American Journal of Sustainable Cities and Society Issue 6, Vol. 1 January 2017 Available online on http://www.rspublication.com/ajscs/ajsas.html ISSN 2319 – 7277 Waray Morphology

Jovito B. Madeja1, Melanie Lourdes A. Lara 2,Angelina B. Abenis3 #1 City, Eastern , #2 Borongan City, , Philippines #3 Borongan City, Eastern Samar, Philippines

ABSTRACT

This study explicates the Morphology of Waray as a . This study used ergative- absolutive system of analysis and stem-based affixation framework to analyze the data. Data were taken from the on line newspaper of Philippine Information Agency (PIA) and some were given by the researchers being a native speakers of Waray. It was made clear in this study that this description of contemporary Waray grammar subscribes to the idea that there is no clear-cut classification of words or parts of the words into nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Instead, like other Philippine , the interrelationship among roots, affixes, and particles and their use in the discourse determine their classification (Nolasco, 2007).This study explicates the following results: The first section briefly defines roots and stems, free and bound morphemes, affixes, and inflection and derivation. The second section explains the rationale behind the use of a modified stem-based affixation system in describing nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Stem-based affixation is a simplified system of analyzing affixes that likewise captures the formal or morphological relationship among affixed forms, and highlights the derivational character of a major Philippine language like Waray. Thus, the description of stem-based affixation is based on the following most productive stem-forming affixes for verbs: pag-, paN-, pakig-, and ka- that prepare the constructions for the attachment of new affixes to form new verbs. The new analysis simplifies the more than twenty root- based affixes into four voice forms: -um- ~m- (where m- is a replacive affix and is an allomorph of –um-), -on (the reflex of the –in affix in Tagalog), -an, and i-. The m- here replaces the first sound of pag-, paN-, paka-, pakig-, and ka- stems producing the so-called mag-, mang-, maka-, makig-, and ma- verbs. This study also provides a number of Waray terms and sentences as examples of application of the stem-based affixation of word classification into nouns, adjectives, verbs and the formation of various nouns, adjectives, and verbs using the stem-based affixation system. Finally, the study also exemplifies noun, adjectives, and verb formation through CV and full reduplication. The discussion shows that the stem-based affixation is useful in simplifying the complex affixation system observed in the formation of Waray nouns, adjectives, and verbs. For a more comprehensive discussion and presentation of Waray Morphology, it is suggested that more corpora will be considered to explore more Waray as a language.

Key words: Ergative-absolutive, stem-based affixation, Waray

Corresponding Author: Madeja, J.B.

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American Journal of Sustainable Cities and Society Issue 6, Vol. 1 January 2017 Available online on http://www.rspublication.com/ajscs/ajsas.html ISSN 2319 – 7277

INTRODUCTION

According to Santos (2012), studies on a language or on an aspect of a language, whether or not endangered, are always timely. This timeliness of the study of a language is perhaps due to the fact that language variations not only embody speakers' self-expression but also record their communication engagements in a society (Crystal, 2000). Further, Ruiz (1968, in Santos, 2012) mentioned that a language description or analysis is one of the never-ending activities that involve thinking. Thus, the explored languages in the Philippines or even in the world could not completely or adequately give the description of a language due to a limited corpus or sample.

Rubrico (1998) listed some eight major languages, with four other minor languages, which are , Tausog, Maranao, and Ibanag, making the total number of PLs 12. Based on the number of speakers in the list of Dita’s (2007) however, the first eight PLs (Tagalog, Cebuano, Ilokano, Hiligaynon, Waray-waray, Kapampangan, Bikol, Pangasinan) are the major languages, while Kinaray-a andIbanag are the minor languages with lesser number of speakers.

The approximately 150 living (Headland, 2003, in Dita, 2010b) have been the subject of linguistic investigations and descriptions all over the world (see Liao, 2006; Quakenbush, 2005; and Reid, 1981). As there are controversial and interesting features of Philippine-type languages that are distinct from other , Philippinists have focused on the different features of PLs over the years. For instance, Brainard (1994) has looked at voice and ergativity; or the focus system (see Barlaan, 1986); or case system (see Ramos 1997); and recently, Dita (2011) on pronominal system. But even with a considerable overlap in syntax and morphology, there is a wide range of typological variety found among the more than 100 PLs (Reid & Liao, 2004). It was also evident that there had been varied analysis of local and foreign linguists for Philippine languages over the years. As Bloomfield’s (1917) work on Tagalog utilized the nominative-accusative distinction and has then dominated the literature on PL for quite some time. The ergative-absolutive analysis came about in the 80s with the works of Payne (1982), Starosa (1986), Gerdts (1988), to name a few. Other analyses have also emerged: the active-stative analysis (Drossard, 1994); the fluid voice analysis (Shibatani, 1999); the hybrid analysis (Machlachlan 1996), and the precategorial symmetrical voice analysis (Foley, 1998). The ergative-absolutive language (or simply ergative language) treats the object of a transitive verb and the single core argument of an intransitive verb the same, while treating the agent of a transitive verb differently. If semantic roles are to be assigned, the agent of a transitive clause is case-marked differently from the undergoer of an intransitive clause and the patient of a transitive clause. The ergative-absolutive analysis of PL is the issue of transitivity. As for English, the transitivity of verb is determined by the number of complements it gets, as in monotransitive, ditransitive, and complex transitive (Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech, &Svartvik, 1985, p.54; Wardhaugh, 2001). Transitivity in PL, as Reid and Liao (2004) and Ruffolo (2004) argue, is determined by the type of the complements the verb gets, that is, whether the argument is core or peripheral. While intransitive constructions only require one core argument, transitive constructions may take two or more core arguments.

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Philippine languages have been analyzed to be nominative-accusative, ergative-absolutive, nominative nor ergative by many scholars as proven in their studies.To understand Philippine ergativity, one must understand Philippine transitivity. In the end, what Philippine ergativity really means is that speakers give the highest degree of prominence to the most affected entity.

Waray, like other Philippine languages, also has linguistic features that would be of interest to some Philipinists. This was proven in Dita (2011) when she compared the pronominal system in Philippine languages, including Waray, using the ergative- absolutive analysis. Most of the works in Waray centered on literatures like those of Makabenta (1982), Salazar (1982), Zaide (1982), Polo (1994), Alunan(1998), and Oyzon (2008) to name a few. There have been very little works recorded on linguistics (see Abuyen, 2000; Palada, 2001; Dita, 2011; Ocampo, 2011; Madeja, 2012a, 2012b; and Villas, 2012a, 2012b).

This study maintains that Waray, as an ergative language, be given same treatment just like the other minor and major languages in the Philippines using the ergative-absolutive analysis, for Waray has similar linguistic features, as proven in the studies of Dita (2011) on the pronominal system of Philippine languages, Madeja's (2012a, 2012b) unpublished studies on Waray discourse particles as stance markers, and code – switching (CS) and identity in on- line greetings and message center. Waray being one of the major languages deserves much attention by Philippinists, especially that the Department of Education’ Basic Education Curriculum, calls for a massive implementation on the use of the mother tongue as a medium of instructions in some subject areas. Among the eight major Philippine languages, Waray is less explored or less documented language, particularly the Waray variety used in Central and Northern part of Eastern Samar. This less attention given to Waray is perhaps due to scarcity of writers who are really born from the place. Other documented Waray literatures are written by writers who are borne and raised in City - the capital city in Region VIII. Undeniably, in Tacloban there are a number of writers who focus their attention on Waray poetry and short stories using Waray as a medium.

There is a dire need of coming up with a synchronic description of the grammar of Waray, especially this language is one the eight major languages in the Philippines and is one of the common interests of some international linguists. The writer, being a native speaker of Waray takes pride in being first to provide a detailed and hopefully insightful Waray reference grammar particularly on the aspect of morphology presented in terms of basic linguistic theory and cumulative model that utilizes well-established linguistic insights handed down from generations of western linguistic investigation, as well as relevant new concepts to explain linguistic phenomena using general linguistic terminology accessible to linguists of all theoretical persuasions and areas of interest. It is with big hope that this paper would describe Waray on language internal grounds and at the same time facilitate its comparison with other languages, not only with the languages of the Philippines but also to the languages of the world.

This study describes how affixes affect the classification of Waray word roots into the different word classes (i.e., nouns, adjectives, and verbs) using. In this chapter also, you can find different words used in a conversation. This paper will show the proper uses of affixes.

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Affixes are bound morphemes added to the root or stem to form a new word. These include prefixes (affixes attached before a root); suffixes (affixes attached after a root), infixes (affixes attached within the root), and circumfixes (affixes attached before and after a root).

The two kinds of affixes are inflectional and derivational. In inflectional affixes, only the syntactic features, semantic, or morphological categories of the root, not the meaning and part of speech, change. On the other hand, derivational affixes form new words with new meanings and grammatical categories (Katamba&Stonham, 2006; See, 2006).

This study explicates the morphological features of Waray.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

Corpus of the Study

The data of this study were taken from the 500-word corpus collected from the on line newspaper of Philippine Information Agency (PIA). Some other data were translated from Santos (2012).

Framework for Analysis

1. The ergative-absolutive analysis

Nolasco (2005, p. 2) stated that language is in the ergative-absolutive or in the ergative pattern of sentence analysis if the "speakers give the highest degree of prominence to the most affected entity." Payne (1982, in Dita 2010b, p. 407) defined ergative as "a term traditionally used to describe systems of nominal case marking where subjects of intransitive clauses are marked the same as direct objects, while subjects of transitive clauses are marked differently." Furthermore, ergative-absolutive theory considers transitivity as one of the important notions in the study of Philippine languages. Transitivity distinguishes intransitive clauses from transitive ones. Dita (2010b) illustrated further by drawing a very clear demarcation line why PL like Waray can be best analyzed using an ergative-absolutive analysis that came about in the 80's and not nominative-accusative analysis which was argued by many linguists as it has then dominated in the early analyses of PL. In this study, she simplifies her argument by stressing that ergative-absolutive language treats the object of a transitive and the single core argument of an intransitive verb the same, while treating the agent of a transitive verb differently. Semantically, the agent of a transitive clause is case-marked differently from the undergoer of an intransitive clause and the patient of a transitive clause. Examples:

(1) Pumalitak/akohintinapay. Bought ABS.1s DET bread ‘I bought (a) bread.’ (2) Pinalitko an tinapay Bought ERG.1s DET bread

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' I bought (a) bread.' (3) Nakitanira ak/ako. Saw ERG.3p ABS.1s 'They saw me' In sentence (1), ako/ak ( which could roughly be translated as I ) is considered as the single core argument (S) because the phrase hintinapayis simply a peripheral which is not considered as another core argument as opposed to (1.2). This is called single core argument because it performs and receives the action at the same time, it is encoded as (ABS). Dita (2010b) further elucidates that sentence (1) above shows that ak/ako which is the single core argument of the intransitive clause which also plays the semantic role of undergoer is case-marked as ABS (absolutive).

On the other hand, sentences (2) and (3) present a different discussion from sentence (1) because ko (which is a 1st person singular) and nira( 3rd person singular) are case-marked as ergative because it bears a canonical transitive as opposed to ABS in sentence (1). The ergativesko and nira need another core argument or a direct object, because ak/akoin (3) is the most affected argument as it receives the action, it is encoded as (ABS). The concept of transitivity also recognizes the single focused nominal in a clause which has been marked in agreement with the verb. The focused nominal, also called topic, may assume the semantic role of either agent, patient, instrument, beneficiary or location.

In 2004, Liao argued that the differences between the patient NPs of verbs occurring in the Tagalog equivalent of dyadic-in clauses and dyadic -um- clauses are clearly demarcated in an ergative-absolutive framework. She also claimed that the ergative framework is the sole analysis that has been favorably accepted by linguists from nearly all major theoretical persuasions such as Relational Grammar (De Guzman, 1988; Blake, 1993), discourse and general typological approaches (Rubino, 2000), Minimalist framework (Aldridge, 2002), Lexicase Dependency Grammar (Reid, 2002), and Localist framework (Brainard, 2003).

In understanding more the ergative analysis system, the concepts of transitivity, case marking, and focus are of paramount importance. Transitivity is "a type of grammatical relationship encoding distinctness of participants in a situation described by the clause" (Kibort, 2008, as cited in Santos, 2012, p. 6). Dita (2010b) emphasized that verb transitivity refers to the type of complements, while verb valency means the number of arguments that the verb takes. There are two kinds of verb transitivity, the intransitive and transitive.

In the more widespread nominative-accusative languages, subject properties are lodged in the agent argument in a transitive clause. Schachter (1976) showed that, in Tagalog, these properties are distributed between the agent and patient arguments in a transitive clause. The following year, Cena (1977) argued for the primacy of patient over the agent in Tagalog syntax. In a follow-up study on Tagalog, Kroeger (1993, p. 56) was unequivocal in his position: Tagalog belongs to that rare class of languages in which the patient is the grammatical subject in a basic transitive clause. In the sense that the patient is the primary choice for the unmarked and syntactically prominent relation in languages from a number of primary Austronesian, Starosta, Pawley and Reid (1982) proved that proto-Austronesian is a combination of ergative language. In the study of Daguman (2004), she listed Philippine-type

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languages that have been analyzed as ergative, these include: SamaPangutaran (Walton, 1986), Ilokano (Gerds, 1988), SamaBangingi (Gault, 1992; 1999), Kapampangan (Mithun, 1994), Karao (Brainard, 1994), and Kavalan (Liao, 2002).

2. The stem-based analysis in affixation

For the analysis of voice forms in Waray verbs with the same root or stem with different voice affixes in PLs, I will adapt Nolasco's (2005, 2007) simplified stem-based system. This framework is modified and used by Santos (2012) in her analysis of contemporary grammar of Hiligaynon. Santos (2012) used this framework to provide a simplified description, not only in the hundreds of Hiligaynon verb forms, but also those of nouns and adjectives that would possibly lead to an easier understanding of these language features. With this analysis, it would also be expected that it will capture the formal or morphological relationship among affixed forms, and highlights the certain feature of the language that is termed by Nolasco (2005) as "highly derivational character"(p.10). Furthermore, Santos (2012) stressed some points in Nolasco (2005) to support this framework for more morphological analyses:

Under the the stem-based analysis, there is no need to attach simultaneously the different affixes found in a word, or for the circumfixes. Moreover, the proximity or remoteness of meanings of words with the same root depends on the similarities of their stems. The most productive of stem-forming affixes for verbs are pag-, pang-, paki-, and ka, which prepare constructions for attachment of voice affixes to form new words. The new analysis simplifies the more than twenty root-based affixes and uses only four affixes -um, ~m - (where ~m is the allomorph of -um- and is replacive, or replaces the first sound of the stems producing mag-, mang-, maka-, maki-, and ma- verbs), in,-an, and i-. Under this analysis, a verb in an intransitive construction has the voice affixes -in, -an, and i-. Additionally, this system of analysis is also applicable in the formation of nouns and adjectives. (p. 10)

Waray being closely related to Hiligaynon, makes it possible for this dissertation to modify Nolasco's( 2005; 2007) and Santos's (2012) stem-based analysis system to provide a detailed description of Waray verb forms, nouns, and adjectives.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Stem-based Affixation

Nolasco (2005; 2007) proposed a simplified stem-based system to analyze voice forms in verbs with the same root or stem but with different voice affixes in Philippine language. The new analysis likewise captures the formal or morphological relationship among affixed forms, and highlights the “highly derivational character” (Nolasco, 2005, p. 7) of affixation in these languages. Under the stem-based analysis, there is no need to attach simultaneously the different affixes found in a word. Moreover, the proximity or remoteness of meaning of words with the same root depends on the similarities of their stems (Nolasco, 2007).

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Thus, the most productive of stem-forming affixes for verbs are pag-, paN-, paka-, pakig-, and ka-. They prepare the construction for the attachment of new affixes to form new verbs. The new analysis simplifies the more than twenty root-based affixes into four voice forms. These voice affixes are –um-~m- is a replacive affix and is an allomorph of –um-), -on (the reflex of the –in affix in Tagalog), -an, and i-. The m- here replaces the first sound of pag-, paN-, paka-, pakig-, and ka- stems producing the so called mag-, mang-, maka-, makig-, and ma-verbs. Under this analysis, a verb in an intransitive construction contains the voice affix – um-~m-, while that in a transitive construction has the voice affixes –on, -n, and i-. Additionally, this system of analysis is also applicable in the formation of nouns and adjectives.

This dissertation adopts Nolasco’s (2005; 2007) stem-based analysis system to provide a simplified description not only of the hundreds of possible Waray verbs form, but also those of nouns and adjectives, and hopefully lead to an easier understating of these features of the language.

The next sections provide examples of applications of the stem-forming system of affixation in Waray to form nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Unless otherwise indicated, definitions or functions of affixes in this chapter come from Hellingman (2011).

Stem-forming affixes

Nolasco (2005; 2007) provided examples of stem-based affixation evident in other Philippine language like Sorsognon, Agusan Manobo, Cebuano, Ilokano, and Tagalog. These languages frequently employ the following stem-forming affixes to produce nouns, adjectives, and verbs: ka-, pag-, paN-, paka-, andpakig-.

Also provided here in some examples of the different ways to these affixes are used in the corpuses.

The stem-forming affix ka-

The stem-forming affix ka-, when attached to roots and other affixes, form nouns, adjectives, and verbs (Table1).

Table 1. The Stem-forming affix ka- Affixes Root Gloss Affixed Gloss Noun ka- Kuri ‘fatigue’ ka-(ma)+kuri ‘difficulty’ bugto ‘brother/ ka-bugtu+(an) ‘brothers/ sister’ sisters’ Adjective - lamrag ‘clear’ m-lamrag ‘clear’ um~m- Verb - numdum ‘to n-+(hi)numdum+(an) ‘remembered um~m- remember ’ ’

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As shown in Table 1 the stem-forming affix ka- may attach to a root, as in sentence 3.1 to form abstract nouns.

4.2 Sigurodara hit kamakuri hit sitwasyon. Maybe DET difficulty DET situation ‘Maybe because of the difficulty of the situation’

The said affix may also be attached to a suffixed root as in 4.2 to form common nouns. Note that the affix ka- is attached to bugtoto form kabugto, then kabugtois suffixed with –anto form kabugtoan.

4.3Maupay nga aga akon mga ka=bugto=an. Good LIG morning OBL.1s PLU brothers.and.sisters ‘Good morning my brothers and sisters.’

The affix ma- may also be attached to form a word that denotes an adjective, as exemplified in 4.3. Here, malamrag is formed by affixing the derivational affix ma- to malamrag.

4.4 Kalamrag hit langit yana, may bituon. Clear DET sky now EXI star ‘The sky was clear, with star(s).’

Nahinunumduman used as a verb. The word nahinunumdum comes from nahi+ (nu)numdum. This in turn is attached to the suffix –an to form nahinunumduman. Reduplication transforms nahinumdum into nahinunumduman.

4.5 Nahinunumduman niyo an at gin-adman han CONT-remember ERG.2p DET GEN.1pi PAST-study DEM Nakalabay nga adlaw? PAST-pass LIG day ‘Do you remember our lessons in the past?

The stem-forming affix pag-

The stem-forming affix pag- , when attached to roots and other affixes, form nouns, and verbs, as shown in Table 33.

Table 2. The Stem-Forming Affix pag- Affixes Root Gloss Affixed Gloss Noun -um~m- Buhat ‘to make’ mag-buhat ‘maker’ Verb -um~m- Ampo ‘prayer’ pag-ampo ‘praying’

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Table 2 shows that two new words are formed when the replacive m- for nouns and the replacive m- for verbs are attached to derived stems.

The process of forming the derived form magbuhat starts with pag-+ buhat. Reduplication transforms pagbuhat into pagbubuhat. Then m- replaces the initial p- of the stem.

Meanwhile, the stem-based affix pag- forms verbs that denote the continuative aspect when attached to roots, as exemplified in 4.5

4.6 Nagkulang hira hit ampo para hit kadausa. PAST-lack ABS.3p DETpray for DET each.other ‘They lacked prayer for each other’

The stem-forming affix taga-

Table 3 shows that the stem-based affix taga-, when attached to roots and other affixes, forms nouns and verbs.

Table 3. The stem-forming Affix taga- Affixes Root Gloss Affixed Gloss Noun taga- Antique ‘antique’ taga-+stem ‘from (Borongan) Borongan’ Uma ‘rural taga-+stem ‘from the district’ (uma) rural district’ Verb -um~m- Kuruo ‘to shout’ nag-kikinuruo ‘is shouting’

In Table 3, taga- is attached to a locative noun root expressing the place of origin of a person. Other Philippine languages frequently use the prefix taga- as well.

The place referred to may be either a proper nominal (as in 4.6, taga- Borongan ‘from Borongan’ or a common nominal (as in 4.7, taga-uma‘from the rural district) in the following examples: 4.7 Anak hi Lucila hi usa nga parag-uma nga taga Borongan. Child ABS Lucila DET one LIG farmer LIGfrom=Borongan ‘Lucila is the child of a farmer from Borongan’.

4.8 Diri man hiya sabot nga taga-probinsya. Seem NEG also really ABS.3s obvious LIG from=the rural.district ‘S/he does not really seem to come from the rural district.

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On the other hand, kuruo is just a verb but when it is connected by the affix taga-stem with the replacive n- produces verbs in their continuative aspects in nagkikinuruo, as you can notice that there is a word –ki- because there is a reduplication of words.

4.9Nagkikinuruo la gihap an lalaki. CONT-shout PART DET man ‘The man is still shouting’.

The stem-forming affix paN-

The stem-forming affix paN- forms nouns and verbs when attached to roots and other affixes (Table 4)

Table 4.The Stem-forming Affix paN- Affixes Root Gloss Affixed Gloss Noun paN- Kulaw ‘to see’ paN- ‘for +kulaw seeing’ paN- Kuri ‘difficulty’ paN-+ kuri ‘for difficulty’ Verb paN- Pakiana ‘to ask’ PaN- ‘for +pakiana asking’

There is no change occurs in the words starting with the consonants k, p, d, s and t although the first letter of the root is lost, as in the noun pankulaw ‘eyes/sight’ (from kulaw ‘to see’) in example 4.9.

4.10 Tinabok an iya pangulaw ngadto hankaluyo nga kalsada. PERF-cross DET GEN.3s sight LOC DEMother.sideLIGstreet ‘His/her sight crossed the other side of the street.’

Take note that nasal assimilation takes place under the affix pan-, wherein the letter n transforms to either m (from pan- to pam) or (from pan-to pang-) depending on the consonants following the affix, as in the verb pumakiana in example 4. 11.

4.11 …pumakiana hi Ariel han paaaringit nga tingog. …PERF-ask DETArielDET seem CONT-irritateLIG voice … ‘askedAriel and his voice seemsirritating.’

The stem-forming affix paka-

As presented in Table 4, the stem-forming affix paka- forms nouns and verbs when attached to roots and other affixes.

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Table 4. The Stem-Forming Affix paka- Affixes Root Gloss Affixed Gloss Noun -um~m- Sala ‘sin’ m- ‘sinner’ ‘nominal affix+ (paka- +sala) + RED Verb -um~m- Abat ‘to feel’ m-‘verbal ‘feel’ affix’ +

Attachment of the m- ‘nominal affix’ to paka+sala and reduplicating its first results in a characteristic exhibited by a person (i.e., maka(sa)sala ‘sinner’), as used in 4.12.

4.12 Hi Kristo nagbaton hin usa nga makasasala. ABS Christ CONT-receive OBL one LIG sinner ‘Christ receives (a) one sinner.’

Attachment of the m- ‘verbal affix’ to maka+abat and attachment to the root denotes the continuative aspect of the verb, like in makaabat ‘feel’ from abat ‘to feel’ in example 4.13.

4.13 Maabat ka la hit suol ngin bumunggo it im sarakyan. CONT-feel Abs.2s PART pain if IMP-crash GEN.2s vehicle ‘You can only feel pain if your vehicle crashes’

The stem-forming affix pakig-

Table 5 shows the stem-forming affix pakig- that forms verbs when attached to roots. The examples come from Hellingman (2011).

Table 5. The Stem-forming Affix pakig- Affixes Root Gloss Affixed Gloss Verb pakig- Bulig ‘help’ Pakig- ‘to seek (bulig) help’ pakig- Sangkay ‘friend’ pakig- ‘to make (sangkay) friends’

The preceding discussion shows that the stem-forming affixation discussed in Nolasco (2005; 2007) is useful in simplying the complex affixation system observed in the formation of Waray nouns, adjectives, and verbs.

4.4 Example of stem-forming affixation in one root in the formation of nouns, adjectives, and verbs

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The following examples show the uses as nouns, adjectives, and verbs through stem-forming affixation of the root hubya ‘lazy’.

As noun, with the prefix ka- 4.14 Darahaniyakahubyanagutomhiya. Because GEN.3s ka=lazy PAST-hungry ABS.3s ‘…Because s/he lazy, s/he got hungry.’

As adjective, With the prefix ka- and the suffix –an 4.15 Ura-urakagudhinkahubya, Ben. Very.lazyABS.2sPART DET ka=lazy, Ben ‘You are really very lazy, Ben.’

With the suffix –an 4.16 Aniyotaraguanhanhumay an dako. GEN.2p stock.room DETrice.harvest DET big ‘Your stock room of rice is the big one.’

As verb, with the suffix –in 4.17 Anongahubyaonka, dire kabatubak? Why LIG CONT-lazy ERG.2s NEG ERG.2s ant ‘Why are you being lazy, are you not an ant?’

Notice that the both the nominal and adjectival affixes operate on the stem hubya, but the intransitive hubyaon contains a more complex form of the word hubya.

Reduplication

Another way of forming Waray words is through reduplication, the repetition of certain of a root or of the root. This process may or may not result in a change in the meaning of a root. Changes that may occur in a word after reduplication include, but are not limited to, dimunition, increase in size or number, and intensification (Katamba&Stonham, 2006).

Reduplication patterns found to occur in other languages, such as the CVC and SVC in Limos Kalinga (Ferreirinho, 1993), are not observed in Waray. The observable kinds of reduplication in the language are CV and full reduplication that are similar to Cebuano (Tanangkingsing, 2009). The next sections discuss these in turn.

CV reduplication in nouns

Plurality of nouns is found to be the primary purpose for CV reduplication in the Cebuano (Tanangkingsing, 2009) and Limos Kalinga (Ferreirinho, 1993) languages. In Waray, CV reduplication in nouns or derivation of nouns from verbs, as revealed in the examples on Table

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6 below. Take note that a nominal prefix (i.e., mang- or ma-) denoting what someone does or an occupation precedes the reduplicated syllable.

Table 6. Prefix + CV Reduplication in Nouns Stem Gloss Reduplication Gloss Panguma ‘to farm’ ma(ngu)nguma ‘farmer’ Pagtrabaho ‘to work’ mag(tra)trabaho ‘worker’

Full reduplication

Full reduplication in Waray involves repetition of entire roots and it has a different function in Noun but same functions in adjectives and verbs with those in Cebuano (Tanangkingsing, 2009. Full reduplications of nouns in Waray, it functions as something that is not real but the children use this term specially if they are playing and they consider all the things they used as not real, thus the use of full reduplication e.g. tatay-tatay ( a boy who plays as father) or nanay- nanay ( a girl who plays as mother).

Full reduplication in nouns

As shown on Table 7, full reduplication of nouns suggest opposite of what is real or it suggests UNreality (as in balay and balaybalay that both means ‘a small field hut’)

Table 7. Full reduplication in nouns Root Gloss Reduplicate Gloss Balay ‘a small field-hut’ balaybalay ‘a small field hut’ ( a toy house) Kahoy ‘ tree’ Kahoykahoy ‘ a toy tree’ Sundang ‘bolo’ Sundangsundang ‘ a toy bolo’ Ate ‘ older sister’ Ate - ate ‘ a girl who plays as older sister’

Full reduplication in Adjectives

Table 8 reveals that when reduplicated, Waray adjectives means plurality, as in adlaw and sari or intensification, as in

Table 8. Full Reduplication in Adjectives Root Gloss Reduplicated Gloss Adlaw ‘day’ adlaw-adlaw ‘everyday’ ‘a long time ago’ ‘quite a long time’ Sari ‘variety’ sari-sari ‘various’

Full reduplication in Verbs

As shown on Table 9, Waray verbs that undergo full reduplication suggest a repetition of the action being taken.

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Table 9.Full reduplication in verbs Root Gloss Reduplicated Gloss Aram ‘to study’ aram-aram ‘to study again and again’ Balik ‘to return’ balik-balik ‘to return again and again’ Basa ‘ to read’ basa-basa ‘ to read again and again’ lakat ‘ to walk’ lakat - lakat ‘ to walk again and again

CONCLUSION

It was made clear in this study that this description of contemporary Waray grammar subscribes to the idea that there is no clear-cut classification of words or parts of the words into nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Instead, like other Philippine languages, the interrelationship among roots, affixes, and particles and their use in the discourse determine their classification (Nolasco, 2007).

This study explicates the following results:

The first section briefly defines roots and stems, free and bound morphemes, affixes, and inflection and derivation.

The second section explains the rationale behind the use of a modified stem-based affixation system in describing nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Stem-based affixation is a simplified system of analyzing affixes that likewise captures the formal or morphological relationship among affixed forms, and highlights the derivational character of a major Phillipine language like Waray.

Thus, the description of stem-based affixation is based on the following most productive stem-forming affixes for verbs: pag-, paN-, pakig-, and ka- that prepare the constructions for the attachment of new affixes to form new verbs. The new analysis simplifies the more than twenty root-based affixes into four voice forms: -um- ~m- (where m- is a replacive affix and is an allomorph of –um-), -on (the reflex of the –in affix in Tagalog), -an, and i-. The m- here replaces the first sound of pag-, paN-, paka-, pakig-, and ka- stems producing the so-called mag-, mang-, maka-, makig-, and ma- verbs.

This study also provides a number of Waray terms and sentences as examples of application of the stem-based affixation of word classification into nouns, adjectives, and verbs.

The next part illustrates the formation of various nouns, adjectives, and verbs using the stem- based affixation system in just one root word, hubya ‘lazy’. Finally, the study also exemplifies noun, adjectives, and verb formation through CV and full reduplication.

The discussion shows that the stem-based affixation is useful in simplifying the complex affixation system observed in the formation of Waray nouns, adjectives, and verbs.

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For a more comprehensive discussion and presentation of Waray Morphology, it is suggested that more corpora will be considered to explore more Waray as a language.

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