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Religious Devotion and Business the Pre-Reformation Enterprise of the Lübeck Presses

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Religious Devotion and Business the Pre-Reformation Enterprise of the Lübeck Presses ELIZABeTH ANDeRSeN Religious Devotion and Business The Pre-Reformation Enterprise of the Lübeck Presses From the outset, Lübeck was a centre for the new art of printing. This lead- ing position was maintained throughout the Reformation; thus it was that the first complete Lutheran Bible to reach the market in 1533 was printed not in Wittenberg but in Lübeck by Ludwig Dietz and it was a translation into Low rather than High German (illustration 1). The first Lutheran Bible of Sweden (1539, illustration 2), was the work of Jürgen Richolff the Younger, also a printer from Lübeck, and the first Danish Lutheran Bible (1550, illustration 3) was the work again of Ludwig Dietz. The strong lead in religious vernacular printing during the Reformation in the Baltic region rested on the foundations laid by the first generation of printers in Lübeck. The success of the Lübeck printers in the sixteenth century grew out of the particular intersection of busi- ness and devotion established in the fifteenth. The fruitful nature of this inter- section was fostered by a fortuitous combination of political, economic and intellectual conditions which prevailed in the city. Against this background, the focus of what follows is trained on printers who were in business between c. 1470 and c. 1520, in particular Steffen Arndes, Bartholomäus Ghotan and the Mohnkopf Press.1 For the latter, the press of the Brethren of the Common Life in the neighbouring Hanseatic city of Rostock provides a foil which allows the fundamental difference in the business model of the two presses to emerge sharply. Specifically, this article considers the Low German Lübeck Bible (Arndes: 1494, GW04309, illustration 4), the Revelationes Sanctae Birgittae (Ghotan: 1492, GW04391, illustration 5) and the adaptation of the Revelationes into Low German, the Sunte Birgitten Openbaringe (Mohnkopf: 1496, GW04395)2 to highlight characteristic and seminal features of the religious and spiritual landscape in the period immediately prior to the Reformation.3 The continuity between the pre-Reformation printing enterprise in High German 1 As an introduction cf. Die Lübecker Buchdrucker (1994). On German incunables and the changes brought about by the Reformation in general see Füssel, Gutenberg (2003). All German prints of the fifteenth century are catalogued in the Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke (GW) which is available online (http://www.gesamtkatalogderwiegendrucke.de/) with all relevant literature given and links to digitised copies which can be looked up via the GW numbers provided. The prints of the sixteenth century are catalogued in the Verzeichnis deutscher Drucke des 16. Jahr- hunderts (VD16), available at http://vd16.de. For literature on Lübeck cf. Freytag (1999). 2 No online version available yet; edition in the PhD thesis by Hildegard Dinges, ‘Sunte Birgitten Openbaringe.’ (1952), reprint by James Hogg, ‘Sunte Birgitten openbaringe,’ (1989). 3 On the religious landscape in Northern Germany in the century before the Lutheran Reformation cf. Mysticism and Devotion in Northern Germany (2013). Ons Geestelijk Erf 87(1-2), 200-223. doi: 10.2143/OGE.87.1.3200545 © Ons Geestelijk Erf. All rights reserved. RelIgIoUs DevotIon and BUsIness 201 and the success of Luther’s translation has been brought into focus in the last decade, not least because of the imminent fifth centenary of the Reformation.4 However, the same cannot be said for the Low German area where the stereo- typical view of the “sober Hanseatic merchant” still dominates the popular imagination. In what follows, a brief introductory account of the political position of Lübeck within the Holy Roman Empire and of the nature of the government of the city will establish the context in which the production of works of ­religious devotion was aligned with the interests of business. LÜBeCK: IMPeRIAL FRee CITY, “QUeeN” Of THe HANSeATIC LeAGUe AND PRINTING CeNTRe Within the political structure of the Holy Roman Empire, the status of a city had far-reaching consequences for the form of its governance, as did the secu- lar or religious alignment of its leaders for the trade and dominant culture of the city. In 1226 the Holy Roman Emperor Friedrich II granted Lübeck the status of imperial city [civitas imperii] through a letter of imperial freedom [Reichsfreiheitsbrief]. Lübeck’s special civic status was endorsed in 1375 when the Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV paid a ceremonial visit to the city. He declared Lübeck to be one of the five “Glories of the Empire”, a title it shared with Venice, Rome, Pisa and Florence.5 As an Imperial Free City, Lübeck enjoyed imperial immediacy [Reichsfreiheit / Reichsunmittelbarkeit]; this meant that the city was under the direct authority of the Holy Roman Emperor and the Imperial Diet [Reichstag].6 Under constitutional law, Free and Imperial cities were enclaves that ranked alongside the Imperial States with a seat and a vote in the Imperial Diet. This was in stark contrast to the majority of cities in the Empire which belonged to a territory and so were governed by either a secular lord (e.g. a duke, margrave, count) or by an ecclesiastical lord (e.g. prince-bishop, prince-abbot). In the Free and Imperial cities the source of political power and legitimacy shifted from religious or dynastic authorities to the urban élite. The status of Imperial Free City thus conferred semi-independence and a far-reaching autonomy. The constitution of these cities was republican in form but oligarchic in nature with a governing 4 Cf. the exhibition Umsonst ist der Tod. Alltag und Frömmigkeit am Vorabend der Reformation, and the accompanying catalogue. 5 The websites of the Verein für Lübeckische Geschichte und Alterthumskunde (http://www.vlga. de/) and of the Hansischer Geschichtsverein (http://www.hansischergeschichtsverein.de/) provide extensive material on the history of Lübeck; all digitally available texts are listed on the wiki- source page “Archiv_der_Hansestadt_Lübeck”. For an overview of the literary culture in Lübeck cf. Lähnemann (2013). 6 Selzer (2010), p. 35. General literature on the comparative development of German cities can be found in the Bibliographie zur deutschen Städteforschung edited by the IStG (Institut für vergleichende Städteforschung) at Münster University (available online). 202 ELIZABETH ANDERSEN Ill. 1. Title page of the post-Reformation Low German Lübeck Bible (‘Bugenhagen-Bibel’), copy of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek – Lübeck: Ludwig Dietz, 1533 (VD 16 B 2840) RELIGIOUS DEVOTION AND BUSINESS 203 Ill. 2. Title page of the first Swedish Bible (‘Gustav-Wasa-Bibel’), copy of the Göteborgs universitetsbibliotek Fol. Före 1600. Sv. [1541] – Uppsala: Jürgen Richolff the Younger, 1541 204 ElIZabeth Andersen Ill. 3. Title page of the first Danish Bible, commissioned by Christian III, copy of Det Kongelige Bibliotek LN 15 2° – Copenhagen: Ludwig Dietz, 1550 RelIgIoUs DevotIon and BUsIness 205 Ill. 4 Title page of the pre-Reformation Low German Lübeck Bible (‘Lübeck-Bibel’) with glosses from Nicolaus de Lyra; copy of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek with print of Nicolaus de Lyra glued in and handwritten additions of the 17th century – Lübeck: Steffen Arndes, 1494 (GW04309) 206 ELIZABETH ANDERSEN Ill. 5 Colophon of the Revelationes Sanctae Birgittae, referring to the commission from Vadstena, copy of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek – Lübeck: Bartholomäus Ghotan, 1492 (GW04391) RelIgIoUs DevotIon and BUsIness 207 town council [Rat], composed of a hereditary patrician class. The more power- ful of the Imperial Free Cities, such as Lübeck, Nuremberg and Augsburg, were able to wage war, make peace and rule their people without outside interference. In the north of the Empire, because of the powerful territories of Brandenburg and Saxony, there were only a few imperial immediate cities (alongside Lübeck: Bremen, Cologne, Dortmund, Goslar and Hamburg). Thus the independence and autonomy conferred on Lübeck by imperial immediacy was all the greater as neither Friedrich II nor the rulers who followed him had a powerbase in the north of the Empire. Even more important for the understanding of Lübeck as a centre of print- ing is the economic alliance that dominated trade in Northern Europe: the Hanseatic League [Hanse], which stretched from the Baltic to the North Sea and inland during the late Middle Ages and early modern period (c. 13th to 17th centuries). It comprised 70 cities and 100 to 130 smaller towns, some of which enjoyed the privileges afforded by the Hanseatic League without formally becoming members of it. Late medieval Lübeck was deemed to be the “Queen of the Hanse”. With a population of c. 25,000 – 30,000, it was the second largest city after Cologne in the German-speaking lands and by far the largest and most powerful member of the Hanse. Like Nuremberg, the Imperial Free City of Lübeck derived its economic wealth and its political power from its strategic location. It stood at a crossroads of trading routes that ran west to east from Bruges in Flanders to cities on or near the Baltic such as Gdánsk, Reval, Novgorod and from north to south connecting ­Scandinavia with Nuremberg, Augsburg and Venice. The Stecknitz Canal, nowadays the Elbe-Lübeck Canal, gave Lübeck control over the lucrative salt trade between Lüneburg, Scandinavia and the lands along the Baltic coast.7 In the creation of wealth, trade establishes and fosters contacts and networks that facilitate not only economic but also cultural exchange. Even before print- ers set up in business in Lübeck, books had been exported
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