<<

A VISITOR’S GUIDE TO

THE OF AT

A Project

Presented to the faculty of the Department of Humanities and Religious Studies

California State University, Sacramento

Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

in

Liberal Arts

by

Marcie Collin Paolinelli

SPRING 2012

A VISITOR’S GUIDE TO

THE AT PRIMA PORTA

A Project

by

Marcie Collin Paolinelli

Approved by:

______, Committee Chair Jeffrey Brodd, Ph.D.

Date: ______

ii

Student: Marcie Collin Paolinelli

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this Project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for this Project.

______, Graduate Coordinator ______Victoria Shinbrot, Ph.D. Date

Department of Humanities and Religious Studies

iii

Abstract

of

A VISITOR’S GUIDE TO

THE VILLA OF LIVIA AT PRIMA PORTA

by

Marcie Collin Paolinelli

The architectural remains of the ancient Villa of Livia, an estate owned by the wife of , lie on a large plateau that overlooks the valley, near the modern town of Prima Porta, approximately nine miles north of along the .

This complex is one of the largest known imperial , covering more than 8 ½ square miles. In antiquity, the villa was known as ad Gallinas after a famous omen that foreshadowed the end of the Julio-Claudian line of emperors. Despite the villa’s stature and place in history, very little material written in English exists about this site other than what has been published about the most famous finds from the mid-nineteenth century excavations—the magnificent statute of Augustus, which is now displayed in the Vatican museum, and the beautiful garden frescoes, which are on display in the preserved in the

National Museum in Rome. Since 1970, the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma has conducted extensive excavations, partially restored parts of the villa, and produced a site map. However, all of this work is documented in Italian, which makes the information inaccessible to English-speaking visitors.

iv This guide is intended as a reference for the English-speaking visitor to understand the villa’s historical and cultural value. First, it provides a short biography of

Livia and the historical significance of the villa. Second, it describes the major excavations that have been carried out since the mid-nineteenth century and the major finds from each effort. Then, the guide takes the reader on a tour of the excavated areas of the villa. These areas include the residence, the thermal baths, the peristyle and adjacent rooms, the gardens, and the underground complex where the garden frescoes were found. The guide concludes with recommendations for other museums to visit in

Rome for further information on the Villa of Livia.

______, Committee Chair Jeffrey Brodd, Ph.D.

______Date

v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………....vii

Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

2. HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE ...... 3

3. EXCAVATIONS ...... 8

4. TOPOGRAPHY AND SITE PLAN ...... 14

5. THE RESIDENCE ...... 17

6. THE THERMAL BATHS ...... 24

7. THE PERISTYLE AND ADJACENT ROOMS ...... 29

8. THE UNDERGROUND COMPLEX ...... 35

9. THE GARDENS ...... 40

10. RELATED ROMAN MUSEUMS ...... 44

11. CONCLUSION ...... 47

References ...... 48

vi LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Topographical View of the Villa of Livia ...... 14

Figure 2: General Site Plan of the Villa ...... 15

Figure 3: Northeast Section of the Villa ...... 18

Figure 4: Impluvium Mosaic ...... 19

Figure 5: Brick Base in the Atrium ...... 19

Figure 6: Threshold of the ...... 21

Figure 7: Room 45 ...... 22

Figure 8: Site Plan of the Thermal Bath Complex ...... 24

Figure 9: Brick Piers of the Suspensurae ...... 25

Figure 10: Back Wall of Frigidarium...... 27

Figure 11: Corridor ...... 28

Figure 12: Site Plan of the Peristyle and Adjacent Rooms ...... 29

Figure 13: Room 57 ...... 30

Figure 14: Peristyle Pool ...... 30

Figure 15: Vestibule ...... 31

Figure 16: Site Plan of Rooms Adjacent to the Peristyle on the Southwest Side ...... 32

Figure 17: Room 5 ...... 33

Figure 18: Room 6 ...... 33

Figure 19: Room 9 ...... 34

Figure 20: Possible Staircase to Second Floor ...... 34

vii Figure 21: Imitation of Panel currently displayed in Room 2 North Wall ...... 37

Figure 22: Stucco Panel with Winged Victories ...... 39

Figure 23: Small Garden ...... 41

Figure 24: ...... 44

Figure 25: Reconstructed Hallway in the Villa of Livia ...... 46

viii

1

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

The architectural remains of the ancient Villa of Livia, an estate owned by the wife of Augustus, lie on a large plateau that overlooks the Tiber valley, near the modern town of Prima Porta, approximately nine miles north of Rome along the Via Flaminia.

This complex is one of the largest known imperial villas, covering more than 8 ½ square miles. In antiquity, the villa was known as ad Gallinas after a famous omen that foreshadowed the end of the Julio-Claudian line of emperors. As the tale goes, as Livia was traveling to the villa, an eagle dropped a white hen carrying a laurel branch in its beak into her lap. Livia nurtured the hen and its subsequent offspring. It is also believed that Livia planted a single laurel branch in the villa’s garden that took root and miraculously grew into a large laurel grove. Augustus took laurel from this very grove to carry and wear in celebration of his triumphs. Subsequent emperors followed this custom as well and took branches for their triumphal wreaths. Shortly after Nero died, the grove withered away and the chickens died, thus forming an omen of the coming extinction of the Julio-Claudian dynasty.

Despite the villa’s stature and place in history, very little material written in

English exists about this site other than what has been published about the most famous finds from the mid-nineteenth century excavations—the magnificent statute of Augustus, now housed in the Vatican museum, and the beautiful garden frescoes, found in a subterranean room and now preserved in the National Museum in Rome, Palazzo

Massimo. Since 1970, the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma has conducted

2 extensive excavations, partially restored parts of the villa, and produced a site map.

However, all of this work is documented in Italian, which makes the information largely inaccessible to English-speaking visitors.

This guide is intended as a reference for the English-speaking visitor to understand the villa’s historical and cultural value. First, it provides a short biography of

Livia and the historical significance of the villa. Second, it describes the major excavations that have been carried out since the mid-nineteenth century. Third, the topography and overall site plan are described to put the villa in context of its surroundings and environment. Then, this guidebook leads the reader on a tour of the excavated areas of the villa, which include the residence, the thermal baths, the peristyle and adjacent rooms, the gardens, and the underground complex where the garden frescoes were found. The guide concludes with recommendations for other museums to visit in

Rome for further information on the Villa of Livia.

3

Chapter 2

HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE

Livia was born into aristocracy and great wealth. Her father, Drusus Claudianus, descended by birth from the gens Claudia, a family with an extensive history in politics, and descended legally through his adoptive family, the gens Livia (Huntsman 125).

According to , members of the Livii family were “of great prominence and had been honored with eight consulships, two censorships, and three triumphs, as well as the offices of dictator and master of the horse” (The Life of 3.1). Drusus Claudianus was adopted in infancy by the tribune M. Livius Drusus, who once owned a palatial town house on the Palatine and was considered the richest man in Rome (Reeder Villa 31;

Huntsman 134). Livia’s father was called Drusus by his contemporaries because he was the only known bearer of the name after the assassination of his adoptive father in

November 91 BC (Reeder Villa 31). Drusus Claudianus may have inherited all or a major portion of his adoptive father’s estate and certainly benefited from the Livii family’s prestige, alliances, and political connections.

The details of the place or the date of Livia’s birth are unknown as the year of

Livia’s birth is not explicitly recorded in any ancient sources. Since ancient sources report that she died in her eighty-sixth year in AD 29, modern scholars, calculating back from her date of death, acknowledge her birth year as either 59 or 58 BC, depending on which part of the year AD 29 she passed away. (Barrett 631; Dennison 8).

For the first sixteen years of Livia’s life, her father was involved in Roman politics. Drusus Claudianus sided with the Roman senators who assassinated Caesar in 44

4

BC and tried to distance himself from those who claimed to be Caesar’s successors.

When he co-sponsored a Senate resolution to assign two legions to Decimus , one of the instigators of the assassination, Antony became quite angry and the triumvirs proscribed Drusus’ death. Drusus Claudianus fled to the east, perhaps to hold a high command at the Battle of Philippi, in the Wars of the Second Triumvirate, but after the

Republican forces lost the battle, he committed suicide in October 42 BC. It is not known whether any of his property was confiscated after his proscription or if his will disposed of any remaining property. As the only child, Livia would have inherited some patronal rights and obligations of the Livii family and would likely have been the major beneficiary of her father’s will (Huntsman 137).

Before her father’s death, sometime between 46 and early 42 BC, Livia married

Tiberius Claudius Nero. At the time of her marriage, Livia was probably fourteen years old, the traditional matrimonial age, and had reached the age of sixteen by the time she gave birth to their first son, Tiberius, in November 42 BC. Her husband, who was more than 25 years older, belonged to the same gens Claudia, as her father’s birth family.

Loyal to , Nero served first as a military paymaster, then a fleet commander in Egypt, and later as a military governor in . For his service, he was appointed a pontifex of the Roman religion (Mudd 15). After Caesar’s assassination, Nero decided to align with Lucius Antonious, the brother of Marc Antony, and followed him to Perusia where Livia and their infant son joined them. When Octavian conquered Perusia and apparently proscribed Nero’s death, the family fled and for the next three years sought exile in Naples, Sicily, Athens and finally Sparta. Eventually, Nero’s name was removed

5 from the proscription list and the family returned to Rome in late summer or early fall of

39 BC (Dennison 61-64).

Livia was still married to Nero and pregnant with their second child when she met

Octavian. According to Dio (48.34.3), Octavian fell in love with Livia around the time of his deposition barbae, which was a celebration of his passage to manhood occurring perhaps at the time of his birthday in September 39 BC. In order to marry Livia,

Octavian first had to dissolve his marriage to Scribonia; they divorced on the day

Scribonia gave birth to their daughter Julia. Livia and Nero had to dissolve their marriage as well. Most of the ancient sources contend that Nero freely gave his consent to Livia and Octavian’s marriage. Huntsman (148-49) suggests that property considerations may have prompted Nero’s consent. Both Livia’s father and Nero had been proscribed which meant their property had been subject to confiscation. Nero could have made an agreement with Octavian before the marriage to restore any property lost by Livia and

Nero, thus providing for the future of Tiberius and their unborn child.

Since the provenance of the property in Prima Porta is unknown, many theories abound on how Livia acquired the villa. Correspondence from documents the fact that Livia’s father, Drusus Claudianus, owned a villa-garden property in the Roman suburbs. In 45 BC, Cicero considered buying the property to build a memorial to his daughter Tulia since it was located across the Tiber and convenient to Rome. However,

Cicero thought Drusus wanted too much for the property and the deal fell through.

Unfortunately, the correspondence does not describe the exact location of the property— only that it was beyond the Tiber (Huntsman 136-37; Reeder Villa 31-32). The property

6 referenced to in Cicero’s letters might have been the Villa of Livia, or it is possible that

Drusus Claudianus owned other property in Prima Porta as well. Some scholars assume that Livia inherited the villa from her father upon her marriage to Nero, sometime between 46 and early 42 BC, since inheritance and dowry were the two primary methods for transferring property to the next generation, (Huntsman 137). Another theory suggests that either after Drusus Claudianus’ proscription or after his suicide, the villa was confiscated and then sold at auction per Roman custom. Octavian could have taken possession of the confiscated property or purchased it and later restored it to Livia’s possession in their marriage agreement (Reeder Villa 31; Huntsman 148-49).

No matter how Livia acquired it, ancient sources indicate the villa was her property by the time she married Octavian (Suetonius Galba 1; Pliny Historia Naturalis

15.136-37; Cassius Dio 48.52.3-4). These three ancient sources tell the tale of the famous omen that lended the villa its name and would portend the eventual extinction of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. As the tale goes, Livia was returning to the property when an eagle, carrying a white hen with a sprig of laurel in its beak, dropped the hen into Livia’s lap. Pliny writes that “from the sky an eagle dropped a hen of remarkable whiteness unharmed into her lap while she was sitting down.” Pliny dates the omen to sometime between October 39 BC and January 38 BC, “when Livia had been betrothed;” while

Suetonius reports the event occurring “immediately after her marriage” to Octavian. Pliny is the only source to indicate the location of the villa on the bank of the Tiber near the ninth milestone of the Via Flaminia.

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Thanks to the omen, the villa became known as ad Gallinas, roughly translated as

Hen House or Hen Roost, due to the proliferation of chickens hatched by the hen. Pliny writes that Livia planted the laurel and tended the hen at the order of the haruspices, but

Cassius Dio and Suetonius suggest that Livia herself decided to raise the bird and laurel plant. Even though white hens are typically sterile, Livia’s hen proved to be fecund.

Suetonius notes that “so great a brood of chicks was hatched that still today this country house is called ad Gallinas.” Not only was the hen prolific, but the single laurel branch miraculously grew into a large grove as well. The grove provided the laurel branches

Augustus and the subsequent Julio-Claudian emperors carried with them to celebrate their triumphs. Pliny reports that Augustus wore and carried laurel from this grove in his triumph of 29 BC. The subsequent emperors adopted the custom of picking laurel for their triumphs and would immediately plant new branches in their place. According to

Pliny, the stands of bushes were marked with the names of the emperors to document the triumphs in Augustus’ line, and just before the death of each of the emperors, the tree which that emperor had planted withered and died. As each emperor died so did the bushes that represented him, and all of the laurels planted by Livia and the flock of chickens perished when Nero committed suicide (Cassius Dio 63.29.3). Flory suggests that the idea of a man’s life represented by the life of a plant or a tree was common in

Roman folklore (Octavian 345). The ability of the cut branches to take root and flourish symbolized the perpetual rebirth of Julius Caesar through his family line. When Nero ended his life, thus ending the family line, the death of the laurel grove symbolized the death of the Julio-Claudian dynasty.

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Chapter 3

EXCAVATIONS

The first organized excavations of the Villa of Livia were carried out in 1863-64 when the estate was owned by the convent of the Lata. A tenant of the estate, the Count Francesco Senni, and two partners, who were in search of works of art, conducted the excavations. On April 20, 1863 they found the now famous of

Augustus, which was in an amazing state of preservation, still showing traces of vivid, polychromy. Recognizing the statue’s significance commemorating Augustus, Count

Senni gave the statue to Pious Pontiff IX, along with a krater, decorated in marble, depicting the myth of Lycurgus, the father of Sparta. Just a few days later, on April 30, the excavation uncovered an underground complex in which one room was adorned on all four walls with magnificent frescoes of a blooming, bountiful garden.

Diaries kept by the field supervisors indicate that other , inscriptions, bronze objects, stamped tiles, lead pipes, glass, and pottery were found; however, except for the statue of Augustus and the marble krater which are now housed in the Vatican museum, these other finds were dispersed and lost. For instance, a head thought to represent Livia was listed as turned in at the same time as the marble krater, but it cannot be located in the Vatican museum today. Other missing items include a torso of Hercules, a head of Apollo, a bearded Jupiter, a faun and bacchants, and a row of fragmented herms and statuettes. (Klynne Prima Porta 17).

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After the important discoveries of the Augustus statue and the frescoes, the excavations were cancelled in the spring of 1864 due to lack of any further spectacular finds. While the underground complex was restored to offer protection to the frescoes, it was subsequently left abandoned. During World War II, the underground complex was subjected to further damage when it was used as a hideout from the German troops and, in 1944, narrowly escaped destruction from an allied bombing aimed at a German communication post. (Messineo La Villa 6-7). Furthermore, the underground dampness continued to contribute to the frescoes’ deterioration. Subsequently, out of conservation considerations, in 1951, the frescoes were removed from the walls and transferred to the

National Museum in Rome.

After the excavations of 1863-64, and for the next 100 years, interest in the villa waned, with no further excavations or any attempts at preservation. Consequently, the site fell into a severe state of deterioration. Beginning in 1870, when the estate came under private ownership and continuing until the 1960s, the relatively level area encompassing the villa was used for agricultural purposes and subjected to heavy plowing. This caused considerable damage to the archeological remains lying under the topsoil. Ploughs stirred up all kinds of materials and, in some places, dug deep enough to tear up mosaic floors and blurred the limits of the substructures. (Klynne Prima Porta

17). Then, in 1964, to accommodate transportation improvements in Prima Porta, a large tunnel was dug through the hill to create a passage for the Via Flaminia. Concrete and gravel surrounding the tunnel entrance lie just a few meters away from the limits of the archaeological site. The di Roma expropriated the hill in 1973 with the intention

10 of turning it into a public park. While the park, laid out in 1998, eventually came to lie outside the archeological zone, along the border of the site that fronts the modern highway, black poplar trees were planted and have continued to thrive there where their roots cling to subsurface structures, limiting access to excavation or surveying. (Klynne

Prima Porta 17) Furthermore, over the years, extensive looting occurred. In fact, many local residents report that the hill was a popular destination for Sunday outings where children played and the locals would rout around the ruins looking for pottery or other artifacts (Klynne Prima Porta 17-18; Messineo La Villa 7-10)

In 1970, under the direction of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma, the northern part of the villa, where the thermal bathing complex is located, was partially excavated. This area was originally built in the Augustan area, but subsequently rebuilt under the Severans. In the early 1980s, more extensive excavations were initiated with the intention of documenting and restoring the site. G. Messineo led the excavations of the northeastern part of the villa, concentrating on the atrium and the surrounding rooms.

In 1983, a wing to the southwest was discovered, which contained second-century wall- frescoes, pavements in opus sectile, and black and white mosaics. During the late 1980s, the thermal bathing complex was further excavated, along with a peristyle to the south.

In 1996, the Swedish Institute in Rome, in collaboration with the Soprintendenza

Archeologica di Roma, launched a five-year project to investigate the garden areas of the villa. The excavation found evidence of a large garden terrace with a huge portico consisting of a double colonnade of between 100 to 150 columns. Klynne, one of the principle investigators, estimates the portico dates between 35 to 10 BC, which would

11 place its construction after the betrothal of Livia to Octavian in 38 BC (Laurel Grove 5).

The portico opens on one side to a view of the countryside below and to the Alban mountains beyond. Investigators believe they found a smaller second garden, south of the atrium, based on the discovery of a planting pot in the northeast corner and the fact there were no traces of any floor or walls which would have been required for an ordinary room. It appears this smaller garden dates to the Republican era and belonged to the original plan of that part of the villa (Klynne and Liljenstolpe Investigating 221).

Researchers conclude that the site is an example of a villae suburban, which is a distinct style of residence that differs in plan, function and lifestyle than the urban townhouses of the wealthy. In his study of elite villas found within 25 miles of the urban area of Rome, Adams (1-75) found six common elements of villae suburbanae, which include city access, well-appointed facilities, open disposition, rooms for entertainment, pleasant view, and some agricultural purpose. The most compelling feature is typically the view and the orientation of the rooms to take full advantage of the gardens and natural landscape. The Villa of Livia enjoys an open aspect in that roughly half of the surface area is devoted to gardens and open courtyards (Adams 75).

Researchers also conclude that the villa underwent several phases of rebuilding starting in the late Republic era. A survey of the walls and the different pavements of the villa shows successive building phases through the fourth century AD. Corridors and doorways have been blocked, walls of opus vitatum mixtum have been built on top of opus reticulum walls, subsequent floor paving of mosaics and opus sectile have been laid out, and second century AD fresco paintings can be seen on early imperial reticulate

12 walls. Consequently, researchers have found it difficult to decipher room functions and use of space at each stage of construction (Klynne Prima Porta 15).

Furthermore, it is interesting to note the structures that have not been discovered that would typically have supported the day-to-day functions of a villa of this stature. For instance, there are no lodging areas for the slaves or guards. There are no stables, no storage areas for equipment or furniture, nor store-rooms for the agriculture produced on the estate. Limited excavations suggest that the estate is probably more extensive than previously thought. In the 1980s, the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma opened trial trenches in an open area to the north of the large garden and found a dense network of canals dug into the tufa, with a water pipe that appears to come from the top of the hill and heads to the villa’s thermal complex. There was also evidence of coarse stone walls built perpendicular to each other in a different course from that of the garden and most of the structures of the villa. (Messineo Ad Gallinas 90). In 1999, a geophysical survey conducted by Uppsala University revealed possible indications of two 32.8 feet long by

16.4 feet wide structures. This limited evidence leads researchers to conclude that the unexcavated area to the north of the villa may comprise a pars rustica for the day-to-day functions, in addition to the excavated pars suburbana (Klynne Prima Porta 16).

While no conclusive evidence definitively identifies the site as the ad Gallinas described by Pliny, cumulative indirect evidence leads scholars to conclude the site was an imperial estate and most likely Livia’s. In 1837, Antonio Nibby noted the close similarity in workmanship between reticulate found in the villa’s substructure and that of the . The 1863-64 excavations found a lead pipe inscribed with

13 the name of Tiberius, in addition to the spectacular finds of the statute of Augustus and subterranean garden frescoes. In 1904, a bronze plaque found in the Tiber, dating to

Trajan’s reign, mentioned Gallinarum albarum, in reference to the ad Gallinas villa.

Finally, fresco fragments found in 1997-1999 contain a surface coating of lime mixed with alabaster instead of marble, where the only other known examples have been found in the House of Livia on the Palatine and in the (Klynne Prima Porta 11-

12; Reeder Villa 29-34).

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Chapter 4

TOPOGRAPHY AND SITE PLAN

Today, the site is dominated by the modern highway of Via Flaminia and its exit ramps (Fig. 1). The Villa of Livia at Prima Porta lies on top of a steep hill that towers above a modern piazza, which in antiquity was the site of the junction of Via Flaminia and Via Tiberina. The Roman suburb of Prima Porta, located approximately 9 miles outside the city, was named after the arch that once spanned the Via Flaminia just below the hill. Via Flaminia was one of the most frequented roads leading out from Rome as it provided the main access to the northern provinces. The villa’s location on the hilltop offers views of the Tiber valley and the Roman countryside. In ancient times, residents would have been able to see the Alban Hills and even the old

Latin shrine of Jupiter Latiaris where the festival of the was Figure 1: Topographical View of the Villa of Livia (Virtual Museum of the Ancient Via Flaminia) celebrated annually. (Klynne and

Liljenstolpe Investigating 225).

A narrow road veering from Via Flaminia just past the junction with Via Tiberina allowed access to the villa. Originally only about 6.5 feet wide, but subsequently widened, it was paved with slabs of flint and volcanic rock, materials that were suitable

15 for sloping paths (Messineo La Villa 13). As shown in the overall site plan in Figure 2, the narrow road led to a large, irregular piazza (N) with a small shrine on the north side.

Figure 2: General Site Plan of the Villa (in Messineo, La Villa di Livia a Prima Porta, 2004)

16

From the piazza, the road (G), which was nestled between two parallel walls, continued to the ridge of the hill to provide visitors with views over the Tiber valley and the

Tiburtini Mountains, before descending down to entrance of the villa (M). Immediately after entering the fauces, the visitor would have reached the atrium (L), beyond which are two cubicula and a small garden (D). To the northeast is huge portico and garden (O).

To the northwest, a corridor passes by the thermal complex (H), leading up to the peristyle (B). Through the peristyle, the visitor could reach the triclinium (C). Beyond the peristyle to the west is the underground complex (E) where the famous garden frescoes were found and, finally, the southwestern wing (F). A large cistern (I) provided water to the villa.

17

Chapter 5

THE RESIDENCE

While it is difficult to ascertain the exact function of particular rooms from the available archaeological evidence, ancient sources do provide an indication of the potential use of space. Vitruvius (De Architectura 6.5) points out the requirements for men of high rank, who must meet the social obligations to their fellow citizens, with

“lofty entrance courts in regal style, and most spacious atriums and peristyles, with plantations and walks of some extent in them, appropriate to their dignity.” Furthermore, they need “libraries, picture galleries, and basilicas, finished in a style similar to that of great public buildings.” Within the residence, certain areas were designated for only the householders themselves, and those meant to be shared in common with invited or uninvited visitors. There would have been certain rooms open only to invited visitors such as bedrooms, dining rooms, and baths. Other areas, notably vestibules, halls and peristyles, would be open to the uninvited public who, by Roman custom, had a perfect right to enter, even without an invitation (Wallace-Hadrill 53-54).

The entrance is located in the northeast section of the villa. As shown in Figure 3, from the entryway (40), visitors step into the atrium (43). Varro (De Lingua Latina V,

161) defined the atrium as the hollow of the house where the roofed-over area inside the house walls is left open for the use of everyone, implying that the atrium was a waiting room designed to receive and accommodate both invited and uninvited visitors.

18

Figure 3: Northeast Section of the Villa (Museum of the Villa of Livia, photo taken by G. Paolinelli)

Vitruvius (De Architectura VI, 3.1) indicates that the open skylight, the compluvium, would have been supported by two heavy beams running the entire length of the room and framing the long sides to let in light, air and rain. The short sides were marked by beams hung between the main beams. From this resulting rectangle the roof sloped upward and outward in four directions. On the floor of the atrium, the impluvium served as a catch basin for the water.

Excavations of the villa’s atrium reveal the central impluvium, which contains a mosaic with a black background and a decorative motif around the pool (Fig. 4). There is

19 evidence of four brick pillars that would have supported the roof of the atrium. The atrium dates to the Augustan period due to the presence of opus reticulatum, which are small square stones laid diagonally at 45 degree angles, but it appears the atrium was later Figure 4: Impluvium Mosaic (G. Paolinelli) reconstructed in the middle to late Imperial age due to the presence of the second-century mosaic floor (Messineo La Villa 14).

At the south back wall of the atrium’s portico sits a brick base, covered in marble

(Fig. 5). Just behind the brick base, excavators found fragments of a fresco of the third

Pompeian style on the lower part of the wall, remarkably preserved, depicting a floral frieze and a blond-haired boy within a red medallion on a black background. (Messineo

La Villa 14; Klynne & Liljenstrope A Note 126).

In ancient times, the atrium also served as the place for the family rituals, also known as the sacra privata. Often images, in the form of paintings or statutes, of the family’s ancestors were displayed in the atrium. In addition, the

Romans customarily set up a shrine in the atrium at which they would worship their household deities. The customary

Figure 5: Brick Base in the Atrium offerings included flowers, incense, and (G. Paolinelli)

20 unmixed wine (Clark 4-9; Galinsky 301). The archaeologist who supervised the excavation of the atrium in the 1980s hypothesizes that the brick base might have been the location of a shrine to display the lares (Messineo La Villa 14).

Another interesting hypothesis has been advanced regarding the purpose of the brick base. Swedish researchers Klynne and Liljenstolpe suggest that it could have served as a base for the famous statue of Augustus (A Note 126- 27). Placement of the statute in the atrium would follow the Roman tradition of displaying portraits and statutes in this part of the house. For visitors crossing the threshold into the atrium, they would have been greeted by the impressive site of the emperor, holding his hand up in adlocutio.

The base backs up to the opus reticulatum wall, to which the statue could have been attached. Klynne and Liljenstolpe point out that the statue does have an iron dowel in the middle of its back indicating that it was set against a wall at some point. They believe the base is dated later than the early Imperial-era reticulate wall against which it sits, but pre-dates the second-century black floor mosaic that was laid around its edges.

Since the remarkably preserved fresco behind the base is of the third Pompeian style

(circa AD 25 to 45), they conclude the base dates to the reign of Tiberius. They argue their hypothesis aligns with other scholars’ proposals that Augustus’ statue is posthumous and that the figures on the cuirass allude to the legitimacy of his successor, Tiberius.

21

A doorway at the south end of the atrium exits to a small vestibule, room 46, that allows access through room 47 to the large garden terrace to the east or to the suite of private apartments, rooms 50-52, to the south. These apartments include an exedra, which is a garden room, flanked by two small bedrooms or cubicula. The threshold of the exedra (Fig. 6) is decorated with a band of polychromatic mosaic, so far the only case of polychrome found in the villa Figure 6: Threshold of the Exedra (G. Paolinelli) itself (Messineo La Villa 17).

The exedra opens onto an ambulatorium (labeled 48 in Fig. 3), which is an open- air, covered promenade that looks on to a small garden measuring 20 by 30 feet. The garden would have been surrounded on all four sides by a colonnade with stuccoed columns. Terracotta planting pots found in situ indicate the garden had a symmetrical plan featuring both flowers and smaller trees set axially in relation to the columns. The garden had an important function of connecting the villa with the surrounding landscape, providing the residents a tranquil retreat. It also served visually in both focusing the residents’ attention on the landscape beyond the villa as well as connecting the villa with the landscape by using domesticated nature as an intermediary between the wild landscape and the luxurious living quarters. From the private apartment windows, residents could view the tamed garden and the wild landscape beyond. The garden dates

22 to the Republican era and belonged to the original plan of the villa (Liljenstolpe and

Klynne 134-35).

Exiting from the western side the atrium, a long, narrow corridor (labeled

44 in Fig. 3), provides access to the villa’s private and public areas.

Unfortunately, this part of the villa was subjected to bombing during World War

II. The first room, room 45, on the south Figure 7: Room 45 side of the corridor suffered the core of (G. Paolinelli) the explosion (Fig. 7). At the time of the impact the room was covered by top soil so the walls escaped damage. However, the blast wave caused the ground level on all sides of the site of the explosion to rise, destroying the southern part of room 45, but leaving the northern part intact (Klynne and Liljenstolpe Villa of Livia 89-100).

Excavations reveal four stages of construction in room 45. During the first stage, this part of the villa was probably occupied by a garden, since fragments of wall frescoes were found on top of a stratum with no sign of any pavement. Then walls in opus reticulatum and a floor covered in opus signium, including a large mosaic of white marble in a regular dot pattern, were erected, most likely in the last years of the Republic.

On top of this floor, a geometric mosaic was laid, probably in the middle of the first century AD, with a square pattern that is similar, but of superior quality, to floors found in Pompeii and to pavements in the markets of Trajan. In addition, a stamped brick dating

23 from the reign of Vespasian was found. The most recent stage was probably constructed during the reign of Constantine I. New walls in opus vittatum mixtum were erected on the foundations of the old walls. It is unclear what this room could have been used for.

Its strategic position provides a good view of the atrium and provides passage to the garden and the peristyle, which is typically the criteria for a tablinum (Klynne and

Liljenstrope Villa 99-100).

24

Chapter 6

THE THERMAL BATHS

The thermal bathing complex takes up a large portion of the villa’s site plan. As shown in Figure 8, the corridor leading from the villa’s atrium (44) provides access to the central spa area, which includes heated rooms (31, 32), a boiler room (33), the cold bath frigidarium (26), the hot bath caldarium (29), and two pools (26, 27). An irregular passage (34-36) leads to a latrine (60), an underground room (59), and an outdoor courtyard.

Figure 8: Site Plan of the Thermal Bath Complex (G. Paolinelli)

25

The underground room was designed to hold the furnace, the praefurnium, and was added to the bathing complex at the end of the second century, as evidenced by the brickwork stamped with the seal of the Emperor Septimus Severus. Directly above the underground room, a platform, originally covered with tiles, served to shunt water from the large outdoor cistern through lead pipes to the various bathing areas. Some of the pipes led directly to the cold water basins of the bathes, near where the platform set up against the apse of the smaller tub of the frigidarium. Other pipes carried water from the outside cistern to the heated rooms, the caldarium, and to the boiler, which most likely was placed on brick pedestals near the outer wall in room 33 adjacent to the caldarium.

Bathers took their hot bath in the caldarium, a rectangular room with the north end rounded off in an apse that was situated right over the furnace in the underground room below. Between the ceiling of the underground room and the floor of the caldarium, there was a double floor, called a suspensurae, that served a critical purpose for the hypocaustic heating system. The suspensurae enclosed a cavity of air space between the two floors, supported by square brick piers. Hot air from the furnace circulated in the cavity, warmed the brick piers to heat the calidarium, radiated through the wall spaces to heat the rooms above, and then eventually dispersed the exhaust Figure 9: Brick Piers of the Suspensurae fumes to the outside through flues in (G. Paolinelli)

26 the roof (Rook 269-70). In the villa, excavators found evidence of suspensurae (Fig. 9), in rooms adjacent to the calidarium indicating that that the hypocaust system also heated rooms 28, 31, and 32 via the double floor cavity and rectangular openings in the walls

(Messineo La Villa 22-27)

Although the hypocaust heating system was an effective way to heat the floor of the calidarium, the thickness of the masonry made it difficult to maintain the pool’s temperature at an even, consistent level. Vitruvius (De Architectura V.10) describes a mechanism, known as the tustudo alvei, that was used to evenly distribute hot water in the pool. A semi-cylindrical metal container, situated over the furnace, opened directly into the pool. As water circulated into the container, it was heated at the bottom where the container came into contact with the heat source, and then the heated water circulated back out into the pool. Thus, the tustudo alvei kept the water much hotter than just relying on the hypocaust system alone (Yegül 91-94). There is evidence that the villa’s caldarium utilized this method of heated water distribution. Excavators found the partially preserved ring of the tustudo alvei over the furnace, as well as remains of the basin that opened into the pool through which the water circulated (Messineo La Villa 24-

25).

The cold-water frigidarium contains two semi-rounded cold-water tubs and a large swimming pool. The back wall of the larger tub, which butts up to the large cistern, contains a niche decorated in paste vitree, a paste made of colored glass intended to mimic precious stones (Fig 10). Originally, the room opened up to the outside courtyard through a series of windows which allowed bathers to enjoy the view of a tranquil

27 , a sanctuary consecrated to water nymphs that would have been filled with plants, flowers, , and paintings. In the courtyard, excavators found the remains of water plants and evidence of a water that was probably used for the nymphaeum. When the frigidarium was reconstructed during the Severan period, the windows were closed up or converted to doors (Messineo La Villa 28-29).

In addition to the two cold-water tubs, a large swimming pool, piscinae calidae, lined with marble and still partially preserved, occupies almost the entire room, leaving only a narrow perimeter passage. The pool had its own elaborate heating system. A suspensurae, underneath the bottom of the pool and above a circular kiln below, allowed hot air to circulate within the cavity, similar to the calidarium system. In addition, a metal basin sat in the bottom of the pool directly over the circular kiln below, so that the pool water came into direct contact with the heat source.

A second piscinae calidae in room 27 occupied almost the entire room, except for a narrow passage near the entrance threshold. The heating system was similar to room

26, and also included a metal basin in the bottom of the pool situated over a circular kiln below. The fact that the villa contained two pools is quite unusual since there is only one other known location in Rome, an imperial residence on the Palatine, Figure 10: Back Wall of Frigidarium where two piscinae calidae are (G. Paolinelli)

28 located in the same building, with similar construction and heating operations (Messineo

La Villa 29).

The two rooms with the piscinae calidae (26,

27) and a small heated room (25) opened on to a corridor (24) which led from the bath complex to other areas of the residence. The corridor’s wavy line mosaic dates to the Severan period, but a gap in the mosaic reveals a floor from an earlier period in a herringbone pattern (Fig. 11). Figure 11: Corridor (G. Paolinelli) From the corridor, residents could pass through the rectangular hall (labeled 23 in Figure 8) to reach the peristyle. The rectangular hall retains most of the original walls in opus reticulum, but the decoration of the floor and walls were rebuilt in the late second century AD. The hall’s mosaic floor contains black and white foliate scrolling between figures depicting the seasons, birds and flowers.

29

Chapter 7

THE PERISTYLE AND ADJACENT ROOMS

The doorway at the south end of the rectangular hall provides access to the peristyle, (labeled 22 on the site plan in Figure 12). In antiquity, the peristyle was intended for rest and recreation and for the exhibition of art works (McKay 35).

Figure 12: Site Plan of the Peristyle and Adjacent Rooms (G. Paolinelli)

The peristyle’s large portico, measuring approximately 72 x 59 feet, was supported by brick columns covered with red and white stucco. On the porch floor, traces of parallel rows of single black on white tiles from the Augustan age can be seen

(Messineo La Villa 34-35). In the center of the pertistyle lies a large pool which is over

30 three feet deep. An elaborate mosaic strip, constructed during a later period, features

Roman gods and symbols surrounding the pool (Fig 13).

A series of rooms (54-58) can be accessed through the southeast side of the Figure 14: Peristyle Pool peristyle. In his discussion of locating (G. Paolinelli) rooms adjacent to the peristyle, Vitruvius advises the architect to locate rooms to achieve the best possible conditions of light and temperature in relation to the times of the day.

On the east side of the peristyle, he urges placement of bedroom suites, libraries, and dining rooms (De Architectura 6.4). Although we cannot conclude with certainty the original functions of rooms 54-58, the largest, room 58, could have been a dining room, a triclinium, due to its large size, or a bedroom suite, a cubiculum, due to the placement of two smaller alcoves in the eastern corners of the larger room. Similar cubiculum suites can be found in the Villa of Oplontis and the Villa of Mysteries at

Pompei (Clarke 13). In the early empire, this room and the room adjacent (57) had simple white mosaic flooring. With renovation during the second half of the second century AD, the floors were partially replaced in white mosaic with black spirals featuring

Figure 13: Room 57 birds, plants and chalices (Fig. 14). The remaining (G. Paolinelli)

31 rooms in this cluster (54-55) may have been cubicula, but unfortunately, the mosaic floors have been completely destroyed, providing no clues as to their original function.

We can only surmise they may have been bedrooms based on Vitruvius’ directions on room placement.

A vestibule (56) connecting the villa to the peristyle and to the small garden (48) contains traces of the original floor from the Republican era including a fragment of colored marble placed in square niche, which excavators assume was an element struck by lightning and consecrated (Messineo La Villa

36). The visible mosaic floor, from the Augustan era, has a diamond pattern. Unfortunately, the heavy plowing over the last century has left a deep furrow in the mosaic floor that runs nearly the entire length of the room (Fig. 15). Figure 15: Vestibule (G. Paolinelli) The south-western side of the peristyle leads to another cluster of interconnecting rooms (labeled 1-12 on the site plan in Figure 16). The site plan shows the ground level rooms (3-12) and the underground complex (1-2) where the famous frescoes were found.

To the modern day visitor, it appears that the underground complex was constructed as an independent structure, but that is not the case. There was another large hall (unmarked on the site plan) that stood over the underground rooms. The long walls of the large hall were common to the adjacent rooms on each side (i.e., the long wall along rooms 3 and 4 to the east and the other long wall along rooms 5, 6, and 9 to the west). Thus, the large hall unified the rooms, creating a complex of interconnecting rooms on the southwestern

32 side of the villa. This large hall had a floor paved with marble, which was intact when the underground complex was discovered in 1863. However, the excavators of 1863-64 destroyed the marble floor in order to reconstruct the of the underground room underneath and to create a space for drainage (Reeder Villa 45-47).

Figure 16: Site Plan of Rooms Adjacent to the Peristyle on the Southwest Side (G. Paolinelli)

The two rooms to the east (3 and 4) are paved in opus sectile which sealed the light shaft and prevented light to the rooms below. The smaller room (4) served as a sort of vestibule for the larger room (3), which is primarily constructed in reticulate. Two passages at the end of the room toward the corridor (15) were later enclosed in brick

(Reeder Villa 46).

33

The block of rooms to the west of the large hall (5-12) are constructed in reticulate and include three large rooms and several small rooms with a heated bath and latrine. The original pavement of the southernmost room (5) is a plain white mosaic from the Augustan period, but was later redecorated in the second half of the second century AD. The later mosaic depicts a divine couple at the center surrounded by scrolling spirals with birds

(Fig. 17). This mosaic, with its spiral patterns, is very similar to the mosaic Figure 17: Room 5 found in room 23. (G. Paolinelli)

The largest of this block of rooms, Room 6, also retains the original simple white mosaic from the Augustan era, but the flooring and walls were later covered in marble

(Fig. 18).

Room 7 was a small heated room, for which the furnace, dating to the Severan age, was accessed through an arch opening in a brick outcropping attached to the villa (labeled room 8 in

Figure 16). Figure 18: Room 6 (G. Paolinelli)

34

Room 9 contains a beautiful wall decoration (Fig. 19) believed to date back to the second half of the second century

AD, based on similarities to some frescoes found in the House of the Muses in Ostia (Messineo La Villa 48). Large Figure 19: Room 9 panels depict a scene of vertical hanging (G. Paolinelli) baskets and colorful animal figures, giving viewers the sense they are looking outside of the room through open shutters.

The closure of two passages in rooms 9 and 10 gives way to a staircase with steps in travertine (Fig. 20), suggesting the existence of an upper floor on this southwest portion of the villa (Reeder Villa 46).

Figure 20: Possible Staircase to Second Floor (G. Paolinelli)

35

Chapter 8

THE UNDERGROUND COMPLEX

To access the underground complex, today’s visitors descend a modern flight of stairs on the south side of the villa (labeled 1 on the site plan in Figure 16). Some scholars believe a ramp or inclined corridor originally led to the underground rooms in a similar arrangement to the entrance into the atrium of the House of Livia on the Palatine and the entrance to the Auditorium of Maecenas (Reeder Villa 19). However, no ramp or incline was uncovered during the 1863-64 excavations. Some remains of the entrance suggest similarities in construction to the House of Livia. For instance, in the vestibule at the bottom of the stairs, grey wainscoting, painted to resemble marble, exhibits similarities in appearance and height to the atrium entrance in the House of Livia (Reeder

Villa 19). Also, the same pattern of large white squares framed with narrow blank bands in the mosaic vestibule floor was also used in Livia’s house on the Palatine (Gabriel 3).

To the right of the vestibule, an arched opening leads to two rooms (unmarked on the site plan in Figure 16), which lie underneath rooms 3 and 4 above. Both underground rooms lay under one vault. The room to the rear is larger, in which a red band is painted around the wall. The smaller room in front has a mosaic floor similar to the vestibule and contains a window cut high up in the outside wall to admit light into both rooms.

To the left of the vestibule, an arched doorway leads to the large room, famously known as the Garden Room, where the garden frescoes were located (labeled 2 on the site plan in Figure 16). Zarmakoupi points out the southwest placement of the underground room would have provided the residents an insulated, cooled room during the hot summer

36 months (272). When the underground complex was discovered in 1863, excavators found the room full of debris and stucco fragments. Messino, who led the most recent excavations on behalf of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma, believes an outside destructive event such as the earthquake of 17 BC, reported by the Liber Prodigiorum of

Iulius Obsequens, could have caused the barrel vaults to collapse causing all the debris

(Messineo La Villa 44). In any event, the dampness of the location, the debris, and the action of salts and microorganisms, all contributed to the deterioration of the frescoes.

Consequently, the frescoes were detached in 1951 and restored before being placed in the

Museo delle Terme in Rome (Gabriel 3). Then, a more recent restoration was performed just before the frescoes were moved to their current location in the Palazzo Massimo

(Caneva and Bohuny 149-150). In their place, imitations of the original panels have been erected (Fig. 21).

Visitors entering this room would have encountered a breathtaking, life-size, realistic landscape, belonging to the second style of Pompeian painting (Gabriel 6), that encompased all four walls of the room. As Kellum (215) suggests, the painting is much more than a simple, landscape, but a representation of “nature in a subtle, artful, and insistently Augustan manner,” where structured, orderly elements are juxtaposed with the chaotic wilderness. In the foreground of all four walls, a low stone fence provides a system of order that defines the garden area, in front of which small plants are carefully arranged. On each wall, a single tree stands in the center of a recess in the stone enclosure. Beyond the orderly structure of the stone wall, lies what Gabriel (10) describes as the chaotic “wilderness” of laurels, oleanders, myrtles and fruit trees,

37 growing in a tangled mass of pines, spruce, cypresses, oaks, and palms in the background. The artist depicts the laurel most prominently, for laurel is seen numerous times on each wall, in a variety of sizes and placements. One can also see birds flying in the shrubbery and perched precariously on branches.

Figure 21: Imitation of Fresco Panel currently displayed in Room 2 North Wall (G. Paolinelli)

Several scholars note the analogous structure and arrangement of vegetation in the garden frescoes to the acanthus frieze of the Augustae (Kellum 217; Reeder

Villa 83). On the Ara Pacis, prominent vertical vines provide the defining structure while spiraling acanthus and laurel symbolize the disorderliness of life. Kellum argues the

38

“fertility and prosperity of the Augustan state, but also the underlying order that was an essential part of it are thus visually encoded” in the frieze (217). Similarly, in the garden frescoes, the cultivated orderly garden in the foreground and the wild grove beyond symbolize the harmony of the state under a common rule of order and the unpredictable world of nature.

Another feature similar to the Ara Pacis is the symbolism of burgeoning fertility and perpetual peace. In the garden frescoes, many of the plants symbolize love and fecundity, such as the quinces, poppies, roses and myrtle. More importantly, everything in the garden is in bloom simultaneously, even though in periwinkles and viburnum bloom in the early spring; iris, roses, poppies, and daisies bloom somewhat later; oleanders flower in June and July; chrysanthemums blossom in September; while quinces and pomegranates bear their fruits in the late autumn (Gabriel 11). Kellum (221) argues the simultaneous blooms symbolize the metamorphosis of transforming the past into the present and the future and is analogous to the fruits of all seasons interwoven in the garlands on the interior alter enclosure wall of the Ara Pacis. Finally, the winged

Victories that adorned the stuccoed vault above the garden frescoes (Fig. 22), now preserved in Palazzo Massimo, serve the same purpose as the Ara Pacis—to celebrate the

Augustan world of perpetual victory and perpetual peace (Kellum 221).

Architectural features and decorations suggest the Garden Room functioned as a nymphaneum or summer triclinium (Messineo La Villa 38-41). In ancient times, the tranquil sanctuary of the nymphaneum typically featured flowing water, surrounded

39

Figure 22: Stucco Panel with Winged Victories (G. Paolinelli)

by a wooded landscape (Reeder Villa of Livia 42). Excavations revealed a water channel on the outside of one of the walls of the subterranean room, suggesting the possibility of a fountain in the center of the room.

40

Chapter 9

THE GARDENS

The villa’s ancient gardens included a small terrace garden, which can be found in the space south of the atrium (labeled D in Figure 3), the large imperial garden to the northeast (labeled O in Figure 3), the interior of the peristyle, which may have had space for some planting arrangements, and the small open court of the nyphaneum near the frigidarium, which likely held planting containers. To date, only the small terrace garden and the large imperial garden have been extensively investigated (Klynne and

Liljenstolpe Investigating 222).

The small terrace garden is believed to belong to the original plan of the villa, dating to the Republican era. Situated below the atrium and near the two cubuli, the garden was surrounded on all four sides by a colonnade with stuccoed columns. The sheltered garden offered a view from inside the villa through the garden to the Tiber valley and must have served as a private retreat for the residents (Reeder Villa 9).

Excavators discovered a number of planting vessels, called ollae perforatae, of two types. The first type bears a single hole in the bottom and was probably used to transport plants grown from seedlings at nurseries. The second type contains three additional holes in the lower part of the body, most likely for layering as described by Cato (De Agri

Culatura 133) and Pliny (Historia Naturalis 17.21.97). It should be noted that this is largest hoard of ollae perforatae found in situ outside the Vesuvius region (Liljenstolpe and Klynne 130). Unfortunately, since the vessels were found near the surface of the topsoil, they suffered considerable exposure to the weather, making it impossible for the

41 researchers to determine the exact species that may have grown in them. However, judging from the vessels’ placement and root cavities, it appears the garden once contained flowering plants and small trees. Excavators also found a concrete foundation in the central part of the garden, in a position facing the villa, which could have served as a base for a statue, a table, or a piscina (Klynne and Liljenstolpe Investigating 224).

In 1998, basing their conclusions on information from the ancient sources, the

Swedish archaeological team prepared a visual reconstruction of the small terrace garden, which included many plants identical to those found on the Garden Room frescoes. This reconstruction was presented to the Italian authorities overseeing the excavations. Then, at the end of 1999, with the imminent celebration of the Millennium in Rome, a number of “improvements” were initiated in anticipation of visitors to the site, such as lighting fixtures and wooden paths.

At the same time, the small terrace garden was substantially rebuilt under the initiative of a group of volunteers from the local Rotary Club

(Fig. 23). These volunteers were given free rein to design the courtyard, but they failed to take into account any of the Figure 23: Small Terrace Garden (G. Paolinelli) elements of the Swedish team’s historical reconstruction (Pinto-Guillaume 7-9). Unfortunately, the volunteers filled the entire surface area with crushed white marble which prevents any further archaeological

42 research of the garden. Furthermore, they planted shrubs and ground cover that are not indigenous to the historical era. Consequently, this leads visitors to believe the current space is an authentic reconstruction of Livia’s garden of two thousand years ago, when in fact it is not.

To the northeast of the atrium lies the large imperial garden, which measuring 246 by 246 feet roughly equals the size of the living quarters. Excavations reveal the garden was surrounded by a huge portico with a double colonnade of 100-150 columns. These columns formed a u-shape on three sides with the fourth side open to the south overlooking the Tibur River. Researchers believe the garden was constructed during the thirties or twenties of the last century BC, as indicated by the well-preserved substructure of opus reticulatum, which is also the common dating of the garden frescoes in the subterranean room (Reeder Villa 11; Klynne 8).

Compared to other ancient Roman gardens, the portico is larger than the Piazza d’Oro in Hadrian’s villa at Tivoli, and comes close to the size of the Porticus Liviae on the Oppian or the Flavian garden in the Vigna Barberini on the Palatine. Furthermore, the double colonnade has been found elsewhere in only a few other grand villas (Klynne

5). The size, architecture, and orientation suggest the portico was designed to frame something very important—perhaps the laurel grove of the Caesars—but that has not been definitively proven so far. Unfortunately, the southern edge collapsed into the valley below and is not accessible for proper excavation. In the north wing of the portico, several small finds lead researchers to conclude the slope of the terrace was leveled during the third quarter of the first century AD, perhaps due to a great landslide or

43 earthquake. The dating of this disastrous event coincides with the ancient sources report that all the laurels and hens on the estate died upon the passing of Nero, the last in the

Julio-Claudian line, in AD 68.

44

Chapter 10

RELATED ROMAN MUSEUMS

Several museums in Rome are worth visiting to view important archaeological evidence and gain more historical perspective on the Villa of Livia—specifically, the

Museum of the Villa of Livia, the Vatican Museum, and the National Museum of Rome.

On the grounds of the Villa of Livia, a modern building houses a small museum that displays some of the most significant finds from the excavations, including ceramics from both the Republican and Imperial periods, and vase fragments from the barbarian invasions during the Lombard period. Objects of daily life are also displayed, such as pins, door hinges, coins and lead mirrors. In addition, materials recovered from the gardens include marble sculptures, pots for plants, vases and oil lamps. In a small area off of the main room, there are several architectural decorations including a column base from the Republican era, a reconstruction of a Doric frieze, and a cornice stucco with two busts of canines.

The magnificent statue of Augustus, found during the 1863-64 excavations and now known as Augustus of Prima Porta, stands in the Braccio Nuovo gallery of the

Vatican Museum (Fig. 24). It is believed to have been commissioned by Augustus’ Figure 24: Augustus of Prima Porta (G. Paolinelli)

45 adopted son, Tiberius, for his mother, the Empress Livia. Carved in marble, the statue is thought to be a copy of a lost bronze original that, according to Pollini (162), was probably created in or shortly after AD 20, the year in which Augustus compelled the

Parthians to return the captured Roman standards, since this event is alluded to in the central composition of the statue’s cuirass. The statue is modeled after the Doryphorus, a famous statue by the Greek sculptor, which portrays the ideal human proportions of an Athenian athlete. In the Braccio Nuovo gallery, a Roman copy of the

Doryphorus stands right across the room from Augustus of Prima Porta so that visitors can compare for themselves the size, proportion, heroic stance, and idealized features of strength and beauty in the two works of art.

To view the original garden frescoes firsthand, visitor will want to see the

National Museum’s Palazzo Massimo. The palace’s second floor exhibits important

Roman sculptures, mosaics, and pictures from ancient villas in Rome and its environs.

The frescoes from the Villa of Livia are displayed in a small room with the same dimensions and in the same lay out as the subterranean room in the Villa. The museum also houses frescoes and stucco designs from a found on the grounds of the

Villa Farnesina. These examples illustrate the aesthetic of the Augustan Age, allowing the visitor to imagine how the Villa of Livia may have been decorated.

In the National Museum’s Terme di Diocleziano, visitors can visit the Virtual

Museum of the Ancient Via Flaminia and participate in an interactive tour of the Villa of

Livia as it might have looked in Livia’s day (Fig. 25). This three-dimensional reconstruction is based on data integrated from: interpretation of the villa’s remains;

46 recognizable structures on the site; study of iconography and literary sources; and comparison of examples from late Republican nobility or Imperial properties, such as villas found in Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Ostia, Livia’s and Augustus’ homes on the

Palatine, and Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli (Forte, Pescarin, Pietroni, and Rufa 189-96).

Visitors access the Virtual

Museum via a personal avatar. The exploration begins from the actual, observed landscape. The visitor can direct the avatar to enter the villa from one of four different access points. Along the way, the avatar Figure 25: Reconstructed Hallway in the Villa of Livia meets characters and objects which Virtual Museum of the Ancient Via Flaminia help the visitor discover, visualize and interpret the rooms in terms of their structure, their chronological phase, their history and functions, and their relation to the context of the ancient villa. Once the visitor learns about the cultural significance of a room or block of rooms, the reconstruction of that area is revealed as it would have appeared in ancient times. In each room, visitors can explore, through graphics and multimedia explanations, the level of reliability of the proposed reconstruction—whether the depiction is very probable, possible, or hypothetical. Visitors then choose which level of reliability they wish to view. By the end of the exploration, the visitor is exposed to the entire reconstructed villa, which provides a holistic representation of the Imperial villa during

Livia’s time.

47

Chapter 11

CONCLUSION

Despite the Villa of Livia’s stature and place in Roman history, it is not easily accessible to the general visitor. Although open to the public, the villa is located outside of the traditional touristic routes, open limited days and hours, and is totally covered by a permanent roof which prevents the visitor from having a clear and complete overview of the complex. Also, very little material written in English exists about this site other than what has been published about the most famous finds from the mid-nineteenth century excavations—the magnificent statute of Augustus and the beautiful garden frescoes.

Therefore, a visitor may find it difficult to understand either its archaeological structure or its historical and cultural value.

This guide provides the cultural context for the English-speaking user. Even if readers never have the good fortune to visit the villa firsthand, this guide provides a greater appreciation of Livia and the historical significance of the villa, the major finds from the excavations that have been carried out since the mid-nineteenth century, the topography and overall site plan, and the structure and function of the major living areas of the villa, including the residence, the thermal baths, the peristyle and adjacent rooms, the gardens, and the underground complex where the garden frescoes were found.

48

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