American Journal of Sustainable Cities and Society Issue 6, Vol. 1

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American Journal of Sustainable Cities and Society Issue 6, Vol. 1 American Journal of Sustainable Cities and Society Issue 6, Vol. 1 January 2017 Available online on http://www.rspublication.com/ajscs/ajsas.html ISSN 2319 – 7277 Waray Morphology Jovito B. Madeja1, Melanie Lourdes A. Lara 2,Angelina B. Abenis3 #1 Borongan City, Eastern Samar, Philippines #2 Borongan City, Eastern Samar, Philippines #3 Borongan City, Eastern Samar, Philippines ABSTRACT This study explicates the Morphology of Waray as a language. This study used ergative- absolutive system of analysis and stem-based affixation framework to analyze the data. Data were taken from the on line newspaper of Philippine Information Agency (PIA) and some were given by the researchers being a native speakers of Waray. It was made clear in this study that this description of contemporary Waray grammar subscribes to the idea that there is no clear-cut classification of words or parts of the words into nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Instead, like other Philippine languages, the interrelationship among roots, affixes, and particles and their use in the discourse determine their classification (Nolasco, 2007).This study explicates the following results: The first section briefly defines roots and stems, free and bound morphemes, affixes, and inflection and derivation. The second section explains the rationale behind the use of a modified stem-based affixation system in describing nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Stem-based affixation is a simplified system of analyzing affixes that likewise captures the formal or morphological relationship among affixed forms, and highlights the derivational character of a major Philippine language like Waray. Thus, the description of stem-based affixation is based on the following most productive stem-forming affixes for verbs: pag-, paN-, pakig-, and ka- that prepare the constructions for the attachment of new affixes to form new verbs. The new analysis simplifies the more than twenty root- based affixes into four voice forms: -um- ~m- (where m- is a replacive affix and is an allomorph of –um-), -on (the reflex of the –in affix in Tagalog), -an, and i-. The m- here replaces the first sound of pag-, paN-, paka-, pakig-, and ka- stems producing the so-called mag-, mang-, maka-, makig-, and ma- verbs. This study also provides a number of Waray terms and sentences as examples of application of the stem-based affixation of word classification into nouns, adjectives, verbs and the formation of various nouns, adjectives, and verbs using the stem-based affixation system. Finally, the study also exemplifies noun, adjectives, and verb formation through CV and full reduplication. The discussion shows that the stem-based affixation is useful in simplifying the complex affixation system observed in the formation of Waray nouns, adjectives, and verbs. For a more comprehensive discussion and presentation of Waray Morphology, it is suggested that more corpora will be considered to explore more Waray as a language. Key words: Ergative-absolutive, stem-based affixation, Waray Corresponding Author: Madeja, J.B. R S. Publication (http://rspublication.com), [email protected] Page 22 American Journal of Sustainable Cities and Society Issue 6, Vol. 1 January 2017 Available online on http://www.rspublication.com/ajscs/ajsas.html ISSN 2319 – 7277 INTRODUCTION According to Santos (2012), studies on a language or on an aspect of a language, whether or not endangered, are always timely. This timeliness of the study of a language is perhaps due to the fact that language variations not only embody speakers' self-expression but also record their communication engagements in a society (Crystal, 2000). Further, Ruiz (1968, in Santos, 2012) mentioned that a language description or analysis is one of the never-ending activities that involve thinking. Thus, the explored languages in the Philippines or even in the world could not completely or adequately give the description of a language due to a limited corpus or sample. Rubrico (1998) listed some eight major languages, with four other minor languages, which are Maguindanao, Tausog, Maranao, and Ibanag, making the total number of PLs 12. Based on the number of speakers in the list of Dita’s (2007) however, the first eight PLs (Tagalog, Cebuano, Ilokano, Hiligaynon, Waray-waray, Kapampangan, Bikol, Pangasinan) are the major languages, while Kinaray-a andIbanag are the minor languages with lesser number of speakers. The approximately 150 living Philippine languages (Headland, 2003, in Dita, 2010b) have been the subject of linguistic investigations and descriptions all over the world (see Liao, 2006; Quakenbush, 2005; and Reid, 1981). As there are controversial and interesting features of Philippine-type languages that are distinct from other Austronesian languages, Philippinists have focused on the different features of PLs over the years. For instance, Brainard (1994) has looked at voice and ergativity; or the focus system (see Barlaan, 1986); or case system (see Ramos 1997); and recently, Dita (2011) on pronominal system. But even with a considerable overlap in syntax and morphology, there is a wide range of typological variety found among the more than 100 PLs (Reid & Liao, 2004). It was also evident that there had been varied analysis of local and foreign linguists for Philippine languages over the years. As Bloomfield’s (1917) work on Tagalog utilized the nominative-accusative distinction and has then dominated the literature on PL for quite some time. The ergative-absolutive analysis came about in the 80s with the works of Payne (1982), Starosa (1986), Gerdts (1988), to name a few. Other analyses have also emerged: the active-stative analysis (Drossard, 1994); the fluid voice analysis (Shibatani, 1999); the hybrid analysis (Machlachlan 1996), and the precategorial symmetrical voice analysis (Foley, 1998). The ergative-absolutive language (or simply ergative language) treats the object of a transitive verb and the single core argument of an intransitive verb the same, while treating the agent of a transitive verb differently. If semantic roles are to be assigned, the agent of a transitive clause is case-marked differently from the undergoer of an intransitive clause and the patient of a transitive clause. The ergative-absolutive analysis of PL is the issue of transitivity. As for English, the transitivity of verb is determined by the number of complements it gets, as in monotransitive, ditransitive, and complex transitive (Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech, &Svartvik, 1985, p.54; Wardhaugh, 2001). Transitivity in PL, as Reid and Liao (2004) and Ruffolo (2004) argue, is determined by the type of the complements the verb gets, that is, whether the argument is core or peripheral. While intransitive constructions only require one core argument, transitive constructions may take two or more core arguments. R S. Publication (http://rspublication.com), [email protected] Page 23 American Journal of Sustainable Cities and Society Issue 6, Vol. 1 January 2017 Available online on http://www.rspublication.com/ajscs/ajsas.html ISSN 2319 – 7277 Philippine languages have been analyzed to be nominative-accusative, ergative-absolutive, nominative nor ergative by many scholars as proven in their studies.To understand Philippine ergativity, one must understand Philippine transitivity. In the end, what Philippine ergativity really means is that speakers give the highest degree of prominence to the most affected entity. Waray, like other Philippine languages, also has linguistic features that would be of interest to some Philipinists. This was proven in Dita (2011) when she compared the pronominal system in Philippine languages, including Waray, using the ergative- absolutive analysis. Most of the works in Waray centered on literatures like those of Makabenta (1982), Salazar (1982), Zaide (1982), Polo (1994), Alunan(1998), and Oyzon (2008) to name a few. There have been very little works recorded on linguistics (see Abuyen, 2000; Palada, 2001; Dita, 2011; Ocampo, 2011; Madeja, 2012a, 2012b; and Villas, 2012a, 2012b). This study maintains that Waray, as an ergative language, be given same treatment just like the other minor and major languages in the Philippines using the ergative-absolutive analysis, for Waray has similar linguistic features, as proven in the studies of Dita (2011) on the pronominal system of Philippine languages, Madeja's (2012a, 2012b) unpublished studies on Waray discourse particles as stance markers, and code – switching (CS) and identity in on- line greetings and message center. Waray being one of the major languages deserves much attention by Philippinists, especially that the Department of Education’ Basic Education Curriculum, calls for a massive implementation on the use of the mother tongue as a medium of instructions in some subject areas. Among the eight major Philippine languages, Waray is less explored or less documented language, particularly the Waray variety used in Central and Northern part of Eastern Samar. This less attention given to Waray is perhaps due to scarcity of writers who are really born from the place. Other documented Waray literatures are written by writers who are borne and raised in Tacloban City - the capital city in Region VIII. Undeniably, in Tacloban there are a number of writers who focus their attention on Waray poetry and short stories using Waray as a medium. There is a dire need of coming up with a synchronic description of the grammar of Waray, especially this language is one the eight major languages in the Philippines and is one
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