The Role of the Church in the Rural Communities of South West Queensland. Noel Roy Park

The Role of the Church in the Rural Communities of South West Queensland

Author Park, Noel Roy

Published 2006

Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate)

School School of Vocational, Technology and Arts Education

DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/1492

Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366885

Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au

The Role of the Church in the Rural Communities of South West Queensland.

Noel Roy Park. B.A. (GIAE), B.Ed.Stud. (UQ), M.A. (GIAE), M.Ed. (UNE), Dip.R.E. (MCD).

School of Vocational, Technology and Arts Education.

Faculty of Education.

Griffith University.

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

December 2005.

Abstract.

The aim of this study was to explore the role of the Church in rural areas with specific reference to the South West region of Queensland and focusing on the provision of social welfare services.

The region of Queensland, described by the Australian Bureau of Statistics as the South West, lies to the west of Brisbane, commencing at Yuleba, and stretches to the South Australian border. The region was populated by between ten and fifteen indigenous nations prior to European settlement. Since the 1840s the South West has seen the development of primary industries and the formation of rural communities.

A grounded theory research approach was used in this study, which drew upon data collected through a series of programs conducted by the community support agency Lifeline. These data sets included individual stories of extreme hardship, connected chains of evidence and group responses. They provided an overview of the issues facing residents of the South West, including those issues pertinent to the role of Christian denominations throughout the region.

The significant issues which emerged from the study related to the concerns of rural residents over their personal health, their self image, the state of their interpersonal relationships, the viability of their enterprises, the loss of community facilities, and the decreasing rural population. With specific reference to the Church, respondents indicated that harsh conditions had challenged their faith, reduced their ability to be involved in church-based activities and added to their concerns over the reduction of resident clergy and Church facilities in rural areas. Respondents in the study presented a widespread sense of powerlessness in regard to decisions made regarding funding for their local communities and management decisions made by Church authorities without any local consultation.

The conclusions from this study indicate that the Church does have an ongoing role in rural communities provided that the Christian denominations recognise and respond to the concerns of the rural residents in regard to denominational structures, rural theology and the principles underlying the

provision of rural social services.

The study recommends that the Christian denominations put into practice the statements which have been made by denominational leaders in regard to the formation of an ecumenical training program for clergy and lay leaders who may work in rural areas. An urgent need is revealed for a new approach to gender issues so that the role of women in rural industry, producer organizations, government committees and Church management can be examined as broadly as possible. The study also indicated the need for further research into the future of Australia’s rural communities and the ways in which they may differ as communities from the urban areas of Australia.

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Declaration.

I certify that this work has not previously been submitted for a degree or diploma in any university. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the thesis itself.

I further certify that any assistance received, and all sources used, in the preparation of this thesis have been acknowledged in the thesis.

……………………………….

Acknowledgements.

I wish to pay tribute to the people of the South West of Queensland who have displayed enormous tenacity in the face of a range of adverse circumstances over many years. The whole story of their determination to survive will never be fully told.

The staff of Lifeline Darling Downs and South West Queensland have made a huge contribution to the support of the people of the region and much of the data included in this thesis could not have been gathered without their diligence and their “going the extra mile”.

My wife Lyn has remained my main support throughout some difficult times during the writing of this thesis and I can only express complete gratitude to her.

The end result could never have been achieved without the perseverance, tolerance, and wise guidance of my supervisor. Professor. Richard Bagnall to whom I extend my sincere thanks.

Table of Contents.

PAGE

Title Page i

Abstract ii

Declaration iv

Acknowledgments v

Contents vi

Preface Xv

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1

Introduction 2

The Background to the Study. 2

The Location of the Study. 4

The Aim of the Study. 5

The Significance of the Study. 6

The Structure of the Thesis 7

CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW OF THE 8 ROLE OF THE CHURCH IN SOCIAL SERVICE PROVISION Introduction. 9

The Universal Theological Debate over 10 the Christian Understanding of Salvation by Works or Faith. The Religious Influence in Australia’s 13 Development. The Origins of Social Services in 15 Australia. The Church as a Provider of Social 16 Services. Statements from Australian Churches. 22

Conclusion. 23

CHAPTER THREE LITERATURE REVIEW OF THE 25 RURAL SITUATION Introduction 26

The Socio-economic Concepts Impinging 26 upon Rural Communities. The Role of Primary Producer 27 Organisations and Agripolitics. The Influence of Economic Policies on 31 Environmental Values and Land Management. The Political, Environmental and Social 35 Ramifications of the Decade of Land Care. The Essential Nature of the Role of 40 Women in Rural Communities. Conclusion 44

CHAPTER FOUR THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 45 OF THE STUDY Introduction 46

The Conceptualisation of the Research. 46

The Ethical Considerations. 48

The Research Design. 48

Conclusion. 55

CHAPTER FIVE THE CASE STUDY REGION 56

Introduction 57

Settlement of the Region. 57

The Aboriginal Population of the South 58 West.

The Bush Culture as a Part of the White 66 National Identity. The South West as it is Now Understood. 69

The Emergence of Local Government. 70

The Town of Roma. 74

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The Shire of Balonne. 75

The Shire of Bendemere. 76

The Shire of Booringa. 77

The Shire of Bulloo. 78

The Shire of Bungil. 79

The Shire of Murweh. 80

The Shire of Paroo. 81

The Shire of Quilpie. 82

The Shire of Warroo. 82

The Influence of Government Decisions 83 and Policies. Conservation Questions in Relation to 89 Closer Settlement of the Region. The Railways. 93

The Place of the Church in the History of 94 the South West. The Presbyterian Church. 97

The Methodist Church. 99

The Church of England. 100

The Roman Catholic Church. 101

Issues Relating to Each of the 103 Christian Denominations. Changing Environmental Values and 104 their Relationship to past Religious and Social Values. Conclusion 111

CHAPTER SIX DATA COLLECTION AND 113 ANALYSIS Introduction 114

The Sources of the Data. 114

Telephone Counselling. 116

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Women’s Access to Employment. 117

Response to Drought. 118

Counselling and Family Support. 121

The Data Analysis. 123

Telephone Counselling. 123

Women’s Access to Employment. 124

Response to Drought. 125

Counselling and Family Support. 126

Conclusion. 126

CHAPTER SEVEN THE SURVEY DATA 128

Introduction 129

Telephone Counselling. 129

Women’s Access to Employment. 131

Response to Drought. 135

Counselling and Family Support. 138

Conclusion. 141

CHAPTER EIGHT ISSUES EMERGING FROM THE 143 DATA Introduction. 144

The Emergent Issues. 145

Failure. 147

Reluctance to Change. 149

Pride 151

Hope. 154

Reliance on family. 156

Hardship. 160

Gender Roles. 163

Social Position and Duty to Others. 167

Stress - Personal. 168

Stress - Interpersonal and Marital. 173

Church. 175

Reliance on Assistance. 179

Custodianship. 182

Isolation. 184

Debt. 185

Grief and Loss. 188

Job Training 191

Physical Illness. 194

Depression. 196

Intergenerational Tensions. 197

Conclusion. 200

CHAPTER NINE. THE ROLE OF THE CHRISTIAN 201 CHURCHES

Introduction. 202

The Theological Perspectives. 203

The Theological and Sociological 208 Justifications.

The Relationship of the Church to 211 Governments.

The Necessity for an Ecumenical 215 Approach.

The Logistical Realities. 218

Conclusion.. 222

CHAPTER TEN CONCLUSIONS AND 223 RECOMMENDATIONS

Introduction. 224

The Study 224

Conclusions. 224

Recommendations. 225

APPENDICES Appendix A: Employers’ Questionnaire 228 Data

Appendix B: Women’s Questionnaire 239 Data

REFERENCES 254

List of Figures

Figure 1.1 The Area Defined as the South West of 5 Queensland.

Figure 3.1 Factors of Quality of Life. 38

Figure 5.1 Tindale’s Map of the Aboriginal Tribes of 60 the South West.

Figure 5.2 McKellar’s Map of the Aboriginal Tribes 63 of the South West.

Figure 5.3 The Major Topographical Features of the 70 South West.

Figure 5.4 Local Government Areas of the South 73 West.

Figure 5.5 The Development of the Railway System 94 in the South West.

Figure 6.1 The Telstra Boundary of the Local call 114 Area for Toowoomba.

Figure 6.2 The Geographic Area for the Study of 115 Women’s Access to Employment.

Figure 6.3 Summary of the Composition of the 121 Counselling Contacts with Lifeline from 25/10/91 to 26/06/92.

Figure 6.4 Location of the Jericho Shire. 122

Figure 7.1 Percentage of Teachers Among all Women 132 Professionals Responding to the Survey Compared with the Percentage of Teachers Among all Queensland Female Professionals.

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Figure 7.2 Percentage of Nurses Among all Para- 133 Professionals Responding to the Survey Compared with the Percentage of Nurses Among all Queensland Female Para- Professionals

Figure 7.3 Labour Force Status of Women who 134 Responded to the Survey and Generally in Queensland Expressed as a Percentage of the Respondents and of the Queensland Female Population.

Figure 7.4 Age Groupings of Farmers Contacted in 136 the Response to Drought Program.

Figure 7.5 Stress Levels Discernible in Clients as 137 Assessed by the Lifeline Counsellors Involved in the Response to Drought Project.

Figure 7.6 Percentage of Counselling Clients in Each 139 of the Client Categories.

Figure 7.7 Gender Breakdown of Clients Counselled 140 in 1995.

Figure 7.8 Sources of Referrals of Clients to Lifeline 141 Rural Counsellors.

Figure 7.9 Dominant Issues Presented as a percentage 141 of those Raised by Clients of the Rural Counselling Service.

Figure 9.1 The Possible Composition of a Community 212 Services Council.

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List of Tables.

Table 3.1 The Status of Employed Persons in the 44 Agricultural Setting.

Table 4.1 Yin’s Tests of Quality of Research 54 Designs.

Table 5.1 The Growth of Local Government Areas up 72 to 1916.

Table 7.1 Summary of the Issues Presented to 129 Lifeline by Rural Telephone Counsellors.

Table 7.2 Families Visited on their Properties in the 138 Jericho Shire.

Table 8.1 Summary of Issues Presented to Lifeline 146 Counsellors.

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PREFACE

As the former Chief Executive Officer of a Toowoomba-based counselling and family support service (from 1980 to 2000) that offered both telephone and face-to-face contacts across the Darling Downs and South West regions of Queensland, I had the honour of having extensive contact with families and individuals from the South West. This period also brought me into a work relationship with some of the most effective rural counsellors available. For some 15 years I was the spokesperson on rural issues for the Uniting Church in Australia, Queensland Synod, and had extensive involvement in workshops, conferences and media coverage concerning the effects of the rural crisis in Queensland generally and the South West specifically.

It has been a humbling experience to have this involvement recognised through an award from the Australian Broadcasting Corporati on, the Rotary International’s award of Paul Harris Fellow, the award of a Medal of the Order of Australia, the Uniting Church’s Moderator’s Medal for Outstanding Community Service and my investiture as a Knight of St John of Jerusalem. It is my earnest hope that whatever exposure is given through this study to the difficulties of rural life, it will have some positive outcomes for the people of the South West.

This study brings together that experience in direct and indirect involvement with families and individuals as well as community groups and my efforts to identify an ongoing effective role for the Church in rural communities.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION.

The purpose of this study was to explore the role of the Church in the provision of welfare and support services to rural communities1. It involved a case study of individual experiences during a period of economic hardship in the communities of South West Queensland.

THE BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY.

Over the past several decades the world has seen major changes in the agricultural industry (Doornbos, 2000:1). John Mason (2003:1) described the changes from subsistence farming in the developed world to technological farming with greater mechanisation and higher use of chemicals. Mason argued that those changes have contributed to major problems such as soil degradation, erosion, salinity and the nutritional loading of waterways. Mason suggested that, while those environmental issues would be the long - term barriers to sustainable agriculture, the present barriers were the financial hurdles facing farmers.

Climatic conditions have also been of major importance. Drought has affected nearly all the countries in western, eastern and southern Africa (White, 1959:187). This has also been true of the United Kingdom and of the United States of America. In the United States in 1995 the annual loss through drought was reported to be six billion dollars (White, 2003:187). In Australia drought has been accompanied by significant issues in trade relations, prices and environmental issues (Milliken, 1992:viii).

During the mid 1980s the Australian economy was marked by the existence of unusually high interest rates with rural lending often carrying higher rates than applied to other areas of lending and penalty rates imposed where payments fell behind schedule (Fraser, 1991:4). This phenomenon was present at the same time as financiers were encouraging borrowings by rural customers on the argument that they should increase the size of their primary production venture in order to secure their viability as farmers or graziers.

1 Throughout this thesis the generic term “Church” will be used to represent all Christian denominations. 2

The combination of these factors became one of the major issues in what is now referred to as ‘the rural crisis’. There were also compounding

factors such as changes on the world commodity markets, new international trade agreements and political decisions concerning tariffs and imports (Baker 1995:2). However, the worst additional factor in the past decade for the rural communities of Queensland had been the prolonged drought. In some areas of South West Queensland that drought was ironically punctuated by flooding such as the disastrous floods affecting Augathella, Charleville and Cunnamulla regions in both 1990 and 1997.

Farming and grazing have always been risk industries in Australia because of the Australian climatic extremes and Australia’s geographical isolation from world markets (Blainey, 1966:ix). Despite the risks, there have been periods of considerable prosperity for some primary producers over the past 50 years (Russell, 1976:74). The general situation for primary industry had, however, been particularly difficult since the 1960s and had deteriorated so badly by the early 1990s that events such as the Queensland Rural Summit were arranged. Concerns remained at such a level that the 1996 National Rural Finance Summit in Canberra was arranged by the Commonwealth Government (Anderson, 1996).2

Concurrently with these changes for rural communities, the Christian denominations were facing difficult questions - their ability to provide ministry across the rural areas with the South West of Queensland being one of the more pressing areas of concern (“Being Church in Rural Queensland”, 1996).

Lack of funds, combined with a lack of appropriate training to enable clergy to work in rural parishes at a time of crisis, created the impetus for growing ecumenical planning regarding the future of rural parishes.

The economic realities and the difficulties being faced by the Church underlay the decision to undertake this study. The study was designed to examine the social, political and environmental conditions in the communities of South West Queensland as described by individuals and

families within the region and to set these issues alongside of the social service role and functioning of Christian denominations in the area. The research thus constituted a case study within a region suffering conditions of extreme hardship, under which conditions the demands upon the social service role of the Church may be expected to be most acute, and through which important features of that role may have been expected to be highlighted.

THE LOCATION OF THE STUDY. The study was located in a rural region of Australia known as South West Queensland. The State of Queensland covers a large geographical area and the location of the capital, Brisbane, in the extreme south east has been one of the factors in the development of regional divisions.

For the purpose of this study the South West region was defined according to the boundaries established by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (A.B.S.). The A.B.S. uses Local Government Areas as the base for its regional divisions and the South West begins in the east with the boundary of the Bendemere Shire which is approximately 500 kilometres west of Brisbane. The southern boundary is formed by the State border with New South Wales while the western boundary is the State border with South Australia. In the north the boundary is formed by the limits of the Quilpie, Murweh, Booringa, Bungil and Bendemere Shires, which places it north of towns such as Quilpie, Augathella, Injune and Taroom and north east of Yuleba (Figure 1.1).

2 The writer joined the President of the Rural Doctor’s Association as the only non-industry members of the Queensland Rural Summit and was a Ministerial invitee at the National Summit. 4

Approx. Scale: I 100 kms

*Charleville South *Quilpie *Mitchell Aust. Brisbane 490kms * Roma

Yuleba* *Thargomindah * Cunnamulla St George* NEW SOUTH WALES

FIGURE 1.1: THE AREA DEFINED AS THE SOUTH WEST OF QUEENSLAND. The region is sparsely populated and the only significant industry is primary production. The major products are wool, beef, cotton and grain and all these areas of primary production were affected by the ‘rural crisis’ of the 1980s and 1990s. The ‘rural crisis’, which epitomised that period, was marked by the influence of high interest rates, rising production costs, lower commodity prices, changing world trade arrangements and extended periods of drought.

THE AIM OF THE STUDY

The aim of the study was, then, to explore the social service role of the Church during times of severe economic hardship in the support of rural communities throughout South West Queensland. That aim was seen as being best addressed through a case study which focused on the experiences of individual residents in the communities concerned.

The conduct of the case study and the analysis of the information obtained were seen as providing a basis from which the contemporary situation could be understood. This understanding has been developed

through a broad investigation, which included -

(a) A brief background account of the settlement history of the South West from Aboriginal tribal times through the European expansion and settlement.

(b) An articulation of the social and economic environment being experienced throughout the area, the political influences on the area and the role played by the Church.

(c) A review of the available literature relating to the rural situation generally throughout Australia and more specifically in the area of the study.

(d) A review of the scholarly literature on the social service role of the Church.

(e) The use of data obtained through the social service role of Lifeline Australia - a social service arm of the Uniting Church in Australia - in the study area to address the research aim.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study provides a comprehensive overview of the South West area of Queensland in terms of the evolution of the contemporary social, political and economic conditions experienced by families and individuals.

The study offers Government Departments, community service agencies and local politicians information and definition concerning the views of residents of the South West, which may be used in the framing of policies and the development of appropriate services within the region.

For the Church, this study offers a basis upon which to seek appropriate avenues of Christian activity and expressions of faith, which will be relevant to the lifestyle and social environment of the region. At a time when a number of Christian denominations are working together to discover the future style of Christian ministry within the South West, the study draws attention to issues often overlooked in such discussions.

For academics, policy makers and service providers in other parts of the world, the study may be seen as a case study of the lived experiences of

rural residents under conditions of extreme hardship and social disruption. It illuminates the involvement of the Church in the provision of the individual and community support services required in such difficult periods.

THE STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS.

The thesis is divided into ten chapters. They commence with this introduction to the study in Chapter One. Chapter Two provides a literature review of the role of churches in the provision of social services. A further literature review relating to the contemporary situation for rural communities is presented in Chapter Three.

The nature of the study is discussed in Chapters Four through Seven. Chapter Four presents the conceptual framework of the study and Chapter Five a description of the case study region of South West Queensland. In Chapters Six and Seven the process of the data collection and analysis is discussed and the data collected are described.

Chapter Eight presents the issues which arose from the data. The final Chapters, Nine and Ten, respectively present the implications for the Christian Churches which arise from these issues, and the conclusions and recommendations from the study.

CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW OF THE ROLE OF THE CHURCH IN SOCIAL SERVICE PROVISION

INTRODUCTION

In this chapter the literature pertaining to the universal understanding of the role of the Church as an agent of social service delivery, including the theological disputes over the question of salvation by faith or by works, is discussed. This is followed by an examination of the literature regarding the social justice role of the denominations active in Australia and in the South West of Queensland in particular.

Some specific statements, policies and visions of individual denominations are included against which the current social conditions in the South West can be discussed and in order to establish a background to the study.

The European settlement of Australia took place through the British establishment of a number of colonies. The original settlement at Sydney Cove in 1788 became the base for the establishment of the Colony of New South Wales In 1803, a settlement was established at Hobart in Tasmania. Others followed - on the Brisbane River (Queensland) in 1824, the Swan River (Western Australia) in 1829, at Port Phillip Bay (Victoria) in 1835, and the Gulf St Vincent (South Australia) in 1836. Transportation of convicts from Britain to New South Wales ended in 1840 and to Tasmania in 1853, but continued in Western Australia until 1868. In the 1850s, migration was boosted by the arrival of free settlers seeking riches on the goldfields or a living from the land (Clark, 1995).

Prior to the proclamation in June 1859, by Queen Victoria, of the new State of Queensland the northern colony had remained under the government of New South Wales. However, many settlers had moved onto blocks in what is now Queensland’s South West region well before the proclamation of the new state.

The migrants who came to Australia, either as convicts or as free settlers, brought with them beliefs and attitudes about the nature of their community which in turn influenced political decisions. There were also conflicts between the politicians which were based on religious differences and, for example, in the case of the competitive promotion of migration between Bishop Quinn of the Catholic Church and the Presbyterian, Dr. Lang, which created specific subgroups among the European settlers in the colony.

Like farming methods and family lifestyles, the religious practices of the European settlers were based on a non-Australian society and history. However, beliefs are both intrinsically and objectively significant to both individuals and groups within any society. In the new and often hostile environment of Australia some aspects of the ‘old world’ provided a sense of continuity and connectedness giving a form of security to the settlers. One of those aspects was religious observance or practice (Breward, 1993:8.).

THE UNIVERSAL THEOLOGICAL DEBATE OVER THE CHRISTIAN UNDERSTANDING OF SALAVATION BY WORKS OR BY FAITH.

The dispute about “faith versus works” has been one of the most enduring of religious arguments since the formation of the Christian Church (Tillich, 1957:112). Various religious groups have emphasized works as the path to salvation. Notable among these has been the Roman Catholic Church. Among the non-conformist churches some have condemned the notion that good works are essential and insisted that salvation comes only through faith. Along with the Gospel accounts of Jesus calling on His followers to care for others, the New Testament letter of James has been seen as a basis for arguments that salvation must be demonstrated through the good works that Christians are seen to do (Eiselen et al., 1929:1334).

Richardson (1958:233) referred to the second chapter of the letter to the Galatians as the basis for his assertion that “If men can indeed save themselves by works of law, the whole of Christian teaching is superfluous”. Such an assertion raises a huge theological debate concerning the nature of the justification and salvation of men in the teachings of the New Testament. In the comprehensive Peake’s Commentary on the Bible, J.N. Sanders (1962:975) interpreted the Galatians passage as reflecting Paul’s conviction that people could achieve justification on the basis of obeying the law. Sanders understood Paul to be arguing that ‘justification’ means that a person dies from their old life and takes on the life of Christ. The Christian is then defined as one who can proclaim this new life in Christ rather than one who simply lives a good life by keeping the law.

Alan Richardson (1958:240) compared the writing of Paul with that of James and concludes that they are approaching the issue from differing viewpoints. Richardson argued that, while both Paul and James used the terms “works” and “faith”, Paul used ‘faith’ as the term describing complete trust towards Christ and the word ‘law’ to refer to observing a legal code. Richardson understood James to use ‘faith’ to mean a “sterile declaration of a belief” while using ‘works’ to describe acts of mercy and kindness through Christian charity.

Herbert (2000:3) commented that there are some Christians who wrongly use “justification by faith” as an argument against involvement in community services at all. Herbert considers this a great mistake and suggests that those who argue in that way ought to hear the words of` Martin Luther - “Our faith in Christ does not free us from works but from false opinions concerning works, that is, from the foolish presumption that justification is obtained by works”. But, as he says, “works neither can nor ought to be wanting”.

Roger Shinn (1968:178) introduced the term “graceful humanism” to describe the charitable acts of Christians. Shinn defined such acts as being the demonstration of the Christian’s gratitude for God’s grace to them and the relating of that gratitude to the world and their neighbours. Such charity, Shinn said, “recognises in the fellow man a neighbour and a brother”. This view would accord with the statements attributed to Jesus in Matthew Chapter 25.

The ongoing debate over the social responsibility of Christians draws theology into debating the relationship of the Christian life to the politics and social structures of the Christian’s environment. Newbigin (1989:137) insists that Christian action for justice and peace is not secondary to evangelism but lies at the heart of the Christian existence. Newbigin stated that “Jesus action in challenging the powers that rule the world was not marginal to his ministry – without it there would be no gospel”.

The Catholic Humanist writer, Daniel Maguire, set out to formulate a ‘Christian Moral Credo’. In doing this Maguire noted that it is possible for the Christian and the non-Christian to demonstrate similar moral codes in the face

of suffering and injustice in the world. However he also concluded that in the universal struggle between hope and fatalism the Christian “comes down mightily on the side of hope”. For Maguire the Christian code should reflect an approach to life where life is lived in “creative response, in lived concern, and in increasing harmonization of all that is” (Maguire, 1986:235).

The approach of the humanist as set out by Maguire, has drawn criticism from within the Church over the interpretation of humanism as compared with Christianity. In his small volume on what it meant to be a Christian in the twentieth century, Bishop John Robinson (Robinson 1972:17) took up that issue. As a premise to his writing he asserted that “the true dimension of humanness”, for the Christian occurred when the Christian is taken out of his or her` natural state “into the full potential stature of humanity in Christ”. From another perspective the ethicist Don Cupitt (1988:134) referred to the tendency of contemporary culture to rate some things and people highly at the social price of downgrading others. For Cupitt religion “is a systematic attempt to save the world by marking up the worth of whole ranges of people and things that culture has marked down”.

The popular American writer M. Scott Peck (1988:26) examined the concept of ‘community’ and in doing so cited a sermon preached in 1630 by John Winthrop, the first governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony, as the first settlers of that colony prepared to set foot on land -

We must delight in each other, make each others’ conditions our own, rejoice together, mourn together, labour and suffer together, always having before our eyes our community as members of the same body.

For many people the concept of living out a life with such lofty ideals can become a barrier to accepting the teachings of Christianity. In his description of the barriers to Christian belief Leonard Griffith (1961:174) posed the question of whether Jesus was challenging his followers to aspire to the ideals which he preached or whether he really wanted Christians to practise his teaching. This question really brings the debate outlined above into focus. For Griffith it was not that Jesus wanted to confront his followers with an

impossible ideal but rather that he wished to say “if you would become my followers this is how you must live”. Griffith acknowledged that the Sermon on the Mount, taken as a whole, may seem beyond the reach of most people but argued that, when examined in its component parts, there is nothing in that biblical passage which could be dismissed with “it will not work”.

It is because branches of the Christian Church have accepted the view that there is an injunction for the Christian to live out life in the service of others that church-based social services are such an important part of our society. The desire to ensure that the isolated communities of Australia’s rural areas experienced social justice lay at the heart of the expansion by the mainstream Christian denominations of ministry to the residents of the inland, including the South West of Queensland.

In his history of the Church in Australia, Breward (1993:114) described the approach to ministry in the ‘outback’ by the Anglican, Presbyterian and Methodist churches in his history of the Australian churches. He perceived the Presbyterians as being led by John Flynn, who reported on his plans to the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in 1912, in the search for a mantle of safety over the remote areas. The establishment of the Flying Doctor Service in Australia and the associated introduction of the treadle radio were the highlights of the Australian Inland Mission. Breward described the Methodist Inland Mission, established in 1927 as being similar to that established by the Presbyterians but designed to serve the people of rural Australia in a way that was not possible for the traditional Methodist Circuit Ministry.

Although the debate over the marks of Christianity continues, those denominations which embrace a belief in living faith through charitable caring in the broader community have maintained the vision held by Flynn and others.

THE RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE IN AUSTRALIA’S DEVELOPMENT.

Adherence to a particular form of Christianity in Australia was often directly related to sub-groupings of the British population or class structure. As Mol (1971:7) pointed out, there was no specific recognition of religious beliefs in the celebration of the arrival of the First Fleet at Botany Bay. It was a purely

military event in contrast with the overtly religious event which marked the arrival of the Pilgrim Fathers at New Plymouth.

There was also a sense of relief for some settlers that they were no longer tied to old traditions and did not have to defer to the clergy in the manner which had evolved in Britain. However some issues could not be left behind, such as the correlation between the sentencing of predominantly Catholic workers to transportation as convicts and the dominance of Protestants among the industrial leaders of the Industrial Revolution in Britain (Murtagh, 1969:xi). Breward (1993:3) pointed to a number of other issues including the resentment that many Scots held to the perceived connection between the Church of Scotland and the landowners involved in the savage clearance of the highlands and the islands of Scotland.

Within Britain the Church of England had enjoyed formal recognition and patronage from the state and the first Anglican Bishop in the colony of New South Wales, William Broughton, vehemently resisted the moves by Sir George Gibbs to ensure equality of all denominations in their relationships with the government. Broughton believed that the Church of England was established by divine providence to ensure that the people possessed the truth and enjoyed liberty (Clark, 1980:174). Other denominations believed that truth and liberty were not the sole preserve of what was often perceived as a corrupted denomination and Broughton was strongly opposed by the Catholic and Methodist clergy in the colony. Although Gibbs was forced to withdraw his proposals at the time, the public reaction against Broughton ensured that the concepts espoused by Gibbs would prevail.

The fact that no state religion was proclaimed for the colony of New South Wales was a significant departure from the situation in England. The lack of such a proclamation also meant considerable pressure on the New South Wales Parliament to provide funding to each of the Christian denominations for the provision of schools, with the exception of the Baptists and Congregationalists who rejected state funding (Breward, 1993:38).

The clergy were however still in a position of considerable influence. The first chaplain to the colony was Richard Johnson who commenced services

for the Church of England in February, 1788 (Breward, 1993:13). Johnson resisted the attitudes of most of his parishioners towards the Aboriginal population. He gave his daughter an Aboriginal name and sought to establish a mission to the Aboriginals. His successor, Marsden, was very pro-establishment and overtly shunned the emancipists. Despite Marsden’s zealous activity as a magistrate he demonstrated great concern for the rough treatment of Pacific Islander and Maori seamen (Bernays, 1919:23). In this regard his name is more generally revered in New Zealand than in Australia.

The Rev. Dr James Dunmore Lang, a Presbyterian, was a high profile political figure in New South Wales and a significant influence on the establishment of the colony of Queensland (Bernays, 1919:22). Lang worked fervently for the separation of the northern area and made trips back to Britain for the express purpose of recruiting protestant settlers for the region. He often exceeded his authority and offered land to potential migrants without any agreement from the government. His continued demands on the new Queensland Parliament for monetary recognition of his work for separation were often a political embarrassment but in the end a grant was made (Bernays, 1919:22).

THE ORIGINS OF SOCIAL SERVICES IN AUSTRALIA.

In the early European settlement of Australia the wealthier settlers felt an obligation to care for the less fortunate residents. Stephen Garton (1990:44) pointed out that the growth of private philanthropy, although motivated by the Christian ethic, was a means by which the wealthier could guard against non- genuine cases being assisted. By having direct involvement with those in need the donors could make an assessment of the situation and control the nature of the assistance given.

As the number of needy cases increased the general attitude changed from supporting individual philanthropic responses to an attitude that “someone else” should be caring for the lower stratum of the society (Dickey, 1980:90). Subsequently the “someone else” became the Church.

The first Australian conference of the St Vincent de Paul Society (a Catholic Society founded in France by Frederick Ozanam in the 1830s) was established in Sydney in 1881. The society offered individual members the

opportunity to grow as Christians through their service to others (Dickey, 1980:90).

Dickey relates that between 1880 and 1890 The Salvation Army was established in Adelaide, Melbourne, Sydney and Brisbane and by the 1890s had become involved in social welfare delivery.

The Catholic Society and The Salvation Army were joined in the 1890s by the Central Methodist Missions in the major cities (Garton, 1990:87).

The emergence of these Church-based activities was linked with the reluctance of the state governments to be involved in direct service delivery and their willingness to fund non-government services (O’Connor et al., 1998:24). O’Connor noted that there was some change in government attitudes following the Federation of the states in 1901 with greater direct involvement from government agencies.

Despite that change the non-government welfare sector continued to grow. By 1970 there were over 20,000 different charitable agencies in Australia and by 1976 the level of government subsidies paid to these agencies exceeded $130 million (Garton, 1990:141).

THE CHURCH AS A PROVIDER OF SOCIAL SERVICES.

The fact that the Church presence in the South West was directly linked with European settlement, and that the various Christian denominations have been closely involved in the life of rural communities, raises the issue of the nature of the relationship between the Church and social services in rural communities. Lawrence (1966:158) noted that the involvement in social service activities (often funded by governments), was largely seen as the most obvious way for lay people of the Church to be educated in social issues. However, Lawrence predicted that the use of public funds, the use of non-professional workers and the lack of supervision and scrutiny of Church based services would not be acceptable within a decade of his writing.

The prediction made by Lawrence was largely proven to be accurate although the time line may have been a little longer than he suggested. Michael Jones (1996:215) pointed to the process, which had been in place, whereby the

welfare funding was spread over numerous voluntary (including religious) organizations, as providing an attractive alternative to service delivery by unresponsive government bureaucracies. The concern held by Jones was that, while such a process was attractive in some ways, it was a process which ignored the alternative of giving those in need the funds with which to purchase the services they wished to use. In the rural scene farmer groups continue to question the government funding of services rather than providing farmers with the capacity to determine what is of most benefit to the rural communities. A news release from the National Farmers’ Federation stated,“The Prime Minister will also hear directly, the problems with the current assistance arrangements, and find out for himself just how many farmers are falling through the cracks as a consequence of restrictive rules and regulations” (National Farmers Federation, May 2005.)

As has been discussed earlier in this Chapter, there has been divided opinion within Christian denominations regarding the validity of the Church taking a direct role in community social services, the linking of the Church and government through social programs and funding and the diminishing capacity of the Church to provide for services to rural communities (Jones 1996:215). Others have gone as far as to suggest that the links with government may corrupt the culture of the Church-based agencies. Samuel Gregg has referred to the devolution of welfare activities from the State to the Church as the passing of “a poisoned chalice” (Gregg, 2000:3). This argument contended that, while for overt reasons, Jews, Muslims and Christians have all laboured throughout history to help the needy, their autonomy in civil society can be undermined as they gradually become pseudo-state organizations.

Breward (1993:193) drew attention to the shift from Church-based voluntary services to multi million dollar social service activities with a significant increase in professional staff as managers of the programs which left volunteers from congregations just to fill the funding gaps.

Although the Anglicans had no national body or central funds, and worked through regional dioceses, it was the Sydney Diocese, an evangelical diocese, which moved to set up the Bush Church Aid Society (Breward,

1993:116). This society was in addition to the Bush Brothers who were sponsored by the Anglo-Catholic dioceses.

In the Roman Catholic Church religious orders such as the Sisters of Charity expanded their work through hospitals and nursing services (Breward, 1993:117).

The American Lutheran Church issued a statement regarding the Lutheran approach to involvement in social welfare (Lutheran Church in America, 1968) -

The unique task of the Church is to bear witness to God’s Word. Such witness must always be in word and deed, if the life of the Church is to be consistent with its message. The imperative to serve leads the Church into the broad range of activities identified with social welfare. The Church rightly engages in social welfare because the gospel it proclaims impels Christians both individually and corporately to show concern for persons and to serve them at their point of need and should be properly recognised. The statement was accompanied by a number of declarations regarding the need for social research, the rights and dignity of those assisted and the need to enter into agreements with federal, state and local governments as well as with Lutheran congregations.

The Uniting Church in Queensland has issued a Vision and Values statement which includes the following in the preamble -

Our vision is for a community sharing proactively a responsibility for all creation and for a church sharing specifically in God’s special concern for the poor, the oppressed, the marginalized and the hurting. (Uniting Church, 1996.) The same statement lists the values underlying the work of the Uniting Church in community services. It highlights both the need for the Church to engage in caring work and for the development of opportunities for service for members of the Uniting Church.

While the notion of Christian service may appeal to some Church members, counselling provided by representatives of the Church needs to be based upon an understanding of the social environment within which the counsellee is operating. Egan (1986:358) warned “that problem solving which is

not based on the relevant experience of the client is doomed from the outset”. Egan argued that effective counselling required training to enable a counsellor to elicit the relevant issues from the client’s presentation. For Egan the counselling must help establish realistic goals if there is to be any successful outcome. The argument presented by Egan presumes that there will have been adequate training provided to counsellors for them to be able to elicit the appropriate information from the counsellee.

Ivey and Simek-Downing (1980:13) looked at the nature of ‘relevant training’ and concluded that issues such as the experience of the counsellor in personal and counselling situations, the counsellor’s religious beliefs or philosophy of life, the personality of the counsellor and the intrinsic attractiveness of a particular counselling theory influenced the approach of a counsellor. These investigations by Ivey and Simek-Downing revealed that there was no empirical evidence from which to predict that any specific counselling approach would be the more successful in any specific situation. It was concluded that the counsellors needed good basic training in counselling skills, self-awareness and an understanding of the social systems influencing counsellees if they were to be effective.

The arguments presented by Ivey and Simek-Downing were similar to those put forward by Burek, Cottingham and Reardon who concluded that the counsellor was the main independent variable in the counselling relationship (Burek et al 1973:50). These authors contended that successful counselling rested, in part, on the qualifications and characteristics of the counsellor along with the attitudes the counsellor displayed and the techniques and devices that the counsellor employed during the contact.

However, the use of techniques or devices by counsellors needs more than just an intellectual understanding of the process. Counsellors need to be aware of their own reasons for identifying with a specific method or approach. Counsellors must hold some personal conviction concerning the validity of the approach they are using (Rogers, 1951:221). For Rogers it is important that, once a counselling relationship has been established, the counsellor must be both consistent and congruent throughout the relationship. Interestingly, Rogers also

commented that he had learned little from studies aimed at comparing the outcomes of counselling with the outcomes for people with similar problems but who received no counselling. This comment was, however, concerned with the methodologies used in comparative studies rather than to question the effectiveness of counselling.

In addition to the general social services and face-to-face counselling provided by various Christian denominations, the Salvation Army, the Roman Catholic agency Centacare, Lifeline (Uniting Church), and some more localised services have provided counselling by telephone. The use of volunteers, rather than professional counsellors, as telephone counsellors has also been carefully examined in a number of studies.

Chad Varah, the founder of the English telephone counselling service The Samaritans, whose service was based on volunteer counsellors argued that the skills of telephone counselling were less important than the personal qualities of the counsellor (Varah, 1973:31). The qualities most acclaimed by Varah were the “human qualities” of friendship and neighbourliness.

Lindon and Lindon (2000:106) argued that the strength of telephone counselling lay in other areas in addition to the personality of the counsellor. They argued that telephone counsellors should be trained to show respect for both the caller and the concerns the callers raised, to show warmth through their responses and their respect and to have patience to listen long enough to gain an understanding of the problem being presented. Lindon and Lindon (2000:95) pointed out that telephone helplines conducted more client sessions than any other counselling agency. They argued that, while it was true that telephone counselling lacked the benefit of visual images of the client and their body language, there were a number of attributes which were considered as positive by callers. The telephone counselling session could be terminated by the caller at any time; the caller could remain anonymous and could make the call from a location of their own choice.

Inskipp (1996:1) also compared skills training with natural ability and concluded that being competent at counselling skills does not necessarily make a good counsellor but a counsellor with poorly developed skills is not likely to be

helpful to clients.

Other authors described the process of counsellor supervision as being what marked a successful counselling service. Jones and May (1992:279) stated that supervision should be viewed in large part as a process of influencing and monitoring the decisions, attitudes, values and practices of front-line counsellors. These writers presented supervision as being a professionally legitimate means of maintaining oversight of the content and substance of client contact. Hawkins and Shohet (2000:15) described professional supervision as a means of enabling the counsellor to accept their own vulnerability - not to defend against that vulnerability - which could lead to a better outcome for both the caller and the counsellor.

Studies raised issues about the relevant training background of telephone counsellors but all stopped short of concluding that formal qualifications were essential. There were, however, some conclusions drawn about the nature of ‘good counselling’ which have relevance to Church-based crisis services. Dixon and Burns (1974:120) concluded that successful crisis resolution involved the identification and isolation of crucial elements of the problem; identifying ways in which the client could manage the effects of the crisis while the counsellor paid due respect to the feelings of all involved; and being able to identify the appropriate resources and their adaptation in the particular situation.

Egan (1986:29) set out his description of well chosen counsellors by identifying the characteristics which would be apparent in those selected. He identified respect for clients and the ability to express that respect; non- judgemental attitudes; a genuine caring approach to clients; non-defensiveness; spontaneity; ability to deal with actual feelings and actual behaviour; and an ability to convey their caring and their humanness through their succinct responses. Those characteristics which Egan considered would mark out unsuitable helpers included vagueness in formulating responses, tendencies to talk in generalities and obscurities in their approach.

The clear outcome of the debate about the use of volunteers is the strong warning that the personal views of counsellors can, if not controlled by a framework of action, be damaging to the client (Varah, 1987:36).

The Australian social commentator, Eva Cox, expressed concern over social service agencies which were too aligned with governments. Cox (2000:147) stated that the involvement of church bodies and religious groups added an air of sanctity and mission which is assumed to be above close analysis.

Chad Varah tried to distance The Samaritans from the Church of England, despite his being a priest of that denomination. In his critique of Lifeline in Australia Varah criticised the evangelical approach which he perceived dominated in Lifeline. Varah expressed concern in a rather dramatic statement that such an approach was “likely to drive some callers to suicide” (Varah, 1987:36). Contemporary telephone counselling services, including Lifeline, have openly acknowledged that highly motivated Christians do not always demonstrate the ability to be effective counsellors. The selection of volunteers is a more complex process which must give attention to the issues raised by writers such as Rogers and Egan (Park, 1992:35).

STATEMENTS FROM AUSTRALIAN CHURCHES.

As part of the rationale for involvement in social services, the major Christian denominations in Australia have argued that the work of the churches should be aimed at modeling a better society. In pursuing that argument the Australian Catholic Welfare Commission has issued guiding principles for Catholic Social Welfare Agencies. This document includes the following statement -

Within our social service agencies, all those involved - benefactors, workers (both professional and volunteer), board members and constituents (those who use the services) - should interact according to their various roles and abilities in a way that builds up solidarity amongst them and a sense of mutual responsibility. If that is the case, then our agencies become sites of social citizenship, not just social service supermarkets or paternalistic hand-out agencies. Instead of people being categorised as 'consumers' and 'providers' or 'givers' and 'receivers', those involved in our agencies see one another as fellow citizens. Our language, our structures, our policies and practices should all reflect this ultimate vision and goal. If our organisations can move towards this ideal, however falteringly, then they will be contributing to the creation of a community in which the human dignity of individuals is respected and enhanced by participation in shared 22

enterprises directed towards the common good. Such a society would be both more compassionate and more just. (Australian Catholic Welfare Commission: 1996). The Uniting Church in Australia has established Uniting Care Australia as the agency to oversee the church’s welfare activities. Within the statement on the “Faith Foundation” of Uniting Care the following clause defines the guiding principle for the health and welfare activities conducted by the Uniting Church in Australia -

Uniting Care Australia affirms the declarations of human rights as stated by the United Nations, which recognise that by virtue of their creation, human beings have the right to basic freedoms including free speech, food, shelter, education, health, work and safety, and the right to worship in their own way. Uniting Care Australia will seek to uphold these rights in order to honour the dignity of all human beings (Uniting Care Australia).

In a report on family life in Australia by the Anglican agency, Anglicare Australia, the following statement encapsulates the approach taken by that agency -

Anglicare agencies, and indeed the parishes and other agencies of the Church have a role to play in meeting the physical, social and spiritual needs of those who do not share the nation’s wealth or advantages. They also have another side – to decry the unjust structures, systems and ideologies that give rise to inequity, pockets of concentrated poverty, disadvantage and fragility - especially where those stand in stark contrast to economic prosperity, opportunity and security. (Leppert, 2005:35). CONCLUSION. In this Chapter the theological and sociological foundations for the involvement of the Church in social services have been examined. Attention has also been given to the nature of the Church’s relationship with governments when there are financial and policy issues which impinge upon the nature of the Church’s involvement and the credibility of the services offered by Christian agencies.

The work of Lifeline and other Church-based agencies in South West Queensland has emerged from a belief by those involved that the Church has a legitimate role in social service delivery; that the Christian agencies are able to

provide a professional and competent service; and that the Church can enter into relationships with governments (both in terms of policy and funding) while maintaining an independence and congruity in the eyes of the community.

Therefore, the writer and the Lifeline agency undertook the tasks examined in this study with confidence that what was being done was in the interests of the communities of the South West; presented a legitimate example of social service delivery from which to draw conclusions about the ongoing role of the Church in social service delivery to rural communities; and could advance the knowledge of both governments and the Christian denominations about the nature of Australia’s rural communities.

In the following Chapter a further literature review will be presented regarding the contemporary rural situation.

CHAPTER THREE

LITERATURE REVIEW OF THE RURAL SITUATION

INTRODUCTION.

Following from the literature review regarding the relationship between the Church and social services in the previous chapter, this chapter presents a further literature review regarding specific issues impinging upon contemporary primary production. These specific issues include socio- economic concepts, the role of primary producer organisations, land management and environmental concerns, the Decade of Landcare and the role of women in rural communities.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONCEPTS IMPINGING UPON RURAL ISSUES.

Australians have become accustomed to televised images of starving adults and children in countries from both the African region and parts of Central and South America. The phenomenon of human poverty has never been more evident than since the television screen has brought the starkly shocking scenes of human under-nourishment into most Australian homes. Despite the existence of inequality throughout the entire history of humankind, and the likelihood that the undernourished today may individually be in a similar situation to people of previous generations, there are simply more of them and they form an increasing proportion of the world’s population. (Ehrlich, Ehrlich and Holdren, 1973:88).

Superficially, it is arguable that countries such as Australia could be capable of greater food production. However, any increase in the production of food is governed by environmental constraints including the availability of water, fertile soil, sunlight and suitable growing seasons (Ehrlich, Ehrlich and Holdren, 1973:89).These environmental issues are sometimes viewed as surmountable obstacles in the achievement of economic gains. Where such a view has been taken, the result has often been the felling of trees, the loss of fertile soil and the abuse of the land (Cribb, 1982:20).

The influence of elected and appointed leaders of producer organizations on both the members of organizations and the political scene is also of relevance.

THE ROLE OF PRIMARY PRODUCER ORGANISATIONS AND AGRIPOLITICS.

For many urban residents the media coverage of statements by the leaders of primary producer organizations is often the principal source of their understanding of the attitudes of rural communities. In more recent years comments from such leaders have often carried significant political implications. Groups such as the Farmers’ Federation and the Queensland Graingrowers have developed formal political lobbying mechanisms. Executive members of both those groups have moved into formal politics and into Federal Cabinet appointments.

In 1995 the then President of the National Farmers’ Federation, Donald McGauchie raised social issues as a means of attacking the rural policies of the major political parties (McGauchie, 1995). He referred to rural communities and sustainable land management but, in doing so, criticized both State and Federal Governments for failing to consult. He claimed that “It is unfair for this generation of farmers to bear the full cost of land and water restrictions to rectify the decisions of the past”.

It may well be difficult for urban residents to understand such a protest. Industrial enterprises, for example, often are required to remedy past mistakes related to pollution, toxicity, chemical usage and similar issues out of current funds. One example would be James Hardy Industries in relation to asbestos related health claims (James Hardy Industries, 2005). The responsibility may well rest with the producer organizations to establish a case for a different approach to rural industry than is applied to urban industry.

In a political attempt to justify government assistance various Australian Prime Ministers have commented on the concept of a shared community/producer approach. In particular such comments have been applied to the costs associated with finding solutions to land degradation. Prime Minister Hawke asserted that, unless the Commonwealth and State Governments and the broad community cooperated, such problems would remain unsolved (Hawke, 1989:7).

In a similar approach Prime Minister Keating stated that the solution to key rural issues rested with partnerships between governments and the community. The responsibility he claimed “falls on all of us” (Keating, 1992:1).

The Natural Heritage Trust Fund was established in 1997, following the election of a coalition government led by John Howard (Natural Heritage Trust, 2005). The Commonwealth ministers responsible for the management of the trust fund talked of a whole-of-community involvement in conservation. They described a partnership which utilized the knowledge and resources of scientists, farmers, indigenous peoples, community groups, governments, environmentalist groups and agricultural industries (Hill and Anderson, 1997:4).

The approaches of both sides of Australian politics as illustrated in the above comments have been influenced by agripolitical actions but have also placed a responsibility on producer organizations to maintain communication with both politicians and their membership. One of the characteristics of rural communities, as defined from surveys such as that conducted by Gilfedder and Kirkpatrick, is that landholders are more likely to respect information which is provided by their peers than that provided by scientists or governments (Gilfedder and Kirkpatrick, 1995). This suggested that producer organizations need to maintain the flow of information to their members if the political thrust is to be maintained.

While the larger producer organizations have developed specialized information for members on issues such as marketing, environmental concerns, sustainability and political advocacy there may be some negative aspects to this reliance on peer group advice. The fierce independence of many primary producers, described earlier, extended to peer groupings and to a reluctance to join producer organizations or to link organizations into larger political forces. Jensen (1997:1) pointed out that, while industry spokespersons exert influence on rural policy, “There are few spokespersons for rural regions as a whole – few to speak for rural communities with a voice that commands attention from the parliament of the nation”.

Jensen continued to point out that economic rationalism has become the ideology of market analysts and of governments. This economic approach, he argued, did not attend to equity for farmers or rural industries. Despite such warnings governments and some producer organizations have continued to espouse economic rationalism and open market principles. Brad Collins (2004) reported that the Australian Grains Industry Strategy 2005- 2020 had begun to address the need for greater input from a wider base than had previously been the case for the grain industry. In the same report Collins noted that the Grains Research and Development Corporation’s strategy urged a “structural change” from the existing large set of independent bodies to a more cohesive group of interdependent bodies and a philosophical change from self-interest to more awareness of others in the value chain.

The writer was an invited member of the first Rural Summit held in Toowoomba in 1991. He and the representative of the Rural Doctors Association were the only non industry members included at the summit. At this summit the antagonism between producer groups and user groups, such as the stock feed merchants, became a significant barrier in discussions. The risk that this division posed to the outcome of the summit demonstrated the point that self-interest needed to give way to the broader issues of the “value chain”.

The second contentious issue was the absence of any female members at the summit, except as observers. In his introductory paper to the summit the writer suggested that the agenda may have looked very different if women members had been included (Park, 1991).

Margaret Grace reported on a study, conducted in 1995, that the levels of participation by women in producer organizations were low (Grace, 1997:2). However, she was also able to report some positive indications that changes were happening in the gender balance in these organizations. Such indications included a growing level of goodwill towards women who were part of this growing involvement; an active promotion of greater gender equity; the appointment of women to some elected positions and senior staff

appointments; and some agreement between women and producer organisations’ policies on family farming.

Ann Lewis, a former president of Australasian Women in Agriculture, asserted that women themselves were taking a new look at their role when she was interviewed on Australian Broadcasting Corporation radio. She stated that, while in the past her organization had mainly dealt with gender related issues, the agenda had become broader and covered the whole range of agripolitics (Lewis, 1999).

However it is not clear whether these changes had overcome the problems highlighted earlier by Margaret Grace in her report to the Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation which identified a number of barriers to women’s greater participation in producer organizations (Grace, 1997:4).

Grace argued that the rules for eligibility for membership of producer organizations, combined with the competitive selection of office bearers where women there were not large numbers of women, often limited the ability of women to gain any leadership roles in these organizations. She indicated that an ‘old boy’ culture, including networks and exclusion practices was another identifiable factor. Among other barriers faced by women who wished to have greater participation Grace included career interruptions through child birth, traditional patterns of gender roles within marriage partnerships, the attitudes of other women, the lack of child care provision at meetings and the timing of meetings.

There has often been a fine line between agripolitics and party political activity. The Queensland Rural Services Liaison Committee existed during the 1990s to bring together groups such as the Church and welfare groups (represented by the writer), the Police Union, the Nurses Union, the Rural Doctors Association, isolated children’s parent groups and the Queensland Farmers’ Federation. This group worked hard to make equal representations to all political parties but, as the writer experienced as a member of the committee, this apolitical stance was resented by members of a number of producer organizations.

These objections underlined the link between producer groups and conservative politics. It may be noted that a number of executive members of producer organizations have taken seats in State and Commonwealth parliaments.

THE INFLUENCE OF ECONOMIC POLICIES ON ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES AND LAND MANAGEMENT.

Aboriginal groups who lived according to the hunting and gathering culture occupied the South West region, prior to European settlement. One aspect of that lifestyle was that the people accumulated few possessions (Berndt and Berndt, 1977:107). There were limited goods which could be considered to have value. However, the arrival of the European settlers coincided with a global trend towards a market culture where land, labour and capital began to control western style societies. (Ponting, 1991:154).

One result of the new market culture was that the drive to settle and develop the land was significantly related to notions of export trade. These concepts were the basis for production from the land being assessed in terms of its ability to gain personal benefit as a primary producer as well as a return for the colony as a whole. Ponting (1991:155) pointed to the eighteenth century work of Adam Smith as setting the scene for the change in social attitudes towards a trading society that accepted the concept of individual profit making.

For over a century the economic criteria for land use and production have therefore dominated primary production in Australia as elsewhere and have contributed to the development of economics as an independent field of study. The growth of ‘Economics’ has been a common phenomenon across many countries but it has come under strenuous attack by writers such as E.F. Schumacher (1973) and Hazel Henderson (1978:27). Henderson refers to economics as a “pseudo science whose inappropriate concepts, language and methods are now impeding the needed public debate about what is valuable under changing conditions”.

Balogh (1982:12) attempted to define why economics is seen to be irrelevant and suggested that, although most of his profession do not want to

accept it, the reality is that economics uses “closed, determinate systems and models”. Balogh quotes the well known Keynes in arguing for a more open system where economists interact with experts from other disciplines and apply general knowledge and community experience against the economic principles. Such argument has largely arisen out of a sense of discontent with an economic view that regards productive growth as an end in itself. Underlying that drive for production is what Pigou (1960:28) described as a belief that having some goods must do us some good.

There are clearly good reasons for poorer nations to place great hope in achieving greater production both of consumables for their own population and of potentially exportable commodities (Boff, 1984:57). Even for the more commercially developed countries the enticement of increased national productivity has had both political and general attraction. The economic answer to poverty has generally been perceived to be the growth of output. (Abromovitz, 1979:4). But the question then arises of whether this productivity can be sustained and, if so, at what cost to the environment.

Herman Daly (1980:160) argued that there is an ecological necessity to the limiting of economic growth for at least two reasons. Primarily, there is the issue of the renewability of the resource base. In the area of agriculture this is dependent upon the biosystem and the energy sources required for production. Secondly, Daly (1980:164) raised the moral necessity for a limitation on production growth. He questions the ability of economic theory to deal with issues like the level of production for which growth should aim. Is it to be aimed at the provision of sufficient food for the current population or for some projected future population? Further, who decides what level of existence constitutes a ‘good life’ for people and by what standards should this be determined?

Weisskopf (1977:34) took this moral question into the field of Christian ethics. He argued that the notion of a market economy conflicts with Christian ethics in that the whole concept of profiting from buying and selling is unacceptable within Christian values. He views the emergence of Calvanism, with its emphasis on economic success being a sign from the

Lord, as merely attempting to overcome the ethical problem by making personal success a sign of salvation rather than a sin.

While the Calvanistic view did influence the emergence of the ‘Protestant work ethic’ it has also declined as an ethical principle (Breward, 1993:219). However in the past two decades there has been evidence of a new version of this principle commonly known as ‘prosperity theology’. (Tattersal, 2004) This perspective again emphasises the notion of personal wealth or gain being an indication of divine approval and has been particularly evident among the American television evangelists. The renewal of this line of thinking seems to have links with the concept that blatant poverty, especially in the western world has been overcome by welfare programs. However contemporary ethicists such as Fletcher (1967:200) have warned that the Christian Church must come to terms with a world in which “naked need” could be met but where opulence created new ethical dilemmas.

This issue was pursued by Campolo (1983:144) who asserted that those Christians who have interpreted the Bible as allowing them to be comfortable with wealth are merely “feeling justified in their affluent lifestyles”.

Arguments such as those used to support prosperity theology leave the struggling rural family which still clings to a Christian faith wearing a judgment that their non-viability must be a reflection of God’s displeasure with them. However the notion of such judgment has little credibility when measured against the Biblical teachings. Maguire (1986:26) stressed that where a group of people are deprived of power, self-respect and hope “the evil inflicted on them is worse than anything we can achieve at the one-to- one level”. Such deprivation, which is the experience of many rural families known to the writer, constitutes a sense of separation from God rather than a reflection of the Christian concept of reconciliation with God.

These ethical and theological concepts are relevant because they form part of the complex economic, environmental and ecological issues surrounding contemporary primary production. Wallis (1982:45) contrasted

the potential for agricultural self-sufficiency in poorer countries with the use of their land to grow exportable cash crops. “In the present international economic order, coffee, sugar, pineapples, tobacco and bananas for rich people are a higher priority than bread and rice for the poor”.

In some ways the problems faced by the Australian agricultural economy reflect the opposite side of Wallis’s argument. The origins of primary production in the South West region were closely linked to potential for export earnings. The preference accorded to Australian wool by the British market and the exportability of beef, sugar and grain were all incentives for Australian agriculture. While sugar remains predominantly an exportable commodity the significance of other rural products on the export markets has been reduced (Bonano, 1995.)

Irrespective of the end purpose of primary production the farm unit is generally judged on viability according to the capacity for it to make a profit. Campbell (1994:186) pointed out that the ‘free market’ economics of Australia act powerfully against rural sustainability. He views the perceived value of “goods and services, wilderness experience, clean air and water for future generations or whatever” as being arrived at solely according to the current market. Within this market framework it is relatively easy to convince farmers to use fertilizers, act against soil erosion and practice water conservation where these actions will result in increased productivity but it is very difficult to achieve environmental actions which are not seen to provide a market advantage (Dassmann, 1972:422). The capital costs of some actions may often lead instead to greater exploitation of the land in order to recover a profitable operation (Walker, 1994:302)

However, the use of Cost Benefit Analysis (CBA) as a basic tool of economic research with the addition of Environmental Impact Statements, particularly by governments, remains common (Tisdell, 1993:95). CBA involves an assessment of the project costs and the likely benefits to be derived from that project as compared with other possible projects or means of production (Walker, 1994:283). This method depends upon the allocation of notional monetary values for all inputs and outcomes even though there

are obvious difficulties in allocating cash values to environmental or social issues (Tisdell, 1993:95). Tisdell argued that it is therefore likely that most CBAs will give more attention to direct financial returns for the producer than to the external factors surrounding the production.

The use of Cost Benefit Analysis and also Environmental Impact Statements will be raised again in the third section of this study. However, within the material above the influence of economics on primary production has been shown to emerge. There are a number of dimensions to this emergence - firstly, as an influence on decisions about profitability for individual producers; secondly, in decisions about production for export markets; thirdly, in introducing rational approaches to cost-benefit considerations; and fourthly, as the major factor in the underestimation of the effects of production on long term sustainability of the land, ecological responsibility and the social environment which flow from decisions about land use and management.

THE POLITICAL, ENVIRONMENTAL AND SOCIAL RAMIFICATIONS OF THE DECADE OF LAND CARE.

This case study recorded comments, from rural residents, in regard to the relationship between agricultural enterprises and the sustainability of the land. In this section consideration is given to the objectives, organisation and outcomes of the ‘Decade of Land Care’ with particular reference to role of primary producers.

In 1933 Aldo Leopold voiced the view that “There is yet no ethic dealing with Man’s relationship to the land and to the non-human animals and plants which grow upon it. Land, like Odysseus’ slave girls, is still property (Leopold, 1933:635).Leopold, an early leader in the United States in the argument for the need for land use ethics, did not believe it was possible for humans to actually achieve total harmony with the land. However, he strongly argued the need to strive towards the objectives of harmony between human activity and the sustainable use of the land.

In Australia, as in the United States, there have been continuing debates concerning the agricultural use of land and the sustainability of both the land

and the agricultural ventures. The public face of rural attitudes is often provided by the spokespersons for producer organiations and lobby groups. In recent years it has become common for the leaders of Primary Producer organisations to engage in broad ranging political debate while politicians utilise rural issues as material for attacking other political parties. However, many farmers have held genuine interests in developing practices that will move them towards greater harmony with the land.

Morrisey (1997:27) introduced the broader debate by stating that the issues surrounding sustainable resource management are only a subset of those applying to the sustainability of rural communities. In his support for the Australian Decade of Land Care, Morrisey was careful to question how successes in some specific rural areas could be applied to other rural communities which may have an entirely different rural culture.

Some ecological commentators such as Gliessman (1998:3) have been quite negative about the sustainability of modern agriculture. Gliessman claimed that modern agriculture cannot be sustained because the attempt to continue to meet the world’s demand for food will cause deterioration of the ecological conditions which make agriculture possible. This approach suggests that ecological issues alone will determine the future of agriculture. Other writers have suggested that the final determinant will be economic viability. Krause and Richardson (1996:9) discussed three considerations for sustainability – use of soil and water, biological sustainability and economic viability. Their conclusion is that economic viability and sustainability are the same thing. While this may be argued in regard to an individual agricultural enterprise it is difficult to see how the argument can be extrapolated in such absolute terms to agriculture in general.

Wylie (1996:2) viewed farm profitability as one aspect of sustainability along with soils stability and effects on the broad environment. It would be false to assume that all rural industry in Australia has failed to achieve economic viability. Jensen (1997:7) pointed out that some sectors have performed well but that the overall situation has led to the use of the term ‘rural crisis’. In addressing the nature of this crisis Jensen raises the

question of where the responsibility lies to meet the economic crisis faced by rural communities. If the answer to this issue is that the government has an equal obligation to citizens in all sectors of the community that would have enormous political and economic implications. If the government does not have an equal obligation then there must be a prescribed rationale for varying levels of obligation.

Current literature therefore raises competing views on the nature of the sustainability of rural communities. This reality is further complicated by the introduction by the Asian Agribusiness Research Centre which has introduced the term Gross National Happiness (GNH) alongside of the traditional term Gross National Product (GNP) (Malcolm, 2002:2). This term is defined by Malcolm as relating to public interest in protecting, preserving, conserving, replacing, restoring and sustaining the quality of water, air, flora and fauna. The GNH measures the state of the nation’s natural resources while the GNP measures efficiency in the use of resources and economic growth and stability.

Egan and Connor (1994:64) argued that it is the need for a balance between economic needs and acceptable environmental practices which has become the point of community debate. When each of these aspects of the debate on sustainability is taken into account perhaps the most essential consideration for government is how to involve the broader community in community-based responses to the rural crisis.

The Land Care movement in Australia provides one useful example of a government-supported community approach to land sustainability. The following discussion examines the issues which have arisen through that movement.

Land Care Australia Limited was established in 1988 with financial support from the Australian Government under the provisions for the Decade of Land Care. (Roberts, 1991). Roberts perceived the Land Care movement as being one part of the broader community demand for quality of life. He presented this perception, as shown in Figure 3.1, where the quality of life reflects a balance between a community’s spiritual growth, physical

comforts, interpersonal relationships and the quality of the environment. –

Environmental quality (aesthetic, ethical, physical, chemical).

Spiritual growth Physical comforts QUALITY OF LIFE.

Personal relations.

Figure 3.1: Factors of Quality of Life (Roberts 1991).

Roberts (1992:25) pointed out that the first serious campaign conducted by the National Farmers’ Federation in the 1980s to gain public support was based almost entirely on the image of primary producers as the backbone of the nation. The emphasis was placed on primary industry producing the food needs and gaining export wealth. The image of producers as responsible stewards was noticeably absent. Roberts also suggests that the farmers’ bid for popular support lacked attention to women’s potential role of nurturing a sense of land stewardship for the benefit of coming generations. Roberts argued that, at a time when the Women’s Movement was expanding to include eco-feminism, significant support could have been won if rural women and land care could have been linked in the mind of voters. He argued that the Land Care movement lost the support of an important proportion of potential land stewards because the leadership of the movement, originally resting with the movers and shakers in agriculture, seemed about to be hijacked by professional organisers (1992:151).

One of the better known leaders of the Land Care movement in South West Queensland, Jock Douglas, stated in 1992 that Land Care was off to a good start in taking Australian landholders towards sustainable agriculture. However he saw a real risk that a movement away from community driven groups to a growing bureaucracy could undermine the long-term effectiveness of the movement. Douglas believed that Land Care needed to

“become so strong on the ground that its ownership is beyond doubt” (Douglas, 1992:30). If that situation were to eventuate, Douglas contended, there would need to be a “reversal of the natural escalating process of bureaucratic growth and control”.

Since the inception of the Land Care movement there have been many attempts to assess the outcomes for the organisation. In his assessment, Ellerman (1994) surveyed 130 members of the Land Care movement and 202 adults from the general community (with a sample bias towards residents of rural areas). Ellerman utilised his own theory of social involvement which he described as defining four elements as essential in joining and actively participating in a social movement -

1) The Motivational component, which involves support for the goals and tactics of the movement.

2) The Identity component - defining oneself as a member of the movement.

3) The Expectancy component - expecting that support of the movement will make goal achievement more likely; and

4) The Risk component - expecting that membership of the movement will not bring negative consequences for the individual.

Ellerman’s results indicated that participants in the Land Care movement were not primarily motivated by a land care ethic and that members of the general community were disinclined to join Land Care because they lacked knowledge of its goals and objectives. He concluded that only the first three of his elements for active participation had support, and then only weak support while the risk element was not supported. It was also noted that males were over represented in Land Care groups.

Throughout the above assessments of Land Care a number of references were made to the lack of involvement of women. Grey, Lawrence and Dunn (1993:22) draw attention to the benefits of a “Family strategy”. They contend that change which draws on the cooperation of the whole

household can possess an adaptive quality. They draw attention to the importance of the various roles undertaken by family members, women in particular, to the ability of the producer to cope on the farm. Sarah Ewing (1995) introduced the notion that women are more aesthetically orientated than men. In her review of Land Care, Ewing contended that men have a primary concern for agricultural production whereas women are more concerned for aesthetics. Tree planting, according to Ewing’s study, symbolises conservation activity rather than changing agricultural methods. One implication pointed out by respondents to her survey is that if Land Care were more aligned to farm productivity women would be less likely to be involved.

The roles, tasks and involvement of women in agriculture require specific attention in our understanding of the current situation for rural communities.

THE ESSENTIAL NATURE OF THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN RURAL COMMUNITIES.

Women were a minority among the pioneer settlers of the South West (Clark, 1995:132). However, despite that minority position, the role of women in agriculture has always been significant. Miriam Dixon (1994:190) commented that Australian historians have paid little attention to pioneer women and that, when women are discussed, they are presented as larger than life. In her view this latter approach has replaced “an insult of omission by an insult of commission”.

Margaret Alston (1995:140) contended that the lack of accurate attention to the actual contribution made by women stemmed from the traditionally narrow definition of ‘farm work’. That definition has revolved around the manual activity of farming and the management of farming enterprises but has ignored the many roles, on and off the farm, which women have played. Women, Alston claimed, have often been made to feel undervalued and their work seldom adequately recognised.

The background to the undervaluing of women’s work is a combination of attitudes and reasons. One issue raised by Sister Maree Jensen,

“The Flying Nun” of Central West Queensland, is the personal backgrounds of many rural women (Jensen, 1998:27). She pointed out that many women moved from more urban areas to rural areas to take up work as governesses. From such positions they often became part of the rural community and married men from the land. It will be shown that a significant number of women were also teachers or nurses who had moved from the city. By contrast, most of the men in those rural communities had been raised in rural areas.

One possible outcome of this background for women is that the rural life can be experienced as isolating. In her personal story about life in the Northern Territory, after life as a Sydney nurse, Terry Underwood (1998:323) summarised the experience in these words “Our world consists of one stage and we are the sole players. When things get tough we have to keep going...I have grown in the belief and conviction that one must become of this country in order to survive.”

Sister Jensen (1998:28) addressed the problem of isolation as experienced by some rural women which, she claimed, often means that rural women are deprived of amenities, resources and services “the permanent availability of which are generally taken for granted”. However a different perspective was presented in a report from the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (1988:11) which noted that isolation as a concept is a subjective issue. The report claimed that, for some, isolation means not being able to see an adjoining property or a public road while others may only need a telephone to enable them to relieve any sense of isolation. The same report further noted that the traditional role of rural women created a sense of self- reliance and independence and of being the community carer rather than a user of services. When viewed from this perspective, the report concluded, many urban women may experience a greater sense of isolation than their country counterparts.

In the discussion above concerning the Land Care Movement it was indicated that contemporary rural women still have difficulty being accepted as equal contributors to the management and planning of rural industry and as

leaders in rural communities. It may not be possible to understand how this continues without comprehending how the so-called traditional women’s roles developed.

Gibbs (1989:41) asserted that women’s roles in agricultural businesses are partly a product of the reluctance of their husbands to recognise and accept that their wives have played a critical part in the agricultural enterprise. It may well be argued that this lack of acceptance has its roots in the ways in which gender roles have been inculcated in both boys and girls and accepted by them as they grow to adulthood. This approach has been developed by writers such as Flora et al., (1992:97) who specifically looked at the ways in which girls have been socialised. Town girls, they claim, were often taught music, arts and leisure sports while rural girls learned ‘productive skills’ such as gardening, cooking and weaving. While such a view may be considered too sweeping a generalisation, rural women have seen themselves as the copers and carers. Their transition from household duties to work both on and off the farm has often been seen as a simple outcome of their coping skills rather than as any change in gender roles. It has seldom been seen as being in any way similar to the changes men face if moving from a financially successful producer to being financially dependent on welfare schemes.

Some writers, such as Alison Sheridan, have suggested that one way of countering this lack of recognition of the contribution made by women would be to ensure that the tasks being undertaken by women were more clearly identified in the public arena (Sheridan, 1994:21). The impact of women’s direct input into management issues such as planting, stocking, financial loans and heavy equipment purchases should be clearly stated.

Marie Macklin (1993:6) has argued that the country media construct images of women that support existing community attitudes to gender relations in rural communities. In her study in a specific rural town, Macklin concluded that the perpetuated traditional images of rural communities through the media masked the consequences of a ‘patriarchal society’. Those reinforced images, Macklin claimed, denied women the opportunities to achieve changes in rural communities.

The attitudes shown by rural men towards women in the general community have also been observed in the rural Church. Flora et al. (1992:63) suggested that religious beliefs which are reinforced through the Church can help shape the culture of a community. They also saw such beliefs as being more likely to reaffirm the status quo than to encourage change, despite their potential to do the latter.

Dempsey (1992:36) made a general claim that rural men control most moral decision-making in their community and that men have a disproportionate share of the facilities and resources for recreational activity. He goes on to link the patriarchal image with local congregations where, although forming the majority of regular congregations, women hold only a quarter to one third of positions on church councils.

There is little evidence available that rural congregations have shown any different attitudes to gender roles than the broader community around them. There is equally little evidence that the major Christian denominations have come to terms with significant changes in the social structures of rural communities. Many of these changes include social status determinants for men who can no longer rely on their status as farmers when they, and family members, are dependent on off-farm income. This is all the more complicated by the reality that it is often the women who are the greater off-farm income producers.

Sheridan (1994:20) demonstrated the change in employment status with the following statistics shown as Table 3.1. This table illustrated the increased participation of women as employers in rural industries, changes in the proportion of men and women who identified themselves as self-employed and the significantly greater increase in women employed on wages or salaries as compared with men.

Table 3.1: The Status of Employed Persons in the Agricultural Setting.(Sheridan 1994).

Category 1978 1992 %Change.

Employers - Male 36,400 30,300 -16.7

Female 11,500 16,500 +43.5

Self-employed – Male 142,500 120,400 -16.5

Female 42,700 53,300 +24.8

Wage and Salary- Male 84,600 96,000 +13 Female 20,000 33,900 +69.5

Alston (1994:29) sounded the caution that most farm women are not feminists because they have largely been satisfied with the status quo and therefore have been little influenced by the women’s movement. This again raises issues for the ways in which the Church has tried to address gender issues.

CONCLUSION.

In this chapter the literature relating to a number of specific issues which have relevance to this study has been reviewed. These issues included the role of women in producer organisations and the function of producer organisations within the Australian political framework. The broader involvement of women in agriculture has been discussed and the contribution of the Decade of Landcare has been reviewed.

The following chapter presents the conceptual framework for this study.

CHAPTER FOUR

THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE STUDY

INTRODUCTION.

In this chapter the conceptualisation of this research is explained in relation to the South West region of Queensland, the ethical considerations are discussed, the research design is described and its application in this study is illustrated.

THE CONCEPTUALISATION OF THE RESEARCH.

During the long association between Lifeline and the rural sector of southern Queensland there had been several issues which have been evident in the communities of South West Queensland. The most basic issue concerning many rural families has been an ongoing concern as to whether small communities have any future in rural Australia generally and in South West Queensland in particular. Because of the pressures faced by rural congregations this concern has often flowed on to include a concern as to the future of the Church in the region.

The more general question of the future of rural communities would provide areas of investigation for a number of studies and was beyond the scope of one thesis. The refinement of the topic required both a narrowing of the geographical location to one recognised demographic region and the identification of a specific aspect of life in rural communities. This refinement moved through a number of stages until the question of the nature of the Church’s social services role in the rural communities of South West Queensland became the focus of this study.

Lifeline held substantial records of personal and family dysfunctionality which had been related by residents of the South West. These problems had often been evident in the expressed anxieties, which became most evident during the mid 1980s as interest rates on rural loans rose to levels rarely seen previously, and which had been increased by the withdrawal of banks, Government offices, court services, health services, local schools and the closure of rail services. Sometimes these actions proved to be reactions to the short-term issues. For example, some banking services which had been withdrawn are now being restored to the communities from which they had been removed, while the rapid development of the cotton industry in one area may well mean that railway services, which were severely curtailed several years ago, may be reinstated.

As the spokesperson on rural issues for the Queensland Synod of the 46

Uniting Church in Australia, and having acted as Chairperson of the Downs Presbytery of the Uniting Church, the writer had responded on many occasions to expressions of concern about the future of rural congregations. The writer was also a member of an historic meeting between leaders of the Anglican, Lutheran, Roman Catholic and Uniting Churches held in Toowoomba in 1996. That meeting published a document of agreement regarding the future cooperation between those Christian denominations represented in providing services to rural Queensland. However, that agreement looked only at possible ways in which mutual recognition of ministries and rites could assist in the ongoing provision of traditional congregation-based activities. It did not deal with any review of the nature of the mission of the Church in rural communities. This was not the only occasion on which the future of the Church had been seen by denominational leaders as being addressed through cooperative ventures and the mutual recognition of ministry. However, in their contacts with Lifeline, the people of the region had indicated that their concerns were about the political alignment of the Church over issues such as land rights, gun laws, conservation and land management.

In the 1998 Queensland State Election, Pauline Hanson’s One Nation candidates in Queensland had strong support from members of Church in the region despite the highlighting of theological problems, which were seen by leaders of the major Christian denominations to be inherent in that party’s policies. The local management structures of most rural congregations had also reflected a more general issue for rural communities concerning gender roles, particularly those relating to the role of woman, both in industry organisations and within their local communities.

The combination of these factors, and the extensive data gathered by the writer and Lifeline, led to the conceptualisation of a research topic which would examine the role of the Church in the future of the rural communities of the South West. This topic implies that these communities did have a future while also raising the issues concerning gender roles, land management, political alignment and rural theology which must be addressed by the leaders and members of the major Christian denominations with as much energy as they have applied to the potential sharing of human resources.

THE ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS.

It is usual in Australia for human research to be subject to ethical approvals and conditions. This is particularly the case when data are gathered for the specific purposes of the research and where the identity of the respondents may be revealed. In situations where information is identifiable it is normal to use consent forms and provide specific information concerning the nature of the research and the proposed use of the data obtained.

The circumstances surrounding this case study were distinctly different from the usual procedures for human research. The data obtained in this study were collected from unidentified material voluntarily presented through group discussion (where the use of the information for reporting issues of concern was made overt to all involved), anonymous calls to telephone counsellors and non- identified records of the issues emerging from counselling sessions. The concerns identified were encapsulated into statements of issues and into de-identified narratives all of which were presented back to the rural communities for validation. If those presentations revealed any concern over the issues identified or over any risk of individuals or groups being identified the data identified were removed from consideration.

It was therefore considered that the formal ethical approvals did not apply to this study provided that all original records of interviews or counselling sessions where identities may have been revealed were stored in accordance with the ethical requirements of Lifeline Australia.

THE RESEARCH DESIGN.

In Chapter Five of this thesis the region of South West Queensland is described in terms of its location, settlement and religious history. A number of the factors raised in that description point to the South West being an appropriate area for use as a case study on the role of the Church in rural communities. Those factors include the links between the Church and the recruitment of European settlers, the diversity of farming enterprises, the severity of climatic conditions, the distances involved in marketing produce, and the number of small and isolated communities in the region.

The design of this study sought to utilise a number of sets of data gathered 48

by the researcher and Lifeline staff over a period of ten years. These sets of data, which are described later, were seen as providing an understanding of the perception of life in rural communities held by residents of those communities. They provided the basis for examining the issues raised in the research topic above by investigating the perspectives held by rural residents of the South West regarding the stresses they face, the gender issues, the role of the Church and the future of their communities.

The data provided a link with the international material, particularly from the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States of America. In each of those countries there had been recognition of the crisis which was being experienced in rural communities and moves had been made towards addressing that crisis. Additionally, information had been presented in forums across Australia which related to the data obtained for this study. These alternative sources of information, when placed alongside the case study data, aided the development of the research design.

It was the understanding of the researcher that rural families would be more likely to discuss personal concerns when they could talk one-to-one with individuals and families either by telephone or face-to-face. It was also contended that where face-to-face contact was made it would be most effective if those contacted felt safe and trusted the person making the contact. The safest place would be the farm or home of the individual or family and Lifeline had already established its reputation in the region. Therefore the use of surveys was not considered in these data sets although some standard forms were used to obtain a minimum set of data.

This thesis commenced with a statement of the aim of the study which was to explore the role of the Church in the rural communities of South West Queensland with specific reference to welfare and social services. The writer had gained an overview of the needs of rural callers to Lifeline and the expectations callers held in regard to the Church. A detailed account of the issues presented during the study is provided in Chapter Eight.

The research design for the study sought to identify patterns of need and potential ways in which those needs could be relieved. To achieve that

knowledge a large number of individual accounts of the effects of the rural crisis on people’s lives and of their experience in seeking help were assessed from a constructivist perspective. Gerald Cupchick (2001:3) defined the work of a constructivist researcher as being the framing of a research problem from perceived phenomena, making decisions about collecting and analysing the data, and reflecting upon the outcome of the project.

In this study the perception held by the writer that many residents of rural communities in the South West were facing increased financial and personal hardship was tested by the use of a case study methodology. This methodology allowed the examination of a variety of personal accounts of life in the South West and the formation of a broad picture of the critical human needs in the region, the services needed to address those needs and the relationship of the Church to those services.

The accounts of rural life given to the Lifeline telephone and face-to-face counsellors became the narratives from which data were collected. Gergen (1994:187) defined narrative as “an individual’s account of the relationship among self-relevant events across time”. Gergen contended that the individual story revealed in the narrative is formulated through relating life events in a sequence or as an unfolding process. Cupchick (2001:4) described constructivism as providing a qualitative framework within which the phenomena which people experience can be contextualised, explained and understood.

In an earlier description of constructivism David Fisher (1991:3) stated that “constructivism is a way of thinking about people, events and problems”. Fisher argued that each of us has different experiences of reality but that we broadly agree on categories of experiences and tend to act as though we share a common reality.

In this study it was considered that, while the knowledge gained in the gathering of the data would be influenced in the ways described above, it was also essential that the data be presented in such a way that others could judge its validity.

The use of grounded theory (originally described by Glaser and Strauss,1967) in this study provided a means of taking the data gathered and

developing from the knowledge of people’s experiences, as they described them, a theoretical framework by which the rural communities could be understood. Dick (2005:3) states that grounded theory does not test a hypothesis. It sets out to find what theory accounts for the research situation as it is. Dick defined the aim of grounded theory, as Glaser in particular stated it, as being to discover the theory implicit in the data. For Dick grounded theory is driven by the data in such a way that the final shape of the theory is likely to provide a good fit to the situation.

One of the early proponents of grounded theory, Anslem Strauss (1990:23) argued that “a grounded theory is one that is inductively derived from the study of the phenomenon that it represents”. In this study, grounded theory was used in the case study approach to establish the phenomenon of the rural crisis and derive from the experience of rural residents a theoretical framework within which the Church may respond to that crisis.

Avison (1990:197) described case study research as an examination `of phenomena in the natural setting with the researcher being an independent outsider. Sharan Merriam (1998:19) drew a distinction between case studies and other qualitative research in that case studies are “intensive descriptions of a single unit or a bounded system”. In this study the rural region of South West Queensland was treated as a bounded system.

John Best described the ‘case study’ as a way of organizing social data for the purpose of viewing social reality. Best considered that the case study approach to research “probes deeply and analyzes the interaction between the factors that explain present status or that influence change or growth” (Best, 1981:108).

Jonathan Smith stated that “good qualitative research should present enough of the raw data to allow the reader to interrogate the interpretation that is being made” (Smith, 1996:192). Smith also recommended that data gathered and interpreted should be presented back to the community from which it was gathered in order to test its validity (Smith, 1996:195).

The description of the data and the interpretation of those data contained in following chapters follow a similar process to that recommended by Smith. 51

The data are shown in sufficient detail to be examined in a critical appraisal; they have been presented and tested back in the rural communities; and the influence of the researcher’s experience is acknowledged.

The years of involvement by the researcher and members of the data collection team, along with the accumulated knowledge of worldwide effects of the drought and rural crisis on rural communities have been recognised. As the researcher gathered information there were many points at which the information was similar to that emerging from other countries.

However, the existence of the knowledge gained by the researcher both from personal experience and from the work of others contributed to what has been referred to as “thick descriptions” (Geertz, 1973:3). Geertz links thick descriptions with “semiotics”, or literally the study of signs. When people discuss signs, the kinds of signs that are likely to spring immediately to mind are those which we routinely refer to as 'signs' in everyday life, such as road signs, pub signs and star signs. However there are other signs. Semiotic analysis looks for the cultural and psychological patterns that underlie language, art and other cultural expressions (Geertz, 1973:5) A ‘thin description’ would represent the easily observed actions or words of the participant in the study. The ‘thick description’ searches for the underlying meanings and cultural implications of the observed actions or words. Within the term ‘thick description’, the amalgamation of experience, the narrative from participants in the study and the meaning imposed by those participants on their experience are seen as aiding the formation of solid data. The aim of this study was to discover what farm families were thinking and feeling and what knowledge they had gained from their experiences, without imposing the researcher’s world view on theirs (Rubin and Rubin, 1995:5).

During the course of the study the researcher and the data collection team recognised the gaps between the reality for some families and the perceptions of that reality reported by the families. In some families the documented evidence of increasing debt-caused by such issues as declining property values and high interest rates on overdue capital repayments, financial encumberments, and the need to work off-farm to provide any cash flow failed to alter the expressed

perception that the enterprise was viable and that they would “come through” just as previous generations had done. The accumulated information from many families, coupled with the knowledge already held by the research team, assisted in the treatment of these gaps in a general sense rather than filling in the gaps for any specific family.

Both Merriam (1998:187) and Bassey (1999:69) explained the use of data in case studies in similar ways. The study started with what Bassey described as “painstaking” data collection. The data were arranged chronologically or topically and presented in a narrative that was predominantly descriptive and became the case study record. From this record the researcher developed ideas for the modes of analysis to be used, the trustworthiness of the data, and possible additional areas which should be explored. Merriam (1998:187) viewed the researcher as making inferences, through developing models or generating theories.

One of the best known proponents of case study research, Robert Yin (1994:84), writes of three important areas of data collection in case studies. These areas are the “open-ended interview” in which respondents are asked for the facts of the matter as well as for their opinion about events; the “focused interview” where open-ended questions are still used but they are derived from the case study protocol; and the “survey” which gathers participants’ views in the overall analysis. It will be evident from the details of the data collection and from the data itself that each of these forms of data collection was used in this study.

Yin (1994:13) argued that the case study inquiry could cope with the technically distinctive situation in which there were many more variables of interest than data points. The case study therefore relies on multiple sources of evidence and yet benefits from the prior development of theoretical propositions which guide the data collection and analysis.

As with all forms of research, the validity of the research design for case study research must be well established. Yin (1994:33) set out the ways in which the case study methodology should deal with the areas of construct validity, internal validity, external validity and reliability through the data collection, the data analysis, and the research design. Through the use of multiple forms of data

collection, establishing a chain of interconnections within the data and regular reviews of the reports composed concerning the data, the construct validity, the extent to which the methodology measures the concepts being considered, can be maintained. In this study data were collected from telephone contacts, face-to- face contacts and through group sessions; the data collected were observed throughout to discern connections between the issues being raised; and the conclusions being formed were fed back to the community for comment. The issue of internal validity, the checking of the level of correlation between the outcomes of the various data collections, was addressed during the data analysis by consultations between the writer and members of the counseling and support teams regarding the analyzing of the issues emerging and the consideration of these issues in the light of other studies which had been conducted in rural areas. The research design for this study allowed for the collection of individual data in a consistent way which met the criteria indicated by Yin for the establishment of external validity (the correlation with other investigations outside of the study). By ensuring that this case study had objectives, procedures for the collection and use of the data and an established format for reporting the findings, which were maintained in a case study data base, it was possible to protect the reliability - the degree to which there is consistency in the results when the process is replicated - of the study. These validity checks set out by Yin, and how they have been applied in this study, are summarized below in Table 4.1 -

TABLE 4.1; Yin’s Tests of Quality of Research Designs.

TEST. CASE STUDY TACTIC. PHASE OF HOW APPLIED STUDY WHERE IN THIS STUY. TACTIC OCCURS. Construct Multiple sources of evidence Data collection. Use of multiple Validity sources of data: telephone, face- to-face and group data. Establish chain of evidence. Data collection. Writer acted as an external observer in following the evidence from the start of the data collection to the study conclusions. Have key informants review Composition Reports were case study reports fed back to source communities for comment. Internal Do explanation building. Data analysis Analysis of Validity. emerging issues from the data in conjunction with counselors and in light of other studies. Do time series analysis Data analysis Issues were only seen as related when a change in one variable was related to a change in another variable. External Use replication logic in Research design This study Validity multiple-case studies maintained a singular approach through consistent means of data collection.

Reliability Use case study protocol. Data collection. The case study had objectives, procedures for collection, access and use of data, and a format for reporting. Develop case study data Data collection. Data base maintained for base. each segment of this study.

CONCLUSION.

This chapter has presented the conceptual framework for the study and explained the research design with particular reference to the case study methodology which the researcher used. The case study approach has been shown to be an effective means of identifying the range of human needs in rural communities, the hopes, desires and the expectations of residents of the South West, as well as their understanding of the role of the Church in contributing to their sense of well-being.

The framework described in this Chapter enabled the writer to gather reliable information, formulate views and describe possible outcomes in regard to the role of the Church in South West Queensland.

In the following chapter the South West as a region of Queensland, and as the location of this study, is described in some detail.

CHAPTER FIVE

THE CASE STUDY REGION

INTRODUCTION.

In this Chapter the region in which the case study was located is described in some detail. The locations of the indigenous clans are described in terms of both Tindale’s map of the South West and the map devised by Aboriginal writer and resident of the region Hazel McKellar. A brief overview of the European settlement of the South West and the development of a white bush culture is followed by a description how the religious denominations became established. The Chapter concludes with an examination environmental issues.

SETTLEMENT OF THE REGION.

The history of Australia has most often been presented as that of a young country with only some 200 years of settlement. This has only reflected the European perspective and Aboriginal Australians are still working on what they would call the “true” history of this vast and dry continent. The Aboriginal history will relate tales of at least thirty thousand years of tribal life across the whole country (McGrath, 1995:168).

Any history that attempts to present the background to any particular part of the Australian rural sector must bring together both the story of Aboriginal use of that land and the arrival and spread of European settlers. This study, therefore, begins by briefly examining these two cultural backgrounds within the history of South West Queensland.

The meeting of the European and Aboriginal cultures was marked by violence and the virtual destruction of the Aboriginal lifestyle. Dutton (1985: 15) asserted the “brutal and basic” facts that the white settlement of Australia could only occur through the stealing of the land from the Aboriginal people. The reality for the Aboriginal occupiers was that to fight back resulted in death; they could be shot merely because they were there - men, women and children.

The early representatives of the Christian denominations offered little opposition to the destruction of Aboriginal society. The Pope drew this inactivity in the area of basic social justice to the attention of the Australian Catholic Bishops in 1868, when His Holiness reminded them of their duty to 58

the Australian Indigenous peoples (Prenzler, 1995:146). However even those settlers with only a tenuous link with Christianity recognised the positive influence that the Christian Church could exercise in the remote communities, and clergy who ventured into the new areas of white settlement were warmly welcomed (Breward, 1993:8).

Despite the determination of whites to occupy large areas of the land, European farming methods proved difficult to apply in the harsh Australian climate, while the remoteness from world markets and the lack of services and facilities provided more difficulties for the expanding rural population.

The extremes of climatic conditions encountered in Australia were to become part of the long-term challenge to European settlers wishing to farm the land. Australia’s climatic zones include the tropics, sub-tropics, temperate areas, and some colder zones. While some tropical areas record very high rainfall other areas experience low to very low rainfall with extensive areas of arid land.

Holmes (1993:2) described the division between the population along the narrow coastal strip of Australia and the inland rural population as “unparalleled in any other major nation”. Extrapolating from the Australian Bureau of Statistics data, Holmes draws attention to the fact that 86 per cent of the national population is confined to that narrow coastal strip. This means that in modern Australia 86 per cent of the population occupies less than 15 per cent of the land mass with the 14 per cent rural population spread across the remaining 85 per cent of the national land area.

THE ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF THE SOUTH WEST.

The emergence of tribal groupings within a given population has been a feature of the early history of the human species. The phenomenon is recorded in relation to most of the ancient ethnic traditions (Breasted, 1944: 131). In the Judeo-Christian tradition the famed Tower of Babel was constructed as a defiant gesture of a nomadic people against the power of the temple-tower of Babylon built by the occupants of the fertile crescent of Israel (Anderson, 1957:20). The nomadic people were convinced that the culture of the Fertile Crescent was one of rebellion against the will of

Yahweh. The myth of Yahweh’s reaction to the building of these towers leads to the concept of an act of divine retribution which “mixed up the language of all of the people, and from there he scattered them all over the earth” (Genesis 11:9). This scattering of the people was presented to the Jewish people as a means by which to explain the disintegration of the order and unity that their God had brought into existence during the creation of the world and of humanity (Anderson, 1957:7). The tribes of Israel, although now scattered, were bound by the belief in one God and presented an image of a tribal structure that stemmed from a single human race (Black and Rowley, 1962:186).

By contrast to the Jewish tradition, the Roman Empire accepted ethnicity but set about dismantling the traditional tribal structures and creating groups that would best serve the interests of the State. Town and ‘rustic’ tribes were created and by the year 241 B.C. there were thirty-five created groupings (Cary, 1949:924). Within this Roman tradition the tribes became a means by which the population could be subdivided for census purposes, for taxing and for electoral convenience.

Within the history of the Australian Aboriginal people the ‘tribe’ is described by a number of writers as the largest unit of social organisation (Tindale, 1974:30). From the family, family clans and hordes there emerged the tribal groupings. Each tribe could be recognised through the use of common speech and geographical boundaries (Broome, 1982:13). The tribes also reflected the groupings that were formed at times of war.

It has been argued however that, apart from the general definition based on geographical or linguistic associations, no firmer definition of the Aboriginal tribe is possible (Berndt & Berndt, 1978:10). Many Aboriginal languages contained no word that could describe such a grouping as a ‘tribe’ (Kirk, 1983:43).

Although there have been differing estimates regarding the number of Aboriginal tribal groupings the most widely accepted population parameter for each tribe is a maximum number of 500 persons. This is combined with a figure of between 500 and 600 tribes across the continent at the time of

European settlement (Berndt & Berndt, 1978:10).

Thus the Aboriginal population of Australia at the end of the eighteenth century has been conservatively estimated at about 300,000.

Within the area that has been defined in this study as South West Queensland, Tindale identified fifteen tribal groupings (Berndt & Berndt, 1964: 28-29). As will be discussed in this Chapter, Tindale could not be assumed to have achieved a high level of accuracy in his work but the number of tribes appears reasonable. The tribal areas described by Tindale are shown on Figure 5.1 and their definition by boundaries is outlined below –

Approx. Scale: 100 kms

’ANDA ARA ’PITJARA

’KARANDALA WADJALA *Charleville

S *Quilpie *Mitchell O *Roma U T ’WO KUMARA Yuleba* H ’PUNTHARAMA ’MANDANDANJI ’MARA’ ANJI ‘KUNJA *Surat A U ’KU GARI S ’TEREILA T *Thargomindah *Cunnamulla *St George

’BITJARA ’KALALI ’BADJIRI ’KOAMU

NEW SOUTH WALES Figure 5.1: TINDALE’S MAP OF ABORIGINAL TRIBES OF THE SOUTH WEST.

In the following list of tribal groups the names are given as they were pronounced while the spelling used by Tindale is shown in parentheses.

(a) Karendala ( karandala): located along Cooper Creek at Durham Downs: north to Mount Hewitt; east to the McGregor Range and then to near Eromanga. The region includes a total area of 7 800 square kilometres.

(b) Wongkumara ( wokumara): located along Cooper Creek east to the Wilson River at Nockatunga.This group ranged over an area of about 1 1700 square kilometers.

(c) Thereila ( tereila): located to the south of Nockatunga and to the Grey Range, a total area of some 7 300 square kilometres.

(d) Bitjara ( bitjara): located from Bulloo Downs north to Orient; east to Clyde; and south to Bulloo Lake flood plane; an estimated total area of 10 400 square kilometres.

(e) Puntharama ( puntharama): located along the creeks running east of the Grey Range from Orient to Thargomindah and to near to Quilpie. This included an area of 8 300 square kilometres.

(f) Ngandangara ( anda ara): located on the upper Wilson River north to Eromanga and south to Nockatunga; a total area comprising 2 500 square kilometers.

(g) Kalali ( kalali): located from East of Thargomindah and the Bulloo River and south to Orient, Clyde and Currawinya; an area of 9 900 square kilometres.

(h) Maranganji ( mara’ anji): located from Quilpie to Cheepie and to the Paroo River and Eulo. This area contains over 30 000 square kilometres. Tindale’s map duplicates his description of the area but his calculation of 2 100 square kilometres is apparently an error.

(i) Wadjalang (wadjala): located from the headwaters of the Bulloo and the Langlo Rivers from Quilpie to east of Blackall and Tambo. This constitutes an area of some 39 000 square kilometres.

(j) Pitjara ( pitjara): located from the headwaters of the Nogoa and Warrego Rivers south almost to Augathella and east to Chesterton. This area covers 16 600 square kilometres.

(k) Kunja ( kunja): located in the area bounded by Cunnamulla, Augathella, Cheepie and Morven. This area includes Charleville

and comprises some 31 200 square kilometres.

(l) Badjiri ( badjiri): located from Hungerford to Eulo and Cunnamulla but only a short distance to the west of the Paroo River. This area includes 10 700 square kilometres.

(m) Kunggari ( ku gari): located from Bollon north to Morven and Mungallala but possibly extended further east in more ancient times. The described area contains 21 300 square kilometres.

(n) Koamu ( koamu): located from south of St George to Hebel and west to Bollon and Nebine Creek. This area contains 15 600 square kilometres.

(o) Mandandanji ( mandandanji): located on the Maranoa and Balonne Rivers north of St George to Bollon and Yuleba. This was one of the large tribal areas, ranging over 40 000 square kilometres.

While Tindale undertook a mammoth task in his mapping of the Aboriginal tribes he readily acknowledged that it was not possible for the work to be totally accurate. In more recent times a great deal more work has been applied to the history of the various groupings. As this work is based on oral history, in the main there is always the possibility that the accuracy of such history will also be questioned. One local account of the South West region has been prepared by Aboriginal author Hazel McKellar who lived in the South West town of Cunnamulla (McKellar, 1981:10).

There are significant variations between Mackellar’s map and that presented by Tindale. Her map does not fully cover the area defined in this study as the South West. However the tribes she does discuss are shown in Figure 5.2 and the areas designated for each group are discussed below.

Approx. Scale: I 100 kms I

BUNTHAMARA *Charleville S *Quilpie KUNGGARRA *Mitchell O *Roma U MARDGANY Yuleba* H A WANGKUMARA *Surat U KOOMA S KULLILLA T *Thargomindah *Cunnamulla *St George BUDJARI KUNJA MURUWARI NEW SOUTH WALES Figure 5.2: McKELLAR’S MAP OF ABORIGINAL TRIBES OF THE SOUTH WEST.

(1) Kullilla. This group was located between the Wilson and Bulloo Rivers from Mt Margaret station and south to Nocundra.

(2) Mardgany. McKellar allocates the largest area to this group allowing from the Bulloo River in the west to the Paroo in the east and north from Eulo to north of Comogin.

(3) Bunthamara. This tribe is described as occupying the area west of the Mardgany tribe and to the north of the Kullilla tribe.

(4) Wangkumara. The area described for this group lies to the west and north-west of the Wilson River.

(5) Budjari. The boundary described for the Budjari runs along the Paroo River between Eulo and Hungerford and west to the lower Bulloo River.

(6) Kunja. This group is described by McKellar as occupying the land from the Warrego to the Paroo Rivers between Belalie Station in the north and Killowen in the south.

(7) Kooma. The boundaries for this group are given as running east to the

Warrego River and south of Bollon.

(8) Muruwari. This group is placed further to the south of the Kooma people and to the east of the Kunja tribe.

(9) Kunggarra. McKellar includes the Wyandra, Charleville and Morven areas with this boundary locating the group to the north of the Kooma tribe and to the east of the Mardgany people.

As an Aboriginal resident of the South West, McKellar has a very strong oral tradition to support her account and whichever list of tribes is used the population of the South West area at the time of European settlement must have been in the order of 7 000 or above. Because of the distance from the coast and the lack of reliable water the numbers may have been at the lower level of the average per tribe. But if 7 000 is reasonable then it still contrasts starkly with the 1991 census figures for the area (see Introduction) which record a total of 1 895 persons of Aboriginal descent (ABS 1991 Census). Across the continent the reduction in Aboriginal numbers was so dramatic following European settlement, that many writers believe that diseases introduced through the arrival of the Europeans were a significant factor.

Butlin (1983:64) developed a theory that begins by questioning the estimates of the Aboriginal population in 1788. He argued that the figure was much higher than is usually estimated. He bases this argument on the belief that smallpox wiped out large numbers of Aboriginal people. He went as far as to raise the possibility that Aboriginal people may have been deliberately infected in an attempt to destroy their race (Butlin, 1983:21).

Although Butlin’s theory had little empirical support, there was strong support for the more general proposition that the Aboriginal people had no resistance to introduced diseases (Berndt & Berndt, 1978:119). These diseases included small pox and venereal disease. Rowley (1972:7) emphasised the point that the Aboriginal people did not just fade away in face of the European invasion. Both Fitzgerald (1982:45) and Thorpe (1996: 87) described the confrontation between Aboriginals and Europeans as a war. They draw attention to the fact that by the time of the twentieth century

Queensland’s formerly large Aboriginal population had been decimated. This destruction of the Aboriginal people also brought to an end the hunting and gathering economy which had dominated pre-European land use in Queensland.

When Britain occupied the colony of New South Wales no provision was made for the Aboriginal population except that Governor Phillip was instructed to open discourse with them and to punish colonists who wantonly destroyed them or disturbed their occupations (Price, 1950:106). A century later there were still those, including people of influence in Queensland, who believed that the destruction of the Aboriginal race was the only answer to racial conflict. Fitzgerald (1982:219) cited an 1880 correspondent to the Queenslander as proposing that “the sooner we clear the weak and useless race the better”. The opinion of that correspondent apparently represented more widely held views. Reynolds (1987:56) referred to a comment attributed to the Norwegian scientist Karl Lumholtz, who was in Australia for several years in the 1880s, to the effect that Lumholtz had often heard the claim that “the country will never be what it might until the blacks are exterminated”. Reynolds also records a comment, from 1881, by a member of the Queensland Legislative Assembly to Duncan McNab, the Roman Catholic missionary, that “there was nothing for the Aboriginal but extermination”.

In the South West, as in other regions, Aboriginal resistance against the European invasion was ineffective. Concurrent with the reduction in the numbers of Aborigines came the erection of fences and the introduction of boundary riders to cement the dominance of the new arrivals (Price, 1950: 110).

By 1862 the young colony of Queensland had records of only a limited number of formal journeys of exploration that had covered parts of the South West. These included -

(a) the journeys of Leichhardt of which the final route remains a mystery (Bunce, 1979:viii);

(b) the journeys of Mitchell which covered the Maranoa, Warrego,

Belyando and upper Cooper Creek areas (Cannon, 1987:144);

(d) the journeys of Gregory which followed the routes of Mitchell and Kennedy (Finkel, 1970:104);

(e) the journeys of Landsborough who moved down from the north to the Langlo/Warrego junction and then between the areas now known as Charleville and Cunnamulla (Finkel, 1970:172).

The above references to the formal exploration of the South West are not to be taken as suggesting that those included above were the first Europeans to enter the area. Attention should also be given to the very early existence of squatters and stations throughout the region.

THE BUSH CULTURE AS PART OF THE WHITE NATIONAL IDENTITY.

The existence of these squatters throughout the South West indicated the pioneering spirit of the European settlers but also tended to create an idealised image of the bush life among the general colonial community. From this image there emerged the basis of an Australian bush culture.

The notion that a bush culture exists in Australia can only be accepted as valid if it is also accepted that persons can create their own realities, and therefore partly frame their culture, and not be merely the product of an innate form of natural reality over which they have no control.

Among those writers who have supported the existence of an Australian bush culture there has been a consistent range of factors upon which to base the evolution of this culture. Willis (1982:100) argued firstly for a specific Australian national identity for non-aboriginal people. He saw this identity or national consciousness arising from a set of factors that could not be exactly duplicated in any other nation or society. While he was not prepared to be adamant about the strength of the factors, he was determined that the national identity would, in the future, be modified by the effect each of us has in our own way.

One writer who holds strong views about the critical factor in the formation of the national identity is Geoffrey Blainey (Blainey, 1966:ix). He argued that the distance from the European scene is both the central and the unifying factor. In his view this distance represents a separation from European ideas, wars, markets, money and other formative influences.

The issue of distance from the European roots of culture is also central to the work of Charles Price (1991:5), who argued that many Australians feel no tie with any culture or view-point other than from an Australian perspective. Price sees a number of factors that can be allied with the physical distance from Europe. The factors include the change of environment from the Northern to the Southern Hemisphere, which includes the reversal of seasons, directions and the physical features of the landscape. They also include the climatic differences with the wide scale availability of activities in the sun and surf; the variations from tropical to cool-temperate conditions; the huge area of the country with land ranging from arid to fertile; the different animal species; and the different plant life. A further facet of the tyranny of distance, for Price, was that while the vast majority of non-Aboriginal Australians are Europeans, the main neighbours for Australia are Asian and Pacific peoples.

There is a sense in which the bush culture has been adopted by many urban dwellers in Australia. King suggests that Australians cling to the romantic myths that surround their pastoral beginnings (King, 1978:1). However, he contended that those romantic myths contain within them further mythology that cannot be supported by facts. Two examples of such myths cited by King are -

(a) That this nation was settled by noble pioneers. King argued that most settlers came in search of wealth, especially the influx of settlers at the time of the major gold rushes.

(b) That Australians formed a humanitarian society that gives everyone, including the Aborigine, a fair go. King pointed to the numerous massacres and cultural annihilations that combined to drastically reduce the number of full-blooded Aborigines as evidence of the falsity of this myth.

King also refers to the image of Australians, as portrayed by film makers, being that of the bronzed bushman. Despite this image, the reality is that the number of residents of rural communities continues to decline as a proportion of the national population and the bush cannot support many of those who would like to have a go at the rural lifestyle (King 1978:4).

The question as to the origin of this romantic image was raised by Davidson (1992:109), who claimed that Henry Lawson sought recognition for having given bush a capital ‘B’ through his well-known poetry. Lawson, Davidson claimed, set out to make a national type rather than only a bush type. It would be difficult to ascertain the extent to which Lawson influenced this move to a national identity that drew heavily on the bush images. Hodges (1997:3) preferred to argue that the stereotype of the ‘bushman’ emerged because it is a specifically Australian image arising from the pastoral industry. This industry, she claimed, had an influence on the whole community that was completely disproportionate to its numerical or economic strength.

There can be little dispute about the influence the early squatters exerted on the legislation before the early Queensland Parliament through groups like the ‘Darling Downs Bunch’ led by parliamentarian W.H. Groom. Bernays (1919:17) stated that “the political generals of the day were accustomed to take into their calculations how the ‘bunch’ were going to jump”.

Hodges’s argument is consistent with the conclusions reached through the extensive work of Russell Ward that created the basis for most subsequent debate about bush culture. Ward (1965:1-2) gave a detailed description of the bushmen upon whom the bush culture depended. His stereotype is described as: “being practical, rough and ready in his manners, quick to decry affectation, willing to have a go at anything but also willing to accept near enough as good enough”. He is capable of considerable exertion in an emergency but normally exhibits no great impulse to work hard. The bushman is further characterised by his ability to swear hard, gamble heavily and often and to drink heavily on occasions. He is stoical and taciturn but

quick to knock eminent people apart from sporting heroes who exhibit physical prowess. The bushman is sceptical about the value of religion or intellectual or cultural pursuits, resents officiousness and authority (especially when represented by police or military officers). He is fiercely independent but can be hospitable and will stick loyally to his mates through thick and thin. Dempsey (1992:13) described mateship as being related directly to the value country men place on physical courage, resourcefulness, toughness and independence. This independence gives way to group solidarity in face of adversity and loyalty to one’s mates is highly prized.

These images of the bush are certainly male dominated and Dempsey (1997:142) saw no other way out for the woman who does not accept this male culture than to move to the urban settlements. Dempsey described the concept of mateship as so firmly entrenched that its present momentum may well drive it forward indefinitely.

The high proportion of male settlers, along with the isolation and hardships of the South West, coupled with the outcome of more recent surveys on gender attitude, point to a culture of the region very similar to the bush culture described above (Park et al., 1990).

THE SOUTH WEST AS IT IS NOW UNDERSTOOD.

The South West of Queensland contains some 300,000 square kilometers of land (Harris, 1978:177) that is generally in the low and very low rainfall zones with some quite arid land in what has become known as ‘the border land’ in the western border areas. The region lies within the boundaries of 25 and 28 degrees of south latitude and 142 and 150 degrees of east longitude. The landscape is generally flat with some minor ranges including some which form part of the eastern highlands. Figure 5.3 illustrates the significant geographical features of the region.

Approx. Scale: I 100 kms I N

Blackwater Ck Chesterton Range Langlo River Nive River Great Dividing Coleman Range *

Charleville Range *Quilpie *Mitchell South McGregor Range Bulloo River Warrego River *Roma Cooper Ck Grey Range Maranoa River Aust *Surat Wilson River *Thargomindah Moonie R. * Cunnamulla St George* Balonne River NEW SOUTH WALES FIGURE 5.3: THE MAJOR TOPOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF SOUTH WEST QUEENSLAND.

The waterways were of great importance to the Aboriginal people who were able to make effective use of them even when the streams were not flowing. The European settlers had great hopes that the water would be adequate for their needs and the needs of their stock. However, unlike the rapid flowing, short streams of the coastal areas, these waterways were seldom flowing, were slow to disperse flood run-off when rain did occur and tended to spread over wide areas when in flood. The major system began in the east with the Condamine/Moonie system and includes the Maranoa, Warrego and Bulloo systems and to the far west, the Lake Eyre Basin systems of the Wilson River and the currently environmentally challenged Cooper Creek.

Politically, the South West region is divided into ten Local Government Areas that are located as shown on Figure 2:2. These municipalities are the Town of Roma and the Shires of Balonne, Bendemere, Booringa, Bulloo, Bungil, Murweh, Paroo, Quilpie and Waroo.

THE EMERGENCE OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT..

With the establishment of the new Queensland Parliament in 1859 the newly

elected members quickly earned the title of ‘roads and bridges’ members (Bernays, 1919:384). This title arose from the constant struggle between the members to obtain services in their individual electorates. The members perceived this struggle to be their primary, or only, role in the parliament. Bernays (1919: 384) recorded that the new parliament became congested with private members’ motions concerning local works.

The Queensland legislature moved quickly to establish another level of government, which would take the primary role in regard to local works and activities, although this new level was to remain subservient to the state level. The initial action was to amend the ‘Act for Establishing Municipal Institutions’ that had been inherited from the New South Wales parliament. The Municipal Acts Amendment Act of 1861 was designed to clarify the voting procedures as well as establishing a rate system for unoccupied land (Bernays, 1919:385).

A large number of amendments to the Municipal Act as well as new bills in relation to a number of functions assigned to local government were to follow. Of these acts the ‘Local Government Act’ of 1878 was perhaps the most fundamental in its relationship to future developments.

Premier Lilley, in July, 1869, placed a complex set of resolutions before the Queensland Parliament the effect of which was to describe in minute detail how he perceived local government developing throughout the state (Bernays, 1919:395). His resolutions were far reaching and perhaps too progressive for his time with regard to the extent to which he proposed to devolve power to local authorities. It was not too surprising that the parliament did not accept all these resolutions.

Despite this note of caution within the parliament, the move to empower local government was gathering momentum and could not be reversed. However, the path towards the establishment of councils was not without barriers. Some early municipalities failed in their financial management while others became so well established that there were fears at the state level that they may secede. Tucker records the data shown in Table 5.1 concerning the growth of local authorities through to 1916 (Tucker, 1991:75) -

TABLE 5.1: The Growth of Local Government Areas up to 1916.

PERIOD URBAN LOCAL RURAL LOCAL

AUTHORITIES AUTHORITIES

1859 to 1878 18 0

1878 to 1902 31 129

1902 to 1916 37 149

It will be evident from later discussion that state decisions, such as the development of transport systems, would be significant for local authorities. However, in broad terms, the communities of the South West have gained most of their profile through the activities and decisions of the local authorities. These local authorities are shown on Figure 5.4 and are described more fully in the following discussion.

Approx. Scale: I 100 kms I

MURWEH SHIRE BOORINGA SHIRE BUNGIL *Charleville SHIRE S *Quilpie *Mitchell O *Roma U QUILIE SHIRE Roma Town Council Yuleba* T H BENDEMERE SHIRE

WAROO SHIRE A *Surat U *Thargomindah S *Cunnamulla *St George T BULLOO SHIRE PAROO SHIRE BALONNE SHIRE NEW SOUTH WALES FIGURE 5.4: LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS OF THE SOUTH WEST. The contemporary structure of local government in the region tends to remain linked with the historical developments discussed previously. In the brief individual descriptions provided below, it will be noted that the Local Government Areas vary significantly in area, population, economic bases and social structures.

The whole of the region has suffered a decline in both actual population and proportionately to the total population of Queensland.

While local government in some other states has encompassed broader roles, in Queensland the focus has remained on roads, water and drainage. This focus on public works has, in the past, provided shire-based employment potential for non-farm workers. In the 1990s the introduction of competitive tendering requirements across all levels of government has meant that local government cannot be assured of obtaining the contracts for these public works projects. This economic change, coupled with many other financial and social pressures, places that future viability of some shires under question.

Town of Roma.

Both the municipalities of the Town of Roma and the Shire of Bungil share the history of the discovery of the same district. The major exploration occurred through Sir Thomas Mitchell. Mitchell approached from the west of the present township of Roma and was fascinated by a geographical feature that he named Mount Abundance. In recording his arrival at this site Mitchell gave a glowing account of the land surrounding this high area (Strachan, 1980:7) -

I ascended an elevated north-easterly extremity of Mount Abundance, and from it beheld the finest country I had ever seen in a primeval state - a champagne region, spotted with wood, stretching as far as human vision, or even the telescope could reach.

From Mount Abundance Mitchell moved to the north following the Warrego River to its origins. There he discovered the complex ranges and hills now known as the Carnarvons. Mitchell was so impressed with this discovery that he named the ranges the Salvator Rosa after the work of the 17th century Italian painter.

In so far as the future of the region was concerned, the major pioneering was in the hands of one Allan Macpherson, a settler from the Gwyder River area of New South Wales. In July 1847, Macpherson travelled north and established a 600 square mile holding which he named Mount Abundance (Strachan, 1980:7). In fact Macpherson was established there prior to further exploration of the region and was able to welcome Leichhardt when he travelled through in April, 1848.

The site for the town was selected further to the east when, in 1861, Thomas Reid constructed a shanty on the banks of Bungil Creek (Strachan, 1980:9). The name for the new town was given in honour of the wife of Governor Bowen. There was some dispute about the site following severe flooding in 1864 but the town had already been gazetted in 1862 and buildings were erected. The Post Office was moved from Mount Abundance to the new settlement in 1864 and Roma was linked to the telegraph line with

the opening of a telegraph station in 1866.

It was to be 1880 before the railway line reached Roma but the town then became the rail head for some years before the line was constructed to Mitchell and gradually further to the west.

As a municipality the town had a shaky start. In July, 1866 some 105 residents petitioned the state for the creation of a municipal authority and such an authority was gazetted on the Eleventh of August, 1866 (Strachan, 1980:12). There is little record of what occurred later except that the municipality lapsed in 1875 only to be regazetted in 1876.

Roma quickly developed as a centre for the South West. As a part of that development the spiritual needs of the area were responded to by the Church. The first Roman Catholic priest was appointed prior to 1870 with the Catholic Church being opened in 1874. The Anglican (Church of England then) adherents opened St Paul’s Church in 1875, a year after the license was issued to their first priest.

The first ‘free church’ established was a Congregational one that was taken over by the Methodists in the early 1880s although it was not until 1892 that a Methodist minister was appointed to the area. There was a Presbyterian congregation established prior to 1880.

Roma continued to serve as the major urban centre for the South West and became the service centre with many government and commercial activities having offices in the town. By 1980 the population was recorded as being 6 100. At the 1991 census that figure had risen to 6 752. The total land area of the town is 78 square kilometres.

The history of the Town of Roma is closely linked to that of the Shire of Bungil that will be discussed below.

Shire of Balonne.

The urban centre for the Shire of Balonne, St George, is located near the place used by the Aborigines as a natural crossing over the Balonne River. Thomas Mitchell and his party arrived at the crossing on St George’s Day, 23rd April 1846 and the name St Georges Bridge was bestowed on the site. It

was here that Kennedy and some of the party remained as a base camp when Mitchell continued to the north and west.

There were already some squatters along the lower Moonie River before Mitchell came to St Georges Bridge, so it was not long before his trail was followed into the area (Armstrong, 1968:11).

The first known government structure in the area was the border police post located some eight kilometres downstream from St George (Armstrong, 1968:36). There was fairly rapid settlement of the area and the township, and by 1864 there were five licensed hotels in the region. The other urban localities in the present shire are Thallon, Bollon, Hebel, Dirranbandi and Nindigully.

The region was first gazetted as the Ula Ula Divisional Board with the first meeting being held in St George on the 6th of February 1883. The name was changed to Balonne Shire in 1903.

It is of interest that no rail link was ever built to St George although agitation for such a link commenced as early as 1877. A number of possible routes were suggested and in 1916 it was officially announced that the line to Dirranbandi would be extended to St George. Despite that announcement the extension was never built (Queensland Railways Corporate History). The Cobb and Co. link to Yuleba was opened around 1880 and was continued until 1924.

The population of the shire had reached 1 763 by 1880. In 1966 it had grown to 5 871 after which some decline occurred, with the 1991 census showing 5 346 persons over an area of 31 130 square kilometres of mainly grazing lands. However in recent years the cotton production in irrigated areas around St George has become a significant feature.

Shire of Bendemere.

The most easterly shire to be included in the South West Statistical District is the Shire of Bendemere which has its urban centre in the small town of Yuleba. This town is located some 60 kilometres east of Roma and about 450 kilometres by road from Brisbane.

Bendemere is by far the smallest of the shires in the South West with an area of 3 946 square kilometres and a population at the 1991 census of only 1 125. During 1991-92 the natural increase in population was just four or 0.35 per cent.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics data also show that the principal agricultural activity is beef production, although there are mixed farms (grain/stock) in the area. The properties cover some 86 per cent of the total land area of the shire. Settlers moving west from the Darling Downs carried out the main exploration of the area. Stirling (1971:1-2) pointed out that, while Mitchell explored to the west of the Shire, only Leichhardt actually traversed it. The Prussian explorer travelled from the property of Matthew Soggs in the east through to Mitchells track in the west during August and September 1847.

Bendemere was only proclaimed as a Shire on the 12th January, 1911, when it was created by the excision of parts of each of the Shires of Bungil, Murilla and Warroo. The shire has very few services, with no in- patient hospital provision, no non-government schools, no non-agricultural industry and only two small urban communities, at Yuleba and at Wallumbilla. However Yuleba played an important role for some years as the railhead for both Surat and St George as well as the connecting point for Cobb and Co. coaches.

In the progressive revision of local authority areas in Queensland there may be some doubt concerning the future viability of Bendemere, which has suffered a 29 per cent population loss in the past 40 years (Stirling, 1971:47).

Shire of Booringa.

The Shire of Booringa lies to the west of the Town of Roma and Bungil Shire, and east of the Murweh Shire. It is centred on the town of Mitchell and includes the small urban communities of Amby and Mungallala. The town of Mitchell is 87 kilometres by road from Roma.

The 1991 census data recorded a shire population of 2 151 over an area of 27 908 square kilometres. As with Bendemere Shire, the early 78

exploration of this area was mainly at the hands of one official explorer, in this case Sir Thomas Mitchell. In 1846 Mitchell travelled north from St Georges Bridge and subsequently followed the Maranoa River south. In both his northerly and southerly journeys Mitchell was highly impressed with the country that he saw.

Settlement of the region commenced with the establishment of ‘Amby’ station prior to 1856 by a squatter who was also named Thomas Mitchell (Tiller, 1973:1-2). The town of Mitchell lies on the western transport route with both the major road and rail corridors passing through it. The railway extension west from Roma reached Mitchell in 1883.

Tiller reported the shire population in 1973 as being 3 000, which means that there had been a 28 per cent decrease in the 18 years to the 1991 figure quoted above. There was a natural increase for the 1991-92 year of only 0.6 per cent but there have also been significant departures from the rural area.

This shire covers a total area of 27 908 square kilometres of which the majority is used as grazing land, with some properties also used for grain production.

The Bureau of Statistics information indicates only minor commercial activity and one hospital, with most services having to be accessed at Roma.

The future viability of this shire, with its decreasing population and limited economic base, was a consideration in this study.

Shire of Bulloo.

The Bulloo Division was originally gazetted on the 3rd of June 1880 with its headquarters in the town of Thargomindah (Bulloo Shire, 1980:3). The region around Thargomindah was along the path created by Burke and Wills in 1860, when they followed the Bulloo River. Settlers followed close behind these explorers and the station of Bulloo Downs was opened in 1864. Further properties were established and the town site on the Bulloo was gazetted on the 31st of December, 1874. As well as this town of Thargomindah the

original Division included Hungerford, Nocundra, Toompine, Adavale and Eromanga. The last two towns became part of the Adavale Shire and subsequently the Quilpie Shire.

When the railway reached Cunnamulla there was great expectation that it would be continued to Thargomindah. Despite significant lobbying this did not occur and the eventual rail link to Quilpie meant the end of Thargomindah as the transport centre for the far South West (Bulloo Shire, 1980:84).

In 1891 the population of Thargomindah was recorded as 338 and that of the total division as 2 229. There is evidence of a continuing decline in the population from that at the turn of the century. At the 1991 census, the Shire of Bulloo contained only 559 persons and had a vast area of 73 362 square kilometres containing only 34 listed properties.

The shire has no industry other than grazing and most services have to be accessed at other centres.

Shire of Bungil.

The Bungil Shire was declared as the Bungil Divisional Council on the 21st of May, 1880. The name for the area was derived from an Aboriginal term Boo Nga Gil which has been translated as “grass with water” (Strachan, 1980:58).

The Shire Centre is at Roma but the smaller urban areas of Injune and Muckadilla are also part of this shire.

Although the 13 294 square kilometre area of the shire is largely utilised for grazing land, there has been an increase in the number of grain properties. The 1991 census showed 51 grain or mixed ventures along with 233 beef holdings.

There has been no other industrial development in the shire which had a total population in 1991 of 2 085. The natural increase for 1991-92 was just 0.4 per cent so that families leaving the area have created a net loss in population (Murweh Shire, 1980:4).

The early exploration and historical development of the shire has already been described in relation to the history of the town of Roma.

Generally, residents of the shire have to access services in Roma.

Shire of Murweh.

Under the Municipal Corporation Acts of 1858-1864 local authorities could only be established if the residents petitioned the government of the day. However the Divisional Boards Act of 1879 provided for the establishment, by government decree, of a local authority in any area (Murweh Shire, 1980:3).

The Murweh Shire was proclaimed as a part of the 1879 Act and the first meeting of the Murweh Divisional Board was held at Charleville on the 27th March, 1880.

The shire has three urban localities at Charleville, Morven and Augathella with a total land area of 27 125 square kilometres (Wagner, 1991: 17).

The town of Charleville emerged in 1866 as a result of settlers being forced westward because of a severe drought in the Roma district. The “Queensland Times” of the 20th August, 1868 noted that Charleville consisted of four buildings: “Two public houses, one of which is closed, a store which is sold and the purchaser missing, and a small humpy occupied by a much respected and energetic blacksmith”. (Western Times, 1988:11)

Despite this rather cynical view of the ‘town’ the western railway was pushed out until it reached Charleville in 1888. It was recorded that a government surveyor took one week to travel from Roma to Cunnamulla in early 1881 while surveying a possible route for the railway (Wagner, 1991: 11). He reported favourably on a route and the construction of the line was supported in parliament. However the construction did not commence for some years. The eventual construction did make Charleville an important junction town with the lines moving on to both Cunnamulla and Quilpie.

The 1991 census data showed a shire population of 5 855 and a small natural increase of one per cent during the 1991-92 year. However, as will be

discussed further, the decline in the rural sector has meant a number of families moving out of the shire. The basic industry is that of grazing with sheep being a little more popular than cattle.

The town of Charleville has a base for the Royal Flying Doctor Service and is the shire centre for health, welfare and community services for much of the South West.

In more recent times flooding in 1990 and 1997 along the Langlo, Nive and Warrego Rivers drew attention to the towns of Charleville and Augathella and to the South West in general. The passenger rail services to Quilpie and Cunnamulla were discontinued in mid 1994 although public reaction forced the State Government to retain these rail links with Charleville for goods services.

Shire of Paroo.

In common with much of the region the Shire of Paroo lies along the route taken by Sir Thomas Mitchell, who passed through this area in 1846. During 1847, Kennedy also moved through the region, but the most intensive exploration was carried out by William Landsborough in 1862, when he moved down the Albert, Thompson and Barcoo Rivers to reach the Warrego (Blake, 1979:5).

However, settlers reached the area before the arrival of Landsborough with the Coongoola Station on the Warrego established prior to 1862.

The shire centre of Cunnamulla was established beside a water hole in the early 1860s (Blake, 1979:31). By the mid 1860s a homestead, woolshed and stockyards marked the location.

The railway was extended from Charleville and reached Cunnamulla in 1898 (Blake, 1979:37). Another urban location in the shire emerged at Wyandra at the mid-point for the rail construction. The third urban location developed on the road west from Cunnamulla at the site of a good water hole and was named Eulo.

The shire sprawls over 47 633 square kilometres of mainly sheep grazing country and, in 1991, had a population of only 2 667. With families

moving off the land, and a natural increase of only just over one per cent in 1991-92, there has been a gradual decrease in population.

Further attention will be given to the ‘Mulga Report’ of 1993, which has influenced the policies of the Queensland Government for this area.

Shire of Quilpie.

The Shire of Quilpie was not established until 1930, when the centre was relocated from Adavale and the shire redesignated (Quilpie Shire, 1980). The urban localities within the shire are Eromanga, Adavale, Cheepie and Quilpie, with the largest, Quilpie, having a population of just over 700.

The town of Quilpie is located on the Bulloo River and Donald Angus, a teamster, is reported to have seen an Aboriginal camp at the site in 1884 (Quilpie Shire, 1980). The town is a service centre and railhead for much of the far South West of the state and recent oil discoveries in the Eromanga region may add to the future prospects of the shire.

The 1991 census data indicate that the shire had a population of 1 397 and a total land area of 67 961 square kilometres. The information sheet produced by the shire indicates that by 1994 there had been a decrease in population to 1,380.

An attempt by the state government in 1993 to close the rail link to Charleville could have meant a further decline in population. However the line currently remains open. Apart from the exploration for oil mentioned above, the only major commercial activity in the shire is sheep grazing coupled with some beef production.

Shire of Warroo.

As with Bendemere Shire, the Shire of Warroo is placed in proximity to the Darling Downs and its settlement was directly influenced by the need of settlers to spread further west.

The shire centre is the town of Surat which is the only significant town within the shire. Surat is located some 75 kilometres by road south of Roma and 120 kilometres north-west of St George.

Beal (1971:1) reported that the area which now constitutes the Warroo Shire was traversed by three of the official explorers. Sir Thomas Mitchell travelled north across the Darling and then up the Culgoa and Balonne Rivers in 1846. He was followed by Leichhardt in 1847, who covered most of the area while searching for Mitchells track. Then Gregory, in 1858, searched for Leichhardt’s route through the area.

Warroo was originally part of the Maranoa Pastoral District which was proclaimed in 1848.

Settlement of the town of Surat commenced early in the 1850s and by 1856 a Post Office, Lands Office and Police Station were in existence. The population at the time of the 1966 census was 1 572, which had decreased to 1 205 by the 1991 census. The total land area for the shire is 13 649 square kilometres, of which the majority is committed to primary production. The most common use is for grazing but some grain crops are now being produced.

There is a small hospital in Surat but most services are sought from Roma or St George.

With the continuing problems for the rural sector the population of the shire is likely to continue to decline which raise questions concerning the viability of a local government structure where the population is less than one person to ten square kilometres.

THE INFLUENCE OF GOVERNMENT DECISIONS AND POLICIES.

The overall development and growth of the urban and rural settlement of the South West could not have occurred without a range of relevant political decisions by both the New South Wales Parliament and the new Parliament of Queensland. For example, the decisions concerning the establishment and operation of railways and the creation of local government areas were both closely related to the emergence and nature of western communities. At the same time the railways promoted the development of primary industry both by the supply of goods and the transport of products.

The initial decisions concerning New South Wales emanated from the British Parliament. Then came the New South Wales Parliament which was responsible for the whole of the colony. From 1859, the Queensland Parliament was the source of decisions for the South West region of Queensland. In this discussion, the role of each of these bodies should be recognised. In the years following 1901 it is also necessary to consider the role of the Australian Government as well as the State. The additional tier of local government also became important after its creation through Queensland legislation. However, as local government was compelled to operate within State-set parameters, most policy issues remained at the State level.

This section of the study indicates strategic policies and actions of governments which directly impinged on the South West. It is not presented as an historical account of all Acts implemented but only as an overview of those most relevant to the period prior to separation from New South Wales and during the formative years of the colony of Queensland.

The moves towards separation from New South Wales were largely based on perceived inadequacies in the representation available in Sydney and significant disagreements over the use of convict labour (Clark, 1980: 135). Under clause 34 of the Australian Colonies Government Act of the fifth of August, 1850, Queen Victoria was empowered to create a new colony northward of 30 degrees South Latitude upon the petition of householders in that area. Those who took part in meetings at Drayton on the 23rd of July, 1850 and in Brisbane on the eighth of January, 1851 came from an area starting at the McCleay River. The movement for separation became dominated by the needs of graziers who wanted convict labour.

When created the new Queensland Legislative Assembly consisted of representatives from 16 electoral districts, of which three had three members, four had two members and nine had only one member. There was universal manhood suffrage but the result was plural voting and unequal representation (Clark, 1980:138). Pike comments that the members were mostly from the bush and this was to become a point of contention with the urban dwellers

and the free settlers (Pike, 1978:71).

It was inevitable that this bush-dominated Parliament would turn its focus onto the issues of immediate relevance to the squatters. The early activities of the Parliament will be described below, but it is of significance that the drive to develop the non-urban sector almost destroyed the new colony. By 1866 Queensland was bankrupt. Again Pike (1978:193) commented that the Parliament spent its energies on issues outside Brisbane with no concern whatever for the rights of the Aboriginals who, Pike claimed, had no more land rights than the kangaroos. There was reckless spending on roads, harbours, telegraphs and the building of the Ipswich to Toowoomba railway. The financial difficulties originated when the London bank of Agra and Masterton collapsed through the pressures of the Crimean and American Civil wars and problems in India. The colony had negotiated a one million pound loan which could not be provided. An attempt to create the colony’s own currency (the ‘greenback’) resulted in riots and the threatened disintegration of the colony (Pike, 1978:194). Despite the crisis which arose, and the fact that the colony’s economic base was only saved through the discovery of gold, it remains true that the early concentration of the Queensland Parliament was on rural issues.

There were also huge trading problems for the grazing industry. As Pike (1978:195) described -many lived on their own mutton and beef and whatever they could grow. The Anning family, typical of others, lived on pumpkins, sweet potatoes and corn. They made a kind of coffee out of ground-roasted maize and for sugar they used honey. Ezra Firth was not the only pioneer to walk barefooted behind his team because he could not afford four shillings to buy boots.

The movement of the European settlers into the South West has been described earlier and attention has been given to the significant decisions of the British Parliament in regard to the Australian wool product. The effect of those decisions was to accelerate the spread of grazing areas, including those central to this study.

It is not surprising that Cameron (1989:4) noted that in the first

census following separation, 1861, there were 3,449,350 sheep in the colony compared with 432,890 cattle and just 30,059 people (which did not include Aborigines). Only 1,358 hectares of land were under cultivation, a factor which has been partly attributed to the lack of farming skills among the immigrants being recruited from Britain. These new arrivals preferred to congregate in the coastal urban areas despite concerted efforts by the Queensland Parliament to expand the available land source both northwards along the coast and into the western regions.

However the decisions to construct railways and the construction carried out during the 1880s and 1890s opened up additional land which, with transport available, became more attractive for settlers. By 1900 the area under cultivation had increased to 185 000 hectares (Fitzgerald, 1982: 125). This area was still small by comparison to the present situation.

Political decisions relating to the use of the land in the South West were fundamental to the spread of the European settlers and to the nature of their activities. As Cameron (1989:16) records, there were many active pastoral holdings in the South West by the 1860s and these were spread as far as Quilpie and Windorah.

A review of the relevant Queensland Land Acts during the period from 1859 until the Soldier Settlements following World War 1, as detailed by Bernays, reveals a number of decisions which require some attention. However, before examining those issues, it is essential to recognise that the initial incursions into the South West pre-dated separation. The effect of the earlier settlement was to present the new colony with a set of conflicts between squatters and settlers and between graziers and agriculturalists, which were based on legislative inadequacies of the British and New South Wales Parliaments. Governor Bowen is quoted as stating that the conflicts between pastoral and agricultural interests would be settled within the time span of the first Queensland Parliament. A public servant of the same era is cited as the source of a comment that the experience in other countries suggested that land policy would not be settled until the third or later sessions of Parliament (Bernays, 1919:308).

Bowen, however, was determined to achieve as much as possible and the first session of the new Parliament attempted to deal with four different land issues. The primary Act to be presented was a large piece of legislation containing 35 sections which was entitled ‘An Act for Regulating the Occupation of Crown Lands in Unsettled Districts’. This Act made provision for the appointment of Land Commissioners in each of the districts created and also provided specifications for land allocations. The title of Land Commissioner was perpetuated until the early 1990s, during the review of Departments within the Queensland Government. The Act itself provided for blocks from 25 to 100 square miles which were to be rectangular (but as near to square as possible) and to be surveyed with east/west and north/south boundaries. It also determined rental, stocking conditions and forfeiture arrangements for the blocks.

The second of the Acts recognised the land occupation which had occurred under the New South Wales Parliament’s authority. The Act provided for a mechanism by which these occupied lands could be identified and brought under the same conditions of lease as other crown land over a period of time. It was entitled the ‘Occupied Crown Lands Leasing Act, 1860’.

Under an Order in Council of the New South Wales Parliament in 1847, tenders had been called and opened for the occupation of blocks. The third of the Queensland Acts provided for the granting of fourteen-year leases for the blocks under tender at similar rental conditions as those applying to other crown land leases in Queensland. Thus the third Act was titled the ‘Tenders for Crown Lands Act. 1860’.

The fourth Act was the ‘Crown Lands Alienation Act, 1860’ and it set out to make crown land available for sale as urban blocks, public reserves and agricultural reserves. Under this Act any person, other than a minor or a married woman, could purchase from 30 to 320 hectares at one shilling and a shilling per hectare under certain provisions. “The ‘swell coves’ who were able to work runs with lots of hands were about to be challenged by men who only had the labour of their own hands and the hands of their wives and

children” (Bernays, 1919:20). In some ways this Act created a base for the ‘family farm’, a feature of Australian agriculture strongly defended in contemporary debates concerning the future of primary industries in Australia.

These Acts meant that the first session of Parliament had introduced legislation which laid the foundation for pastoral leaseholds, recognised the undertakings of the New South Wales Parliament, and provided for the inclusion of land occupied by squatters and for the sale of land in urban and country areas. This represented an enormous legislative task for which Premier Herbert and Treasurer Robert Ramsay McKenzie deserve some credit. In general, the four Acts dealt satisfactorily with the position at the time even though the fourth was to prove inadequate to prevent speculative land deals which exploited the intention of the provision of saleable sections of land.

In the period leading up to the end of the First World War, the first 60 years of the Queensland Parliament, there were presented in excess of 60 acts dealing with land. Some were rejected, a number were not returned to the lower house from the Legislative Council while others were subject to subsequent amendment. The Acts which were passed dealt with changes to the original four Acts, the issues caused by the gold rushes, the prickly pear outbreak, land revenues and the concept of soldier settlements.

The very comprehensive Land Act of 1910 consolidated the work of an array of Acts and Amendments from the first 50 years. However further Acts such as the Discharged Soldiers Settlement Act of 1917 resulted in a further need for consolidation. This occurred through the Lands Act Amendment Act of 1919.

Under the various Acts and Amendments the pastoral lands of the South West had been defined, leases and terms established and freehold availability clarified. In addition provision was made for the new category of grazing farm, as distinct from the separate original categories of pastoral and agricultural.

There can be little doubt that one of the most intrusive decisions was

to introduce the concept of blocks for the resettlement of servicemen from the First World War. Johnston (1988:205) cites Queensland Parliamentary Papers in relation to comments by the Wool Advisory Commission made in 1939. The Commission stated that the subdivision of land for the settlement program was based on wrong predictions. The blocks created were too small for economic viability and further, it was claimed, this had contributed to the decline in profitability throughout the entire grazing industry.

The Discharged Soldiers Settlement Act of 1917 gave the Government the power to acquire land in order to make it available to either discharged soldiers or to soldiers still on active service (Bernays, 1919:337). The motivation for the action by Parliament was understandable but the scheme was poorly considered and created many ongoing problems.

Following World War 11 the Australian Ministry for Post-War Reconstruction, in its newsletter ‘Change Over’ (1946:4), criticised the Soldier Settlement scheme post World War 1 with these words -

Land settlement after the 1914-18 war resulted in financial loss, disillusionment and bitterness for thousands of Australians. The main reasons for its failure appear to have been the use of unsuitable land in marginal areas; the excessive prices paid for land; the inexperience of the settlers; the unimproved blocks on which they were placed and, generally, the lack of any scientific research on which the scheme could be based. In addition a very strong cause for failure was the critical public opinion which forced the Government of the day to put its scheme into operation before it was ready. The announcement from the Department also indicated plans to avoid these traps in the post second world war settlements. The extent to which such traps were avoidable will be discussed further in this study.

CONSERVATION QUESTIONS IN RELATION TO THE CLOSER SETTLEMENT OF THE REGION.

The material presented in this chapter has included a discussion surrounding issues of general application to the Australian rural sector. At the same time these general issues are also of specific relevance to the South West region.

In a similar way the development of closer settlement in many areas

of the continent also has specific applicability to the region under consideration. Attention has been drawn to the difficulties associated with Soldier Settlements earlier in this study. However the subdivisions that took place after both world wars are only indicative of a larger problem of closer settlement throughout the South West.

The European settlers in this region introduced the primary change in settlement patterns as they replaced the semi-nomadic Aboriginal groupings with static settlement and expectations of productivity over an extended use of the same land. These European settlers introduced exotic animals to the land and began the pressure on the environment which resulted from the change in grazing styles. However, some writers would argue that the pressure may have been instigated by the fire clearing carried out by the Aborigines (Pyne, 1991:82).

With the establishment of rural townships and the growing transport system, a further pressure was created. Armstrong (1970:xiv) records that it “was commonly understood that it was a futile business taking stock hundreds of miles” beyond established settlements. Not only did it become a threat to profitability to over extend the travelling distance but it also left the stock “vulnerable to attacks by blacks”. Therefore the squatters claimed land as close as possible to the rural towns and transport routes.

The trend towards closer rural settlement in most countries has been closely linked with economic realities such as those to which Armstrong has referred. Chisholm (1968:101) stated the general proposition that in most countries the better land is used for crop production, leaving the less productive soils for the grazing of animals. He especially notes that the major population in Australia is clustered along a narrow coastal strip leaving the arid inland more sparsely occupied.

However the use of artesian bores and the felling of the mulga created a sense of achievement in those arid areas. When this sense was coupled with the economic returns for wool and beef production, the closer settlement of even the most inland section of the South West became viewed as providing viable grazing potential.

Rural industry, in common with most commercial ventures, aims to achieve the best relationship between production costs and market returns. Economies of scale can be determined by the finding of the optimum average unit cost that can be achieved (Whitby et al., 1974:166). For example, in wool production the determination of optimum unit profitability per bale of wool may involve calculations concerning the cost of labour, water costs, expenses in clearing contaminants such as burrs, together with transport and storage costs as well as local rates and charges. These costs, measured against the quality and therefore the value per bale of wool, can be used to plot an economic pattern and to demonstrate the appropriate stock numbers and the size of the property. Clearly the result of such calculations can be changed significantly when the market price for wool varies or when costs for water, fodder or transport alter. In the 1950s wool prices enabled sheep growers to achieve high returns from their land but subsequent economic and weather conditions meant that many properties became nonviable.

Environmental concerns have frequently been presented as being in conflict with the economics of primary production. Whitby et al., (1974: 112-113) define a resource (in economic terms) as “an entity that can generate production for which there is some demand” and also emphasise the point that “the resource only has value because there is a demand for what it will produce”.

One aspect of a more general community awareness of conservation issues discussed by Egan and Connor (1994:144) concerns the increased pressure from consumers. This pressure is in the form of a community demand for products from farms which have more desirable environmental aspects, use fewer chemical pesticides and fertilisers and are more hum ane to animals. Egan and Connor argue that it is the need for a balance between economic needs and acceptable environmental practices which concerns most people

Gilpin (1980:8) goes on to perceive conservation to be a subject for positive, rather than negative, social debate. He argued for a move from exploitation of resources, for immediate gains, to the assessment of the

longer-term sustainable human existence which may be possible if the exploitation is curtailed.

Later, Gilpin (1980:119) goes on to argue that Australia has no shortage of land for most of its needs and that the question is not supply of land but the preservation of the land, flora and fauna and the aesthetic value of our environment.

Earlier in this Chapter, the South West Mulga land provided an example of how the Aboriginal use of the Mulga preserved the ecology of the area while the European grazing practices cause degradation.

In the eastern portion of the region, where crop production has become common, there is also a recognition that farm holdings are often too small now to be viable. Again the amalgamation of properties has led to decreased settlement in some areas.

Many outcomes of over settlement are discovered through economic realities but it is more difficult to bring about settlement changes when the issues are presented on environmental grounds.

Prior to the 1995 Queensland State election, the issue of tree felling became one of the more hotly debated issues. It may well have been that the reaction of primary producers to proposed legislation was heightened by a perceived lack of communication with the Government but the issue of the removal of forests in Queensland has long been contentious. In the past, State Governments have shown a reluctance to take action aimed at the protection of trees and forests. Lines (1991:183) pointed out that until more recent years State Forest protection was limited to areas that were “generally rugged and infertile, which proved impractical for land survey and settlement”. He also refers to the outcome of the 1931 Royal Commission in Queensland appointed to consider forest boundaries and development. The commissioners determined that the state’s ‘productive wealth’ was affected through the existence of too many trees and not through any lack of forests.

This attitude to trees was attacked more vehemently by Ehrlich and Ehrlich (1990:117) who used the example of Queensland’s tropical forests being destroyed without regard for world opinion. 93

The conflicts between development in rural industry and environmental concerns will be explored further, particularly in regard to the consideration of the sustainable future for the human population within the region.

THE RAILWAYS. Alongside of decisions concerning land use, the need for transport stood as an equally crucial issue in the emergence of the South West region. As has been noted in references to the opening up of the area and the development of Local Government Areas, the railway was a major feature of the transport system. The introduction of railways into Australia came amazingly quickly after the first rails were laid in Britain. There was a clear belief that the railways would make the transport of goods up country, and the carriage of produce from the country, more rapid and more economic.

The Governor of Victoria, opening the railway to Beechworth, claimed that the railways would do for commerce what the printing press had done for learning and literature (Clark, 1980:338).

For some people the railways presented a golden means of creating one nation, but the reality was that friction between the colonies became a major hindrance in the establishment of a rail network.

However, wherever railways extended some of what the European settlers understood as civilisation quickly emerged - hotels, Police Stations, Courts, newspapers and mail services.

Fitzgerald (1982:268) suggests that the major motivation for the development of the Queensland rail system was regional and inter-town rivalry. However, the thrust into the region was also a response to the movement of the settlers and the availability of wool and livestock as cargo. One temporary delay in the spread of the system was the introduction of the Railway Border Tax in 1893 (Henderson, 1986:243). The debate around that Bill almost brought down the Government, but the issue was resolved with the coming of Federation.

McGavin (1980:3) illustrated the value of the expansion of the railway in the South West by calculating that, within one year of the opening 94

of an extension, the sheep population increased by 2 878 per mile of track laid. Unfortunately, severe drought at the time of the extension to Charleville made it impossible for McGavin to achieve consistent figures for the whole network.

Figure 5.5 below illustrates the development of the railway system in the South West as described by Cameron (1989:41-43).

Construction prior to 1900 . Construction after 1900

*Quilpie *Charleville *Injune

SOUTH *Mitchell

AUST. *Roma

YULEBA* *Thargomindah * Cunnamulla St George*

NEW SOUTH WALES

FIGURE 5.5: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE RAILWAY SYSTEM IN SOUTH WEST QUEENSLAND.

During the 20th Century there had been a downturn in the use of rail services and some lines had closed while others remain under threat of closure. This occurred against the background of improved road systems and air services. More recently the push for new services such as the Melbourne to Darwin route via Queensland has again brought the focus on rail transport for the inland.

THE PLACE OF THE CHURCH IN THE HISTORY OF THE SOUTH WEST.

While it may be argued that religious decisions were not as significant as those of a political nature there are some points at which the two are difficult to separate. The migrants who came to Australia either as convicts or as free settlers brought with them beliefs and attitudes about the nature of their

community which in turn influenced political decisions. There were also conflicts between the politicians which were based on religious differences and, for example, in the case of the competitive promotion of migration between Bishop Quinn of the Catholic Church and the Presbyterian, Dr. Lang, which created specific subgroups among the European settlers in the colony.

It needs to be stressed that this discussion of European religious issues does not imply that the Aboriginal population did not have spiritual values and systems. It is clear that the Aboriginal people were a very spiritual race and that the famous sociology of religion formulated by Durkheim largely arose from his contact with the Aboriginal people (Breward, 1993:2). The European invasion was as intrusive in respect of religious practice as in any other aspect of its impact. Particular attention is directed to the role that the Church has played in the development of the South West from the beginning of European settlement.

Like farming methods and family lifestyles, the religious practices of the European settlers were based on a non-Australian society and history. However, beliefs are both intrinsically and objectively significant to both individuals and groups within any society. In the new and often hostile environment of Australia some aspects of the ‘old world’ provided a sense of continuity and connectedness, giving a form of security to the settlers. One of those aspects was religious observance or practice.

Although there was active recruitment of settlers by some religious leaders there was little evidence that they presented any theological concepts relating to the development or maintenance of agricultural land. The issue of responsibility for the environment was in evidence in both the Old and New Testaments of the Bible and the Church in the new colony had every opportunity to influence thinking about the sustainable use of land settled for primary production.

There were, and still are, a range of philosophical approaches to the environment which have been ascribed to the Christian tradition. In describing these approaches Attfield (1983:201-230) argued that while some

Christians have certainly believed that all creation was for the use of mankind and that, therefore, man is able to assume domination, the Scriptures do not support that philosophy. Attfield believes that the “tradition which advocates co-operation with nature” has held a steady place among Christians who have wanted to enhance Earth’s beauty and to glorify God.

Christian thought has largely been polarised into two streams: that which sees humankind as dominant over all creation and that which sees humankind as stewards of the creation. Green (1993:111) pointed out that the domination theory places great emphasis on Genesis 1:28, which directs man to replenish the earth and to subdue it. Green also pointed to Genesis for the origin of the stewardship theory. In Genesis 2:15 it is stated that God places Adam in the garden to dress it and keep it (Good News Bible, 1976:5).

The international Anglican community has now formally accepted a clear statement on stewardship – “All creation is of God and as part of creation we are given specific tasks of responsibility and faithful stewardship of all that is” (Berry, 1993:263). Such a view, though, was not evident at the time of the settlement of South West Queensland and is still a view disputed by many theologians.

The denominational groupings evident in Queensland were also a product of the nature of the employment of individuals and the part of Britain from which they had emigrated. For example, the Welsh were more likely to be Congregationalist, the Scottish settlers more likely to be Presbyterian and the Irish more likely to be Roman Catholic. In relation to employment the miners were more likely to be either Welsh Congregationalist or English Methodist. The colony also had settlers of German descent, who were linked in the main to the Lutheran and Baptist churches. Some geographical areas were also populated by settlers encouraged either by Lang or by Quinn and their religious groupings reflected this background.

With specific regard to the South West of Queensland the major denominations associated with the early years of European expansion were the Church of England, Roman Catholic, Presbyterian and Methodist groups, apart from a very early ‘Free Congregational’ group in Roma.

The situation did not alter much over the years although it may be noted that some Pentecostal groups have emerged, along with some Baptist, Church of Christ and Salvation Army congregations. All of the Methodist congregations became part of the Uniting Church in Australia in 1977.

It is therefore the four major denominations which are included in the following discussion of the influence of the Church during the early years of settlement.

The Presbyterian Church.

In addition to Dr J.D. Lang’s tireless work at the political level as a member of the New South Wales Parliament from 1843 and as the proponent of the new colony of Queensland, he is also acknowledged as the founder of the Presbyterian presence in Queensland. He was responsible for the establishment of a mission situated at Zion Hill near Nundah which became the base from which further Presbyterian congregations developed (Bardon, 1949:13).

The most rapid expansion for the Presbyterians was onto the Darling Downs and northward along the coastline. However there was also development further to the west.

Bardon (1949:222-255) traces the history of those developments in his history of the denomination covering the century from 1849 to 1949. The Charleville Presbyterian congregation emerged in 1892, just four years after the railway had reached that community. This congregation established further groups in Adavale, Morven and Augathella.

To the south it was not until 1929 that a congregation was formed in Cunnamulla and it ceased to operate by 1940.

Just how early activity commenced in Roma is unclear, as Bardon reports that an attempt was made to re-occupy that charge in 1879 but is unable to identify what had occurred prior to this time. An equally early start was evident at St George, where a Presbyterian church was in existence early in the 1870s.

Arguably the most significant move by the Presbyterians in relation

to the remote western areas was the establishment of the Australian Inland Mission. The A.I.M. was under the leadership of the Rev. John Flynn and included the areas to the west of the Charleville Charge. Flynn held a great concern for the European settlers of the more remote inland areas and convinced the National Assembly of his denomination to support a specific mission for those people. His particular dream was the establishment of a ‘mantle of safety’ over the inland, which would provide services not otherwise available.

This vision of Flynn’s took shape in the creation of the Flying Doctor Service. McKenzie (1990:vi) indicated that John Flynn saw the challenge of the inland as the providing of an opportunity to “Australianise” Christianity. This was no small task either theologically or practically and his mantle of safety has been described as being constructed on the backs of camels, horses, buckboards, utility trucks and finally airplanes.

An essential adjunct to this service was the provision of a communication system. During the 1920s the new radio network provided contact with medical services, a distance education program, general and emergency communications and a diminishing of isolation for the inland settlers. Regrettably the vision held by Flynn seemed to be almost totally related to the needs of the white settlers and only by association, rather than intent, would it also aid Aboriginal communities throughout the region.

For Flynn and the Presbyterians the Australian Inland Mission marked the recognition by the Church that life in the inland was peculiarly Australian and posed enormous difficulties for the pioneer European settlers. It may also be observed that up to that time no similar recognition had been given by the Queensland Parliament and the work of the A.I.M. allowed the government to leave this work to the Church.

John Knox had implanted within the Presbyterian Church the strong belief that education was of paramount importance and directly related to the strong work ethic evident within the denomination (Henderson, 1986:4). The Queensland Assembly established schools at Warwick and Toowoomba as well as in Brisbane which were well supported by the western families.

The Methodist Church.

The Methodist tradition was founded on the work of the Rev. John Wesley who commenced his vocation as a member of the Church of England where he enjoyed esteem among the academic clergy at Oxford (Walker, 1959:456). Although Wesley spent many years among the poorer educated miners and workers of rural England, the Methodists shared the Presbyterian values for education and work.

Wesley was however primarily an evangelist and developed his work through clergy and lay preachers who were generally itinerant, moving from preaching place to preaching place. Within Methodism the term ‘circuit’ replaced ‘parish’ because of the emphasis on the mobility of the clergy. Thus the earliest Wesleyan activities in the new colony were related to itinerant preachers rather than the establishment of congregations.

Together with the Catholic and Presbyterian denominations, the Methodists had benefited from the 1836 Church Act in New South Wales and the cause showed a rapid development with the number of clergy in the Methodist church rising from 19 in 1836 to 64 in 1847 (Breward, 1993:37).

Apart from the notion of itinerant preaching, the Methodists were also distinguished by their negative attitudes to alcohol, gambling and smoking. These attitudes caused them to be branded as ‘wowsers’ and to be perceived to be a very puritanical group. However the link between Wesleyan activities and many of the migrants from rural England was strong and many of the free settlers maintained a commitment to this denomination (Breward, 1993:26).

It was not until 1929 that the Methodist General Conference of Australasia founded the Methodist equivalent of the Australian Inland Mission which was simply called the Methodist Inland Mission. With the establishment of the Uniting Church in Australia in June, 1977 many of the activities of the Australian Inland Mission and all those of the Methodist Inland Mission were absorbed into what is now known as the Frontier Services of the Uniting Church in Australia.

The Methodist denomination placed strong emphasis on the social 100

gospel and by the coming of the Uniting Church had created a network of services across Queensland which included the Blue Nursing domiciliary nursing service, Lifeline, children’s homes, women’s refuges, aged care facilities and other services. The relevance of these will be further discussed and linked with the current work of Frontier Services.

The Methodist congregation in Roma was established in the early 1880s. This congregation reached out into the surrounding shires of Bendemere, Bungil and Booringa. Another Methodist Circuit was established at Cunnamulla with outreach into the Paroo, Murweh and Bulloo Shires (Dingle, 1947:91). However, the Uniting Church congregation at St George and the Charleville congregation have emerged in more recent times.

The Church of England.

The Church of England, now known in Australia as the Anglican Church, held a powerful position in Britain at the time of the European settlement of Australia. Henderson (1986:37) argued that the rights of the English clergy up to 1827 included ‘benefits’ under the criminal law as well as entitlements in the general community life. The situation for clergy in Australia was to be very different.

The loss of recognition as the State Church and the political decisions to deal equally with the Christian denominations financially meant that the Church of England in Australia was in the same position as any other denomination. However there was clearly a majority of the European residents in Australia who had been linked with the Church of England or its Scottish or Irish counterparts prior to coming to the colony. This proportion of adherents was equally evident in the South West of Queensland. Breward (1993:51) illustrates the difficulties which were encountered by the Church of England in its new context, with the extraordinary struggles of the first Bishop of Queensland, Edward Tufnell, to achieve a Diocesan Constitution.

Because of the direct association of the Church of England Chaplains with the authorities, many of the convicts had developed a hatred of the Church. At the same time, the Church of England had strong support among the free settlers (Breward, 1993:14). It is significant that the majority of the

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settlers and labourers who moved into the South West did not come through the convict system and therefore this anti-Church influence was not generally evident.

There is little evidence that the early activity of the Anglicans in Queensland involved any evangelical or social aspects because of the High Church dominance in the new colony. However the Diocese of Sydney recognised that the inland had specific needs and in 1919 funded the Bush Church Aid Scheme as a means to assist the more remote parishes (Breward, 1993:116). Unlike the Methodists and Presbyterians, the Anglicans had no national authority able to act on such cross-diocesan issues.

The Parish of Quilpie is the principal Anglican Parish in the South West to have benefited from the provision of clergy through the Bush Church Aid scheme (Breward, 1993:116).

Between 1875 and 1900 the Anglicans created seven new dioceses in Australia but the Archdiocese of Brisbane was left responsible for the southern third of Queensland and this situation continues today despite the enormously differing needs of the coastal and inland parishes. This structure differs from the Catholics who, in 1929, established a new diocese based on Toowoomba. The Methodists (and the Uniting Church) and the Presbyterians have worked on District or Presbytery boundaries more related to a regional base.

Because of the number of its adherents the Anglican Church established parishes in each of the major centres throughout the South West in the early days of settlement. These parishes have generally been maintained, with the exception of Quilpie, and continue to play a role in contemporary affairs.. As the clergy were usually from the anglo-catholic tradition, social services have not been a significant function of the Anglican parishes, nor has there been any marked interest in ecumenical activities.

The Roman Catholic Church.

The new colony of Queensland was to become perceived as the “most Catholic state in Australia” (Fitzgerald, 1982:327). While this perception was not entirely accurate, it arose from the work of Bishop Quinn and the gradual 102

association between the labour movement and the Catholic Church. However, there was a strong Catholic following in the colony, with many of the free settlers having been brought to Queensland through the Queensland Immigration Society. Under the leadership of Father Patrick Dunn, with the endorsement of Bishop Quinn, this society sponsored some 6,000 settlers with the financial assistance of the government (Murtagh, 1969:238).

Bishop Quinn was appointed at the time of the separation of the colony from New South Wales and, in addition to his strong support for Irish settlers, he set out to establish a good working relationship with the leaders of other denominations. His work certainly lessened the sectarian rivalry as compared with the other states, but there were still sufficient protests against the Immigration Society to force its closure (Murtagh, 1969:238). It has also been suggested that it was the influence of Quinn, which helped develop the very conservative nature of rural Catholicism in Queensland.

Quinn was not popular with Archbishop Polding, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Australia, because of Quinn’s position on state funding of education and his endorsement of a universal, state run education system alongside parish schools (Breward, 1993:60). Most Catholics in Australia would have favoured a position where their denomination maintained its individuality while receiving equal treatment to that received by the Anglicans from the government. Quinn not only supported the abolition of state aid but also strongly supported the state system for non-Catholics. His arguments caused Polding to come under attack from both Broughton and Lang making Polding’s position as the national spokesperson for the Catholic Church extremely difficult. O’Farrell (1977:52) described another outcome of Quinn’s influence as being a Queensland Catholic Church which was “of an easier, more confident kind than existed elsewhere”. Quinn was even comfortable with the attendance of non-Catholics at parish schools, even though his position on this topic was rather different from that taken in the other States, and such attendance became a reality at the Brisbane All Hallows school as early as 1890 (O’Farrell, 1977:132).

The Diocese of Toowoomba was not founded until 1929, but it is

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recorded that Archbishop Polding visited the Darling Downs as early as 1843 and that the first Parish Priest of Toowoomba was appointed in 1862 (Wiemers, 1979:1). In the South West the earliest appointment was to the Roma Parish before 1870, with the Roma church building being opened in 1886. Weimers indicates that the Parish of Cunnamulla was opened in 1893 and reopened by Bishop Byrne in 1930 (Wiemers, 1979:34). During part of the period from 1893 to 1930 the Cunnamulla Parish was administered from Charleville. Similarly, the St George Parish was opened before 1900 but had been cared for by the Goondiwindi Parish before being reopened by Bishop Byrne, Bishop of the Toowoomba Diocese.

Other Parishes were not opened or excised until much later, including Quilpie in 1939, Augathella in 1944, and Wallumbilla and Surat in 1951.

The Catholic education system depended largely upon the arrival of members of various religious orders. The first group to arrive were the Sisters of Mercy who opened the Roma school in 1881 (Wiemers, 1979: 224). Other orders opened schools throughout the South West including Charleville in 1913, Cunnamulla in 1915, Mitchell in 1922 and Augathella in 1928. The ongoing influence of the Catholic schools should be noted.

The Catholic Church has also contributed greatly to community welfare through the St Vincent de Paul Society (which was formed in Paris in 1833 and introduced into the South West long before the establishment of the Diocese of Toowoomba) (Wiemers, 1979:282).

Issues Relating to Each of the Christian Denominations.

The Christian denominations of the South West, particularly the denominations discussed above, found their support among the European settlers as they spread throughout the inland of Queensland. There is little evidence that these denominations were active in expressing concern for the demise of Aboriginal culture or for the driving of Aboriginal tribes from their traditional lands. Although there are examples of clergy of New South Wales and in Queensland who spoke out either in Australia or back in Britain about the white atrocities, there were many more who spoke disparagingly about the Aboriginal people and their ways (Settlers and Convicts, 1969:

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232).

The primary focus for the Church in the South West was to serve the white community as it became established and to create congregations which reflected those of England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Apart from John Flynn’s attempt to ‘Australianise’ Christianity, there was little that marked the Australian Church from that of Europe, nor was there any significant evidence of an understanding of the spirituality of the Aboriginal tribes.

It is clear that the settlers needed some sense of connectedness with their past and that the Church was happy to assist in meeting that need but, if theology is meant to be the task of relating religious beliefs and concepts to the contemporary society, no Australian theology became apparent. This also meant that there was no emergence of a Christian land use ethic or of a social justice philosophy which could have influenced the role of the Church in the evolving settlement of the South West.

There can be little doubt that the Church has cared for many people and had been instrumental in the provision of community services in the region, although these have seldom taken specific account of Aboriginal needs. Individual clergy and lay workers have provided exceptions to these comments and in more recent years there is evidence of attempts to redress some matters. Perhaps the most pertinent point is that the Church did not set out to assist in creating either a theology or a sociology for the South West which were in any way a unique reflection of the region or which would have contributed to a positive interaction between white and black or between settler and the land.

CHANGING ENVIRONMENTAL VALUES AND THEIR RELATIONSHIP TO PAST COMMUNITY VALUES.

The celebration of the individual and the independence exercised in the running of rural properties has imposed a cost on the rest of the nation. For example Bolton (1981:135) highlights the effect of increased use of bores to obtain water. He refers to the strong push by H.C. Russell in 1879 for the widespread sinking of bores. By 1901 Russell’s advocacy had resulted in the sinking of 158 bores in Queensland and New South Wales, with a massive

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daily outflow of 3.5 million millilitres. This may appear to have created an asset for rural industries and at the superficial level that is true, but in the overall scene there were enormous costs directly to primary production and indirectly to the whole nation.

The native marsupials had grazed on a seasonal cycle across the country seeking the available surface water and food supply. With the sudden flow of surface water the total grazing pattern changed. The introduced sheep and cattle stayed in one area and trampled and nibbled through all the seasons. At the same time the numbers of kangaroos and wallabies greatly increased with the new water supply. These two animal influxes changed the land use dramatically and laid the foundations for the degradation of Australia’s grazing lands. Such a course towards degradation affected the entire nation, not just the graziers directly concerned. From this broader effect arose the need for political intervention concerning land degradation, changes in the general viability of grazing lands and, later, political and environmental debate concerning the culling of native animals.

Australia’s soils are ancient and frequently lacking in nutrients. Although the native vegetation could cope with the naturally harsh conditions, the European treatment of the land has meant the introduction of pests and weeds, which have taken over from the native flora and fauna.

Serventy (1988:10) has pointed out that, since European settlement, two-thirds of Australia’s forest areas have been cleared and that which remains covers only five per cent of the total land area. Beal (1992:60) asserted that in the British tradition, at the time of Queensland’s settlement, tree felling was considered to be a sign of progress. The removal of trees meant uncovering the lairs of highwaymen, wild animals and undesirable outcasts of society.

The Australian bush was environmentally different yet the drive to clear productive land meant that clearing was not only seen as progress but as essential to economic survival in rural areas. Long-term Premier of Queensland Sir Joh Bjelke Peteresen continued to argue during the 1995 State election campaign that the method of wholesale tree clearing which he

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pioneered earlier in the century remained no less valid (ABC National Radio 1995). He argued that the thick scrub land stretching for hundreds of miles was useless for farming or grazing and had given way to rich agricultural land which meant the owners were receiving a return for land for which they paid rates. There was a total rejection of the ecological value of retaining bush land and the possible long-term benefits for the owners of that land and for primary production in particular. The conflict between the clearing of land and changing community views and political directions in Australia in the second half of the twentieth century placed a real question against Passmore’s statement that the need for real change in agricultural technology was “sufficiently obvious” (Passmore, 1974:3).

The tenacious clinging to the past norms of the rural communities creates direct conflict with the changing attitudes to environmental issues amongst urban dwellers and politicians. The political change has been noteworthy because of the encouragement given to land clearing in the past through such programs as the Soldier Settlement schemes.

The question of land use is of course broader than the issue of the clearance of trees.. However the arguments for and against clearing are similar to those surrounding stocking levels, tilling of the soil, water use and land degradation. It may well be argued that the past community norms in relation to land use have been based on two principal tenets: firstly, the right of the primary producer to obtain the maximum return from the land and, secondly, the right of an owner to do what he/she likes to the land and to resist any control or regulation by outsiders.

In a land where Christianity is the dominant religious influence, it follows that the evolution of the second point above has had support from the Church and through theological debate. It has previously been pointed out in this study that the Church had offered little opposition to the settlement of rural areas and to the methods used by the settlers.

Roberts (1986:18) placed a challenge before the Australian Christian denominations to re-examine their position. He asked that they “provide the perspective and vision to ensure man’s future on earth”. Such a challenge

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would seem to be reasonable, yet it raises some deeply held theological views which are overviewed here.

There have been those who have tried to influence the Church towards a broader perspective than the narrow arguments surrounding the creation mythology of the Old Testament of the Bible. The eighteenth century Church of England priest and founder of Methodism, John Wesley, argued that the nature of creation had been altered for the worse by mankind’s (evil) activities (Wesley, 1960 Vol 6:213). While Wesley was primarily concerned with refuting criticism of the imperfection of God’s creation he nevertheless argued that people had negatively affected the natural order of God’s created world. There is some evidence that Methodists continued to struggle theologically with the concepts of creation and environmental responsibility.

However, the more fundamentalist sectors of the Church have maintained an adherence to the concepts of domination by man over the whole of creation. As recently as 1965 Harvey Cox, acclaimed by his publicist as one of the most exciting thinkers within the contemporary Church, forcefully argued for the validity of the concept of human domination over the creation. Cox referred to the Old Testament of the Bible and the story of Adam and accuses Adam of “selling out” to the animal world. He stated that by allowing an animal to influence what he should do, Adam had surrendered the dominant role assigned to him by the creator and stated that “from then on there is nothing but trouble” (Cox, 1965:44).

The work of Cox, a PhD graduate from Harvard, indicated how strongly the domination theology had persisted into the twentieth century.

Within the Roman Catholic tradition moral theologians have tended to follow a tenuous line in relation to the place of humans within creation. Canon Henry Waddams exemplifies this in his writings as he sets out to argue against the taking of both human and animal lives. Waddams (1964: 201) accepts ‘man’s high place in the hierarchy of being’ but denies that this gives man the right to “do as he likes with the animal creation”. However this point is then qualified by adding that the killing of animals cannot be

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justified “without a positive gain for mankind”. While Waddams pleads for the avoidance of the use of animals in research, unless there is no other way, his arguments still allow for human determination as to when the outcome for humans outweighs the rights of animals.

One of the most influential Protestant theologians of the twentieth century, Paul Tillich, argued that Christianity, based upon the New Testament of the Bible, should differ from Judaism at a fundamental point. That point is that the Old Testament is based on experience of events while the New Testament is based on the conscience. An example of his argument may be found in the New Testament letter to the Hebrews (chapter 11 verse 3): “It is by faith that we understand that the universe was created by God’s Word” (Good News Bible, 1976:280). The principal effect of this difference should be found within the ethics of Christianity (Tillich, 1963:68-69). The creation story demonstrates the distinction that Tillich makes between Judaism and Christianity as the Old Testament relates the experience of Adam while the New Testament relates the understanding of creation to the faith of people. It is therefore arguable that, for Tillich, those Christians who cling to Judaistic traditions about creation have failed to make the transition into Christian thinking.

Helmut Thielicke approaches the concept of man’s domination within creation from yet another perspective. He proposes that the question, raised by the Psalmist in the contemplation of the universe, “What is man, that you think of him?” (Good News Bible, 1976:541) must be answered that man, of himself is nothing. Man’s role in the creation is held only as man maintains his relationship with God (Thielicke, 1962:111). This argument leads us back to the consideration of the purpose of creation and the divine intent in relation to the role of human beings.

In the Christian/non-Christian debate between the philosophers Anthony Flew and D.M. MacKinnon, Flew stated that, in relation to the human place in creation, we should behave as “guests not borrowers: not as owners who have the right to do what they like with their own” (Flew and McKinnon, 1963:173). In response MacKinnon cites Acquinas in claiming

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that to hold creatures cheap is to slight divine power. He continues by claiming that improvident squandering of natural resources is a “kind of irreverent disrespect for the order of creation” (Flew and McKinnon, 1963: 173).

Any study of the evolution of environmental awareness within Judeo- Christian thought would be incomplete without reference to two of the proclaimed Saints of the Church. Although the history of the activities of the thirteenth century’s St Francis of Assisi is confused by myths and legends, the fact remains that St Francis not only elevated the status of the non-human creation but gave honour to the earth itself. An even earlier, sixth century, figure, St Benedict of Nursia, introduced an ecological perspective into Christian history. Benedict was probably more famous for his reform of the monastic lifestyle but his reforms were built around the centrality of worship and the importance of monks maintaining contact with the earth through work in the fields (Walker, 1959:127).

Despite the examples given above of those within the Judeo-Christian traditions who have attempted to influence the Church in relation to ecology and the environment, the general thinking within the Church remains aligned with the domination theories.

Lynn White, in a short paper, was able to stir a fervid debate about the issue by his assertion that it was the Judeo-Christian tradition that had created such a dichotomy between people and the natural world (White, 1967:1203-1207). The strength of White’s argument that the Christian Church remains a barrier to ecological awareness in western culture is apparent. However Nash takes care in pointing out that White retained a personal strong pro-Christian position while moving to develop his arguments for a sense of community between humans and the whole of nature (Nash, 1990:95). The animate and the inanimate worlds were, according to White, the spiritual equal of humanity. White clearly laid the blame for the dichotomy between humankind and the rest of nature on the Judeo-Christian traditions.

Among Australia’s contemporary religious writers Paul Collins holds

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a significant place. A former Roman Catholic priest and Harvard Graduate, Collins is primarily an historian but argued that, in the historical context, contemporary society will be viewed as “the most despised and cursed generations in the history of humankind” (Collins, 1995:1).

Collins spells out the influence of both orthodox Christianity and fundamentalism in perpetuating an anthropocentric view of the cosmos. He cites an example from Pope John Paul 2 who referred to environmental issues as being secondary ethical issues to matters of human dignity (Collins, 1995:36).

Collins explores a range of issues surrounding biblical, theological and philosophical interaction with ecological thinking. His contentious relating of deeply ingrained negative attitudes to ecologically responsible thinking needs to be heeded. There is little likelihood that the broad spectrum of Christian thought will move with any speed away from the anthropocentric biblical and theological interpretations of many centuries. Collins warns against any attempt to hurry the process of change within the Church.

In this cautious approach Collins concurs with Passmore who argued that “only gradually can we explore this view that the west now needs a ‘new ethic’” (Passmore, 1974:5).

Charles Birch suggests that Western Christendom has to discover a more humble position in relation to the non-human creation if change in ecological ethics is to happen (Birch, 1975:118). He stresses that, while Asian society has respected the animal world to the point where there is some concern that humankind has been devalued, Western Christendom has yet to discover the intrinsic value of plants and animals (Birch, 1975:119).

The concern of Roberts (1988:9) that the Australian Christian denominations are putting the issue of environmental degradation in the ‘too hard’ basket expresses the frustration that many ecologists experience when they encounter the cautious approach of the Church towards change.

However the diffidence of the Church is often paralleled by both political and community hesitancy to tackle the hard questions. Walmsley 111

and Sorensen (1993:271) discussed the pressure for growth and production to be considered above moral or environmental issues and concluded that “thinking in western societies increasingly tends to favour conservation over development”. But it is only a tendency rather than a clear movement.

Although farming organisations have defended their membership as being the leaders in conservation activity it has been commonplace for farmers to be politically active in relation to politically appointed marketing boards and corporate bodies (Walmsley & Sorensen, 1993:304). This participation has created inherent difficulties for primary producers as they become caught between promotion and marketing demands and ecological constraints. However some primary producers have also discovered a commercial potential in environmental conservation as urban dwellers seek alternative experiences (Walmsley & Sorensen, 1993:334).

There can be little doubt that Australian political leaders, irrespective of their party allegiance, have shown little more willingness to demonstrate forward thinking on ecological issues than have their Canadian counterparts. Suzuki (1993:106) accuses the Canadian politicians of being “concerned with other life forms only as they impinge on human needs and demands”. Such a cautious approach has been seen as an issue of political self- preservation and, while accepted in the past, must now come under question.

Even if there were political support for change, movement away from long held community norms comes slowly. Roberts (1988:8) has defined a three-stage process in relation to environmental issues. These stages, from pioneer settlement of the land through the awareness of environmental issues to the point of the implementation of balanced land use are reflective of the long lead time required for the achievement of environmental practices in our society.

CONCLUSION.

Within this chapter the South West region of Queensland was defined in regard to the indigenous and white settlement of the region and described in political, physical and religious terms. The indigenous settlement was considered in regard to Tindale’s mapping of the regional tribes and also the

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maps of McKellar, an indigenous resident of the South West. The place of the Christian denominations in the region was described in terms of the growth of the major denominations in the main communities of the South West as well as within the framework of environmental values.

The following chapter will examine the four sources of data which are included in this study and the analysis of those data.

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CHAPTER SIX

THE DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS

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INTRODUCTION.

In this chapter the methods used in collection of the four sources of data used in this study, as well as the analysis of those data, are described. The data sources are the Lifeline Telephone Counselling Service, the Women’s Access to Employment Project, the Drought Response Program and the rural Family Counselling and Support Program.

THE SOURCES OF THE DATA.

During the period since 1989, Lifeline Darling Downs and South West Queensland had gathered primary data concerning rural issues from four particular sources.

The first of these sources is the material accumulated from calls to the Telephone Counsellors at the centre’s base in the provincial city of Toowoomba. In order to distinguish issues affecting country callers those calls which originated from beyond the boundary of the ‘local call area’ for Toowoomba were classified as country calls. This boundary is illustrated in Figure 6.1 shown below. The population of the entire region serviced by the Toowoomba-based Telephone Counsellors was approximately 250 000 of whom almost one half resided within the local call area for Toowoomba. In the 1997-1998 financial year the number of calls to the Toowoomba Telephone Counsellors was 13 614 of which over 4 000 came from outside the local call boundary. The distinction between these calls was verified by the charges levied by Telstra on calls to the nation-wide Lifeline number (131114) from within the centre’s region but costing more than the local call fee paid by all callers.

*ROMA

N *MILES

*CHINCHILLA

*DALBY

*CROWS NEST

*TOOWOOMBA

Figure 6.1: The Telstra Boundary of the Local Call Area for Toowoomba

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The second source of data was a study conducted by Lifeline, within a specific part of the centre’s region, in relation to the opportunities for women to gain paid employment. This study used questionnaires for both women and prospective employers as well as discussion groups for women which were conducted at a number of venues. The geographical area included in this study is shown in Figure 6.2 and includes three of the Local Government areas of the South West region.

Approx scale ; I I 100kms

*ROMA N *MILES

*CHINCHILLA

*DALBY

*TOOWOOMBA

Figure 6.2: The Geographic Area for the Study of Women’s Access to Employment.

The funding by the Queensland Government of a pilot scheme of support for rural families during drought conditions made it possible for Lifeline to mount a Drought Response Program from which the third set of data was gathered. Five trained counsellors visited a large number of rural families over a nine month period and, by use of a questionnaire as well as open conversation, assembled a report on the issues perceived by rural families as being of greatest importance to them.

The fourth set of data was based upon the Family Counselling and Support Program which encompassed most of South West Queensland as well as parts of the Darling Downs and the Maranoa regions. This program provided on- farm and in-office options for contact between counsellors employed by Lifeline and rural families.

Each of these sets of data is further detailed in the following sections.

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Telephone Counselling.

In 1981 Lifeline Darling Downs installed direct telephone links from each of Dalby and Warwick to the telephone counselling service in Toowoomba. These links enabled callers from either Dalby or Warwick to make their counselling contact for the cost of a local telephone call and for clients from areas surrounding either town to make calls at a lower STD rate.

These links were superseded in 1987 with the introduction of the 008 (now 1800) system which enabled callers from the total region to have local call access. Concurrent with this 1987 development a group called the Toowoomba Rural Support Group began meeting and requested Lifeline to provide brief training for group members to enable them to assist people over the telephone.

As well as providing this training Lifeline made the 008 service available and each week an evening was set aside on which group members were rostered to provide a service for rural callers. Lifeline provided the facilities and a staff member who answered incoming calls and allocated them either to the Lifeline Telephone Counsellor or to the rural group as appropriate. Those calls taken by the rural group were responded to in the form of information provision and expert advice where the member of the group, or another member present or available for contact could offer such advice. This approach differed from the non- directive, reflective counselling of the Telephone Counsellors.

Over almost ten months the rural calls averaged around 10 each week, (which included calls on the 1800 number where the caller identified the area from which they were calling) giving a total of 394 calls. These records were in the form of written notes made by the person taking the call and additional notes made in a review of each call at the end of the night. These reviews were usually conducted between the group members present and a Lifeline professional counsellor. Through data generated from those calls the writer compiled a table of the most common issues being raised. Even though many of the calls began with a financial issue, there were few which did not move on to personal and family issues before the call finished.

In mid 1988 the number of Farm Financial Counsellors employed by the Queensland Department of Primary Industries was increasing and other telephone

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services, such as one operated by the National Farmers Federation, had commenced. It was decided that the special evening service would be discontinued but Lifeline Telephone Counsellors would have additional in- service training to enable them to handle calls more effectively at any time from farm families and rural community members.

Since that time the frequency of country calls to the Lifeline Telephone Counselling Service in Toowoomba has averaged 35 to 40 per cent of each year’s contacts. This meant that a total of over 30 000 such counselling sessions were conducted from mid 1988 to mid 1997. The telephone counsellors completed a report on each call received. These reports were checked by employed professional staff and a record maintained of the issues raised in each call. The table of issues compiled by the writer in 1988 had been regularly reviewed against the calls each year and had been presented at a range of seminars and group discussions in order to elicit comment on its validity from rural families, individuals and groups.

Women’s Access to Employment Project.

In 1989 the Commonwealth Department of Employment Education and Training funded Lifeline Darling Downs to conduct a study of women’s access to employment and training in the area of Southern Queensland running from Dalby to Roma and including six local government areas (two town councils and four councils).

A combined qualitative/quantitative approach was adopted for the collection of data used in the project. Two questionnaires were used, one to be completed by local employers and the other by mature aged women who were seeking work or seeking training to prepare for work or were currently undertaking training. In addition to these questionnaires, the women were invited to participate in one of a number of discussion groups where there was guided discussion concerning the issues raised in the questionnaires.

All group sessions were audio recorded, with permission of the participants, and the tapes audited for any information not noted by the group leaders or arising from the questionnaires.

This study consisted of three elements. The first was a questionnaire 118

distributed to employers across the selected area, the second was a questionnaire given to women and the third segment involved discussion groups for women at various locations.

The questionnaire to employers (see Appendix A) requested information concerning the nature of the business enterprise, staff numbers and categories of employees, recruitment processes and specific responses relating to employment of women. There were 157 Employer distributed and 104 were returned - a response rate of 66.2 per cent. The questionnaire to women (see Appendix B) sought responses to questions concerning: - the respondent; their interest in gaining paid employment and the category of employment they were seeking; their need for child care if they were in paid work; their interest in further study; their experience in paid work; any barriers to their seeking employment; and any difficulties they perceived in entering, or returning to, the workforce. A total of 340 letters with questionnaires were distributed with 54 being returned - a response rate of 15.8 percent. In the group sessions the facilitator kept written notes of issues raised and the discussions were recorded on audio tapes for later review. Of the 54 respondents to the written survey 35 women participated in the group sessions.

This study was seen as providing important information about the attitude of employers in regard to the employment of women, the experiences of women in seeking employment and the perceptions held by women about their place in rural families and the community.

While these data were some years old, there was much information which could be compared with studies and publications currently being cited regarding the roles of women in rural communities. The data were used in this study to indicate local issues for women and to test these views against a wider perception of rural women across Australia as contained in contemporary literature both from the general community and from within the Church.

Response to Drought.

In September, 1991 the Queensland Government’s Special Purpose Cabinet Sub-committee No 25 decided to allocate $200,000 to the non-government sector for the provision of assistance for rural communities which were

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suffering as a result of the prolonged drought conditions.

This funding was directed to Lifeline Darling Downs and South West Queensland. The aims of the project were specified by the State Office of Rural Communities and were set out as follows -

Short Term -

(a) To develop local support mechanisms for people experiencing social and economic hardship. Support should include the provision of the following services -

Referral to existing Government assistance schemes for people experiencing hardship as a result of drought;

Information about local, State and Commonwealth assistance;

Counselling and family support to people in crisis. Important elements of this function would be to attempt to begin the process of destigmatising the need for help amongst certain elements of the rural sector and to promote the community welfare resources that are already available.

(b) To provide emergency assistance to reduce the financial pressures on families.

This assistance could be used in a number of ways which include the following: food, clothing, education and other essential costs; travel assistance; any other form of financial assistance which clearly reduces the pressure which drought places on families.

The assistance would be provided as a one-off non-repayable grant, with capacity to re-apply.

Long Term -

(a) To enhance the capacity of the Government and rural service providers to devise interventions for the effective management of the social impact of dramatic and catastrophic climatic change on rural communities. This is of particular relevance to the development of flexible and innovative integrated service delivery models for rural communities.

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In order to enhance the outcomes of the project close working relationships were established between the writer, the team and producer organisations, Church groups, local government and local community groups throughout the region. The representatives of these groups helped the team to refine the pro-forma record sheets which were used to record each contact. These forms were also refined in response to the issues seen as important to the farm families.

In 1991 the then Deputy Premier of Queensland requested the writer to implement, through Lifeline, a pilot program in drought relief. This program involved the employment of five counsellors, based in the Northern Darling Downs town of Dalby, who could visit farm families over a geographical area covering the South Burnett, The Downs, Maranoa and the eastern edge of the South West regions. Each of the members of the team employed in this project had specific training in counselling skills and were required to demonstrate active listening skills together with the ability to be nonjudgmental in their responses, empathetic with the needs of farming families, discerning in their understanding of needs and to be able to establish a non-threatening relationship with the families contacted. The value of these selection criteria was demonstrated by the length of time spent with both family groups and with individual male primary producers.

Over a period of less than one year, 1 737 visits were made to farm properties. As a result of these visits 1 093 families were contacted immediately. A further 45 contacts ensued off-farm and 378 telephone contacts were made. In addition 165 contacts occurred with rural non-farm families. In some cases calls were made as a result of the family making telephone contact with the service, while some families were drawn to the attention of staff by workers from other agencies or services. Wherever such calls were made the counsellors also called on all other properties along the route travelled. Many calls were, therefore, ‘cold’ calls with the occupants not being advised in advance. Often counsellors were directed by families to other families for whom they had concerns.

Where it was not possible to contact the resident(s) of the property, a card was left inviting them to contact the individual caller or any of the program staff.

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Some of those receiving these cards are included in the telephone contacts made with the program.

Information collected from each contact was entered into a data base record of the interviews. These data include details of the family constellation, the size and nature of the farming activity, debts and equity in the property, intention to remain on the farm or to leave within the following year, problems with lending institutions or the Rural Adjustment Scheme, any issues with the Department of Social Security, personal or interpersonal problems and the type of support the client thought they required.

While there were no specific questions relating to religious affiliations or the role of Church in rural areas, there were many comments recorded within the responses to the type of support people perceived themselves as needing.

The proportional breakdown of the contacts made during this segment of the research, at home, off the farm, in the office or with non-farming families, is illustrated in figure 6.3.

telephone (22.5%)

off-farm (2.7%)

non-farm (9.8%) on farm (65.0%)

Figure 6.3: Summary of the Composition of the Counselling Contacts with Lifeline from 25/10/91 to 26/06/92.

Counselling and Family Support.

Following the completion of the pilot program for drought support, Lifeline

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continued to provide both professional counselling and family support services. Part of this work is within the boundaries defined as the South West for this study.

Lifeline was also involved in the provision of support services within the Jericho Shire, part of the Central West of Queensland. The location of the shire is shown in Figure 6.4.

N Coastline

Longreach Barcaldine * Alpha Rockhampton (Approx 1100 kms to Toowoomba)

Figure 6.4: Location of Jericho Shire.

A newly retired Uniting Church minister with significant experience in rural parish work was employed by the writer on behalf of the National Assembly of the Uniting Church and Lifeline to offer support to the Shire residents. There were a total of 190 properties within the shire boundaries with only 130 families operating these holdings. The nature of the effects on families from the rural crisis in this area, which is directly adjacent to the north of the South West region central to this study, was compared with the understandings gained through the Lifeline activities in the South West. This was made possible because of the detailed records maintained by the worker involved in the Jericho Shire and his reports submitted to the writer (Abrahams, 1992 & 1993).

The reports represented two periods, of eight months and four months during 1992 and 1993 respectively, which the Reverend Syd Abrahams and his wife spent travelling the 27 717 square kilometres of the Jericho Shire which then had a population of just 989. The two small towns of Jericho and Alpha provided the only services, including the only schools, within the large shire area. These two centres had been established in 1884 and 1885 when the railway line was being constructed from Rockhampton to Longreach. During the past two decades

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the area had experienced a continuing decline of both population and services. The Australian Bureau of Statistics estimated that the population of the Jericho Shire at the end of June, 1998 had fallen to 966.

Counselling had continued since 1992 in Roma, Charleville, Augathella, Quilpie, St George and Dirranbandi and on properties in each of these areas. This work was, for two years, funded by the Federal Government but has since been funded by Lifeline, private donors and the Queensland Government.

Full records had been held on counselling sessions in the South West region since the beginning of 1996. From then until mid 1998 there had been over 450 counselling sessions, numerous group sessions, training workshops and community education events. Case notes for the counselling sessions had been maintained in a format prepared by the Commonwealth Department of the Attorney-General. From these records evidence of current personal, family and community issues was compared with the data from the other sources listed above.

The nature of this counselling program created a bias in the data in that the families and individuals seen were those who expressed the need for the service or had been referred by other services because of needs presented to those services. The counselling team did see people, in situations such as the workshops for women, who had not indicated a personal need for counselling, but who may have still recognised a specific need. It was recognised that the data did not reflect the problems which may be faced by those unwilling or unable to seek individual contact or group participation.

THE DATA ANALYSIS.

Telephone Counselling.

During the period of ten months described in the overview of this set of data, there were 394 call records taken for analysis in order to identify the main issues being raised by the callers.

Many of the calls began with concerns over high interest rates and debt repayments. At that period of time interest rates on loans were very high, with figures of above 20 per cent being quoted where arrears existed on loan

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repayments. The analysis, however, concentrated on the personal and family issues raised as the telephone call continued. In some cases there were no other issues raised but in other calls very complex family issues emerged.

There were 12 members of the Toowoomba Rural Crisis Group involved in the handling of the 394 telephone calls. They included staff of the Department of Primary Industries, bankers, a solicitor, media staff and farmers. It is possible that each of the members of the group may have allowed individual biases regarding callers to influence their record of the conversations. However, the researcher believes that the range of possible biases within the group and the rate of occurrence of the issues included later in Table 7.1, irrespective of the telephone worker involved, ensure that these issues were significant for callers.

When the formal project with the Rural Crisis Group ended, the researcher continued to select records of calls, at randomly selected times, from rural areas taken by Lifeline Telephone Counsellors in order to confirm that the issues recorded during the data collection period were consistent with those presented on an ongoing basis.

In addition, the list has been presented in three workshops where rural family support workers and members of rural families were present and, in each workshop, it was indicated that these issues matched the perceived problems encountered by those present.

The researcher has also raised this summary of issues at the executive meetings of two producer organisations, where there was general agreement as to the pertinence of those issues.

It will be shown that the major problems identified in this set of data also emerge in the other three sources of data used in this study.

Women’s Access to Employment Project.

The aims of the Women’s Access Project were:-to identify the problems encountered by women in declining rural situations in gaining information about available training programs; to identify the particular needs of women currently restricted to low income employment in rural areas; to identify the traumas related to engaging in training with reference to costs, child care, current

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responsibilities and income security; and to identify employer attitudes towards the employment of, and the training needs of women in rural areas and the possibilities for women to improve their employment status and the employment conditions.

The data gathered from the discussion groups for women were compared with the outcomes of the questionnaires for women and for employers. Transcripts of the group discussions were provided back to participants along with the conclusions being drawn by the project team. The feedback from participants was then considered and the conclusions reviewed in the light of that feedback.

The responses received to the Employer’s and the participant’s questionnaires were summarised. The responses to each question in each questionnaire were totalled and the significance of each issue assessed according to the number of responses and a comparison of preferences given to subsections of each issue. Where insufficient responses were made to a question, the issue raised in that question was discarded as being of less importance to most of the participants. The summary of the outcomes was referred back to participants so that they could comment upon the conclusions being drawn by the project team. The concerns about training programs were also referred back to those offering the programs for their responses to critical and positive comments.

As the questionnaires had been designed to investigate issues raised in previous studies and in other literature, any differences in the level of importance of issues for the women of the project region were identified and reported back to the funding body and to relevant government departments.

Response to Drought.

All of the information documented was entered into a computer record for analysis at the end of the project period.

The interviews conducted during this project were of an informal nature and were designed to identify the issues being raised by the participants and to gain an understanding of their perceptions of those issues rather than to impose topics to be discussed. The counselling team maintained a register of the

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significant issues and perceptions that had been raised by each family or individual. Weekly team meetings were held and these registers were consolidated and analysed to identify the most common concerns and the likely impact of those concerns. The emergent issues were discussed with other service providers and with participants as well as in community meetings. Statistical records were computer entered to produce graphs and summaries which could be reviewed and compared with the outcomes of other available studies.

Counselling and Family Support.

The counselling and family support team maintained data by using a pro-forma provided by the Commonwealth Attorney-General, which was described previously. From these forms information was collated regarding the gender and ethnicity of the clients and whether they were referred to the Lifeline counsellors from another agency. In addition to the demographic data the counsellors kept case notes which indicated the major issues faced by those seeking counselling.

The outcomes from this program were analysed from the case notes and the returns to the Attorney-Generals Department. This analysis identified the marital status, regional location, age and gender of the participants and grouped the presenting issues within each of those categories. The individual case issues from both sources were entered into computer records and summaries of the statistical occurrence, and rank order of each issue, were maintained. At the regular counselling team meetings each of the team members presented their understanding of the issues which were emerging and these understandings were compared with the statistical reports. The outcomes were compared with the data from the other three data sources as well as with other relevant studies in the literature. As with the other projects, the results were discussed with participant groups and with other rural service providers in order to assess the validity of the conclusions being reached.

CONCLUSION.

These data were analysed to demonstrate the number of people accessing the services, the number of men, women, couples or group participants included in the program and the most significant personal and relationship issues

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encountered.

These data provided the results of the study and underpinned the conclusions and recommendations flowing from those results which appear in the following Chapters.

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CHAPTER SEVEN

THE SURVEY DATA

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INTRODUCTION

In the previous chapter the processes for collection and analysis of the data were discussed. In this chapter the data produced in each of the projects are presented in detail.

TELEPHONE COUNSELLING.

The principal themes emerging through these telephone contacts were extracted by the researcher from the written reports of the contacts and through direct discussion between the researcher and those who answered the calls.

The issues identified from the data are those that were encountered regularly enough to be recorded in at least 30 per cent of the calls. Some issues, such as those involving grief, have been recorded in more than one section of the table. For instance, where the goals or hopes of a family were discussed, this was held separately from a caller’s individual sense of loss.

The researcher grouped the data collected into the three groupings which were ‘Family Issues’, ‘Individual Roles’ and ‘Personal Issues’ as shown in Table 7.1. Where a number of issues were of significance in any individual call, each of them was recorded allowing for multiple issues per call.

Table 7.1 Summary of the Issues Presented to Lifeline by Rural Telephone Callers.

Category of data Occurrence Proportion A. Family Issues: 1. Loss of the property seen as severing of the family heritage 287 73% 2. Grief for plans for the future which now seem to be unachievable 276 70% 3. Communication issues between family members 177 45% 4. Problems in providing the education promised to children 118 30% 5. Confusion about suggested forms of readjustment 118 30% B. Individual Roles: 1. Role confusion over who is the breadwinner when wife takes off-farm work

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to provide cash for the household 165 42% 2. Each partner uncertain about their role in relation to Social Security benefits 142 36% 3. Questions about the value placed on work on the farm 126 32% C. Personal Issues: 1. Illness and depression 221 56% 2. The damage to self image through continuing farm losses. 205 52% 3. Grief issues - for the loss of business goals, family plans and personal hopes, 189 48% Total number of calls included in results: n = 394.

The majority of contacts began with reference to economic hardship and, wherever possible, such issues were explored and appropriate follow-up or referral arranged. In most cases the issues then moved to the personal, family or social issues which have been included in this set of data.

For many rural families the farm or property has been worked by several generations of that family. Callers who raised this family heritage issue were generally concerned that they would be the one to break this chain and would not be able to pass the property on to the following generation. The sense of having failed previous generations, some of whom successfully traded through the worldwide depression of the 1930s, was reported more strongly than the sense of failing the next generation.

There were, however, strong senses of failure in regard to the hopes, dreams, and plans which callers had for their own and their family’s future in the rural industry. This grieving for those lost hopes and expectations was evident in 70 per cent of the contacts and therefore came very near to matching the level of occurrence of the heritage issue.

Those staffing the telephones discerned a strong connection between the sense of failure to maintain the family heritage and the issues of grief and loss, and the number of callers experiencing physical illness and symptoms of

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depression (such symptoms being noted in 56 per cent of the calls).

For many primary producers the reaction to loss of income was to work longer hours and to attempt to achieve more on the property. While such actions rarely produced positive outcomes, they meant that most daylight hours were spent away from the family. At the same time the callers reported that women were often trying to do work on the property which, in the past, may have been done by paid employees. These women were also continuing to run the household, frequently overseeing the children’s education, and often seeking off- farm employment in order to provide household cash flow.

While both adult and child members of rural families had always had to be willing to assist with a variety of tasks, the absence of paid staff to either assist with outside work or to assist with the household tasks had meant an increased combination of these activities for both men and women, leaving little time or no opportunity for family communication.The effects of poor communication were reported in 45 per cent of the calls.

Role confusion was another factor closely related to the increased range of activities undertaken by both partners and reported by 42 per cent of callers as a basis for tension within their family. Elements of this issue included the fact that women were often becoming the breadwinners, the embarrassment of the men in having to approach the Department of Social Security and a sense of a lack of value placed upon revenue-neutral work being done on the property. These elements were noted separately in a significant number of call records.

The third part of these data reflected the personal feelings discussed by callers as distinct from the family and role issues. Both male and female callers reported personal experiences of increased episodes of illness where the symptoms reported frequently reflected the high levels of personal stress experienced by the caller.

WOMEN’S ACCESS TO EMPLOYMENT.

One point which emerged from the data concerning the educational achievements of the women was the predominance of teaching and nursing among the professional and para-professional qualifications held by those surveyed (since

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the time of this survey nursing qualifications have been raised and they would now be counted as professionals.

In Figure 7.1 the number of women respondents with teaching qualifications are shown as a percentage of the respondents with any professional qualification. That percentage is compared with the total Queensland percentage of teachers among all professionally qualified women.

In Figure 7.2 similar comparisons are presented for those women qualified as para-professionals.

80% 73.40%

70%

60% 51% 50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0% Survey Area Queensland

Figure 7.1: Percentage of Teachers Among all Women Professionals Responding to the Survey Compared with the Percentage of Teachers among all Queensland Female Professionals.

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85.5% 90.00%90. % 75.9% 80.00% 70.00% 60.00% 50.00% 40.00% 30.00% 20.00% 10.00% 0.00% Women Surveyed All Queensland

Figure 7.2: Percentage of Nurses among all Par-Professionals Responding to

the Survey Compared with the Percentage of Nurses among all Queensland Female Para-Professionals.

James (1989:2) reflected on the relatively low employment rates for rural women and the increasing demands for higher levels of training for nurses. The significance of these concerns emerges as it is recognised that changes to education and health systems threaten the ability of rural women to return to their field of professional training.

In the comparisons shown in Figure 7.3 all parts of the regional area included in this study show a lower percentage of women on wages and salaries than the average for the whole of Queensland, but they also have a higher average than for the whole State in the categories of self-employed, employer and unpaid worker.

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0 Wage/salary ea Self-employed Employers Unpaid workers unemployed

Survey Queensland

Figure 7.3: Labour Force Status of Women who responded to the Survey and Generally in Queensland Expressed as a Percentage of the Respondents and of the Queensland Female Population (Respondents = 55).

While the group discussions covered a number of issues in relation to work and training they also revealed some of the important personal issues for those who participated. They indicated that the role of organising the house and family still remained the responsibility of the woman even if she was working. The added stresses are great and for many the only way to cope was through strict discipline and routine. Many of the women felt guilty about the time that they spent away from home and were attempting to fit their work around their family. They felt that they often had to unload a proportion of their farm responsibilities if they were working or studying, while still maintaining some involvement in the running of the farm.

The participants gave many reasons for doing unpaid work, some of these being: someone has to do it; to get out of the house; to overcome loneliness; to reduce wages costs, which would supply the funds to meet the household living costs; from a sense of social responsibility; and for self-satisfaction. However, many believed that their efforts were not adequately recognised. Some saw voluntary work as something that they could not afford to do because of travel and other costs, while some believed that if they were good enough to do the work, they were good enough to be paid for doing it.

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A number of issues were raised in regard to family and community issues. These included pressures on any woman who wished to do non-traditional work or where role reversal occurred and the male looked after the house. Many women spoke about the lack of moral, financial and other support from their husbands, while others were concerned about the probability of having to move from the farm in order to find work opportunities.

In relation to community involvements, including Church related activities, the women reported a sense of powerlessness. They indicated that, while they were often the ones attending meetings or services, arranging activities, raising funds and generally keeping groups alive, they seldom held any power. In some sporting groups and service clubs they could not even be recognised as full members.

RESPONSE TO DROUGHT. An important outcome of this visitation program was that members of the team were regarded by those visited as being trustworthy and empathetic. The commonly held belief that male farmers would not discuss personal issues was shown to be incorrect if they trusted the person to whom they were speaking and if the conversation occurred on safe ground. The safest ground for them was their own property. The venue for most of the contacts was on the person’s property, mostly over the kitchen table but sometimes in the shearing shed or around the machinery. Every day of the project outreach workers were faced with evidence of gaps in the various systems designed to assist rural families. Some of these gaps were more obvious than others. These more obvious gaps were issues such as lack of transport, diminishing government services in the local area, inadequate educational services for both children and adults and deficiencies in the handling of financial issues on the part of financiers.

Other issues were not so obvious. One of these related to the average age of the farming population and the difficulties being faced by older families in leaving their property. Those difficulties included gaining assistance from the (then) Department of Social Security, now known as Centrelink; anxiety about the future once they moved off the farm; legal complications in handing-

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on the property; and the considerable level of personal grief to be faced in moving away from primary production and their particular property. The data concerning the age of those farmers for whom this detail was recorded are demonstrated in Figure 7.4. These data confirmed that 49 per cent of the contacted farmers were aged over 50 years and that there were some eight per cent above the age of 70 years.

More than half of the families involved in the project had seriously considered leaving their property. While some were able to do this, many were blocked by a variety of problems.

over 70 (8.0%) 21-30 (5.0%)

61-70 (12.0%) 31-40 (20.0%)

51-60 (29.0%) 41-50 (26.0%)

Figure 7.4:. Age Groupings of Farmers Contacted in the Response to Drought Project. (Total contacts 955).

Amongst the literature relating to stress management for rural families the writings of Sarafino from his perspective as a health psychologist refer to social support as “the perceived comfort, caring, esteem, or help a person receives from other people or groups” (Sarafino, 1990:107). Sarafino went on to suggest types of social support. Firstly, support which provides emotional help through comfort, reassurance and a sense of being loved; secondly, there is the boosting of self esteem through the expression of positive regard; thirdly, the provision of direct assistance in the form of money or physical help and; fourthly, the giving 137

of necessary information.

The project team members sought to use each of these forms of support. The funds provided by the Queensland Government allowed for some direct financial assistance where this was required. A total of 671 rural residents were directly assisted through the use of those funds. Some additional assistance was also provided through funds from Church groups and private donations.

The provision of emotional support also involved assessment of the need to refer any families or individuals for medical or mental health services. Figure 7.5 indicates the assessments made by the project team. A basic scale was agreed upon which rated the level of personal stress demonstrated by individuals as assessed by the visiting team members. Where there was no discernible need for intervention the rating was ‘0’ while those who would need help were rated from ‘1’ to ‘3’ with ‘3’ being those with the most severe problems. The distribution showed that 11 per cent of the participants demonstrated no discernible need for intervention, 53 per cent of the participants showed mild stress levels and 27 per cent appeared to have raised stress levels. The remaining nine per cent were assessed by the counselling team as having stress levels which could require medical intervention.

60% 53% 50%

40%

30% 27%

20% 11% 9% 10%

0% Level "0" Level "1" Level "2" Level "3"

Figure 7.5: Levels of Stress Discernible in Clients as Assessed by the Lifeline Counsellors involved in the Response to Drought Project.

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Each of the outreach team members identified several commonly occurring issues which were causing stress. These issues were the concern for the farmer’s own future, the concern for their children’s future and the more universal concern for the future of rural industries.

Each of these issues was confirmed by the report on the Jericho project. Here the visitor found that at least ten per cent of the families visited were in serious financial difficulty and a further 30 per cent had significant financial and personal stress issues. The spirit of the people of the Jericho Shire was described as being “fiercely independent, patient, innovative and demonstrating a marvellous sense of mateship” (Abrahams, 1992:5). It was clear that some graziers believed that they had to deny themselves, live hard and work hard, because they lived on the land. In a very real sense the land is in their blood.

COUNSELLING AND FAMILY SUPPORT.

In the Jericho service all properties were visited several times during 1992 and 1993. The number of families visited and the number of people seen are included in Table 7.2. The economic state of each property was assessed by the visitor on the information given by the owner or manager visited.

TABLE 7.2: Families Visited on their Properties in the Jericho Shire During the Visitation Program in that Shire.

Families Those in a Those Those working Those facing contacted satisfactory maintaining a off farm for extreme economic livable their income economic state economic state difficulty

122 68 22 19 13

From these data it was apparent that some 26 per cent of the rural families in the Jericho Shire were either already off the property in order to gain an income or were in danger of having to either sell or move away.

The reports from this project indicated that anger, frustration over

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commodity prices, financial pressures, illness and stress were the most commonly encountered issues.

In the Darling Downs and South West regions three counsellors recorded the statistics for the number of interviews in each of the categories incorporated into Figure 7.6 for the year of 1995. The counsellors conducted 245 personal counselling sessions and 49 telephone counselling sesions during that year. The records of these sessions revealed that almost one half of the interviews were with females who came alone while one third were with unaccompanied males and less than 20% involved interviews with couples.

50% 45% 40% 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0%

Female Male Couples Groups

Figure 7.6: Percentge of Counselling Clients in Each of the Client Categories.

When the number of interviews for couples is added to the individual figures for male and female clients the gender split is as shown in Figure 7.7. This comparison of male and female client numbers indicates that the proportion of males was well above that which may have been expected if the view expressed by Johnston (2003:12) that rural men are reluctant to talk about personal issues was valid.

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Male 43%

Female 57%

Figure 7.7: Gender Breakdown of Clients Counselled by Lifeline in 1995.

Among the counselling clients from the South West there was little impact from factors relating to country of birth. Only three clients indicated that they were born outside of Australia, one from New Zealand and two from the United States of America.

The Lifeline Counselling Service clients were sometimes referred from other government and community agencies with others making their first contact through the Lifeline Telephone Counsellng Service or coming directly to the Lifeline Rural Counsellors. In most cases those who made a self referral to the program had heard about the service through the media, through friends or other farmers who had used the service or from leaflets they had read. Almost half of the clients during 1995 fell within the category of being self-referred to the service as can be seen below in Figure 7.8

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Gov. Depts 3.6% Lifeline staff 10.9% Family/friends 16.4% Community agencies Financial 7.3% Counselors 11.8% Health services 3.6% Self-referrals 46.4%

Figure 7.8: Sources of Referrals of Clients to Lifeline Rural Counsellors.

The incidence of these issues (Figure 7.9) which were raised with counsellors of the Lifeline Counselling and Family Support Program (described earlier in this chapter) indicates that some clients have been included in more than one category because of the significance of each issue for them.

Other (4.0%)

Future Plans (25.0%) Relationships (33.0%)

Depression (12.0%)

Stress (26.0%)

Figure 7.9: Dominant Issues Presented as per cent of those raised by Clients of the Rural Counselling Service. (Total Counselling Sessions = 450).

CONCLUSION.

From the data which has been presented in this chapter, the significant concerns which became evident were about changed inter-personal relationships, grief and 142

loss, stress related illnesses, depression and planning for the future. In some cases more than one of these issues were strongly evident in a client or family.

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CHAPTER EIGHT

ISSUES ARISING FROM THE DATA

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INTRODUCTION.

In this chapter the data presented earlier are illuminated in terms of the actual experiences of individuals and families which were shared with the telephone and face-to-face counsellors. The significant issues which emerged from the data and the counselling records are here gathered under appropriate headings (see Table 8.1). The selected headings are shown in the form of a summary table. The issues identified in that table are then presented under corresponding headings in the illustrative form of personally unidentifiable material taken directly from counselling contacts and as case studies (where names are changed to preserve the anonymity of participants) which illustrate the experiences and reactions of many of those contacted in the region.

The formal presentation of the outcomes of counselling and support can be linked more closely to community and individual issues through the use of anecdotal reports of contacts with Lifeline counselling team members. In the following material actual counselling records have been used, but where names are used pseudonyms have been substituted for the real names of the contacts. These pseudonyms have been included in non-identifying scenarios.

Initial comments from rural families and individuals contacted by face-to- face counsellors in regard to problems they were experiencing varied from We've really got no problems 3(but then talked for 2 hours) to we’ve sure got some of those. Almost everyone was glad of the opportunity to unburden, expressing comments such as I wish I had talked to you sooner. Most farmers gradually relaxed with the counsellors and were prepared to give details of their financial difficulties and debts and, in many cases, of their family and relationship problems.

Feedback received from counselling contacts and residents of rural communities showed that the members of the Lifeline teams were regarded as empathic and able to keep confidences. It had been expected that there would be some resistance to engaging in in-depth discussions about personal issues, but in almost every case it was the counsellor who had to limit the length of the contact.

3 The use of italics indicates the use of narrative from the original records.

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During on-farm contacts there were many occasions where an invitation was issued from the farmer to the counsellor to have a ‘cuppa’ and sometimes to share a meal. The venue for discussion varied from the backyard to the living room (most often around the kitchen table) and, on a few occasions, while performing chores such as penning-up sheep and throwing fleeces on the skirting table.

Generally wives were very willing to share their distress and while men, on the whole, were slower to share, they, in the end, were just as open and sometimes demonstrated their deeper feelings through tearful exclamations such as “my god it’s been good to have someone to talk to”.

The team members came across a variety of situations when taking telephone calls, when visiting families on farms and when talking with non- farming members of the rural communities. These situations included farmers with major financial problems, others with emotional and personal problems, and farmers who were surviving the drought and poor times - often because of good management skills, luck with crops and weather and minimum debts. Many were asset rich and income poor.

A common denominator for the contacts, whether by telephone or in face- to-face situations, was the opportunity for farmers and rural residents to talk about their problems and concerns. In many cases team members were able to help in resolving problems and in providing practical support. In other cases they were unable to help beyond just being there and allowing family members to talk. In these latter cases it was often because the contacts were too late or because the problem was beyond the agency’s charter or expertise.

THE EMERGENT ISSUES.

In the following summary (Table 8.1) the main issues raised during the contacts are assigned to brief sub-headings and the relationship to the data sources for each sub-heading is identified. These headings were chosen as best representing the themes running through the extensive material gathered during the data collection. The comments under each data source are based on an overall interpretation of those data. The data from the Jericho Shire visitation have been included under with the Counselling and Family Support responses under the “face-to-face” category. While the Jericho project lay outside of the study region, it was closely

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related and the responses were similar to those from the study region. The order of the headings does not signify a ranking of the issues as to attempt such a ranking would be an unjustified interpretation of the data. The order does, however, reflect the frequency with which each issue was raised by the participants.

Table 8.1: Summary of the Issues Presented to Lifeline Counsellors in all of the Data Sources.

Assigned Heading Telephone Face-to - Face Women’s Access

Failure Significant Highly Significant Significant

Reluctance to Change Significant Significant Highly significant

Pride Significant Highly Significant significant

Hope Significant Significant Minimal

Reliance on Family Significant Significant Significant

Hardship Significant Significant Significant

Gender Roles Significant Minimal Highly significant

Social Position and duty Significant Significant Significant to others

Stress - Personal Significant Significant Highly significant

Stress - Highly Significant Significant Interpersonal/Marital Significant

Faith Significant Significant Minimal

Reliance on Assistance Significant Significant Significant

Custodianship Significant Significant Minimal

Isolation Significant Significant Significant

Debt Highly Highly Significant significant significant

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Grief and Loss Highly Highly Significant Significant significant

Job Training Minimal Minima l Highly significant

Physical Illness Significant Significant Minimal

Depression Highly Significant Significant significant

Intergenerational Significant Significant Insignificant Tensions

Failure.

The writer has earlier outlined the fierce independence which so often manifested itself among prim ary producers and rural communities. Their determination to overcome adverse conditions was often noted by members of the counselling teams as being a major obstacle to the contacts’ acceptance that their enterprise was no longer viable. To admit that the enterprise could not be sustained seemed to become a huge personal affront for which these clients had no ready answer.

The sense of failure felt by so many of those contacted had several dimensions. There was an overarching sense that each enterprise that failed influenced the future of the whole of primary production in the region and, indeed, in the nation. Secondly, those producers who had inherited their enterprise over a number of generations felt an enormous sense of having failed those who had kept it viable through the great depression, world wars and previous difficult trading times. Many of those contacted found it difficult to identify the factors which had specifically brought them to a point of non-viability. The sense of failure as expressed in regard to family heritage was one of the most common issues in both telephone and face-to-face contacts.

Then, thirdly, there was a sense of personal failure as a producer, husband, parent, community member and, in some cases, as a Christian who had care of the land.

One client family facing a desperate financial position, with dependants

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both at home and away, were on a 1 200 hectare grain and cattle property with 400 breeder stock. This family was several bank payments in arrears and their equity in the property had been reduced to 40 per cent. They were unable to afford machinery repairs, seed and fertilizer to plant a crop, repair property, transport, insurance, telephone, electricity or an increase in amount of the property rates or boarding school fees. Education facilities and work for school leavers were both non-existent in the area. For such a family these factors meant the need to bring the children home from boarding schools or hostels even though a local alternative was not available and employment prospects were minimal.

We can only guess at the emotional pain experienced by John who, in his late forties felt himself to be an absolute failure, having experienced a succession of crop failures, seen his livestock decline to poor condition and faced no apparent prospect of being able to afford the education he believed his children deserved. For months he had been having less and less to say, rarely going to town, displaying irritability and was spending longer hours in the paddock. He talked to no one about his worries, not his wife or any neighbour or friend. One day he did not return to the homestead. His body was found on the property, and it was clear that his death the result of a violent personal act. Since then his widow had experienced waves of emotion, sometimes anger, sometimes guilt and always a deep sadness and an inescapable longing to know why he had reached such a point of despair. In a small community everyone has a version of such incidents and his children had difficulty at the local school where a range of negative reactions were evident.

Other comments illustrating this concept recorded by counsellors include:

When I am out in the paddocks I just feel so ashamed of the state of our farm. It can only be my fault that the property they left me has come to this.

My husband just can’t see that the drought, the poor prices and changes to our community are more to blame than he is.

I hate to see my parents like this. They are so depressed when they used to love their life here. It really upsets me that they can only think in terms of their having failed to manage things.

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We often think about the hard times of the past and wonder how our parents and grandparents survived those conditions. We must have failed somewhere to be losing what they created.

It is my fault that our kids don’t have the choice of staying on the property. I have really let them down. In summary, the concept of failure, as identified in this study, reflected the sense of personal responsibility which individuals took upon themselves when a rural enterprise failed. The measurement of success in a non-rural business venture is often based upon the level of financial return achieved through that business and factors beyond the operators’ control may be blamed for any failure. In rural industry there are too many factors over which the producer has little or no control. Such factors include the climatic conditions, the market price available, production costs and the promotion of the commodity. The counselling team encountered examples of people who had a sense of lone responsibility for the outcomes for their rural enterprise.

Reluctance to Change.

Rural enterprises throughout South West Queensland had faced recurrent challenges in regard to appropriate agricultural or grazing uses of farmland. Discussion in earlier chapters has highlighted issues surrounding choices between sheep and cattle, differing crops, land clearance or non- productive areas, amalgamation or withdrawal issues in the mulga country and the expansion of national parks and water catchment areas.

In some cases changes to transport systems, such as the closure of rail links, had also influenced production choices. There had also been changes in political policies on rural industries. Rural communities had generally opposed policies for industry which the rural community perceived as assisting unions or specific industries, but their conservatism meant that they had seldom applied the anti-specific-industry policies approach to their own industry (Davis et al., 1993:36). The counselling teams often encountered clients who deeply resented any government policy or action which would direct how they should manage their enterprise.

In discussions on the telephone, and in person, contacts told the

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counsellors of personal, family and community stresses which often resulted if changes in the farm enterprise were forced upon them. Frequently changes in production required changes to handling facilities, harvesters or other machinery, the nature of supplies or fodder held on site as well as the modes of transport needed.

As an example, the decision to change from sheep grazing to emu or kangaroo farming would, in most cases, necessitate expensive changes to fencing, water supplies, feeding systems, stock management, transport, processing plants and broader community infrastructure. Similarly, to change from grain cropping to navy bean production involved new machinery, marketing systems, transport, storage facilities, grading techniques and enterprise management.

For many small communities such changes altered the established community identity, and the use of established facilities and transport systems, as well as the nature of the expertise required within the community.

Some of the concerns raised with counsellors about the changes being faced and indicating the concept of conservatism include:

This has always been sheep country and we have developed breeding techniques which result in better quality wool. That has taken several generations of our family to achieve and it is what we are good at. What do I know about producing anything else?

Bill has taken real pride in growing the best quality wheat that this area can produce. Growing wheat and summer crops has been his life. He doesn’t want to change now and we are faced with selling up. But what do we do then?

Our town and this community have developed around the cattle industry. We have faced really tough times together and we have had some good times but we have been a community all the way. Now it’s not just us that have to change but the whole area. The meat works is finished, local businesses such as stock feed supplies, cattle transport are in trouble and our expert 151

advisers are no longer needed. I am really frightened about how we will all cope.

In one interview the counsellor was told that local producers held little confidence in either the producer organisations or the Primary Industry advisors when it came to recommendations about change. The person speaking with the counsellor indicated that he had much more confidence in advice coming from his family and friends. They had long term experience of the area and its capacity and had been through both the bad and better seasons.

The concept of reluctance to change, as identified in this study identifies the nature of the relationship with the land and rural life as reported by most participants. This study has noted the political power exercised by rural groups during the early years of the Queensland Parliament. It has also been shown that the Church played a significant role in the European settlement of South West Queensland. Both of these factors brought cultural overtones of a land-owning bureaucracy and contributed to an image of the primary producer as the community esquire. In grazing areas the grazier was often treated as being socially superior to the members of the general population. Evidence has been produced in this study showing that such an image did not always represent the actual social situation. However, many primary producers have resisted any political or social change as well as any production changes. The material which is included above draws upon the study data to demonstrate the issues surrounding rural conservatism.

Pride.

There was a very real sense of pride evident in most of those who made contact with the counselling teams. The term ‘pride’ needs to be understood in context. A dictionary offers two distinct definitions of pride (Readers Digest Oxford, 1993:1206). The first is related to people with “a high or overbearing opinion of one’s worth or importance”. Some rural families may be accused of displaying such qualities but they were not encountered by the counsellors. The writer had personal experience, when living in western Queensland, of families with almost no assets who still maintained the role of the rural aristocrats during the annual ball season both in dress and conduct at the various balls. However this was likely to be a form of denial of their true financial situation and an attempt to

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cover the realities in a ritual of fantasy each year. In many ways this was part of their survival process.

The second definition of pride “a feeling of satisfaction...at achievements” more accurately reflects the sense of pride recorded in the data. Many of those contacts indicated that they were proud of the use they had made of a very difficult natural environment and the production they had been able to achieve.

There is also the sense of pride being the retention of one’s privacy and not having one’s errors or failings displayed in such a way that one loses personal dignity. In their report on family support programs for rural families, Stayner and Barclay (2002:65) cite a reference from the Josephite Sisters. The Sisters identified pride as an impediment to people seeking assistance but they also noted that this reserve fell away once conversation took place at the kitchen table. They also noted that the men were reluctant to talk when women were included in the conversation but became more vocal if the women were not present. The latter point was supported by the reports of the Lifeline counsellors but the Lifeline counselling teams did not note the extent of reluctance presented by the Sisters. However it was recognised that the counsellors needed to take care to preserve the pride and dignity of the contacts at all times.

Phillip and Joan were both third generation primary producers. They had each inherited property, but only limited liquid assets, on the death of their parents. The cattle property they were running had been almost debt free with an equity level approaching 90 per cent. They produced high quality stock and were well respected in grazing circles.

After a number of difficult years of drought, poor prices and high costs, their financial position had changed significantly. Lower land prices and high interest rates meant that their relatively small mortgage became aligned to a less valuable asset and they were forced to increase their debt to buy stock food and for general living expenses. Their equity in the property had fallen to below 50 per cent. Their initial reaction when visited by the counselling team was to deny that they were facing any problems. They clearly wished to retain the standing they enjoyed among their industry peers and still believed in their ability to make

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the property more viable.

However, after a second contact when the counsellor talked out in the paddock, Phillip became much more willing to share his apprehension and his bitter disappointment that, despite his proven ability to run the property well, he could not see how they would survive on the property in the longer term. His pride, as well as Joan’s, was painfully damaged but with support they were able to overcome the reluctance to talk with the Farm Financial Counsellor and the Primary Industries Advisor. Out of these contacts a new farm plan was formulated and they were both able to again feel a sense of personal pride in the renewed hopes for the outcomes they were planning.

With the typical dry humour of many rural people they often disguised this pride behind satirical comments. Jenny Gersekowski (1992:68) included a poem by an unidentified farmer in her reflections on the 1991/1992 drought in Queensland.

A Farmer’s Last Will and Testament I leave to my wife my overdraft at the bank - maybe she can explain it. To my son, equity in my car. Now he will have to go to work to make the repayment. To my banker, my soul – he has a mortgage on it anyway. To my neighbour, my clown suit – he will need it if he continues to farm as he has in the past. To the marketing boards, my unpaid bills – they took some chances on me and I want to do the same for them. To my farm advisor, my farm plan – maybe he can understand it. To the junk man, my machinery – he has had his eyes on it for years. To my undertaker, a special request, six implement and fertiliser dealers for pallbearers – they are used to carrying me. To the weather man, storms and hail for the funeral – no sense in having good weather now. To the grave digger – don’t bother, the hole I am in is already big enough. For the monument maker, an epitaph as follows: “Under this stone a farmer lies, No one laughs and no one cries Where he has gone and how he fares, No one knows and no one cares” Alternatively, if I am cremated, send the ashes to the receiver of revenue with a brief note reading “There you are you b…s now you’ve got the lot.” These words reveal the crushed pride of a producer who has done all he

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can but has reached the end of the road as a farmer. It is, for him, only through such a medium that those feelings can be released.

A similar sense of crushed pride was evident in the data collected during the Women’s Access to Work project. Some of the women reported that people who worked in employment agencies lacked skills in interpersonal communication. These women related that they had been made to feel inferior and degraded. In some cases women felt that they may have retained some pride had they been interviewed by an older person.

Other women involved in the group sessions indicated that their contribution on the farm was seldom appreciated, while their community voluntary work also lacked positive feedback. Two young women reported that they had done a lot of voluntary work for the school but hadn’t even been given interviews when a teacher aide position became available.

In summary, the concept of pride, as revealed in this study, referred to a sense of personal achievement in a rural enterprise and within a rural community. It was noted that primary producers personalise the failure of a rural enterprise. At the same time personal satisfaction followed closely upon any success which the enterprise achieved. It was not normal to encounter farmers who openly boasted of their achievements but it was common in this study to hear producers talk with a quiet pride in the work they had done on their property, with their cropping or with their management decisions.

Hope.

For many of the individuals who called the Lifeline telephone counsellors, ‘hope’ featured as a significant issue. Despite their acknowledgement of the many negatives in their experiences they saw hope as the final positive element available to them. Their love for the rural lifestyle, their community and friends, and their belief that they and their family could see the bad times through, helped to formulate their view of the future.

The Lifeline counselling team were aware of the importance of hope and sought to enhance and encourage hopefulness wherever possible without disregarding the realities being faced by those they saw. The significance of hope

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had been highlighted in various reports such as that produced by the United States Department of Health and Human Services (2002:12) where reference is made to the disillusionment felt by many American farm families. The report stated that during the disillusionment stage of people’s reaction to disasters people are likely to feel estranged from others and may distance themselves from other community members or even their own family. Where such a reaction occurs, hopelessness and even thoughts of suicide can be common.

Illustrative of this concept, telephone contacts with Lifeline counsellers were often characterised by comments such as:

There has to be some hope that we will make it. Without that hope there is no reason to even try.

I have a belief that through perseverance and hard work we will come to better times. There is nothing for me in the city so I cling to my hopes for our life here on the property.

Part of my Christian belief is that we always have hope. I know it might sound too simple but as long as I can hope I can continue to deal with the hardships we are facing.

As a family we have shared how we see the future. It wasn’t easy and there were many tears but, in the end, we all still hope for better times ahead.

In one family visited in the Jericho Shire project, there were many reasons for the family members to feel hopeless. The long drought, dead stock, lack of surface water or feed, crippling changes to their equity in the property and ill health dominated the conversation with the visiting counsellor. The parents, Max and Irene, had only tentative links to any Christian denomination, while the children had little experience of religious education. However, Max was the third generation on the property and his father and grandfather had always taught him to respect God and to have hope in the future. As the children grew older they asked the hard questions about how Max and Irene could continue to believe in God with all that was happening for them. Neither Max nor Irene could really explain their belief but they shared with the counsellor that, as simple as their faith was, it was the one sense of hope in which they could both share. 156

The concept of hope, as revealed in this study, was closely related to the expectation that the effort being made would result in some form of success and the desire to see an enterprise achieve the potential that the producer believed possible. The belief that one’s input will be rewarded in the way that is desired can be the motivation which enables a person to keep going in adverse conditions. If this hope is diminished or lost there is a sense that there is little point in continuing the effort.

Reliance on Family.

During the post-second-world-war period many farming enterprises were able to support more than one family. As the economics of rural industries changed it was often necessary for the management of properties to be undertaken by just one family. Not only did this change result in increased work loads for the remaining family members but it could also create a sense of isolation for that family.

Among the telephone callers and face-to-face contacts there were those who commented on the heavy dependence they felt on their wives, husbands, children or parents. Any interpersonal conflicts seemed to escalate and result in tensions affecting the health of those involved, the effectiveness of their work on the property and eventually the sustainability of the enterprise.

This observation by the counselling team was consistent with findings in other studies such as a 1992 study by a team from the University of Central Queensland involving a survey of rural communities in the Central West of Queensland on behalf of the Uniting Church in that region. The issue was to identify the effects of the rural recession on those communities and families within them. In the final report on the survey (Killion, 1994:33) it was noted that a significant number of respondents referred to stress, tiredness, lowered expectations and perceptions of lowered expectations among their family members. Many considered that both their own life style and that of family members were of a lower standard than had been the case in the past.

The Lifeline counselling teams reported regularly that there was a heavy reliance on each other within rural families and, when the problems reported in the Central Queensland survey emerged, the inability to rely on each other 157

became a demoralising and debilitating matter.

The families contacted by the Lifeline counselling teams were less likely to be as multi-generational as those of the American State of New York, as reported by Adams (1992:19-20), although some similar examples were encountered. Irrespective of the actual occupancy of the farm household, the Lifeline counsellors frequently noted the continuing reliance upon family members.

Where the farming enterprise was operated as a family business, there were often increased interpersonal problems when financial stresses arose. In a typical scenario the farm business structure had been badly formulated due to poor estate planning by the grandfather. It was further aggravated by drought conditions and family health problems. The wives of the non-farming beneficiaries of the finalisation of the family company were discontented with the settlement and were agitating for greater benefits. The only family member left working on the farm did succeed in returning profits to the business and, to a limited extent to himself, only by working under virtual slave labour conditions. Fortunately he was a man who enjoyed a strong marital relationship and was a very competent farmer. In such a case the Lifeline counsellors were able to explain the need for a legal formalisation of the settlement which had been reached. Counsellors were able to illustrate possible courses of action to pursue. Families were strongly advised to contact a Farm Financial Counsellor (advisors employed by the State Department of Primary Industries), a solicitor and an accountant for help in resolving all the issues. In all such cases counsellors needed to provide significant emotional support for family members. This support involved regular counselling sessions for those who would accept them, telephone contact and establishing contacts between the family members and community support organisations active in their area.

In another common scenario Bob and Marg owned a property which was badly affected by drought and on which they carried a large mortgage. Their son and daughter-in-law, with two young children, lived in a caravan on the property. The son, Jim, who had no stake in the property at all, was lucky if he received even living expenses. Jim felt he could not leave his parents and seek work off the

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farm, as his father demanded that Jim remain to assist with work on the property. The daughter-in-law, Avril, felt that she was a prisoner on the isolated property, with a sub-standard home and no transport to get off the property. While Avril was basically loyal to her husband, their continued enforced isolation, combined with lack of money to feed and clothe the family and no evident future prospects, eventually forced her to leave her husband and the property. Avril first contacted Lifeline advising that she had $3.00 and had moved in with her mother (a pensioner) with her two young children. Telephone conversations on her behalf with Centrelink produced financial assistance within a few days. This removed some immediate pressure and allowed her to plan her future while she supported her children and to engage in ongoing personal and relationship counselling.

Another case involved a 2 000 hectares, isolated, beef cattle property in a badly affected drought area. The owner sold all marketable cattle, keeping only the best breeding stock and a few trading stock (220 head in all). The aim was to survive the drought, maintaining the nucleus of the herd with minimum feed purchases. The property value was considered to be around $400 000 at that time with a mortgage which left a 70 per cent equity. Some relatively small current accounts were outstanding but stress was evident, as no income could be anticipated for at least nine months. The family consisted of the husband and wife, in a strong, stable relationship, and two young children.

The wife had professional qualifications and was willing to work part time when her youngest child reached six months of age. The problem was that the nearest appropriate workplace was 100 km from the farm and there were no child- minding facilities of any kind in the area. She also had a natural concern for the provision of acceptable child care for her young children. The husband's parents owned a cattle property closer to the town and they are also experiencing cash flow problems.

The possibility of obtaining some childcare facility in their locality was explored. Several agencies were contacted and eventually the nearest Family Services centre took up the matter formally with their head office. It was acknowledged that Lifeline's Rural Support Unit's submission on behalf of the family influenced a head office decision to give favourable consideration of the

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request for childcare. As a result, the grandparent’s home was registered for childcare and the couple were delighted with the care being provided for their two young children. This project directly benefited two rural families: (a) the grandparents were receiving some childcare income, helping meet their normal living expenses; and (b) the mother was earning an income from part time nursing with peace of mind regarding the welfare of her young children. Her income was not seriously eroded by childcare costs, as she was eligible for fee relief.

Both families therefore had modest carry-on funds without the need for seeking Centrelink help while waiting for farm income to return to normal. Both families were able to remain in the community and were providing ongoing community service.

The Family Services agency involved in organising this facility endeavoured to find more country homes to register for childcare so that the project could justify local control rather than being overseen by a remote centre.

Some of the children who spoke with counsellors and school representatives reported that other children were often struggling with the fact that parents were barely maintaining the farm but were continuing to try to support them at school.

However many of the families who had contact with the counselling teams had already withdrawn their children from boarding schools and hostels and had resumed home teaching. They depended on correspondence courses or school of the air sessions to help them in this process. Other families, often with negotiated financial arrangements with the schools involved, were trying to maintain their children’s placements at boarding schools and hostels.

Because of the work pressures, on and off the farm, parents tended to have very limited contact with children not living at home. When contact did occur parents tended to avoid talking about how serious the farm situation had become.

These factors combined to create scenarios, encountered by counsellors, where children heard through the media, or other families, just how bad things were in their home area. Through the lack of family communication it became common for children to imagine their own version of what was happening. Often their version placed themselves as the main financial burden on the family. In an 160

extreme case one student committed suicide after well meaning relatives told the child and his siblings of the struggle their parents were facing. The end conclusion for some children was reported as “If I were not dependent on them Mum and Dad could just leave the farm and start again”.

Illustrating further the concept, comments from the children who made contact with telephone counsellors include - They [my parents] never talk about their financial problems or the pressure they are under. I just want to be able to hear it from them and be able to talk about how I could help.

What’s the use of my finishing school if the whole family is stressed out and broke?

My dad says I should go as far as I can at school before going back to the property. But will it be there to go back to?

In this study, the concept of being reliant on the family related to issues such as a reluctance to trust anyone outside of the immediate family with any personal information or information about the enterprise. Additionally, personal hopes, pride and community standing have all contributed to a continuing reliance on family. It became evident in the study that the ability to rely on selfless effort and shared hopes and expectations had often meant the continuation of an enterprise against all adversities.

Hardship.

A father and sons partnership on a 350 hectare farm had been just paying its way while supporting the family until the death of the father two years prior to their contact with Lifeline counsellors. The seasonal conditions had created financial stress and the bank was seen as being “less than helpful". The sons developed a new farm management program which would take farm turnover from $40,000 to over $350,000 per annum.

The Department of Primary Industries Farm Financial Counsellor assisted with budgets and financial records and a restructuring proposal was presented to the local Development Corporation Manager. The proposal was rejected. The brothers arranged for an officer from the Corporation’s Brisbane office to visit the property and complete a farm inspection. This officer appreciated the situation, understood the restructuring implications and approved the proposal. 161

Soon after hail damage caused an income loss of $150,000 and, at that point, the Brisbane officer suspended all commitments to the Corporation until some financial stability was restored. The client was optimistic that he could then meet all commitments, reduce his debt and trade profitably.

In this case the Corporation was seen to be operating in the spirit of their original charter to the Rural Industry. The family was committed to paying all principal and interest requirements. The farm enterprises included field crops, vegetables, citrus, cut flowers and free-range meat chickens. The property was considered to be valued at around $600 000 and the client had a 60 per cent equity in the farm business.

In expressing appreciation for the emotional support provided by the counsellors this farmer was one of many who suggested that an on-going service such as they had received from Lifeline should be ensured for rural areas.

In a similar situation, one family was several repayments in arrears on their bank debt and, if forced to sell the farm, they would still have owed a substantial sum. Bankruptcy was viewed with distaste and a guarantor may have been held responsible for the shortfall. If the guarantor was forced to meet the difference and was in a similar situation (as was often the case), it would mean that another family’s property would have to be sold. Therefore there would be two families needing to be relocated.

Another couple, then in their fifties, were content on their debt free, small farm. When their son also wanted to farm, they sold the home property and purchased a larger property. High interest rates, poor returns from crops and the continuing drought forced them to sell this larger property. They still owned the machinery and survived by caretaking on the property for the new owners while their son was working elsewhere. This couple lived with regrets about selling their original farm, and appreciated their contact with Lifeline as being their first chance to talk openly about their feelings.

Most farmers had accepted these changes and market fluctuations as part of the reality of farming and had believed that, in the longer term, the bad times are offset by the good periods. However the combination of financial pressures, trade difficulties and climatic hardships during the 1980s and 1990s meant there

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were few better periods for many rural families. This led to families and individuals from each of the data sets reporting fears of the loss of the family enterprise as the dominant issues of concern.

Comments noted by counsellors which related to this concept of hardship include -

My parents struggled for years to make it possible for me to have this place but I just can’t do it.

My husband won’t listen to any other explanations, he just worries about his responsibility to the rest of the family and it is making him really sick.

I just wish I could help Dad to see that working himself so hard and blaming himself can’t change the facts about rural industry.

When the outreach worker called on Bill it was first to be shouted at and abused, but then invited inside. He had recently had to sell his holding to clear his debts. One property had been debt free and used as collateral for his wife's debt- ridden family property and therefore both his and their properties were lost. He was angry with governments and banks for the situation he was in. Like many others he may have been too angry to communicate with the people at those agencies. Perhaps one property could have been sold to save the other. It was the first time he had expressed his anger to an outsider and he was apologetic later and expressed appreciation for the contact.

In summary, the concept of hardship, as identified during this study, related to issues such as seasonal conditions, lack of a regular cash flow, and lack of access to facilities such as shops, banks, medical services, and the absence of professional advice or spiritual support. Sometimes the number of active hardship factors being experienced became too heavy a burden even for the primary producer. When weather, commodity prices, tariffs, import and export regulations and personal issues combined even the most independent rural resident felt the pressure. In this study it has been noted that fierce determination was often present among participants, but there were also examples of individuals and families crumbling under the hardships they faced. In the material included above some of the data from participants is used to illustrate 163

the nature of hardship.

Gender Roles.

For most rural families, gender-based roles have been viewed from a very traditional context. Among the contacts made by the counselling teams most men saw themselves having responsibility for providing shelter, food sustenance, income and safety and security for the family. Generally these roles were taken very seriously and any perceived failures taken to heart. These men also displayed the fierce independence discussed in Chapter Three.

It was noted in many interviews that, where the farm has ceased to be a viable business activity, the male partner experienced the loss of income, family security and future prospects as his personal failure. He has fallen short of the traditional standards which rural men have set for themselves. Where the family was then in receipt of Government assistance this was perceived as an even greater failure.

In some cases noted by counsellors the men believed that as well as being a failure they were being stripped of their independence and were no better than the urban dole recipients they have previously condemned.

At the same time the majority of women reported an increase in their roles within the family. Their traditional roles were described in terms of being mother, wife, nurse, teacher and cook. In addition they had carried responsibility for voluntary community work and committee roles. The spiritual needs of the family such as congregational involvement, religious education, worship, baptisms, weddings and funerals had seldom been seen as ‘men’s business’.

Women have had to take on a further range of responsibilities including unpaid farm work in place of farm labourers, off-farm income production and farm management, which were all traditionally part of the male domain.

Some of the statements from participants in the Women’s Access to Work data have been shown in the previous chapter. There were other comments such as those which follow:

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I don’t know where to start. My whole world has changed in the last couple of years. We had always managed with what I made from the farm but now no matter how hard I work we still need to get help.

I already asked the timber mill about work – they laughed in my face because I am a woman.

If you are a separated (or divorced) woman it’s a nasty word— they want regular down-the-line church going Christians for the jobs.

It is very embarrassing for me to go to a farm counsellor. I always believed that it was my job as the man to support the family...now I have to admit that our main cash flow comes from my wife’s work.

Living off the dole has always been a bludger’s life as far as I was concerned. A man should find work but I am working harder than ever and have to get my wife to work off the farm.

It was apparent in the data that wives of farmers were often qualified in areas such as teaching or nursing - skills often appropriate to enable them to fill positions in rural areas. The Women’s Access to Work data obtained from the group discussions held throughout the region demonstrated a desire by many women to help save the farm by their bringing in funds from outside employment.

Often off-farm work represented the only source of cash flow for a farm family from which household needs could be met. However, women usually continued to provide unpaid farm labour and household management on top of the paid employment. Some recorded comments were:

My husband has been working harder and longer but there is nothing to show for that. But he must keep doing it if we are to stay here… my paid work is the only income we have.

While I can keep going I have to do everything I can to keep the family together and to keep the farm.

I have my professional skills to fall back on and it gets me away from the depression around the farm. My husband can’t do that.

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We are in this together. Either I break up the family and move away or we make the best of our situation and the brief times that we have together.

The material above has applied to both men and women. Some gender- specific comments from women gathered during the survey of their access to paid employment revealed important additional issues. Broadly the responses of the participating women fell into four major categories: eligibility for employment including both overt criteria and the hidden agendas; availability of work and appropriate training; gender issues; and community support structures.

Some comments from women involved in the discussion groups may help to illustrate these major categories:

The joker who owns the piggery, he went round six male employees to ask would they object to a woman working ... I reckon that stunk ...and she still doesn't get paid equal money.

no way could I get a mechanic's (apprenticeship) because I was a female

I went round everybody.

The men don't like it when they say women can do their work.

The majority of farm men, they won't even make a cup of tea!!

It became clear to the project workers that gender issues were the major barriers to women gaining employment in the region covered by this study. While it was acceptable for women to do extensive work on the farm, as unpaid helpers, they had also to remain solely responsible for the domestic duties. It was also acceptable for women to do voluntary community work. It was far less acceptable for women to undertake paid employment and largely unacceptable for the male to assume any of the household duties to make such employment possible.

First there was a lot of opposition from him [to her working]. She had to make sure his food was cooked - the washing done and shirts pressed - all this garbage.

In a lot of areas where the women could work and the male hasn't got work he still doesn't offer to be the house husband - more so in

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these rural areas.

The second aspect relates to the lack of recognition of the experiences gained by women in carrying out a wide variety of tasks.

I'm jack of all trades, master of none, haven't got a certificate to say I'm anything, but I've had 15 years nursing experience and been community involved - good general knowledge but officially nothing

This attitude may be compared with the willingness of rural employers to accept practical knowledge rather than formal qualifications when employing males (e.g. welding or mechanical skills):

Because I haven't got a piece of paper - but there's a lot of untapped experience and skills. Why can't they be utilised?

I wanted to run and manage my place - he just said “you wouldn't know how to do it” yet I had run it with my father for years.

The third aspect of this gender experiences concept demanding attention is the attitude of employers to the family needs for which the women so often remained responsible:

They [employers] are starting to resent the fact that you want to have a child and then go back to work or if you want time off.

In those days it was an understanding boss, not today (relating to the need to care for sick children).

For married women with children you've got to have flexible hours - and to be able to go and look after your children if need be when they're sick, without feeling any guilt or the employer taking it out on you.

I liked my job, but I couldn't stay because of family reasons.

The concept of Gender Roles, as presented above, has recognised issues ranging from the changes faced by men as their traditional roles were jeopardised by the rural conditions, for women in terms of the

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additional work they were required to do at home and off the farm, the barriers which gender often posed when seeking off-farm employment as well as issues surrounding parent-child relationships.

Social Position and Duty to Others.

For many of the rural residents who contacted the Lifeline counselling teams the sense of duty which they felt towards their community was closely tied to the sense of social status derived from taking leadership positions or being reliable members of specific groups. For those people it was particularly distressing to find that they were no longer able to make an ongoing contribution because of the demands of the farm and home situations.

In other sections of this chapter examples are given of people’s loss of involvement in volunteer roles, social clubs, sporting clubs, religious activities and community leadership. Both Barraket (2001:32) and Sheil (2000:20) noted that such activities were a part of the ‘social capital’ or the internal social strength of a community. These writers referred to the diminishing social capital as being a significant factor in the decline of rural communities.

Among those who contacted Lifeline were people who introduced a further aspect to the issues of social status and duty to others. There was the sense of loss through their non-involvement in social, recreational, political and spiritual activities but there was also the sense of guilt that they, through their non-participation, were a failure in their duty to other members of that community:

I feel ashamed now whenever I hear comments that there are groups closing because nobody will take the leadership roles.

My husband has been a councillor, president of the footy club and on other committees and I was a long term member and office holder in some groups. We feel we have let the community down but the farm and the kids take every moment of our lives.

I know I can’t give any more time or energy but, if only I could do more, it might be enough to save our little church from closure.

John ran a grazing property of over 100 000 hectares in the far South

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West. In the past he had been successful on the property and had also been a leader in the local shire. As a councillor John had worked very hard to gather the ideas and the cooperation of other graziers and town residents in seeking to improve the amenity of their community. He had supported the small local school and the remaining congregations and was generally a popular figure throughout the shire. John was also well regarded in the producer organisations, had been a member of state bodies and was known in political circles.

The decline in the viability of his property was very hard for John to accept. In many ways his situation was typical of those faced by many graziers and frequently presented to counsellors. However, the Lifeline counselling team reported that there was an added element in John’s case. There was certainly grief over the loss of his dreams and expectations as well as his lifestyle but, for John, the greater issue was an overriding sense that he had failed in his duty to those who had seen him as a role model in their community.

John retreated from life, spending his days in the house sometimes not even bothering to change out of his pyjamas. Visitors were no longer welcome on the property and his many friends found it almost impossible to communicate with him.

The counselling team needed the help of a health professional in dealing with John’s depression but much counselling was needed as well to assist him to rediscover a meaningful role in his community.

In summary, the concept of social position and duty to others, as it emerged in this study was related to a historical view that primary producers had a responsibility to become involved in agripolitics, local government or leadership of local clubs, groups or organisations. This view was described to counsellors as connected to the perception of the status held by landowners as well as being based upon an altruistic understanding of community living.

Stress – Personal

Individual families had a variety of reactions to their debt position. Some farmers were horrified at a debt level of between $5 000 and $20 000 on a property worth between $300 000 and $500 000. This was especially true of those

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who had been debt free for many years. Other farmers owing an amount as high as $450 000 on a $500 000 property believed that they could trade on and service the debt. In many cases a high level of financial equity in a property had been significantly reduced through declining property valuations.

One couple had recently separated because of financial stress. The husband said it was acceptable and normal under the circumstances but his wife could not accept that it was worthwhile continuing the farming enterprise. It was a grain property with the main production being barley. The three children stayed with each parent every second week. He appeared under stress (although he denied it) and gratefully accepted a leaflet which outlined the effects of stress. The counselling teams saw many situations such as this, and even more where this scenario seemed to be an inevitable outcome for the family.

Ben and Karen, aged in early 30s had been married for eight years and lived in a cottage on Ben’s parents’ property. Karen found this very difficult as she felt excluded from the family. The solution they had arrived at, five years previously, was to buy Ben’s uncle’s property of 220 hectares where they were living.

They had four children aged between three months and seven years when visited and Karen had only been out of hospitalisation for four days after being treated for postnatal depression. She had been alarmed by her own bizarre behaviour, such as trying to dress the baby in dolls clothes. She believed she was trying to gain recognition from Ben and other family members, of the level of desperation she was feeling. Both of them were concerned that they were making no impact on their debt of $70 000, half of which was owed interest-free to the uncle. Karen desperately wanted some home improvements carried out so that it could become her home rather than their uncle’s house. She was feeling the pressure of the business problems but was also feeling overwhelmed by the four young children. Karen agreed that, whatever they did about the farm, she needed to seek personal support from a family and parenting support group. It was

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suggested that she should phone Lifeline for inclusion in the Family Aid Program.4

Ben's father, aged 70, owned 600 hectares and they worked together to run both properties, which Ben found trying as the father would not hand over any of the decision making. Ben’s concerns included the state of their two old tractors which were not an adequate machinery plant for the 460 hectare property which also ran 1 000 head of sheep.

Karen cried as she described her depression and realised it had been helpful to talk it out. Ben felt much frustration at his inability to improve their home or to employ help so that he could spend more time supporting Karen with the children. He had little appreciation of the effects of Karen's depression and tended to withdraw rather than discuss the situation with her.

A thirty-year-old man, Jeff grew up on a farm with his parents and older brother. A shy man, he joined somewhat uneasily in the social life of the district. His brother had taken up a trade and moved to another district.

Jeff sometimes yearned to follow his brother's example but felt that their ageing parents would be unable to cope alone with the farm. Yet for the past ten years the future of the farm seemed increasingly uncertain and Jeff felt trapped. He knew he would feel guilty if he left. At the same time his life and future prospects would become increasingly uncertain if he stayed. He had lost faith in the future of farming but was acutely aware of the fact that his parents had put in a lifetime of effort to maintain an on-going tradition.

Jeff telephoned Lifeline late one evening after he had taken an overdose. He eventually gave his whereabouts to the telephone counsellor, who contacted the local ambulance. Jeff was hospitalised locally and transferred to the regional psychiatric unit where he spent several weeks. Various health professionals and others continue to provide treatment and support for him and his parents.

4 (This program offered the intensive support of a trained parent support worker in situations where the stresses of parenting were threatening family stability).

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Life did not really change for Jeff. He returned to the farm after several weeks hospitalisation followed by two to three months living in a hostel in the regional centre. During this time he had developed a new circle of friends in the regional city and had contact with a number of health professionals. He often felt that city-based professionals did not understand his situation. He had difficulty also in coping with the frequent staff changes in the public health system. Facing old friends and acquaintances back in the local district brought to the surface feelings of guilt, anger and the desire to be understood. Whilst Jeff was effectively helped during the crisis, and he was grateful for this, the underlying causes remained. The base of the iceberg, where the tip was the attempted suicide, had not been reduced. All the conditions on the farm, in the family and in the community still existed. Support services were generally unable to address the causal factors.

The stresses for children, discussed above, whether they were at home or away, frequently lead to the lowering of their academic levels of achievement. In some rural communities the withdrawal of children from student hostels had reduced high school enrolments to a point where the available subjects were restricted and support teachers and specialist subject teachers had been lost to the area.

The stresses over heritage losses could become cumulative in rural communities with the result being a community grieving process across the families who remained in the area. Such a process had serious implications for community morale, the energy to maintain community life and projects, the continuation of groups and activities, and for the physical and mental health of individuals within the community.

Media comment over the past decade had highlighted the issue of attempted and actual suicides in rural communities. The incident rate of rural suicide had created concern and generated research. However, it was not always recognised that the causes of suicide in rural communities are complex. Widespread pressures including personal hurt, emotional pain, guilt, anger and helplessness, which were often hidden, compared with the visible incidence of suicide. The counselling teams drew on the image of the iceberg to illustrate that

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relationship where the actual suicides are relatively small in number compared with the number of people affected. (Park et al:1995)

In rural areas the effects of a suicide were likely to be felt by most of the community. Health workers, police, ambulance and fire service personnel, local community leaders, clergy, shopkeepers and community members are all likely to have known the person involved. Where a number of suicides occurred in a rural community there tended to be a cumulative effect across the community.

Some of the comments recorded by counsellors were: I have driven four hundred kilometres to tell you how I intend to end my life. I want you to explain to my family why I did it as I just can’t tell them about it. I don’t want to hurt them more but I can’t take it any longer.

I am an ambulance officer. In this small community we all know each other and cutting down the body of a friend is awful.

Our son was killed in a single vehicle accident. The terrible thing is that, knowing the way he felt about the future here, I don’t think it was an accident.

We are not nuts... just ordinary people who can’t find a way through our debts, the drought and poor prices.

There were significant community effects from each of the issues described as part of grief and loss. These included the stress experienced by emergency services and health staff, clergy, civic leaders and an often overlooked group, undertakers.

The stress under which such people worked could clearly create a sense of personal failure, a feeling that they were unable to make any real difference for people who approached them and a frustration that there were insufficient resources to meet the community needs.

As noted previously the level of community stress and depression tended to increase the risks of motor vehicle accidents, farm and machinery accidents and interpersonal clashes.

The long hours of work, both on and off the property, reduced the availability of residents for important voluntary roles in their community while deterring people from nominating for essential community roles. This could

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result in added stresses for school staff, local government workers, service clubs, the Church, charities and other community groups.

The concept of personal stress, as it has been revealed in this study, referred to the level of stress experienced by an individual as distinct from interpersonal and business stresses for primary producers. During the Response to Drought Project the counselling team recorded that almost 90 per cent of those contacted showed discernable levels of personal stress. It was not customary for participants in this study to acknowledge that they were experiencing stress. It was more likely that they would describe anyone who did make such an acknowledgment as being weak and lacking the drive to make a good rural worker. However the data illustrated in the above segment provides clear evidence of the significance of this concept.

Stress - Interpersonal and Marital.

Throughout the region a range of organisations, including Lifeline, Women’s Legal Service, The Salvation Army, State Government Departments and specific issue groups offered telephone or internet support or counselling services. Some of these services such as the Commonwealth funded programs through groups such as the Smith Family and Relationships Australia had been directly aimed at rural communities.

There had been many suggestions that rural residents would not make use of telephone contacts. The Lifeline counsellors found that, although rural callers did contact the telephone counsellors, the most effective communication with rural families happened in the security of the farm environment.

From their encounters with rural families, the Lifeline counsellors identified some of the reasons for a lack of interpersonal communication.

The most common family scenario described by counsellors involved a male who was working very long hours, based on a traditional belief that more work would produce more income. When this income did not eventuate the spouse would commonly seek off-farm employment as well as additional on- farm work, the running of the household and, with increasing frequency, the responsibility for the children’s education.

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The almost inevitable outcome of such a scenario was a family where there was little time for conversation, shared activities or relaxation and an increasingly inefficient productivity due to tiredness and stress.

People who spoke with the counsellors indicated that they felt as if they were in an impossible situation. The whirl of activity precluded any time to plan any escape from that endless cycle. They expressed this in the following ways:

Mum is so busy. I just don’t know how she does it. If only there was time for me to talk with her and understand how she feels.

Tom is up at first light and comes in again after dark. I know that he tries hard but if only there was time for us to work out a better use of our energies.

We haven’t really talked for a long time. We barely have time to tell each other what we are doing.

Sometimes I think we are strangers now. He just grabs some food and a bit of sleep - and I am doing much the same. The kids just have to fit in as best they can.

Marriages were placed under strain when the moods and attitudes of partners and children changed from the previously normal pattern. At least 30 per cent of couples who spoke with counsellors reported levels of interpersonal stress which they were finding uncomfortable or unacceptable. In 15 per cent of contacts separation had already occurred or was about to happen. It is not possible to relate this level to the level of breakdown across the total rural sector or the broad Australian community. However, Lifeline’s counsellors reported that in the majority of the cases that they encountered the marriage or family breakdown was directly related to the effects of grief and loss issues arising from the farming enterprise. Those contacting the counsellors made comments such as:

We used to really enjoy each other’s company but it seemed like we had nothing more to give each other.

I still love him but unless he will accept that the farm is finished I just can’t live with him.

Mum and dad don’t talk to each other or to me. We just aren’t a family anymore.

He thinks that he has no life off the farm and I can’t even get him to discuss any options.

The minister thinks I should have stayed despite my 175

husband’s suicide threats but I couldn’t stand it any more. The church doesn’t understand.

In summary, the concept interpersonal and marital stress, as it emerged during this study, was reflective of the many pressures which have been identified in each of the data sets which combined to make it difficult for rural residents to maintain satisfactory relationships. Respondents were often so unsure of their own future and experiencing illness, anger or frustration and were losing hope. Their inability to understand their own feelings meant that it was more difficult for them to be able to recognise the signs of breakdown early enough to make any meaningful changes.

Church.

Whilst Lifeline is closely connected with the Uniting Church in Australia, it was not a function of the counselling teams to raise spiritual or Church- related issues with the callers and contacts. However a significant number of these callers and contacts indicated to team members that there were issues of faith, religious activity and the role of the Church, which were important to them.

For some of the people contacted, the loss of the Fire Brigade Board, Ambulance Committee, Hospital Board, the town courthouse and other services represented the diminishing community of which they were a part. These losses were, in a number of localities, exacerbated by the loss or impending loss of resident clergy and sometimes of services of worship as well. In the discussions held with the counsellors the losses were presented as affecting individuals, families and entire communities.

Contacts indicated that when a denominational authority determined that a priest or minister could not be supplied to a particular area such an action needed to be seen against the background of the actions taken by other denominations. They reported cases where each of the Christian denominations, which had previously been active in their areas, had taken similar action, leaving the district without any resident priest or minister.

Members of the counselling teams were told of cases where their contacts had relied upon the clergy for support, both in terms of their faith and

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for personal support. They had seen the clergy as independent and as providing a person with whom they could share the problems of their family life in confidence. Most of the communities lacked confidential and professional counselling services and visiting services were viewed with suspicion.

For many the services of worship had provided a time away from the pressures of the farm and a time of some spiritual importance.

There was a general view that it was not necessary for each denomination to maintain an individual presence but that one ordained minister from one of the mainstream Christian denominations should be resident in each region. This feeling was evident even among those who had not been closely connected with any Christian congregation.

For some contacts the issue was more deeply significant. They valued the presence of a spiritual and pastoral carer who knew them and their situation. They missed not only worship but also their participation in activities of the Church. In some cases it was clearly indicated that without their faith and their connection with the Church they could not have kept going on the farm.

Some women indicated that they considered it had been their efforts which had kept their local congregations open and active, but that they were seldom elected to leadership roles. These roles were most often taken by men. Other women indicated that they had been able to become leaders but, because of the closure of the local congregations, no longer had such roles and were feeling a deep sense of loss. Some of the recorded comments included:

I didn’t want to ring you. I have always been able to talk with our minister when I really needed someone to listen to me. We don’t have one any more and I was told Lifeline was a Christian organisation.

My faith is what has kept me going. We have had a really tough time here and we needed our church. I can’t tell you how much I miss it. The city people make decisions about us and they have no idea what we are going through.

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If a city church closes there are always others not too far away. I have nowhere to go now and it makes me really sad.

I know we have all been too busy but it was so good to have some things happening at the church that I could get involved in. It took my mind off the farm for a little while and I enjoyed being with other people. That has all gone now.

My faith is very important to me and I so much want to go to worship. But the visiting minister only comes on Saturday nights and we are all so tired by dinner time that we just can’t get there. I don’t know what I can do.

For the Church, problems stemmed from a decreasing population base and a reduced proportion of that population being available to perform tasks such as arranging worship, providing Christian education and arranging or conducting baptisms, weddings and funerals. Those clergy who remained in rural areas had to cope with professional isolation and family and individual stresses, both personally and among congregational members. There could also be the added issue of increasing community cynicism about the traditional role of the Church, especially as city-based denominational leaders make decisions regarding the future of parishes or clergy appointments without adequate consultation with local communities.

In most communities, Religious Education had been an important part of the school curriculum, particularly in the more remote locations. In small schools Religious Education teachers were often the only regular visitors. Callers and contacts indicated to Lifeline counsellors that there were few alternative ways in which children could have contact with representatives of the Church or by which they could gain an understanding of the Christian faith.

References were often made to traditional family events which had involved clergy and the Christian community. These events included weddings, funerals, baptisms, confirmations and celebrations of significant family events. While there was acknowledgement that most of these events could still be held, it was stated that they were more difficult to arrange and

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were often conducted by strangers or visiting clergy who had little knowledge of the family or their circumstances.

References were also made to the roles the Church played in family activities other than where worship was involved. Women’s and men’s groups, youth activities and children’s clubs had played varying roles depending upon the local population and the distances which needed to be travelled.

The family support, health and welfare services provided by various agencies of the Church were recognised as valuable even by those who did not attend services There were, however, concerns about these agencies to which reference will be made below.

Most people who contacted Lifeline counsellors indicated that they had a trust in the agency but did not necessarily make any connection between Lifeline and the Uniting Church. Some of the comments about family issues were:

My wife is working too hard. She gets tired and depressed from what is happening on the property. She used to get hope and friendship off the farm and I can see how much she is missing the activities we used to have at the church. I don’t know how to help her.

Our son is getting married to a girl from this area. They wanted to be married in the local church but it is so hard to organise now. They have to contact a priest from another parish and then fit their plans into when he can be available. I don’t know, we just seem to be a nuisance to everyone – we are not important.

It was good to be able to let the kids have some fun in town at the weekend. The church had a youth group and a kids’ club but there is no one to run them now - everyone is so busy and with no minister….

Rodney left the family farm in his late teens and lived in a small rural town hoping to find new friends with whom he felt more comfortable. He made

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friends of his own age but often felt uncomfortable in the local social scene where heavy beer consumption was the norm. He had been brought up to take an active part in the life of a local congregation, but this no longer had any appeal. In fact he felt rather alienated from all Christian congregations.

As he advanced through his teens he felt increasingly confused and alienated from the local society and at times quite depressed. At such times, suicide seemed an appropriate option that would switch off life and leave him in a state of nothingness. He indicated that he believed that if the means had been readily available he would have taken that option.

Eventually Rodney decided to move to the city where he found a wider variety of social groupings to choose from, achieved a greater feeling of acceptance and had a clearer sense of his own identity.

In summarising the concept of Church, as revealed in this study it is noted that the term ‘Church’ as well as indicating a group of people with pastoral leadership, can be used in relation to the ability of a community to survive if that pastoral leadership is removed. In this segment of the study the concept is related to Christian beliefs and the influence of the Church on people’s lives. The case examples and quotations from counselling records used in the preceding segment are illustrative of the significance of the concept in the lives of many of the participants.

Reliance on Assistance

One family of two adults with three children at home on 500 hectares were running 70 head of cattle. The value of the property was $160 000 and they had a debt of $220 000. They had no income and currently were unable to afford living expenses, telephone bills, electricity accounts, repairs to property, school requisites, transport costs, repairs to machinery, fertilizer or seed to plant. They were disadvantaged by a lack of government services, inadequate school bus provisions, the lack of off-farm employment opportunities in the area, few adult education facilities to retrain for off-farm work, and the absence of child minding facilities. By off-farm work they referred to opportunities for paid employment away from their property, either in the closest town or further away from home. Some were assisted in making an application for Centrelink payments, which they 180

then received. At that time landholders could apply for rural assistance funds, hardship payments or unemployment benefits which were processed by the Commonwealth agency Centrelink. Even the modest level of financial relief which such payments could offer them could ease the financial stress which was preventing them from dealing with other personal and family issues.

Not all the farms the counsellors visited were in desperate straits. Many were surviving and would see out the drought and poor times. One overriding concern found was the reaction to handouts. Farmers continually stressed that they did not want these, but did want incentives to continue on the land and to be able to make a reasonable living from farming.

Many families existed on Centrelink Family Allowance Subsidy payments for living expenses. If the family applied for Job Search Allowance the Family Support payments were usually terminated at the time of the application. Farmers accepted the explanation of overlap payments but because of delays with filling in other forms and postal deliveries they also found it distressing to not have that income while they waited. Fortunately, Centrelink staff were sympathetic to this situation and would often reinstate Family Allowance payments when approached on behalf of the family until the Job Search application was finalised.

One family with three children at home and two living away from home ran 450 head of cattle on 1 400 hectares with a 50 per cent equity in the property. They could not afford living expenses, insurance, school requisites, transport expenses, fuel costs and machinery repairs, repairs to property or to increase the size of their property.

There was a lack of work off-farm, few higher education facilities or government agencies. Like many others, this family applied for Job Search Allowance, although frightened that a connection would be made between Centrelink and the banks. Four budgets had to be prepared in connection with this application and Centrelink terminated the Family Allowance on receipt of the application. Several phone calls were made to have the Family Allowance reinstated, which was expensive and stressful for the family. Like many families they found the Centrelink forms confusing and had difficulty completing the required processes.

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Many young farmers were in a similar situation to Alan, a young farmer working a 700 hectare property. He owned only 80 cows but did have 80 per cent equity in the property. However he currently had no income and his equity was rapidly declining. The enterprise was deemed non-viable in the long term and therefore not eligible for interest subsidy. There was no off-farm work available in the area. He could not afford to look for work away from the area because of vehicle expenses. He was unable to afford school clothing, footwear, transport to the bus stop, boarding school fees, and improvements to property or insurance. Once again there were clear links between his financial pressures and a range of serious family issues. Alan’s situation also highlighted problems within the Government assistance schemes. The conditions then in force meant that eligibility for assistance was dependent upon Alan placing the property on the market and making himself available for employment. The latter condition required evidence that the person had made approaches to employers and did not limit the times he or she could be available for work.

A period of separation forced Jim and Avril to reassess their position and consider their priorities. Counsellors felt that, with some compromise by both parties, a reconciliation could be achieved and that the counsellors had a part to play in facilitating this. A further meeting was arranged back on the farm, covering such issues as Jim gaining equity in the farm business, maintaining an old vehicle for Avril to be able to take time away from the property on suitable and necessary occasions, and possible forms of income support. This process resulted in the family being established on the farm again. Jim arranged to have time off to seek off-farm work, and Centrelink assistance was obtained for his wife.

The concept of people becoming reliant on assistance, as identified in this study, was related to the need felt by many of those who participated in this study to show that they could survive the most financially depressed times. There was a pervading view that ‘welfare’ was for those who were too ill to work or who refused to work. It was not seen as an appropriate means of ensuring that the family had food on the table or clothes to wear. During the course of the study a large number of the participants were forced to review their understanding of assistance as their ability to provide for their family declined. The inability to

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survive without assistance remained a major issue for many participants in the study and their views and experiences are reflected in the material included in the above section.

Custodianship.

With the rise of Aboriginal land rights claims impinging on Australia’s rural industries, the Lifeline counsellors encountered many cases of people deeply disturbed by claims that white farmers had no other relationship with the land than the economic benefits they could derive from it. Even those managing company-owned properties were eager to talk about the affinity they had with the land.

Despite the development of company-operated agricultural enterprises, the vast majority of those contacted through Lifeline counselling programs were operating family owned and operated properties. In many cases several generations of a family had managed the property over a long period of time. Frequently families had assumed that the children would want to stay or return to the family property to continue the ties with that land. This assumption had grown from the heritage created over several generations and a strong sense of custodianship of the farm land. It became obvious to counsellors that, while not matching the spiritual relationship of the Aborigine with the land, the sense of oneness, responsibility and custodianship felt by many farmers was highly developed.

Arthur and Ruth first contacted the Lifeline telephone counsellors and were later seen face-to-face by the counselling team. They initially expressed concern that the Church had not acknowledged the implications of land rights claims for those who were farming the land. They later went on to explain their family situation. One child, Cliff, was living away from home while undertaking formal studies in agriculture. It was Cliff’s expectation that he would be able to return to the home property and apply his learning to the running of the property. The other two children, Rebecca and Bruce, were doing secondary studies from home after having had to return from boarding school.

All the family members knew how difficult it had become to maintain a viable enterprise and were keenly aware of the family heritage issues that would 183

be raised if the enterprise had to close. Both Arthur and Ruth were sympathetic to the case for Aboriginal land rights but felt very strongly that they too had a genuine affinity with their land which was far beyond the economic issues or life style arguments. They described the property as being “an extension of us - who we are”.

This family interpreted their role as being custodians of the land, responsible for its sustainability as agricultural land and for its ecological maintenance. They resented what they saw as a move by the Church to denigrate the farmer’s use of the land (historically supported by the Church) and to promote the return of land to the indigenous owners. The counsellors reported that Arthur and Ruth were intensely devoted to their property and, if forced to leave, would experience real grief, not just for the enterprise, but for their separation from the land.

Some of those who contacted the telephone counsellors indicated similar issues with the expansion of National Parks and the moves to control the Lake Eyre basin and the mulga country. Some of the comments were:

Our property could be affected by the moves to protect the Lake Eyre Basin. We have been good farmers and have cared for our land. There is no way that we are responsible for any degradation of the region. Why should we be denied the right to remain here?

We have always loved our life here and the land we live on. If it goes to national park it will be neglected, noxious plants will spread and the work we have done to protect this land will have been wasted. It’s not fair that we could lose it.

In summary, the concept of custodianship, as it emerged during this study, reflected the attitude of participants that their occupation of the land was both a privilege and a responsibility. It was a privilege because of the work and struggle of earlier generations, the advantages of a rural lifestyle, the sense of affinity with the land and the ability to utilise the land in a productive manner. It was a responsibility because of the need to protect the environment, the need to preserve the enterprise and the life style for future generations, and to maintain an enterprise which could support the present generation.

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Isolation.

The history of Australia’s agricultural enterprises contains recurrent climatic and trading setbacks and difficulties as well as periods of prosperity. As has been discussed earlier, many markets are distant and largely unfamiliar to the producer. Producers are forced to depend upon organisations and market agents for their access to these markets and for knowledge of the requirements of those markets. Farmers have also had to deal with changing social attitudes where the value placed on the rural sector has diminished, with city residents often unconcerned about the country of origin of the products they are buying.

There have also been changes to Government policies with the opening of world markets and the dropping of tariffs and other forms of market protection.

Farmers in outlying areas faced common concerns including lack of adequate bus services to schools, lack of child care facilities, high unemployment and the lack of adult education and retraining schemes. Many sent children to boarding schools because, in their local area, high school buses did not co-ordinate with primary school buses. Often children missed out on social and other extra curricular activities because of bus timetables. In better times, buying or renting a home in town with the wife and children staying there during the week often resolved these problems for the family. Most families are no longer able to afford the outlay for such accommodation. During better times, when fuel and other transport costs were not a major problem, parents often collected the children from the school.

Many farmers in the South West region faced greater costs and aggravated problems because of distance - isolation from Government services, transport costs (e.g. to and from school buses or looking for work), service charges, cost of repairs, declining land prices, increasing isolation of women and children and low returns for crops and stock but rising costs of necessary farm inputs such as fertilizer, herbicides and weed killer.

Mission Australia (2001:1) defined isolation as “more than maintaining one’s independence or living alone. Isolation means exclusion from mainstream society or minimal interaction with others in the wider community. The impact of isolation is profound”.

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The concept of isolation, as identified in this study, may have resulted from participants’ experience of living in remote areas but, for some families, living in remote areas provided a desirable lifestyle. For other participants isolation meant the lack of services, shopping facilities or Church activities. From the information gathered during this study, the counselling team reached an understanding of isolation which recognised the individual differences among rural residents as to what conditions or situations created a sense of loneliness. For some isolation was equated with remoteness or the lack of human interaction while for others it was being removed from a social life, a spiritual life or other routines to which they had been accustomed.

Debt.

During the period in which the data were collected, there was a considerable level of anger among those contacted by Lifeline towards the banks and financial institutions. In South Australia this anger led to the formation of ‘Bank Watch’, an organisation intended to force banks to cease forced acquisitions of properties when mortgage payments were not maintained. Only a small number of the contacts with Lifeline were wanting to identify with such an activist group but the majority of those contacted and who contacted Lifeline did have serious concerns about the way in which they were treated by their financiers.

In the last few years there had been a growing use of mediation as a means of resolving disputes over financial arrangements.

Unfortunately there were no programs in place to assist with mediation between producers and their financiers during the data collection period and repossession or penalties were a major threat in the life of many of those contacted.

The data collected in the Jericho Shire program revealed a marked decline in the financial status of those contacted when their situation during the first year of the visiting program was compared with the second visiting period. The equity held in properties was being eroded by the dual effects of lower property values and higher interest rates. This decline in equity may have been tolerated if there had been a reasonable cash flow from the properties. However, higher costs and 186

lower returns meant that property owners in the Jericho Shire and those in the South West shared the problem of how to survive on extremely small incomes.

A predominant factor reported by telephone counsellors was the high level of interest rates, often around 18 per cent, while penalty interest rates for arrears in payments often reached 24 per cent or higher. Although interest rates declined during the data collection period, the majority of those calling the telephone counsellors described the peak rates of the 1980s as having done permanent damage to their financial situation. Not only had their equity been reduced but they were left with no funds to restock or restart their enterprise. Despite those realities, some government agencies still insisted that people had assets which precluded them from various forms of government assistance.

The face-to-face counselling teams reported that the high asset, low income dilemma was a common element with many of their contacts. There were many examples of the counselling team being successful in obtaining assistance for families who had previously been refused help. The counsellors expressed a general concern at the lack of understanding of rural issues surrounding assets and liquidity demonstrated by officers of those government agencies.

Lawrence (1995:5) drew attention to the “economic conditions under which market-orientated agricultural production takes place”. He listed: high production costs; limited availability of land; cost-price pressures and low income as combining to contribute to low overall returns. He went on to indicate that reduced farm income resulted in lack of capital with which to maintain or develop the enterprise. These observations were consistent with those reported by the counselling teams. Comments made during calls to the telephone counsellors included:

Whatever happens now we can never recover from the interest costs we faced in the 1980s.

Our bank manager convinced us to get rid of our plant and move to leasing because of tax advantages. No-one warned us about the risk of those advantages being discontinued. The changes in tax laws left us without our own plant and with no tax advantage from the leases.

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The bank advised us to get bigger. They increased our loans to enable us to buy more land. All we ended up with was more work, greater debt and costs and less income.

Bill expressed a lot of anger when called on. He had over 80 per cent equity in the property, and a perfect record with the Queensland Industrial Development Corporation for over 15 years until reaching a point where, because of low wheat prices, he could make only the interest payments. With no increase in debt he maintained a first class record with his trading bank and with good recommendation. He paid out one of six small loans on applying for the Government interest subsidy, and a further two loans while awaiting a decision. His crops looked excellent but the application was declined.

He was advised from the Corporation’s Brisbane office that it was considered he was unable to service the loans and run the farm and he was offered the Government’s Part C Household Support (implying his business was non- viable and he must therefore sell the farm). He had the support of his trading bank and of his accountant.

Bill was offered personal support which enabled him to make his feelings known to the local Queensland Industrial Development Corporation manager and, after much unnecessary stress, he succeeded in getting a farm visit by the manager and a head office representative. Although they subsequently had the decision reversed, Bill still expressed strong feelings about the lack of any explanation or official apology.

In summary, the concept of debt, as it was identified in this study, reflected changes partly brought about by the rural crisis. In rural areas it had been common for property owners to carry debts in regard to property mortgage and loans for the purchase of equipment, stock or seed. Where the value of the enterprise had been sufficient to ensure that the producer retained an acceptable level of equity in the property such debt was considered as normal business practice. During the 1980s and 1990s the adverse weather conditions, poor prices, falling property values and high interest rates combined to create a situation, for many of the participants in this study, where the equity held fell significantly and left the participants in a vulnerable financial situation. The

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concept of debt needs to be considered alongside the concepts of custodianship, pride, hardship and failure when attempting to understand the reluctance of primary producers to accept that their enterprise may be non-viable.

Grief and Loss.

Often when counsellors called on farm families, the problems encountered were more emotional and personal than financial. The loss (or possible loss) of the family farm was an area where they had to provide support. Allowing families and individuals time to talk openly about their grief, anger and all the other emotions involved seemed to help many of them.

One couple in their fifties on a dairy farm had sold their milk quota to lessen their debt. The husband who had been milking cows all his life was depressed as he missed the milking and was upset because of their financial problems. Daily expenditure on fodder far exceeded the return. His wife worked part time in the nearest town. He had been unable to get Centrelink assistance and it was found that his reported income was the problem (due to the tax return submitted not being consistent with his current position). A profit and loss statement from his accountant enabled him to receive payments. On a later visit, he was more positive and was actually applying for jobs. He was able to talk to the outreach worker about his feelings and acknowledge that it was acceptable for him to cry about a family member accidentally killed some years before. Counsellors received feedback from other sources in the district indicating that the visits they had made to this family had been of considerable benefit.

Another couple on a mixed farm had lost their son in an accident on the farm only a few weeks before being visited. This was one of several instances where the initial visit led to follow up grief counselling. As in some other situations the wife was coping relatively well but her husband was unable to talk and the marital situation was deteriorating. There had been previous bereavements affecting the family. There was little evidence that the involvement of the Church at the time of the funerals had resulted in any grief counselling or support. This was a common element for families where deaths had occurred irrespective of whether the family had been involved in local congregations prior to the grief experience.

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Almost half of the telephone callers and 40 per cent of those included in the counselling data made reference to a sense of loss brought about by friends and neighbours moving off their properties. The departure of the long-term owners of properties had altered the nature of rural communities. These people had often been the repository of local history; carried the knowledge of weather trends; held the understanding of sociological factors and social conditions; as well as having the commitment to organisations (including local Christian denominations) which were all affected by the diminishing traditional support base.

Such a loss also became a cumulative community experience as those who remained felt the absence of familiar faces, trusted community leaders and traditional social and spiritual groups and organisations. Counsellors noted the following comments:

I hate going into town now as there are so few of my mates about.

We used to enjoy relaxing in a game of tennis but now we have trouble finding anyone to make up an evening’s game.

It just isn’t the same now. There used to be people that I could talk to but they have nearly all moved away.

No one can really talk about past events or occasions that might help us.

Many people who spoke with counselling team members reported feelings and symptoms consistent with experiences of loss and the grief associated with that loss. However the majority did not link these feelings and symptoms with a grief situation, which they generally believed only resulted from the death of someone close to them.

The most commonly reported symptoms were depression, mood swings, vague ill health, loss of motivation, suicidal thoughts and inter-personal tensions. The majority of men who discussed such issues tended to try to push aside their feelings as being signs of weakness which they simply had to overcome. In each of the sets of data more than half of those making contact were identified as displaying or relating symptoms reflecting levels of grief and loss.

Some of the losses described by participants included their property, the

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enterprise, hopes and expectations, friends and neighbours, health and relationships.

It has been commented above that rural people often indicated that the loss of local boards and management groups had been significant to their community. These references also included the local committees responsible for Church based services and organisations such as Frontier Services and Blue Care operated by the Uniting Church, Anglicare operated by the Anglican Church, the Catholic counselling service Centacare and the charitable service St Vincent de Paul. The social supports, child care, health and counselling services offered through such groups were important as was the opportunity to volunteer as part of the local management of the services.

The centralisation of these services by each of the mainstream Christian denominations was reported as another serious loss of local management opportunities and of control over local services. There was some understanding that both Government agencies and the Church had reasons for the centralist moves but also a feeling that there had been little concern shown by the Church for the effects felt in rural communities.

Some callers referred to the loss of local funds and facilities which had accompanied the centralisation of ambulance and fire services as well as the management of Church based activities such as Blue Nursing. These callers were not always certain that there had been financial losses but still held a perception that this had been the case through lack of any clear communication with the bodies concerned.

Rural communities have generally had several points of gathering and of sharing information. Hotels and clubs have been the favoured places for social activities along with the spasmodic race meetings, rodeos and agricultural shows. Many callers expressed regret that with the closure of some clubs and the loss of race meetings and shows the avenues for social interaction had been reduced. The reducing population, lack of money, lack of leisure time and tiredness were given as the main reasons for this loss of facilities. Comments relating to the effects on the community included:

It just feels like we are losing everything. First the court house, the

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doctor and now even the priest. People in Toowoomba and Brisbane just don’t know what it is like.

I used to be chair of both the hospital board and the ambulance committee but both those jobs went when the government took away our control. I then decided to give whatever energy I had left to the Blue Nurses but the church dumped us from that as well and did just what the government had done.

Our church used to be at the centre of community activity. Now we just have a neglected building, no minister and almost no activities. We really don’t have much to offer any more and most of us are flat out surviving on the land let alone have any energy to organise things at the church.

In summary, the concept of grief and loss, as it relates to the data in this study, arose from the losses suffered by rural enterprises. It is relatively easy to understand the concepts of grief and loss when one is discussing the death of a family member or the loss of a job or possessions. It may be less easy to come to an understanding of the concept as it emerged during this study. The counselling teams frequently encountered situations where there was a sense of grief over lost hopes and aspirations for the enterprise, deep regrets over the breaking of the family heritage if the property were lost, a sense of failure and lost pride and the loss of lifestyle and friends. These forms of grief were as debilitating as those suffered through the loss of a family member and could be the cause of great suffering.

Job Training.

Many women participants reported concerns over funded programs which were meant to offer them skills relevant to employment opportunities:

You come away rattled (from Skillshare)...she never employed any of us that did the course that she trained... we weren't good enough and she trained us.

This Skillshare thing and the Golden West thing (training scheme)...it's not advertised enough, it doesn't get out into that

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area out there.

They asked me if I was prepared to do any courses, you know, something to re-employ 50 year olds and I said " Yes, I'm quite keen - I like work - I'll do anything". I haven’t heard anything on that lot.

I heard about it at Skillshare (retraining for older women) but this chap at C.E.S - .I just couldn't get anything out of him, he just wouldn't tell me.

I think it's degrading after all these years I have worked…and because of my marriage I went away and you come back and you're in a position where you have to go on the dole and what you're put through in the interview - and they don’t care.

I want to work it's not that I don't want to work…I've been down to C.E.S. and said I'll do anything…they still don't contact you and then you get this stupid thing of going for, wasting three days sitting there finding out how to get a job.

There's a breakdown somewhere between the colleges and the employers.

I went for three weeks, two nights a week from seven to half past nine…with computers…by the time you got to 8 o'clock your eyes are beginning to fade out. They want me to go up to C.E.S. and tell them I've done a computer course…I wouldn't be game to tell any employer that I'd done a computer course.

Employers would not accept me saying I did a five week course because they said that doesn't mean a thing to them…they're not long enough.

What you learn from someone standing up in front of you and telling you is completely different if you're put in the situation to do it…you pick it up quicker.

It was done in Chinchilla…and there was no way of getting there and back.

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I'm sure there are a lot of people who have got the skills, training and the know how that can teach others the only thing that helped me through my training was being trained on the job…college had nothing to do with it.

It is also evident that women believed employment opportunities in rural communities were more likely to be offered on the basis of who you were than on the basis of skills.

Every time I've gone for an interview they say "who's your father?" if their husband works with so and so's husband…even if they haven't got your skills…they'll get the job." they don't even look at your skills, they look first at who you are.

If you're separated (or divorced) it's a nasty word…they want the regular down-the-line church-going Christians for the jobs…I don't think I should be employed for going to church.

They want someone nice and petite…and if you're pretty and that sort of thing it seems to me, in these areas, (having done voluntary work) means more to people than your experience.

The data from the Women’s Access program drew attention to the needs expressed by rural women in regard to their access to adult education and skills training. Changes to enterprises can create demands that can only be met by the availability of appropriate sources of training for both young people and adults within their local community.

The declining rural population was usually accompanied by lessening rather that increasing opportunities for such learning. It was clear that, where government policies were causing changes to production, those changes must be accompanied by the provision of adequate local sources of education and training.

Among the male contacts made by the counselling teams there were concerns about the growing technological base for rural businesses such as marketing from home, stock sales on the internet, market research and accountancy packages. Some of the comments made to counsellors included:

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What you learn from someone standing up in front of you is completely different from what you can learn in the work situation. You can pick up the ideas more quickly by doing things than just hearing about them.

I have lots of skills that I have picked up over the years but I don’t have formal qualifications. I know I have to learn some new ways of doing things but the people giving the lectures treat us as if we know nothing. I think if we could be helped a bit we could teach each other once we know what we need to be able to do.

I think it is degrading. These people from the job centres don’t understand how many things I have done – raising the family, working on the farm, teaching the kids, doing first aid and everything else that is needed on the farm. I can learn new skills but they don’t give you any credit.

I am fully occupied just keeping things going. My family tell me I need to think about new crops, new markets and new ways of doing business. How can I do all this - there just isn’t time and I can’t cope with more changes.

The concept of acquiring employment skills and job training, as identified in this study, was raised by participants in each of the projects described in this study. While most farmers and their spouses had experience at many tasks on the property most of those experiences were not recognised as qualifying the person for paid positions in the community. It was noted in the study that a significant number of women who married farmers were already qualified as teachers or nurses. However, many needed to undertake refresher courses, or new levels of qualifications, before they could re-enter the workforce in those professions.

Physical Illness.

The rural population generally had more limited access to medical services than urban populations and therefore tended to attempt to resolve issues without seeking medical help. In particular, rural men were reluctant to consult medical practitioners or health workers.

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The most common action likely was for women to ask health workers about the symptoms they are observing in the men. These symptoms are often described in vague terms relating to feelings of unwellness, stomach and bowel disturbances, mood swings, lack of energy or general lethargy.

Rural medical practitioners and health workers were placed under dual stresses. On the one hand they were faced with increased stress-related illnesses, injuries from farm accidents (often a result of lack of concentration), marriage stress, suicide attempts or mental health crises. On the other hand they were aware of those in their community who exhibited symptoms but did not seek help.

Some of the comments recorded by counsellors included - My husband has become very moody and complains of feeling unwell but refuses to take the time to go into town to see the doctor.

We just can’t go on like this. He has a rifle in the shed and I am really scared he may use it on himself.

My wife is crying all the time. She gets angry when I suggest seeing the doctor and says men always want to blame “women’s problems” if women are not on top of everything.

The local health service only has a nurse and she is so busy I don’t want to worry her.

If only there was still a priest in the area I could probably talk this through. In summarising the concept of physical illness as it was revealed in this study reference needs to be made to the past stereotype (King, 1978:13) of the bronzed grazier who, presumably, handled most issues from his own resources. The reality for the counselling teams was that a significant number of both men and women participants were suffering from physical illnesses. The extent to which these illnesses resulted from the stresses of their rural life was not easy to determine but the counsellors did record cases where they believed that the physical symptoms were manifesting the level of stress being experienced. Given the lack of medical specialists and diagnostic equipment throughout the South West it was often the case that the cause of the illness and the prognosis for the future were unknown.

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Depression.

Concepts of mental health can be very judgmental in rural communities. Those who are diagnosed as being depressed are often treated as being of weak character. The most common reactions which contacts reported to the counselling teams involved the belief that the depressed persons should stop feeling sorry for themselves and should “pull themselves up by the bootstraps”.

Counsellors reported difficulty in moving depressed people away from taking these community attitudes on themselves and from punishing themselves for not getting better. Team members also encountered negative community attitudes towards mental health services. In some cases these negative attitudes were also evident in the general health services which were reluctant to refer people to mental health teams.

At the same time the face-to-face counsellors assessed only eight per cent of their contacts as having mental health problems of sufficient significance to justify professional mental health intervention. In most cases the depression had a clear aetiology in what was happening on the property. Counselling can be very effective in the treatment of reactive depression and in most such cases psychiatric intervention is neither necessary nor appropriate. Therefore the counselling team supported the need for competent counsellors as a priority over increased psychiatric services.

Relevant comments recorded by counsellors included: The mental health people visit the area but you might only see a nurse or a medical officer who is no better qualified than our local GP.

Everyone knows the location of the mental health clinic and the whole community soon knows that you went there.

Who wouldn’t feel down with everything that is happening to us on the farm?

My husband is very depressed and I don’t feel much better. What we need is rain and income not doctors.

The doctor gives me pills because he thinks I am depressed. Perhaps he is right but it is not pills that will solve our problem.

Everything seems just hopeless. I just can’t see any way forward.

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The concept of depression, as identified during this study, was a significant issue among participants and could have been one of the active issues leading to rural suicides. Just as with general medical issues, there was a lack of effective mental health services throughout the South West and a significant level of scepticism among rural people regarding the value of such services. Much of the depression demonstrated was considered by the counsellors to be likely to be reactive depression, given the extent of the pressures being faced by the rural population. Such depression could have been relieved by changing the level of pressure experienced by the participants but, where this was not possible, better services were badly needed.

Intergenerational Tensions.

Some of the issues surrounding parent/child interactions have been discussed earlier. Unfortunately intergenerational issues can continue many years beyond the childhood years of the younger generation. As children grow up and, in adulthood remain interested in, or heavily involved in, the farm enterprise tensions can arise in regard to the transition of ownership from the older to the younger generation. These tensions were often evident to the counselling teams but often families were unable to find a resolution to disputed processes.

The Queensland Department of Primary Industries, producer organisations and other groups, including Lifeline, had worked to develop processes for family conferences. These were particularly relevant when parents were aging and decisions needed to be made concerning ownership of the farm or enterprise. Where family partnerships or trusts were operating the issues were more complex. There were often significant legal issues but there were nearly always entrenched emotional issues. In some cases tiredness and depression made it almost impossible to achieve constructive communication or decision making.

At times there could be constructive outcomes with mutual agreements resulting from the first real communication for a long period of time. Counsellors recorded the following reflections:

Nothing I can ever do will satisfy dad. He really doesn’t trust me to run “his” property and won’t sign anything. He will have to die before we can sort it out. 198

I know I have to hand over but what do we do? There is hardly enough money for us to get a house off the farm. But it isn’t going to work if we stay where we are.

Jill and I are the third generation. We work for almost nothing but the oldies couldn’t run the place without us. We don’t get any say in the business.

If only we had had this meeting a long time ago. So many things could have been different if we had talked to each other the way we did today. I understand now why there have been so many arguments but they didn’t need to happen.

These reactions, and those of many other families highlight the need for more proactive programs in rural communities aimed at family support. While formal counselling, legal and relationship programs are needed there may be a greater need for less formal services. Any reduction in family tensions would have benefits for local police, doctors, lawyers, counsellors and courts.

Frequently the focus of discussions about rural communities centred on the adults and tended to pay less attention to the needs of children and young people. The counselling teams found that issues relating to children were very significant in the decisions being faced by those in difficulty with rural enterprises. Some of the various impacts on children in rural families have been noted but some focus needs to be applied to how children’s innermost needs created greater needs for the future.

Families shared many concerns for the future of their children during contacts with the counselling team. These concerns ranged from the lack of future employment prospects and educational opportunities to fears about youth suicide and depression. The latter fears were often reported as being based upon the growing number of youth suicides reported in rural areas and comments from doctors and health workers about increasing levels of depression among rural young people.

Limited family resources and non-viable enterprises create a paradox for many young people. The counselling teams found that there were few 199

employment opportunities for young people in most rural communities. The team members were told by local residents, teachers and community leaders of the frustration felt by families who could not afford to maintain children at school, could not provide work at home and could not find them work in the local area. Many had to return home from boarding school or from hostels but they were faced with leaving home again if they are to find employment.

Such movement into and out of the rural community often meant that young people had no established peer group and a limited sense of identification with the rural community. The latter issue impacted upon later decisions about whether to work in the city or in rural areas. This is a sociological complication to attempts by governments to encourage young people from rural backgrounds to commit to working in rural areas.

Some of the comments noted by counsellors were -

My parents always expected me to plan my future in their local community. There is nothing there for me.

Our little community is getting smaller and we are all getting older. Our young people are all leaving and there is nothing we can do about it.

I love this country and the people here but the only way I am going to be able to keep contact with the kids is for us all to move to the coast.

I am like a fish out of water in the city but I get so depressed on the farm. There is no future for me there, no friends of my age and no hope of that changing.

In summary, the concept of intergenerational tension, as revealed in this study, often arose when families treated adult children as dependants rather than as independent adults. In some cases counsellors reported that adult children were only receiving pocket money and accommodation in return for their full time work on the property. The inability of enterprises to support all members of the family had also impacted upon the retirement of older farmers and the need for succession planning had become much more apparent.

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CONCLUSION.

In this chapter the data have been illuminated through the stories of individuals and families with whom the Lifeline programs had contact.

In the following Chapter the issues discussed above will be used as the basis for some conclusions as to the role that the Church could play in the future of the South West.

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CHAPTER NINE

THE ROLE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCHES

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INTRODUCTION.

The previous chapters have contained details of the data collected from the counselling programs conducted by Lifeline in South West Queensland. Within these data there have been issues which relate directly or indirectly to the Church. In this chapter these issues are drawn together and some conclusions are drawn as to how the Church may continue to play a significant role in the rural communities of South West Queensland.

In an interview screened on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s television program “Compass” an Anglican minister from the isolated area of Lightning Ridge talked about the practical help being offered to farmers through the Bush Church Aid Society (Australian Broadcasting Corporation, June 2003). This practical assistance was in the form of volunteers from Sydney (mostly retired) spending time living with families in the area and helping with the routine tasks and the additional tasks resulting from the extended drought.

In the televised interview the Reverend Rick Maude stated “I don’t think people generally look to the church to help them in times of drought. That’s something we’ve done I suppose which has completely blown away their thinking of Church and Christianity”.

The farmers interviewed during the program referred to their reluctance to ask for help and their surprise, and appreciation, at the response of the Church when they did indicate a need.

This seeming surprise that representatives of the Church would want to be directly involved in rural crises was also evident at the first Queensland Rural Summit when a rural industry executive responded to the inclusion of the writer in the summit membership. This leader asked when the Church “had become interested in this sort of thing?”

While the Christian churches may believe that the Royal Flying Doctor Service, an outcome of the Presbyterian Inland Mission, the provision of rural ‘patrols’ by road and air, resident rural clergy or lay pastoral workers as well as social and welfare activities have made the Church an essential part of rural life, this point does not appear to have been so obvious to rural residents.

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The results of this study suggest that, for the Church to have an effective, ongoing role in the life of rural communities, a number of significant issues must be addressed within the life of the Church and in the relationship of the Church to the community. These issues, as they emerge from the data already presented, relate to -

1. The theological perspectives adopted by the Christian denominations in relating to rural communities.

2. The theological and sociological justifications for the Church being involved in health and welfare issues.

3. The necessity for an ecumenical approach by the Christian denominations.

4. The relationship of the Church to governments and the use of government funding for the provision of social services through the Church.

5. The logistical realities facing the Church in the maintenance of properties and the provision of clergy in rural areas.

The five categories stated above are examined in the following sections. Within each section, the important findings from this study are presented following, where appropriate, a brief comment to contextualise the category. Those findings are then located in the broader scholarly literature on the role of the Church in social welfare provision.

THE THEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES.

In this study rural residents who contacted Lifeline counsellors expressed expectations of their denomination and of clergy in rural areas. The case study outcomes suggest that too few clergy or lay leaders within the Christian denominations had come to terms with the tensions between community expectations of the Church and the theological understandings currently in place in regard to rural communities. As described in Chapter Eight, issues such as hope, faith, family relationships, depression, failure and personal pride were raised at significant levels by those contacting Lifeline counsellors. Each of these areas impinges upon theological understandings of human needs and aspirations

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but few callers or contacts with Lifeline counsellors identified the Church as a successful provider of assistance when they were facing significant life issues.

This study has shown that a significant number of rural residents supported the need for a local church but expressed doubt that they, or others in their community, could` offer their already stretched time to enable such a church to survive. There were expressions of deep sadness in the loss of local clergy and worship centres. These losses were often attributed to the centralist orientation of the Christian denominations and the reluctance of clergy to serve in rural communities.

The study suggests that the Christian denominations need to address these issues if they are to retain a role in rural communities in general and in the social supports of those communities in particular. Any attempt by the Church to respond will require both a deliberately developed theology of rurality and a means of training clergy, or lay leaders, in that theology. The current system of exposing theological students to a short term in a rural area during their city-based training would seem to do little more than expose them to some of the results of the rural crisis while offering little in the way of skills for assisting people through the issues which have been identified in this study or for helping rural people to discover a way forward.

During the visitation program in the Jericho Shire a grazier recalled his ten year old daughter saying, with tears in her eyes, “God, you let my horse die, but you don’t let it rain”. There are adults in the South West who believe, with this child, that God chooses to give or withhold the rain, to punish people by taking away people or animals they love or controlling success and failure. A rural theology must address head-on the misconception held in some fundamentalist churches that the Old Testament taught that God would withhold the rain as a means of enforcing His power over those who disobeyed Him.

Within the period in which this study was in progress, one Toowoomba- based clergyman wrote to the editor of the Toowoomba Chronicle expressing the view that the drought fulfilled Old Testament prophecy that rain would come only when the people obeyed God. The reaction of one farmer was to telephone the writer and say that with all the problems he was experiencing the statement from

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a minister of the Church that he was being punished by God was enough to convince him that suicide was the only answer.

The Christian denominations need to ensure that their clergy and lay leaders have an accurate appreciation of the text from which the English translations are derived and an understanding of the effects that misinterpretation can have on people’s lives.

In Chapter Five the discussion concerning the settlement of the South West included references to the work of both the Catholic Bishop O’Quinn and the Presbyterian, Dr J. D. Lang, in recruiting European settlers for the region. One outcome of the activity of Lang and O’Quinn was the acceptance by the white settlers of the Church as a part of the new settlements. The expansion of the Church is also discussed in Chapter Five in relation to each of the significant communities throughout the South West.

It has also been noted that the early clergy who were appointed to work in the South West displayed little recognition of the inappropriateness of the destruction of either Aboriginal culture or the environment. Historically, religious leaders did have influence in the local communities and also with the new state parliament in Brisbane. This influence was, however, notably less powerful than had been the relationship between the Church of England and the British parliament or between the Catholic Church and the Irish parliament.

Dr Brian McGaffigan (2002:2) drew a distinction between a ‘rural church’ and a ‘church set in a rural area’. In making this distinction McGaffigan cites Kent Hunter who defined rural church as "a congregation of Christian people who live an agriculturally-oriented lifestyle." In actuality, McGaffigan claimed, rather than rural church, there are churches in rural communities. There is a growing realization that the rural church needs to become more local if it is to survive.

The role of the Church in the provision of passage-of-life ceremonies and community rituals has often been overlooked when the diminishing role of the Church is discussed. In writing about the English experience, Winter (1991:199) pointed out that “the Church continues to be called upon, in rural areas to a greater extent than in towns, to provide appropriate rituals to signify key life events”. The desire for such activities has been recorded in the individual stories

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and comments reported in this study.

The influence which the Church has retained has largely rested on the acceptance by rural people that the Church has continued to be relevant to, and supportive of, rural communities. The leaders of the Christian denominations have often been influential in the shaping of government policies in contemporary times, but this has more often been through the pressure brought by urban members of the Church. In issues such as the environment there has been little evidence that the policies of the Christian denominations have maintained a balance between the urban pressures and the beliefs and experiences of the rural residents.

Some studies of the mainstream denominations have indicated that both denominational leaders and local clergy have concentrated on disseminating religious beliefs without giving corresponding attention to religious practice and the social relationships of their members (Winter, 1991:203).

The theological approaches of the Christian denominations in Australia over recent years have continued to be grounded in the Roman Catholic, Orthodox, Reformation and Pentecostal writings from Europe and the United States of America. The application of these approaches takes a nation-wide view with little distinction between urban and rural congregations. In the statements cited in Chapter Two the Lutheran, Uniting, Anglican and Catholic churches each indicated that their Christian witness, through community services, was concerned with social justice, poverty, need and responding to people “where they are”.

Such concerns for people are not unique to the Christian faith. Some of the clear directives for the Islamic faithful are contained in the Quran (Hashemi, 2005:1) Hashemi stated that these objectives are a result of a belief in God which gives rise to the doing of good deeds, caring for one’s neighbours, orphans and the poor and charitable giving. As the Australian community becomes more multicultural there may be growing demands for the recognition of other than Christian groups as providers of social services and as recipients of government funding. If the Church is to respond to the specific needs of rural residents and the issues raised by them in this study, the specific relevance of the Christian faith for

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both rurality and the needs of the rural population will need to be more clearly defined.

McGaffigan (2002:3) asserted that a local rural theology cannot be created apart from “the immersion in the local community by a local pastor”. In the present study callers and contacts expressed deep sorrow that they no longer had a resident priest or minister with whom they could share their concerns or who could be involved in family events such as weddings, funerals and baptisms. Such an assertion reflects a need for a factually based rural theology but confuses the formulation of a rural theology with the local application of the theological base for the rural Church.

The derivation of the term ‘theology’ implies that the word means a rational study of a view of man’s relationship with God (Hutchison, 1956:7). However Bosch (1999:402) pointed out that the theological inheritance which sections of the modern Church received from Augustine and the Greek philosophers makes it difficult for Christians to place an ideal of love (concern for others) above the quest for an understanding of eternal relationship between God and mankind. The contemporary Church continues to struggle with the concept of the duality of body and spirit. This dichotomy is evident in the perplexities faced by ordained members of the Church whose theological training primarily prepares them to conduct the offices of their denomination and to serve the corporate objectives of that denomination whereas the community in which they live has a different expectation (Busch, 1966:115).

The data from this study thus indicate that a number of specific elements might valuably be incorporated in a rural theology. The elements emerged as follows ( drawn from Table 8.1).

1. The concerns raised with counsellors regarding faith, the nature of hope in face of drought, debt, stress - related illness and interpersonal tensions could be addressed through a theological statement in respect of the human condition and a loving God; the justification for continuing hope in times of personal and community hardship; and the concept of a suffering Christ.

2. The concerns raised regarding feelings of guilt may be related to

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misunderstandings of Jewish scripture, especially the books of Kings. A rural theology needs to specify the nature of the Old Testament references to a punishing God.

3. The concerns raised regarding grief and loss, failure, family relationships and intergenerational issues could be addressed through the inclusion of a section discussing marriage and family relationships in any rural theological statement.

4. The concerns raised regarding pride, circumstances, social position and reliance on assistance could be addressed through the inclusion of a statement related to the value of work and personal achievements and rejecting contemporary suggestions that prosperity is a sign of Christian faith.

5. The concerns raised regarding gender issues could be addressed in a statement which takes account of the differences between rural and urban understandings of feminist issues which were discussed in Chapter Three.

Once an adequate rural theology is in place attention then needs to be directed towards how this theological base is applied to the activities of the Church in the areas of health and social welfare.

THE THEOLOGICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL JUSTIFICATIONS.

Samuel Gregg (2000:2) comments that the Christian churches have been involved in welfare provision for many centuries. Such an involvement had been a part of Judaism and has continued into the Christian era. In particular, Gregg notes, Christians “built entire welfare systems to assist the poor, the sick, and the unwanted in the Roman Empire”. This history of involvement could give rise to an assumption that contemporary Christian denominations should be involved in social welfare practice.

The ecumenical statement “Being Church in Rural Queensland” (1997:2) proposed that the denominations which endorsed the statement should humbly “acknowledge the faithful and courageous efforts of people in local communities facing suffering and isolation”. The courage and faith of many people has been

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revealed during this case study and expressed by callers and contacts with Lifeline counsellors.

Orthodox Christianity has maintained liturgies and rituals as a part of congregational life and reference has been made, in this chapter, to the importance of individual, family and community rituals in the marking of life events. Following the devastating floods in the South West in 1990 the Charleville community, Arts Council representatives, Lifeline counsellors and local churches joined in formulating a ritual performed on the first anniversary of the flood. This carefully planned ritual, aimed at rejecting the power of the river over the town, was highly successful in bringing a conclusion for many people in a way unlikely to have been achieved through the normal activities of either the community or the local churches.

Among the rural residents contacted during this study there were clear expressions of hope that the Church would continue to be part of rural communities and that the denominations, individually or ecumenically, would find ways in which to resource that continuing presence. The logistical difficulties faced by the Church in attempting to maintain a presence will be discussed later in this chapter.

However, it is important that each local congregation assesses its own situation. As Farley (2004:2) commented, some congregations will focus on evangelism, some on social justice and others will undertake social welfare roles. Thus it may be argued that, although the Church generally is justified in engaging in social service activities, each congregation must ensure that such activities are congruent with the needs of the local community as well as with the goals of that congregation.

Where more than one congregation is active in a rural community it may not necessarily be the case that each of them should be providing similar, or even competing, services.

The formulation of a rural theology would assist the Church in finding ways in which such rituals could be encouraged and aligned with Christian beliefs. It would also lead to a need to link that theological foundation with a rationale for the active involvement of the Church in the delivery of health and welfare services

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in rural areas. A number of questions relating to this linkage were raised in Chapter Two. In particular those questions reflected: doubts over the standard of services provided through the Church; a lack of adequate supervision of both paid and voluntary staff; a lack of financial accountability for public funds allocated to the Church; and a lack of knowledge about rural life among workers appointed by the Church.

Somerset (2000:2) suggests that social service providers to rural communities too often ask themselves whether they are “doing it right” instead of asking whether they are “doing the right thing”. There are significant differences in these two questions and Somerset’s comments reflect the concerns raised during this study. Whether or not the community services being offered are considered appropriate in theoretical terms is of little concern to residents who feel that providers, church-based or otherwise, are not doing the best thing for those communities.

The statements from Australian Christian denominations cited in Chapter Two do little to allay the concerns listed above. In general terms those statements indicate that the purpose of the Church’s involvement is to serve the need of Christian mission and to assist Church members in their growth as Christians. The claim that the Church is also an agent for advocating for disadvantaged members of the community is more difficult to sustain than may first appear to be the case. As denominational social service structures accumulate property assets, organisational structures and kudos through the use of government funds, and retain control of those structures and assets independently of the public they wish to serve, the motivations and objectives become clouded.

Cheryl Tevis (1999:1) cites a statement from an attendee at a Minnesota church centenary celebration that the booklet published for the centenary recorded the loss of families and young people and the agricultural changes in that community. However that attendee questioned whether the members of that or other rural congregations ever asked what was happening to them, why it was happening or how it affected the mission of the Church or its ministry in their area.

It is clear from this study that all Christian denominations should be

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guided by a number of principles in making decisions about social service programs, especially the following:

1. While the Church’s involvement in social welfare may have strong grounding both theologically and sociologically, the provision of specific services should be considered within the local context for each community.

2. The provision of social services by Christian denominations should not be motivated by a desire to replace all state run services but should be designed to complement or enhance existing services.

3. Wherever possible services should be ecumenical in nature.

THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE CHURCH TO GOVERNMENTS.

As one of the outcomes of the contacts made with Lifeline counsellors the writer, on behalf of the Lifeline rural counselling team, distributed a paper at the National Rural Financial Summit sponsored by the Australian Government in Canberra in July, 1996 (Park et al. 1996). In that paper, which received significant support from conference delegates, the team drew on the results of their contacts in the South West in suggesting that government funding to rural communities should be handled in a new way. The paper demonstrated that a number of government departments acted individually in funding health and welfare activities and that Church bodies often aided the process by competing for the money available according to the perceived needs of urban administrators. The paper recommended the establishment of ‘Community Service Councils’ comprising local school committees, local health services, community support associations, local shire representatives, producer organisation local branch members and the local churches. The proposal was summarised in a diagram, reproduced here as Figure 9.1.

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Hospital/ health services.

School Community community support . groups

Community

Services

Council

Local Producer Government Organisations

Churches

Figure 9.1: The Possible Composition of a Community Services Council. The task of the Community Services Council would be: to identify the level of funds available to that community from all government sources; to formulate community strategies for ranking health and community needs in that local community; to establish task groups to plan and facilitate individual projects that had been identified in the strategy; and to identify the costs of staffing, equipping and maintaining each project. The Council, with the local authority as the secretariat, would then negotiate the allocation of the available funds with the funding sources.

There were doubts cast on such a scheme. These doubts generally were expressed by public servants, from outside the local community, who at that time made the decisions concerning the allocation of the funds and from the leaders of Church-based social service agencies who also believed they were better able to decide priorities than the local communities.

Such bureaucratic statements, which lack respect for the intelligence, resourcefulness, integrity and planning ability of rural communities, have been reflected in a number of the stories included in this study.

A leading American Catholic welfare administrator, Father Fred

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Krammer (1996:2), responded to the debate active in the United States of America during the 1990s, in which some argued that “all social welfare work should be turned over to the churches and religious charities”, by questioning the rationale for such an argument. Krammer pointed out that some religious groups supporting such a proposition had been notably absent from the world of social welfare up to that time. He described the role of religious charities as being “the glue that holds folk together” in times of crisis but denied that charities could replace government agencies in dealing with long-term social services. It is likely that those groups advocating the handing over to them of government funds would be limiting their idea of religious charities to those run by the Christian denominations. The issues raised by Krammer are pertinent to the Australian situation as is his conclusion that the Church cannot do a better job than government in meeting all the needs of low-income families or fix all of the community’s problems.

Critics of the current Australian welfare system are calling for a total review of that system. In the journal of the right-wing Centre for Independent Studies, Peter Saunders argued for a move from taxpayer funded welfare to tax cuts which would put most employed welfare recipients in a better position than they are under the welfare payment schemes:

The reality, however, is that we are saddled with a very expensive welfare state, and this means that all of us have grown accustomed to paying taxes in return for government services and benefits, rather than using our own money to make provision for ourselves and our families. When thinking about welfare reform we are not starting from scratch, and we do not therefore have the luxury of drawing up ideal blueprints about how services like retirement pensions, health care and education might best be organised. We have to think about the future development of social welfare from the point we have already reached, and this means that any argument for a radical departure from current practice has to convincingly answer three core questions: (1) Is there a practical and feasible alternative to the existing system? If so, (2) Would the proposed new system be better than the one we have now? If so, (3) How would the new system work, and how can we move from the existing system to the new one? (Saunders, 2005:3)

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The question which arises from the observations made by Saunders and other critics of the welfare system is to what extent is the Church able to advocate for the best outcome for those in need while being a funded partner with the government which controls the current schemes.

The Director of the community service arm of the Uniting Church in New South Wales, Reverend Harry Herbert, contended that one of the distinguishing marks of church-based community services should be a commitment to human rights and a willingness to go beyond service delivery and to take up issues from the basis of social justice (Herbert, 2000:2). Herbert acknowledged that “some people will argue that those who provide community services are compromised by that very fact and cannot be true advocates”. The response of Harry Herbert to that argument is less than convincing. Herbert argued that putting band aids on needs is not enough when the system which generates those needs requires change. That argument misses the point of the criticism to which he responded. The criticism is not about whether a social service agency should do both first aid work and advocacy but rather whether the involvement in government funded services lessens the agency’s ability to advocate against the government from which the agency is funded.

In a paper presented to the 2001 Churches Community Housing Conference, John McIntyre cited a community project in Sydney where four community based organisations (all receiving government funds) and the Uniting Church department headed by Harry Herbert were involved (McIntyre, 2001:2). McIntyre commented that the four community agencies remained “independent, self-managed entities answerable to their local constituent membership through local annual general meetings and their funding body” while the Uniting Church agency remains answerable only to the Uniting Church and its funding body.

The key issues concerning the relationship between the Church and Government funding agencies have thus emerged in this study as -

1. Whether it is possible for the Church-based agencies to continue to advocate on behalf of those in need when the

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agencies are accepting funding from the government to which the advocacy would be directed.

2. Whether it is more appropriate for governments to provide social services directly rather than through non-government, particularly Church-based, agencies.

3. Whether the denominational leaders are prepared to address the need for local communities to retain control over the allocation and use of funds available for each local area.

4. Whether it is appropriate for the Christian denominations to accumulate property and capital through the allocation of community funds for social service delivery.

THE NECESSITY FOR AN ECUMENICAL APPROACH.

In the individual stories presented in Chapter Eight there is clear evidence that people in the South West were anxious to see the presence of resident clergy in their area. There was no evidence presented to Lifeline counsellors that such a presence must be in the form of representatives of specific denominations. To the contrary, there was recognition that demographic and financial constraints would preclude the continuation of old practice of a number of denominations being represented in small communities.

During the course of this case study one urban-based Anglican priest told the writer that it was necessary to establish specifically Anglican welfare services in the South West because members of Anglican congregations were demanding to be able to see Anglican workers rather than staff from services operated by other denominations. However, there was no evidence of such a demand among those who telephoned Lifeline or were seen by Lifeline counsellors.

While the history of the Church in rural areas has largely been made up of the individual activities of denominations, there are specific examples of ecumenical developments over some forty years, particularly in Victoria. The writer of this study ministered to members of four denominations as members of a single cooperative parish in Victoria’s Gippsland Region during the 1970s. That

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specific parish celebrates 40 years of activity late in 2005.

Another example of cooperative ministry has been described by Rob Dummermuth (1996:110). Dummermuth outlined the history and emergence of the Central Mallee Cooperative Parish which involved former Anglican and Uniting Congregations. After two years of operation of this joint venture Dummermuth remained open-minded in his conclusion that “whether cooperative ventures like this prove to be the solution to rural ministry, or just another way to postpone the inevitable in the light of rural decline, remains to be seen” (Dummermuth, 1996:110).

Such cooperative action by protestant denominations has occurred against a background of discussions between the Roman Catholic community and other denominations. Breward (1993:202), in his History of the Australian Churches, notes the growth of ecumenical discussions in Australia since the 1970s. Breward identified the Vatican Two Council of 1965 as the major catalyst for the growth in the ecumenical movement. Perhaps the more notable outcome of the ecumenical discussions has been the emergence of joint schools of theology and clergy training programs in most Australian states.

It was against that national background of ecumenical discussion that the difficulties in staffing and maintaining parishes in rural Queensland led to an ecumenical gathering near Toowoomba in 1996, where the Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Anglican and Uniting Church representatives discussed the future of ministry in rural Queensland.

The formal statement of the outcomes of that conference, issued in March, 1997 and signed by the leaders of the four denominations named above, stated that -

An ecumenical spirit has been gathering strength over the past 50 years throughout the world, and it prompts our Churches to work together more closely to share and shape the faith we hold in common. We now recognise that this is one of many opportunities to work ecumenically, and that such endeavours will also help strengthen the life of the local communities as well as that of the Churches. We deeply desire to share the saving Gospel of Jesus Christ, which transforms the difficult present, and invites us on a journey that leads to new life. (Being Church in Rural Queensland, 1997)

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The statement proposed a plan of action which included the involvement of ministers and lay leaders in rural areas and existing service groups within the churches in the identification of needs and an ecumenical response to those needs. It was expected that, in some situations, the response would include one pastor serving several congregations. A further expectation was expressed that social service delivery and rural ministry could be closely linked.

Progress of this ecumenical plan has not been rapid and in 2005 the official publication of the Uniting Church in Queensland reported on a gathering in Barcaldine (Journey, April 2005:3). In that report there is reference to a statement by the Barcaldine Uniting Church minister that the Roman Catholic Church had “only one priest from Longreach to Emerald”. That same minister argued for more resources for the Uniting Church but made no reference to the ecumenical solution to the staffing problem which was suggested in the ecumenical statement formulated eight years earlier.

Brian McGaffigan (2002:6) described the focus on denominational interests in rural areas as “a hindrance to the furtherance of the kingdom”. For McGaffigan the task of rural ministry was “to see and understand the sense of community behind a lot of hidden pain and feelings of loneliness”. Such an understanding of rural ministry closely links the presence of resident clergy with the appropriate provision of health and welfare services.

However there have been some positive signs of changing attitudes among denominational leaders. One of the most significant statements in the Vatican Two Decree on Ecumenism read “And if they cannot yet fully bear witness to one faith, they should at least be imbued with mutual respect and love” (Bosch, 1999:462). In a statement on Rural and Regional Australia issued in 2001 by the Australian Catholic Bishops Conference it was related that from January 2000 to June 2001 the Roman Catholic Diocese of Townsville undertook a consultation with its western parishes (Australian Catholic Bishops Conference, 2001:15). The statement indicated that one of the major outcomes of that consultation concerned the need for stronger ecumenical links including ecumenical parish councils, ecumenical worship and combined social justice

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activities. The major obstacle to joint parishes and shared ministry remains in the understanding of the Eucharist and the sharing of the communion elements. This is an area of particular concern for the Roman Catholic and Anglican churches but is one which is under discussion and for which there have already been interim solutions.

The key pertinent questions arising from the study in regard to an ecumenical approach to Church-based social services are thus -

1. How the leaders of the Christian denominations intend putting into practice the statements of intention contained in “Being Church in Rural Queensland”.

2. How the residents of rural communities can convey to denominational leaders the feeling expressed to counsellors throughout this study that the need was for resident clergy rather than for individual denominational representation.

3. How the individual denominations overcome current issues concerning competitive approaches to social service delivery.

4. How those responsible for the theological training of clergy, both formative and in-service, can ensure that there is an ecumenical understanding of rural ministry and the pastoral care of rural residents.

THE LOGISTICAL REALITIES.

The expressions of concern about the absence of Church activities, resident clergy and volunteers to maintain buildings and services which have been reported in this study reflect a significant logistical reality for the Church. With each of the major denominations described in this study experiencing a lack of candidates for training as ministers or priests and given the inability of rural congregations to raise the funds to cover the cost of ministry in their area, the deterioration of buildings, and the inability of local residents, as described in this study, to give time and energy to their local churches, the resolution of the problems faced in the South West is difficult to identify.

Each of the Christian denominations included in the description of the

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South West in this study would claim that the holding of ‘western musters’ group meetings of rural congregations and consultations are evidence of attempts to find ways forward for the Church in areas such as the South West. It remains difficult for the bureaucratic structures of these denominations to allow local residents any real say in the allocation of ministers, provision of properties or, significantly, health and welfare services.

It is noteworthy that in the reports on The Future of Ministry, Support for Ministers and Ministerial Education prepared for the 2005 state Synod of the Uniting Church in Queensland there are no references to the specific issues of rural ministry, rural ministry training or the supply of ministers to rural areas (Uniting Church Synod Papers 2005). The absence of such references must be seen in the context of the agreement contained in the document “Being Church in Rural Queensland”. That agreement stated that each of the signatory denominations would “enter into dialogue with the appropriate providers of ministry and leadership formation programs within participating churches with a view to developing effective programs relevant to rural areas”.

Each of the three major denominations discussed in this study, the Catholic Church, Anglican Church and Uniting Church, have centralised systems. The Catholic Diocese overseeing the South West is based in Toowoomba as is the Uniting Church Presbytery of The Downs. The Uniting Church Presbytery has little management role in regard to finances, supply of ministers or management of social service activities. These areas are firmly embedded in the Uniting Church Synod structures in Brisbane. While the Anglican Archdiocese of Brisbane does have a Western Area assistant bishop based in Toowoomba the management structures are similar to those of the Uniting Church.

With the incorporation of the St Vincent de Paul Society and Centacare in the Catholic System and the Brisbane-based management of Uniting Care for Uniting Church health and welfare services as well as Anglicare for the Anglican Church, it would seem that the notion of local management of community funding suggested above will have little support from within the Church hierarchy.

In her comments about rural congregations in the American state of Minnesota, Cheryl Tevis (1999:1) recalls that in the early history of Minnesota the

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‘circuit riders’ rode out into rural areas and worked tirelessly to establish preaching places and congregations. Tevis noted the sense of isolation from that history being experienced by contemporary rural congregations as they experience the reluctance of clergy to go into rural areas and work with small congregations. Tevis attributed that lack of available clergy to factors including a smaller and aging pool of clergy, costs of training clergy and the lack of employment for clergy spouses, but she also cited a rural pastor who contended that “the Church is needed and the Church needs to be here” (Tevis, 1999:2).

The Minnesota experience is very similar to that observed in South West Queensland. The discussion in Chapter Five of this study highlights the emphasis which the described denominations placed upon establishing congregations throughout the South West. In establishing rural congregations, and placing resident clergy to care for those congregations, the Church freely entered into a commitment to rural communities to be a partner in the social life of those communities.

In an address on behalf of the Queensland Rural Women’s Network, Georgie Somerset (2000:1) stressed that there were conditions attached to being a partner with rural communities. In Somerset’s opinion community partners are more clearly identified in rural areas than in urban areas (Somerset 2000:2). Such partnerships are generally forged by identified community leaders. In many cases rural clergy were among those identified as speaking on behalf of the local community and they generally accepted that role. The withdrawal of local clergy creates a community gap which has been referred to in a number of the statements and stories contained in Chapter Eight.

In an address on Church and Government partnerships, John McIntyre (2001:5) contended that only when partnerships are entered into on the basis of “local people finding ways forward together and drawing on available resources from both within and beyond the local context” will the outcomes enhance the lives of local people. McIntyre argued that specific needs must be responded to from within the local community or the outcomes will have no real benefits. If outcomes are not satisfactory, where the Church has government funding to provide services, then the funding will most likely be withdrawn.

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The logistical problems faced by the Christian denominations, as reflected in this case study, may thus be summarised as follows -

1. Rural communities throughout the South West, with the possible exception of the cotton growing centres, if their water needs could be met, continues to experience population decline. Those residents remaining in each area reported increased demands upon their time and a resultant inability to contribute voluntary assistance to community groups, including the Church.

2. Among the concerns related to Lifeline was the loss of local input into health and welfare services. Contacts cited the loss of hospital boards and ambulance committees as examples of government centralisation. The loss of local boards and committees for Church-based social services was reported as a further stripping of power from rural areas and as creating powerless local groups which could not produce results for the time required to participate on them.

3. The financial viability of South West communities remained under severe pressure. Individuals and families were hard pressed to provide for personal and business needs. They had little capacity with which to fund local clergy or to maintain Church facilities. Some residents expressed a sense of hopelessness that the spirit in which the Church reached out to the early settlers seemed to have vanished while the ever decreasing contemporary population was as in need of resident clergy as were the pioneers.

4. Each of the mainstream Christian denominations were experiencing a lack of trainees for ministry, an aging pool of clergy and an increasing demand for staff from rapidly growing coastal urban areas. Some more recently emerged Christian groups had attempted to establish a presence in rural areas but had demonstrated little understanding of rural communities and rarely are able to offer effective social services in those communities.

5. The necessity for an ecumenical approach to the staffing and

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upkeep of rural parishes or congregations and to management of community services has been commented upon by Church leaders. However it was found in this case study that there was little evidence that espoused ecumenical principles had been put into practice in the South West. One group of Christians from the South West expressed anger to the writer that their bishop had said that the diocese could not act because the rural people would not agree to ecumenical appointments. That group were adamant that they would welcome such appointments but that the bishop refused to make the necessary arrangements. There is an urgent need for the rhetoric of official meetings to be translated into action throughout the South West.

CONCLUSION.

In this chapter the outcomes of the case study are related to the ongoing role of the Church in the rural communities of South West Queensland. The discussion of the five specific sections outlined in this chapter reveals a desire by residents of the rural communities that the Church should remain an active partner in their communities. However an ongoing role for the Christian denominations depends upon some important changes to rural theology, environmental policies, theological training, support for clergy and lay leaders and a willingness by the Christian denominations to work within a decentralised, ecumenical framework.

In the following chapter some specific conclusions are presented together with some recommendations flowing from this case study.

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CHAPTER TEN

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

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INTRODUCTION.

This chapter reviews the purpose and design of the study, briefly outlines the conclusions reached from the study and then offers recommendations for areas of further action or research arising from the study.

THE STUDY The purpose of this study was to explore the role of the Church in the rural communities of South West Queensland. To achieve that aim a grounded theory methodology and a case study approach was used. The case study involved data from a number of programs conducted through Lifeline Darling Downs and South West Queensland.

As a background to the case study the Indigenous and European settlement of South West Queensland, as well as the history of the mainstream Christian denominations, in the South West were examined and related to the contemporary communities of the South West.

CONCLUSIONS

The historical examination revealed the extent to which the Church was active in the European settlement of the region and the lack of protests from the Church or the clergy as the Aboriginal residents and the environment were severely affected by the new settlers. Attention was also given to the relationship of the Church, on an international basis, to land use policies and environmental issues. In regard to land use it has been shown that the Church has yet to fully articulate a rural theology or to demonstrate the ongoing support for the rural communities which the Church helped establish.

The case study data were analysed in order to formulate patterns of responses from those contacted throughout the South West. From those patterns the most common concerns of the rural residents were identified, explained and illustrated through individual examples and group consensus. The outcomes were presented back to representatives of the rural communities and amended or enhanced by the feedback which those representatives provided.

This study illustrated the extent of need which exists in rural communities

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and the importance of appropriate, timely and locally governed community support services. Those contacted generally respected the role of the Church as a source of social support and social services but expressed concern, even distress, at the trend towards centralised control of community services away from rural areas and at the loss of resident clergy, the lack of local congregations and parish activities, and the closure of local Church-owned properties.

The data revealed that many rural residents regarded local clergy as an important feature of community life and in the structure of rural towns and regions. There was little evidence that residents wished to see the duplications of the past continue. There was general acceptance of the notion of ecumenical appointments of clergy as well as ecumenical management of social services and community support programs.

Contemporary rural communities face many barriers to viability and they experience many circumstances which make ‘life on the farm’ a stressful and often heart-breaking existence. This study has shown the range of individual, family and community needs which caused concern for a large number of people throughout the South West. The range of social supports which are needed require a broad response from governments, religious groups, local authorities and mutual support groups.

This study has revealed that there is an ongoing role for the Church in South West Queensland if the mainstream denominations address a number of issues which have been made explicit in Chapter Nine.

RECOMMENDATIONS.

The scope of this study was necessarily limited due to the complexity of the issues facing the rural sector. There are, however, a number of general areas for further study in rural communities which are evident from the data compiled in the course of this study.

There is an urgent need for a more thorough examination of the role of women in rural industry, rural communities and as social leaders than has yet been produced in Australia. While attention has been given, in most Christian denominations, to issues of ethical behaviour, sexual abuse and harassment and similar issues, the concerns of rural women reported in this study are much broader 226

and need to be studied in conjunction with rural communities.

The issues surrounding the provision of alternatives for employment and tertiary education in rural areas which could stem the flow of displaced primary producers, their families and the residents of supportive service centres deserves more unified attention from governments, industry groups, producer organisations and trade unions than has been evident in the past.

It has been evident throughout this study that health and welfare concerns have been exacerbated in rural communities as the pressure of survival in rural enterprises has increased. The Commonwealth and State Governments, local government, peak bodies for health and welfare services and rural organisations need to make a joint effort to identify how local rural communities can regain control over the decisions regarding community services to be provided in each local area and over the management of these services.

Primary producers, as shown in this study, have seen themselves as leaders in environmental issues. The processes in the making of decisions regarding the establishment of, and management of, national parks, water basin reserves and similar land areas should be seen as issues requiring the maximum consultation with members of the rural communities directly or indirectly affected by those decisions.

Throughout this study many of those who contacted Lifeline were deeply concerned at the loss of local facilities and services from their communities. If these concerns are to be addressed it would seem clear that the closure of government offices, schools, health services, police stations, court houses, railway services and community facilities should only occur after the careful involvement of local residents as partners in the decision process.

There are also a number of specific issues that the Christian denominations need to address if they are to ensure that the Church has an ongoing role in rural communities in general, and in the South West in particular.

As a preliminary move, which would enable other issues to be addressed, the denominations which were signatories to ‘Being Church in Rural Queensland’ need to demonstrate that the statement is being put into practical operation as quickly as is possible. With some eight years having elapsed since the document 227

was signed there is evidence of considerable scepticism in rural areas regarding the intentionality behind the words.

A second important need is for the denominational leaders to look again at the issues surrounding centralisation of the management of health and welfare services and to review the role of local communities as the major partners in decisions affecting services in their local area.

Wherever it is possible, social services should be provided as a response to the needs of local communities, rather than as a reaction to the perceived parochial needs of members or the structural needs of the denominations. Careful attention should be paid to ecumenical possibilities for service delivery, despite demands by government funding bodies that the various denominational services should lodge competitive tenders.

As a response to the expressed needs of rural residents, the Christian denominations need to make, as a high priority, provision for potential clergy and lay leaders to receive specific training in rural issues and rural theology, planned in conjunction with rural Church members.

In addition to the various ecumenical dialogues already occurring in Australia, the major Christian denominations should engage in concerted dialogue aimed at developing an Australian rural theology which can respond to each of the issues set out in Chapter Nine of this study.

The overarching issue presented to counsellors by rural residents during this study was the sense of powerlessness they experienced in influencing rural industry and over decisions being made generally and by the Church in regard to the future of their communities. A reconsideration of contemporary decision making processes by governments and the Church may need to occur if these residents are to feel any sense of regained power and security for their future life in rural Australia.

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Appendix “A”.

Women’s Access to Employment Project.

EMPLOYERS’ QUESTIONNAIRE (with summary response data added). Total number of respondents. Dalby 55 Chinchilla/Miles, 22 Roma 27

TOTAL 104

1. Is this business establishment a:

(Total responses - 104).

(1) Public Company? 32 31% (2) Private Company? 36 35% (3) Partnership? 24 23% (4) Sole Proprietorship? 11 10% (5) Other? 1 1%

2. Where is the Head Office located? (Total responses - 104). (1) Locally 63 60% (2) Elsewhere in South West Region 3 3% (3) Elsewhere in Queenslaud 27 26% (4) Other (elsewhere in Australia) 11 11%

3. How many people are currently employed by the business at this location? % of female employees versus males in occupational types. (Total responses - 104). a) Occupational Types Full Time Part Time %F:M

m F m F % 1. Managerial/Supervisory 164 49 8 12 26% 2. Professional 92 149 2 14 63%

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3. Paraprofessional 43 14 0 5 31% 4. Clerical and Related 99 202 1 67 73% 5. Sales 72 50 29 89 58% 6. Trades & other skilled 175 11 1 17 14% 7. Plant operators & rel. 98 1 1 0 1% 8. Manual (Labourers) 219 78 24 135 47% 9. Other 0 0 1 0 0%

Total number of employees – 1 922

Total % of female to male employees - Full Time: 37% -Part Time: 83% b) Size of business?

0 - 5 27 26% 6- 10 24 23% 11 20 28 27% 21 50 16 15% 50+ 9 9%

4. Does this business employ casual workers? (Total responses - 104)

YES: 74 71% NO: 30 29%

5. Does this business use sub-contractors or outworkers? (Total responses - 103).

YES: 22 21% NO: 81 79%

6. How does this business recruit employees? (Total responses - 103).

Local newspaper 62 34% Regional/State newspapers 23 12% Notice boards 7 4% C.E.S. 44 24% Other 47 26% 230

Other includes: word of mouth radio transfers government gazette.

7. What is your assessment of the current labour market supply in terms of your company's employment needs? (Total responses - 101).

Occupation Type Undersupplied Adequate Oversupplied NA

1. Managerial 14 19% 52 70% 1 1% 7 9% 2. Professional 15 5% 30 51% 2 3% 12 20% 3. Paraprofessional 12 21% 16 28% 8 14% 21 37% 4. Clerical 10 13% 52 68% 9 12% 6 8% 5. Sales 15 25% 24 40% 3 5% 18 30% 6. Trades 12 23% 21 40% 0 0 19 37% 7. Plant Operators 5 11% 13 29% 0 0 27 60% 8. Manual 4 7% 34 58% 4 7% 17 29% 9. Other 0 0 9 69% 0 0 4 31%

TOTAL 87 18% 251 51% 27 5% 131 26%

8. What is your assessment of the future availability of labour market supply in terms of your company's projected employment needs over the next 18 months? (Total responses - 103). Occupation Type Growth No Change Decline

1. Managerial 10 13% 63 84% 2 3% 2. Professional 13 24% 39 71% 3 5% 3. Paraprofessional 6 15% 30 77% 3 8% 4. Clerical 13 18% 57 79% 2 3% 5. Sales 16 30% 35 65% 3 5% 6. Trades 6 15% 29 72% 5 13% 7. Plant Operators 1 3% 27 87% 3 10% 8. Manual 8 15% 42 79% 3 6% 9. Other 4 17% 17 74% 2 9%

TOTAL 77 17% 339 77% 266%

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9. In which of the following areas would you consider employing males or females? (Total responses - 98).

Occupation Type Male Female 1. Managerial 64 54% 55 46% 2. Professional 45 49% 46 51% 3. Paraprofessional 32 55% 26 45% 4. Clerical 39 36% 70 64% 5. Sales 43 49% 44 51% 6. Trades 35 60% 23 40% 7. Plant operators 27 68% 13 32% 8. Manual 46 63% 27 37% 9. Other 8 50% 8 50% TOTAL 358 52% 312 48%

10. What do you see as the major barriers to the employment of women in the occupational types employed at this establishment? (Total responses - 87).

Occupation Type A B C D E F G H % No major Barriers

1. Managerial 27 4 10 1 6 2 1 2 73% 20 27% 2. Professional 17 3 4 2 7 2 2 1 69% 17 31% 3. Paraprofessional 11 3 5 1 6 1 1 1 63% 17 37% 4. Clerical 13 2 7 2 3 2 0 2 60% 21 40% 5. Sales 10 8 7 5 8 2 1 1 71% 17 29% 6. Trades 12 3 6 0 2 2 2 1 62% 17 38% 7. Plant operators 8 1 9 0 1 1 0 1 55% 17 45% 8. Manual 6 1 22 2 5 0 1 1 69% 17 31% 9. Other 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 50% 2 50%

TOTAL 105 26 70 13 38 12 8 10 145 CODE A A. Lack of qualificationslexperience 105 25% B. Lack of job application, interview skills 26 6% C. Not suitable for type of work 70 16% D. Non wage costs of employing women too high (eg. childcare, travel) 13 3% E. Hours available for work 38 9% F. Inadequate on-the-job training facilities 12 3%

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G. Unsuitable off-the-job training facilities 8 2% H. Other includes - no applicants/lack of interest 10 2% - lack confidence - preference of employer - workshop situation/non traditional

No major barriers - 145 34%

11. Does your establishment take into account the special needs of women? (Total responses - 91).

YES: 58 64% NO: 33 37%

Details: 1. Maternity leave 21 2. Special leave 15 3. Equal employment opportunities/ affirmative action 14 4. Flexible hours 14 5. Lifting limits 3 6. Amenities 3 7. Adoption leave 2 8. Marriage leave 2 9. Sick leave 2 10. On-the-job and off-the-job training 2 11. Leave of absence 1

12. Could the proportion of women employed at this establishment be increased? (Total responses - 101). YES: 34 34% NO: 67 66%

If yes, How?

Off-the-job training 8 19% On-the-job training 12 29% Provision of childcare 3 7% Increase in wage 1 2% Flexible working hours 3 7% Other: seasonal work 8 233

non-traditional 6 affirmative action 1 15 36%

13. Which of the following factors do you take into account when employing women at this establishment? (Total responses - 97).

Proximity to work 17 6% Availability for full time work 63 23% Willingness to train in new office technology 46 17% Employment history 72 26% Health 52 19% Transport 23 8% 3 1%

14. Do you have any difficulty in finding suitably trained people? (Total responses - 97).

YES: 57 58% NO: 42 42%

NB 2 employers answered both Yes and No.

15.Please indicate the minimal pre-employment requirements at this establishment for the following occupational types (eg. formal qualifications - diploma, degree, etc.).

Occupation Type Formal Practical No Qualifications Qualifications Qualifications Qualifications

1. Managerial 18 26% 48 70% 3 4% 2. Professional 37 60% 24 39% 1 1% 3. Paraprofessional 15 48% 14 45% 2 3% 4. Clerical 11 13% 54 65% 18 22% 5. Sales 8 16% 33 66% 9 18% 6. Trades 12 34% 22 63% 1 3% 7. Plant Operators 2 9% 16 73% 4 18% 8. Manual 0 0 21 43% 28 57% 9. Other 1 9% 7 58% 4 33% TOTAL 104 25% 239 58% 70 17%

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16. What courses are you aware of that provide pre-employment training for the following occupational types? (eg. Business College, TAFE, University, C-A.E., etc.). (Total responses - 71).

Occupation Types Formal Informal

1. Managerial 54 90% 6 10% 2. Professional 44 96% 2 4% 3. Paraprofessional 24 92% 2 8% 4. Clerical 51 88% 7 12% 5. Sales 15 65% 8 35% 6.Trades 18 78% 5 22% 7. Plant Operators 3 50% 3 50% 8. Manual 3 75% 1 25% 9. Other 1 100% O~. 0 TOTAL 213 86% 34 14% Note: 6% of respondents noted "none available in area".

KEY

FORMAL includes: University C.A.E. T.A.F.E./Business College QA.C. Q.U.T. Correspondence Courses Distance Education School.

INFORMAL includes: Skillshare Apprenticeshiplcadetship Flight Training Adult education On-job tr inmig R.E.l.Q. Q.T.I.T.C. Pharmacy Guild Receptionist course College of Retailing Workshops/Seminars

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17. Where would you expect female staff to get training?

Dalby Chinchilla/ Roma Total Miles Total responses 53 21 26 100

DALBY

Occupation Type On-the-job Off-the-job Locally Outside area

1. Managerial 24 57% 5 12% 13 31% 2. Professional 11 31% 7 29% 18 50% 3. Paraprofessional 6 33% 3 17% 9 50% 4. Clerical 28 57% 10 20% 11 23% 5. Sales 23 66% 4 11% 8 23% 6. Trades 13 50% 5 19% 8 31% 7. Plant Operators 5 72% 1 14% 1 14% 8. Manual 24 77% 4 13% 3 10% 9. Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 134 55% 39 16% 71 29%

CHINCHILLA/MILES

Occupation Type On-the-job Off-the-job Locally Outside area

1. Managerial 8 67% 1 8% 3 25% 2. Professional 3 38% 0 0 5 62% 3. Paraprofessional 4 50% 2 25% 2 25% 4. Clerical 9 82% 1 9% 1 9% 5. Sales 10 62% 1 13% 4 25% 6.Trades 6 55% 1 9% 4 36% 7. Plant Operators 4 80% 1 20% 0 0 8. Manual 9 90% 1 10% 0 0 9. Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 53 65% 9 11% 19 24%

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ROMA

Occupation Type On-the-job Off-the- job Locally Outside area

1. Managerial 8 33% 4 17% 12 50% 2. Professional 4 22% 2 11% 12 67% 3. Paraprofessional 3 30% 1 10% 6 60% 4. Clerical 17 59% 7 24% 5 17% 5. Sales 10 55% 3 17% 5 28% 6.Trades 2 22% 4 45% 3 33% 7. Plant Operators 5 56% 2 22% 2 22% 8. Manual 9 82% 1 9% 1 9% 9. Other 3 75% 0 0 1 25% TOTAL 61 46% 24 18% 47 36%

Overall occupational types:

DALBY CHINCHILLA/ ROMA MILES

On-the-job 134 55% 53 65% 61 46% Off-the-job - Locally 39 16% 9 11% 24 18% - outside area 71 29% 19 24% 47 36%

18. For women employed at this establishment has this business used, or is it currently making use of, any of the following government training or employment support schemes? (Total responses - 65).

Commonwealth Rebate for Apprenticeships (full time training) 5 9% Australian Traineeship System 4 6% State Government Traineeship System in conjunction with commitment to Youth Branch 1 2% New Start 0 0 Skillshare 4 6% Training for Aboriginals Program (TAP) 4 6% Jobstart/Jobtrain 8 12% Other includes: No or Not Applicable 39 59%

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19. Does this business have a need for new or improved courses in training for potential or existing female employees? (Total responses - 96).

DALBY CHINCHILLA/ ROMA TOTAL MILES

YES: 12 24% 9 43% 11 42% 32 33% NO: 39 76% 12 57% 15 58% 66 67%

Note: 2 employers answered both Yes and No.

If Yes,

DALBY CHINCHILLA/ ROMA TOTAL MILES

Office skills 7 23% 3 19% 7 22% 17 22% New office technology 7 23% 13% 5 16% 14 18% Personal development 3 10% 3 19% 3 9% 9 12% Job seeking 2 7% 0 0 0 0 2 3% Market research skills 2 7% 0 0 3 9% 5 6% Small business management 2 7% 2 13% 3 9% 7 9% Management & Admini tration 4 13% 1. 6% 5 16%. 10 13% Trades 0 0 1 6% 0 0 1 1% Sales 2 1% 4 24% 6 19% 12 15% Other (Nursing Aide) 1 3% 0 0 0 0 1 1%

20. What, if any, are the problems associated with training or employment Support schemes? (Total responses - 38).

Access 5 12% Distance 9 22% Cost 5 12% Time involved in training 55 12% Inadequacy of course 4 9% 238

Lack of training courses available 2 5% Encouraging suitable applicants 4 9% Incentives/follow up 3 7% No problems 5 12%

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Appendix “B”. Women’s Access to Employment Project. WOMEN’S QUESTIONNAIRE DATA TOTAL NO. OF RESPONDANTS: DALBY [22] CHINCHILLA [15] MILES [4] ROMA [14]

Question 1: Are you interested in entering or returning to the workforce? (Total responses - 53). Entering: 26 49% Returning: 27 51% Registered with CES 31 59%

Question 2: When? (Total responses - 51). Now 45 88% In 3 months 3 6% In 6 months 0 0 Next year 1 2% In 2 years 2 4% In 5 years 0 0

Question 3: How long have you been living in this area? (Total responses - 53).

< 12 months 5 9% 12 months - 2 years 3 6% 2 - 5 years 12 23% 5 - 10 years 7 13% 10 - 20 years 11 21% 20 + years 15 28%

Question 4: What age bracket are you in? (Total responses - 55).

16 - 19 years 3 5% 20 - 29 years 17 31%

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30 - 39 years 7 13% 40 - 49 years 23 42% 50 - 59 years 5 9%

Question 5: On what basis would you wish to be employed? Total respondents - 55).

Full time 49 43% - Day - 34 - F1exi - 12 - Night – 3 Casual 23 20% hours p/w 1 x 0-15 h/wk 15 x 20-40 h/wk Day - 6 Evenings - 1

Part-time 32 28% 1 day per week 2 2 days per week 5 3 days per week - 10 4 days per week - 15 weekend only - 0 nights only - 0 During school hours 9% 1 day per week - 1 2 days per week - 1 3 days per week - 2 4 days per week - 7

Question 6: What are your reasons for seeking work? (Total responses - 55)

Career opportunities 17 23% Economic independence 11 15% financial need 34 45% supplement family income 13 17%

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Question 7: If you returned to work now would you require child care? (Total responses - 55).

No 46 84% Preschool age 4 7% Schoolage 5 9%

Question 8: Source of current family income? (Total responses - 52).

Supporting partner 12 20% Social Security Payment 33 54% - Unemployment Benefits - 26 -Supporting Parent - 4 - Other - 3 Casual employment 11 18% Superannuation 0 0 Other 5 8%

Question 9: (a) Highest completed year of schooling? (Total responses - 55).

No schooling 1 2% Year 7 or less 4 7% Year 8 - 9 8 14% Year 10 23 42% Year 11 6 11% Year 12 13 24%

(b) Post Secondary Training or Qualifications.

Skillshare 9 14% Adult Education 3 4% TAFE or Busienss College 6 9% C.A.E. 4 6% University 2 3% Other 5 7% None 38 57%

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Question 10: Are you interested in obtaining any additional technical or educational qualifications? (Total responses - 50).

YES 36 72% NO 14 28%

Types included: - Computer/word processing/book-keeping/ office and related 11 - Hospitality/hotel management 3 - Childcare, 3 - Business 3 - Ag science 1 - Arts/Education 3 - Primary/Senior school qualifications 4 - Language - Japanese 1 - Advance first aid 1 - Socail work/psychology 3 - Dressmaking/crafts 1

Main reasons for wanting them

- to better qualifications 3 - to increase employment prospects 11 - to increase career prospects 5 - a workforce requirement 4 - self-interest/challenge 6 - start small business/self employment 3 - to complete training 2

Question 11: Do your prospects for employment and for an ongoing career depend on retraining or upgrading your qualifications? (Total responses - 47).

YES 26 55% NO 21 45%

Type of qualification:

- Computer operating 1

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- Office work and related 5 - Bookkeeping 1 - Childcare 1 - Bachelor of Education 1 - Primary School/Senior School 2 - Hospitality 1 - Physiotherapy 1 - Advanced first aid 1 - Business 2

Reasons necessary.

- No formal qualifications 4 - More career prospects 2 - More employable 3 - Employers prefer 2 - Out of workforce too long 1 - For business management 1 - To keep up with new technology 2 - Self employment 1

Question 12: Do you have access to an educational institution which can provide the courses necessary for that purpose? (Total responses - 31). YES 13 41% NO 19 50%

Question 13: Have any other factors prevented you from obtaining the qualifications which you need (or would like to have)? (Total responses - 29).

Transport 11 22% Child Care 6 12% Demands of Work 5 10%

Cost 1 16 32% Not available 7 14% Other 5 10%

NB: Other includes: Distances, Lack of Confidence, Personal.

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Question 14: (a) Experience in paid workforce. (Total responses - 52).

< 12 months 9 17% 1 - 2 years 4 8% 2 - 5 years 11 21% 5 - 10 years 12 23% 10 - 20 years 11 21% 20 + years 5 10% Types of work included: Hospitality 13 Manual labour 31 Community services 20 -Pro/paraprofessional -13 - Non-professional - 7 Business (office/clerical) 21 Retail 23 Self-employed 1 (b) Experience in unpaid (voluntary) work. (Total responses - 35). < 12 months 8 23% 1 - 2 years 2 6% 2 - 5 years 9 26% 5 - 10 years 7 20% 10 - 20 years 6 17% 20 + years 3 8% Types included: School canteen/teacher aid 17 Community servcies 13 Tourism 1 Club secretarial 8

Question 15: In total, how long did you have paid employment? (Total responses - 48). < 12 months 1 2% 1 - 2 years 6 12% 2 - 5 years 13 27% 5 - 10 years 13 27% 10 - 20 years 9 19% 20 + years 6 13% 245

Question 16: How long since you had regular paid employment? (Total responses - 40). < 12 months 15 38% 1 - 2 years 4 10% 2 - 5 years 6 15% 5 - 10 years 7 17% 10 - 20 years 5 12% 20 + years 3 8% NB. Many people have had irregular casual/part-time employment.

Question 17: How do you rate your prospects of employment? (Total responses - 51). Excellent 2 4% Very good 5 9% Good 15 27% Reasonable 16 30% Rotton or lousy 16 30%

Question 18: In what general area did you have work previously? (Total responses - 43). Business (office/clerical) 13 29% Community services 8 18% Retail 10 22% Hospitality 6 13% Manual labour 6 13% Home duties 2 5%

Question 19: In what field would you be looking for work now? (Total responses - 52). Same as previous 30 48% Other 32 52% Question 20: Where do you look for work? CES 39 23% Newspapers 49 29% Word of mouth 42 24% Local businesses 28 16% Other 13 8% NB: Other includes: canvassing.

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Question 21: Looking back over your work hisotry, what would you say are the major difficulties you have encountered? (Total responses - 54). Availability of jobs in rural araes 44 35% Conflicting responsibilities 17 14% Child care 6 5% Access to work 19 15% Nature of work 13 10% Conditions 9 7% Attitudes of family/community 17 14%

Question 22: What sort of factors influenced your decision to stop working? (Total responses - 45).

Not financially viable 3 5% Transferred geographic location 9 14% Family responsibilities 23 34% Farm/business 9 13% Child care arrangement 6 9% Other: 17 25% Other includes: lack of education, clash of personality, marriage breakdown, put off/replaced by junior, health, no opportunity for career advancement.

Question 23: Have you ever had any difficulties in getting paid work when you wanted it, or getting the kind of job you wanted? (Total responses - 55). YES 43 78% NO 12 22% Why9 Scarcity of jobs generally in rural areas 33 38% No suitable job available 30 35% Distance 12 14% Child care 5 6% Hours not suitable 6 7%

Question 24: How do you feel about computers and other modern electronic wonders? (Total responses - 55). Excited 3 5% Keenly interested 18 29% Interested 21 33% 247

Disinterested 7 11% Intimidated 14 22%

Question 25: Do you believe that the introduction of modern technology limits your prospects of returning to work? (Total responses - 54). YES 30 56% NO 24 44%

Question 26: If you are interested in office work would you please answer this? Which of these areas are you interested in? In which would you need training? Data entry 12 8% Typing 10 7% Typist-clerk 8 5% Receptionist 14 10% Book-keeping 14 10% Stenography 5 3% Private secretary 5 3% Word processing 17 12% Computer usage 14 10% (eg spreadsheets) File clerk 8 5% Clerk 8 5% Telephonist 13 9% Medical typist 11 7% Audio typist 7 5% Other - computers 1 1%

In which would you need retraining? Data entry 8 12% Typing > 12 18% Typist-clerk 3 4% Receptionist 7 10% Book-keeping 7 10% Stenography 4 6% Private secretary 2 3% Word Processing 5 7% Computer usage 5 7% (eg spread sheets) File clerk 2 3% 248

Clerk 3 5% Telephonist 3 5% Medical typist 5 7% Audio typist 2 3% Other 0 0

Question 27: Now that you are thinking about entering/returning to the workforce, what are your feelings about this step? (Total responses - 52). Very confident 2 3% Confident 10 17% Fairly confident 20 33% A bit worried 20 33% Plain scared 8 14%

Question 28: Do you feel you need: (Total responses - 52) Training? 32 55% Retraining? 20 35% No? 6 11%

Question 29: If you have attending any courses since school, what has been the most helpful course and why? (Total responses - 22).

Office/computer training 11 46% Personal development 4 17% Skillshare 3 13% Child care/nanny work training 2 8% Retail skills 2 8% Nurses/first aid 2 8% Reasons why Personal development - confidence/esteem 7 44% Found course interesting 2 12% Keep up with technology (office) 4 25% On the job training and lcoal 2 1-3% Got a job through training 1 6%

Question 30: Would training/retraining be: (Total responses - 51). Same as previous field? 25 37% A new field? 34 54% 249

Starting/running own business? 8 12%

Ouestion 31: If courses were available - which of the following areas would be important to you? (tick as many as applicable). (Total responses - 55). Life Skills - Assertion training 17 3% - Communication skills 28 6% - Self evaluation 21 4% - Self motivation 20 4%

Job Seeking Skills - Assessment of market 13 3% - Letters of application 19 4% - Interview techniques 23 5%

Return to Study - "Learning how to Learn" 22 4% - Research skills 11 2% - Essay and report writing 12 2% - Career advice 20 4% - Small business management 20 4% - Market Research - feasibility studies 11 2%

Skills - Short story writing 5 1% - Hairdressing 8 2% - Parenting towards 2000 5 1% - Real estate practices 5 1% - Raising & Managing farm animals 7 1% - Emergency first aid 24 5% - Nursing practice 14 3% - Hydroponic gardening 7 1%

Group Management Skills - Meeting procedure 12 2% - Report writing 12 2% - Keeping books 26 5% - Working with volunteers* 21 4%

250

Technology - Office 24 5% - Computing 29 6% - Word Processing 27 5% - De-mystifying new technology 11 2%

Non-traditional occupations - Apprenticeships 5 1% - Laboratory work 4 1% - Telecom technician 0 0 - Taxi-driver 1 0 -Computer programmer 7 1% - Computer Services & Maintenance 5 1% - Painting and Decorating trade 14 3% - Laboratory work 1 0

Other - please specify: - Floral art/craft 2 0 - Dress designing 2 0 - Wildlife and wilderness 1 0

Question 32: If courses were made available where would they best be located? Rank in order of preference 1-4. (Total responses - 53)

Night school/Local High School ranked 1 Learning Centres ranked 2 Technical Schools ranked 3 Other ranked 4

Question 33: What is the maximum distance you are prepared to travel? Total responses - 51) 2 kms 10 19% 5 kms 8 16% 10 kms 5 10% 15 kms 5 8% 20 kms 24 47%

251

Question 34: Do you have your own transport? (Total responses - 55). YES 35 64% NO 20 36%

Question 35: Do you have easy access to transport? (Total responses - 50). YES 31 62% NO 19 38%

Question 36: What time would you like to attend lectures (training)? (Total responses - 54). Daytime 32 33% Night time 19 20% Full-time courses 19 20% Part-time courses 26 27%

Question 37: Do you prefer studying in: (Total responses - 55). All female class? 4 7% Mixed class? 14 24% No preference? 41 69%

Question 38: Would you be able to pay tuition? (Total responses - 53).

YES 12 23% NO 41 77%

Question 39: What is the maximum you would be prepared to pay? (Total responses - 18). < $50 10 56% $50-$100 3 17% $100-$200 1 6% $200-$500 4 22%

Question 40: Would child care be required? (Total responses - 51). No 45 88% Preschool 252

- for 1 child 2 4% -2ormon 1 2% After school care - for 1 child 1 2% - 2 or more 2 4%

Question 41: Would you be able to pay for it? (Total responses - 8).

.Insufficient data.

Question 42: What is the maximum you would be prepared to pay for child care per week? (Total responses - 7). Insufficient data. Question 43: Are you aware of what courses are available? (Total responses - 53). Locally - YES 21 41% NO 30 59% Regionally - YES 16 37% NO 27 63%

Correspondence - YES 16 37% NO 27 63%

Question 44: Where would you seek information about what courses are available? (Total responses - 54). CES 41 31% Local newspaper 38 29% Word of mouth 26 20% Shop windows 13 10% Local businesses 13 10%

CHILDCARE Question 45: Is child care readily available in your area? (Total responses - 29). 253

YES 18 62% NO 11 18%

Question 46: What form of child care is preferable? (Total responses - 17). Immediate family 6 29% Extended family or friend 6 29% Formal child care 9 42%

Question 47: Would any of the above prohibit you from seeking employment/training if not available? (Total responses - 25).

YES 6 24% NO 19 76%

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254

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