (Delpit, 1995;
Fordham, 1996; Ogbu, 1982; Ohanian, 2002). Social origins as the source of this dissonance are often not considered.
Student participants from the two social groups agreed that the school curriculum rarely addresses their multicultural heritage. The few activities that do cross ethnic diversities are an extraneous part of the daily curriculum--perhaps another signifier to these students that they are the —Other.“ Although all student participants shared a common desire for more diversity in school programs and activities, the darker-skinned students expressed greater resentment in regards to such invisibility. They viewed the lack of the multicultural curriculum as yet another example of their alienation at school and as a reason for their educational disinterest.
152
The Role of Schooling in Achieving the —Good Life“
All of the participating students agreed that Blacks who —pass as White“ typically put forth more academic effort than students socially recognized as —Black.“ Only the four female students who —pass as White“ repeatedly expressed the importance of obtaining a college degree in order to earn a high-paying job. Many members of the
African-American sociocultural group had different plans--they discussed the goal of completing high school and securing a job locally. A few dark-skinned students did share their plans to attend college, but their reasons for attending college did not reflect the desire to obtain high-paying, professional careers. Instead, these students viewed a college degree as an asset that would help them earn decent wages in this Appalachian region where unemployment is common. Furthermore, they described the local job market as discriminatory toward Blacks, and they felt that a college degree might help them overcome this barrier. However, the students who are part of the African-American sociocultural group agreed that an education does not necessarily improve economic opportunities.
For members of the African-American sociocultural group, the —good life“ was described as maintaining close relationships with family and friends and experiencing personal meaningfulness in a career. These informants explained that earning high wages is not as important as being satisfied with your life work. This version of the —good life“ reflects values commonly held by rural residents--community and human relationships offer more contentment than mainstream standards of social living (Herzog & Pittman,
1995; Kannapel & DeYoung, 1999; Haas & Nachtigal, 1998). 153
In contrast, the students who —pass as White“ were concerned with securing material wealth. Economically, they explained that they would not be satisfied with simply —paying the bills.“ The girls commented that they wanted to be able to afford the nicer things in life. Their life goals were based on competition, achievement, and high standards of living--values that parallel those promulgated in mainstream schooling.
The value placed on schooling and the expectations assigned to schooling are likely shaped by participants‘ social status. For participating triracial families who socially experience a —Black“ identity, school is another setting in which they are excluded and disenfranchised. Schooling does not necessarily help them overcome the social barriers they face, therefore, reinforcing their identity as —Other.“ But for participants who are able to identify as Euro-American and middle class, school is a place where they experience academic success and positive social relationships. School reaffirms participants‘ social identities.
How the Data Support an Idiographic Theory
The data suggest that the compounding of racial stigmas and stereotypes of place influence how participants are socially identified in the larger society and how they perceive themselves. In turn, participants‘ school experiences reflect their social location--identity shapes schooling. Based on participants‘ stories, this theory holds true for both Whites and Blacks in Appleton.
The data reveal that Appleton is stigmatized as a community plagued by poverty and social deviance, which often results in Appleton‘s Whites and Blacks being perceived as socially inferior, poor —hicks.“ Participants make a distinction between local 154
Whites and Whites who live outside of Appleton and its surrounding countryside. This distinction suggests that the negative impact of place is not necessarily dependent on race in this setting. They labeled the cultural practices (e.g., dress, music preferences) of local
Whites as —country“ whereas the beliefs and behaviors of other Whites were termed
—prep.“ Although Whites living outside of Appleton may also experience poverty, they allegedly are not socially identified with poor Whites from Appleton. Participants recognized local Whites as people who experience social identities similar to Appleton‘s minorities.
Negative stereotypes of Appleton not only influence social identity, but they reportedly also impact school experiences. Participants claimed that both Blacks and
Whites from Appleton typically enroll in general curriculum or vocational courses and are not involved in extracurricular activities. Moreover, students from Appleton are often socially alienated from their peers, which is evidenced by the stereotype of Appleton students as —Appletonians.“ The four female students who —pass as White“ reported that they do not experience schooling in the same way other students in Appleton allegedly experience school. These four females are able to overcome two markers of distinctiveness, that is, perceptions of poverty and stereotypes of Appleton. Their life circumstances are not compounded by race as a marker of distinctiveness because their physical appearances do not dictate a —Black“ identity.
However, the majority of participants are subjugated by the oppressiveness of both perceptions of Appleton and racial labels. Because most participants‘ phenotypes reflect their African ancestry and area residents are cognizant of their ancestral histories, 155 race is an additional marker of distinctiveness for these triracial participants living in
Appleton. In fact, race is perhaps the single most influential social force in their lives, and they experience a —caste-like“ status as a result of the compounding effect that perceptions of poverty and place have on their racial status. They describe their social location as below that of local Whites because race is an additional barrier to social advancement. Although people from Appleton are reportedly perceived as Black regardless of their race, local Whites and the participants who —pass“ allegedly escape the negative social effects of phenotype and African ancestries.
According to participants, the —caste-like“ status of triracial people identified as
—Black“ results in additional harassment and further disenfranchisement at school.
Something, that is not experienced by other students, including White —hicks“ from
Appleton. The compounding of racial labels and perception of Appleton allegedly results in students who are part of the African-American sociocultural group being verbally harassed and often physically attacked at school by students from other social groups.
Moreover, school officials reportedly show the most contempt for these students, which is evidenced in their interactions in the classroom and the school‘s system of discipline.
The life circumstances reported by particular individuals provide specific examples of how the interaction of certain markers of distinctiveness create a —caste-like“ status for many participants but not for others. The phenotypes of the four females who
—pass as White“ do not dictate a Black racial identity--they do, after all, not share the most influential marker of distinctiveness (e.g., racial labeling) experienced by other participants. Their interests and cultural practices are parallel to those of middle-class 156
Whites, and they experience a higher social rank than other participants who are identified as part of the African-American sociocultural group. Moreover, the male student who refused to participate in the study reportedly has dark-skin and —nappy“ hair, but he is able to identify with the White middle class because he has moved away from
Appleton and belongs to an affluent family. This male student does not have multiple markers of distinctiveness: he is not poor and he does not live in Appleton. Therefore, he is able to identify with the dominant group despite his physical appearance.
The stories shared by the two sisters whose physical appearances starkly contrast also provide evidence for the theory advanced here. The girls confirmed the negative stereotypes of Appleton, including the community‘s perceived poverty. However, the girls economically described themselves as middle class. The lighter sister, who —passes as White,“ only experiences one marker of distinctiveness, that is, being a resident of
Appleton. The darker sister experiences two markers of distinctiveness: her physical appearance and being a resident of Appleton. Despite her alleged middle-class background, the darker sister reported experiencing a —caste-like“ status.
In this setting, the data suggest that participants who possess two or more markers of distinctiveness (e.g., poverty, race, place) experience a —caste-like“ social status if their markers of difference include an African racial label as indicated by physical appearance.
For participants whose multiple markers of distinctiveness do not include race, a low social status is not necessarily experienced. Similarly, informants with only one marker of distinctiveness, which may include race, do not experience an inferior social rank. The data reveal that outside of Appleton, race is not salient if the individual is not poor. 157
Implications of the Findings
The findings of this study are specific to this context. The identities of minorities in other rural areas may not mirror the social status of triracial participants in this
Appalachian community. However, the results of this study contribute to an extremely limited literature base that examines the life stories and educational experiences of rural minorities. The data also support the body of literature suggesting that competing cultural values and social differences contribute to the chasm between minority families and mainstream school institutions. Moreover, if the charge of the schools is to adequately meet the educational and social needs of all students, we must identify those needs through such research. Student learning is likely to increase and be more meaningful when what takes place at school is in concert with the values of home and community and without racial and class bias (Delpit, 1995; Meier, 2002; Ogbu, 1982;
Ohanian, 2002; Stack, 1974).
For the majority of participants, school is an alienating place where their values compete and conflict with those put forth by the school. School structures and processes reinforce the message that where these students come from is not a good place and that their culture is inferior to mainstream cultural practices. It is the responsibility of the school to reconnect with these students and the community of Appleton. Schools have an obligation to communicate to their students that there are alternative versions of the
—good life“ and that —different than does not mean better than“ (Flora & Flora, 1996, p.
221). 158
Schools cannot respond to the needs of all students if we pursue the —one-best- system“ of education, nor should schooling require triracial families to cross cultural borders (Peshkin, 1997). Students must not be forced to choose between their own cultural identities and those promulgated by the school in order to succeed. Instead, schools should address diversity in a positive light throughout the curriculum. A truly multicultural curriculum will allow students options in the courses they choose, the topics they learn about, and the ways in which they demonstrate learning has occurred.
The current literature on what constitutes a high-quality rural education recommends pedagogical practices that would likely improve upon the circumstances these triracial participants encounter at school. Because these rural families expressed a strong connection to place and people, their schooling should be connected to local history (DeYoung, 1996; Haas & Nachtigal, 1998; Kannapel & DeYoung, 1999). And in the case of these triracial families, this local history is a rich and meaningful part of their lives. Moreover, schools are designed to serve public objectives, which means an obligation to serve the community (Haas & Nachtigal, 1998). Rural communities may not value mainstream economic success as the cornerstone of happiness; therefore, schools must not prepare rural students for a life that defines material acquisition and achievement as the only acceptable experience. The school must meet the needs of both the students and the community.
Issues Warranting Further Study
Although the findings here provide a deeper understanding of how participants‘ social identities are shaped by markers of distinctiveness, and how, in turn, social status 159 influences schooling, there is more to be learned about these families and the social experiences of diverse people in general. The idiographic theory developed here is based on qualitative interview methodology. Observations of participants in natural settings, such as the school classroom and during family interactions, might reveal other ways in which identity is shaped by life circumstances. Moreover, such fieldwork would likely provide a greater understanding of the social relationships that exist in this community and highlight other forms of exclusion that occur in the school setting.
The influence that gender has on social identity warrants further investigation because it was not specifically addressed in this research. In regards to identifying with the local African-American culture and experiencing continued subjugation, gender is a factor that may influence social status and relationships, but the data here are inconclusive. When identifying what cultural practices reflect the local African-
American culture, all participants referred to the behavior and dress of Black males.
Several female participants suggested that racial discrimination has a more negative impact on males than females, and the data suggest that there is more hostility between
White and Black males than exists between White and Black females. During the interviews, I observed some Black males become extremely agitated when discussing their social isolation. Additional research is needed to examine if and how gender influences these life experiences.
Further research related to the social experiences and schooling of minorities in the rural setting is also warranted. For example, there is a large gap in the literature on rural African Americans. Moreover, future studies might examine other non- 160
Appalachian rural settings and urban contexts to determine if the dynamics of place, economic status, and racial labeling shape the identities and therefore school experiences of minorities living there. Does the theory advanced here apply to other settings? A task of educational researchers is to explore such questions related to the life stories and school experiences of diverse peoples living in a multitude of settings.
What I learned in school around here is this. Everyone has a history but me. What about my history? Think about what it is like to have no history. To go to school and they never talk about you. To have no idea who you are, how you got there, where your people came from or why. I hope that the next time you write a book, you tell my history (statement by triracial man in Walker, 2000, p. 2).
161
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Appendix A
Parent Interview Questions
• People who share our own values and behave in ways similar to ourselves make up what is often referred to as a distinct group. Within the Appleton community, can you identify the cultural group to which you belong?
o Tell me about the people in that group.
o Help me understand what it is like to be part of this group.
• In what ways is the group you identify with different than other families in the county?
• How does belonging to this cultural group impact a person‘s school experiences?
o Give me an example of this.
o What are some positive aspects of schooling for students belonging to your cultural group?
o What are some negative aspects of schooling for students belonging to your cultural group?
--Why do you think this is? (Why are things that way?)
--How would you suggest school officials —fix“ it?
• Is the high school meeting your child‘s needs?
• What is it that you expect your child to gain from schooling? Is your child receiving this from the high school--why do you feel this way?
• From your observation of school systems, what is it that schools expect of students--what is the system‘s purpose of schooling?
• Who has power in schools? Why do you think that? 173
• Do you feel that your cultural group values are taught in schools?
• In regards to academics, what do you expect from your child? How does that compare to what the school expects?
• When your child graduates or becomes an adult, what will success look life for him or her?
• How involved is your child at school? Why do you think that is?
• How difficult is it for your child to fit in at school?
• Tell me about the kids your child hangs out with. Who does he/she date?
• What are your thoughts on accountability tests--proficiency exams and now the Ohio Graduation Tests? Does it impact the people in your cultural group differently than other students?
• Share with me anything else you can think of that would help me better understand schooling from the perspective of someone in your group.
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Student Interview Questions
• People who share our own values and behave in ways similar to ourselves make up what is often referred to as a group œ the people we associate most with. Within your community, can you describe the group to which you belong?
o Tell me about the students in that group.
o Give me some examples of what it is like to be part of this group.
• In what ways is your group different from other students at the high school?
• How does being part of your group impact what happens to you at school?
o Give me some examples of this.
o What are the positive aspects of schooling for people in your group?
o What are some of the challenges you face?
--Why are things that way?
--How would you suggest school officials —fix it“?
• Is the high school meeting your needs?
• What do you want to accomplish from schooling? Is the high school preparing you for this--what makes you think that?
• What does your school expect of you? How do you know?
• Who has power in schools? What makes you think that?
• Are your own cultural values and background taught in school?
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• In regards to academics, what does your parent expect of you? o What do you expect of yourself academically?
o Compare this with what the school expects.
• What will success look like for you after graduation?
• How involved are you at school? Why do you think that is?
• How difficult is it for you to fit in at school?
• Tell me about the kids you hang out with at school. Who do you date?
• What are your thoughts about the Ohio Proficiency Tests (OGT)? Is it a different experience for you than it might be for other students--why?
• Share with me anything else you can think of that would help me understand what belonging to your group is like (what school is like for you).
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Appendix B: Institutional Review Board Approval Letter