FROM BELOW: the Mst AND

SUSTAINABILXTYFROM BELOW: THE MsT AND

Carla Giles Anttinez de Mayolo

B.Sc. Hons., Oxford Brookes University, 1994

THESIS SUBMITED IN PARïiAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIFIEMENTS FOR mE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARE

In the Program of Latin Arnerican Studies

O Carla Giles 2001 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY August 2001

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This thesis focuses on the Brazilian rurai sector and the stmggle of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (Mafor agrarian reform and social justice. Rural policies in Bradl have been mainly directed to the growth and modemization of large-scale agricultural and livestock production, especiaiiy through the provision of subsidized credit. This process of modernization has exacerbated disparltles in the countryside. It has also contributed to growlng landlessness and a massive rural exodus to major urban centers in the 1970s and 1980s. Problems of widespread poverty and underemployment have becorne particularly severe in the countryside in the 1990s. These problems detract from political, econornic, and socio-cultural sustainability in many intertwined ways. Ecological sustainability ts aiso problematic, especially due to the elevated use of agrochemicals and pesticides, and the emphasis on monoculture production associated with the use of Green Revolution technologies.

As a response to deteriorating conditions in the countryside for smallholders and landless rural workers, the MST emerged in 1984, and has since become the most active and autonomous popular force in the Brazllian countryside. Recently. The MST has been successful in influencing state poîicy and making agrarian refonn a higher priority of the Cardoso administration (1995-).The strength of the movement especfaiiy derives from its strong orgarrizational structure, its capacity for mobiiization, and a continuing emphasis on leadership formation.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the MST is contributing to sustalnable development practices through the provision of alternatives for the rural landless, one of the poorest sectors of the Brazilian population. It does this both through theoreticai, policy-oriented initiatives and via practicai, 'on the ground' development acüvities. As numerous settlements of agrarian reform have been formed, the MST has expanded its struggle for broader development goais in areas iike human rights and social justice. Its contributions take place in both the productive sphere (Le.. through support for more democratic participation in the reform settlements and more inclusionaty forms of production) and the reproductive sphere [Le., through the creation of better educationai, cultural and recreationai opportunities for poor rurai farniliesl. Para meus anaDres, JeaCubriel, e Isabelle.

Para mis padres, Antonio y Bhbara

Para os sem-tena.. Approval ...... ii Abstract ...... iii List of Tables ...... vi List of Figures and Maps ...... vii Acronyms ...... viii Glossary ...... ix

INTRODUCTION...... -1 Development and Sustainabiiity ...... -4 Theoretical Approach ...... 11 Research Methodology ...... 12 Outline of Thesis...... -12

1. ORIGINSAM) Evounro~O? MST ...... 13 Who are the Sem-Terra?...... 15 Origins of the MST ...... 15 Formation of the MST ...... 18 Evolution of the MST ...... 19 Concluding Comments ...... 25

II .RURAL BRMIL AMI SUSTARUUWTY...... 26 The Role of Smallholders in Sustainable Agriculture ...... 26 Structural Obstacles to the Sustainabfflty of Family Agriculture ...... 31 The Economic Dimension ...... -32 The Political Dimension ...... 39 The Socio cuItural Dimension ...... 46 The Ecological Dimension ...... -54 Conclusion: Implications for sustainabüity ...... 57 IiI . The Conceptuai and Poiîcy-oriented Initfadver of the lld8T ...... 59 The Economic Dimension ...... -60 Agrarian Reform and Supporting Programs ...... 60 Enhancing the Competitiveness of Settlers...... 68 The Political Dimension ...... 72 Participation ...... -73 Human Rights and Leadership Formation ...... 76 The Role of Intemal and External Support...... 79 The Socio-Cultural Dimension ...... 81 Quality of Life ...... 1 Access to Education ...... 82 Health Matters ...... 83 The Role of Culture in Struggle ...... 84 The Ecological Dimension ...... -85 Environmentally-related Policy Demands ...... -85 Combîning Ecological Sustahabiiity with Production ...... 87 Concluding Comrnents ...... 88 nt .The Prictîcd Contrlbuttom of the MST to SuitiinrbUty ...... 90 The Econornic Diniension ...... -90 Access to Land ...... -90 The Formation of Collective Production Groupa ...... 92 The Socio-economic Impact of Settlements on Neighbourlng Communities ...... 101 Conduding Comments ...... 102 The Political Dimension ...... 102 nie Formation of Citizens: Inclusion ...... 103 The Education and Poiitlcal Formation of the Youth ...... 106 Wumen in Stmggie ...... 106 The Socio-Cultural Dimension ...... 107 Quaïity of Life ...... 108 Access to Education ...... 109 Health ...... 112 Culture ...... il4 The Ecologicd Dimension ...... 115 The Conciliation of Ecological Sustainabiiity with Production ...... 115 Concludhg Comrnents ...... -116

APPENDR 1 ...... 120 APPENDK 11 ...... 123 APPENDM III ...... 125 REFERENCES ...... List of Tables

Table 2.1 Evolution of Land Structure in Braztl ...... 33 Table 2.2 Unproductive Land in Brazil (1992) ...... 35 Table 2.3 Distribution of the Poor by Urban and Rural Amas in 1992 ...... 48 Table 2.4 Level of Education Attended (19951...... 49 Table 2.5 Treated Water Supply and Basic Sanibtion Service ( 199 1) ...... 51 Table 2.6 Access to Sanitation and ElecMc Power (1996) ...... 52 Table 3.1 A Cornparison between Traditional Cooperatlves and MSï Cooperatives ...... 71 Lirt of Figurer and Maps

Map 1 Brazil (Regions and States) ...... 14 Figure 1 Families Settkd (1979- 1999) ...... 92 CNMP Northeastern Center of Popular Medicine; Centro Nordestino de Medicina Popular

CONCRAB National Confederation of Agrarian Reform Cooperatives of Brazil

CONTAG National Confederation of Agricultural Workers

CPT Pastorai Land Commission; Comissiio Pastoral da Terra

DESER Departament of Rural Socio-economic Studies

EMBRATER Brazilian Enterprise of Technicd Assistance and Rural Extension

FA0 Food and Agriculture ûrganization of the United Nations iBGE Bmzilian Institute of Geography and Statistics

[NCRA National bstinite of Colonization and Agrarian Refonn

IPEA Institute for Applied Economic Research n'ERRA Technical bstiiute of Rural Extension and Research of Agrarian Reform

ITR Rural Land Tax

MAARA Ministry of 'Abastecimento', Agriculture, and Agrarian Refonn

MDA Ministry of Agrarian Development

MST Landless Rural Workers Movernent (Movimento dos Sem-Terra)

PNRA-NR National Plan for Agarian Refonn of the New Republic

PRONAF National Program of Farnily Agriculture Fortification

SCA Settlecs' Cooperativist System

SUS Single Health System, Sisterna ~nicode Saude Acampamento Occupation and encampment of unproductive property

Assentarnento Agrarian refonn settlernent

Sem-terra Landless

Agricultura Family agriculture Term used in Brazil for srnallholder agriculture Familias

Agricultores Family farmers Farniliares Rwal Brazil is marked by a skewed land tenure system and poor social and econornic conditions that seriously hinder sustainabiüty of ecosystems and the sumival of smallholden~and their familles, Hlgh levels of poverty and poor human development indicators persist in a country where 1W of nual properties occupied 79% of total rural area in 1988 (FAO/MAAEIA, 1992). in 1992, 50.8%of people 1ivlng under the poverty line resided in rural areas (IPEA, 1993).a very hlgh figure if one considers that in 1991 only 24.4% of the BrazllIan population lived in rural areas (IBGE/SIDRA). Rural violence resulting from conaicts over access to land led to 345 killings between the years of 1992 and 1999 (CPT2000 in Fernandes. 2001).

The intent of this thesis Is to look at the aspects of nirai development in Brazil that are not conducive to sustainabillty. and at the ways that the Landless Rural Workets Movement. or Mouimento dos fiabalhndores Rurats Sem-Terra(MSTI, addresses these issues/problems in both conceptuaI/policy- orfented ways and practical ways. For this purpose, 1 will attempt to answer the foiiowing research questions:

1. What (econornic, political, socio-cultural, ecological) aspects of Brazllian rural development are not conducive to social sustahability in nirai Brazil?

2. In what ways has the MST addressed these factors both at the conceptual and poiicy-oriented level, and at the practical level of rural production? Rural development plans have not addressed the problems of poverty, landlessness. and violence in rival Brazil. The Rural policies implemented dwing the miiitary dictatorship ( 1964- l984), which were based on Import Substitution hdustrialization OSD, were discriminatory against farnily agriculture (Mendes, 1987). They were designed to transfoxm large estates into capital-intensive farms to supply domestic infant industries and thus support the industrialization strategy, and later to rnodernize agriculture and to encourage the growth of agribusiness in Brazii to explore export markets. The resulting rural policies, howwer. were not responsive to regional differences in cultural. social, environmental or economic conditions. As a result. migration. a higher concentration of land, deforestation. and increased poverty and landlessness deepened (Romeiro, 1994).

The economic and socio-political situation in most rural areas of Laün Arnerica is worsening due to the introduction of neoliberalism since the 1980s (1970s in Chile). Where neoliberal policies have been irnplemented. their effects on smallholders have been harsh (Brohman, 1996).Some of these effects are common to many countries in Latin Arnerica and the South, and reflect the fact that family agriculture does not have a deanitive role in development plans based on the neoliberal paradigm (Brohman, 1996). In other words, the economic viabiüty of smallholders is jeopardfied by the focus of neoliberal policies on large-scale production, capital-intensive technology, and production for the external market (Brohman. 1996; Kay, 1999). Under such policies. smallholders are at a considerable disadvantage since their competitiveness is seriously undermined by the scale of their operations, the lack of credit for

The term smallholders in this thesis refers to the term agricuitoresfamillares (farnily farmers), as used in Brazil. In Brazil. the tenn Qgrfcullurafamillar (family agriculture) Is used to refer to agriculture that is characterized by having famiiy members in charge of administration and production. and supplytng most of the workforce used in the farm. This deflnition. however. is not llrnited to agriculture, since it is very common in Brazil that members of a fady engage in other activities (e.g. urban labor, rurai wage labor). In this thesis, 1 wlll be using both tem(smallholders and family fmers) to denote the same definition. Accordhg to INCRA, there are 24.5 miliion agricultores fdiares in Brazil (MDA, 2000a). According to IBGE, there are 4,139,369 fdyfarms in Br& (85%of the total number of fms),which produce 37.9% of total agriculturai production (INCRA/FAO. 2000). In 1995. 32,000 rural credit contracts were signed for fwagriculture. This figure increased to 1,600,000 in 2000 (MDA, 2ûûûb). investment in technology, the lack of technid knowledge, and the inabillty to compete in certain agricultural sectors (e.g., production of grains) with domestic capitalist farms and/or the extenial market.

Although the overall effects of these policies are similar in the developing world, certain particularlties produce somewhat different contexts. For the case of Brazii, where neoliberal policies have been implemented since the late 1980s and have been deepened during the administration of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1, these particuiarities have to do with (1) the highly concentrated distribution of land; (2) the political environment that is rerniniscent of an authoritarian past; (3)the existence of an agricultural frontter; and (4) the differences between regions in socio-cultural, economic. political, and ecological factors.

Under the neohberal project. Cardoso is treating poverty and landlessness as side-egects, and as such, his administration is devoted to (1) providing a set of palliative solutions. such as the creation of Cornunidade ~olidiirla2;(2) the creation of land reform settlements that are mostly located on public lands: and (3)the implementation of the Land Bank, or Banco da Terra, a market-orientated approach to stimulate the market for land through the provision of lending (INCRA, 200 1).Agrarian reform 1s also being implemented. but mainly due to constant pressure from rural movements (Barnpi, pers.com., Fernandes, 2000). According to Cristobal Kay (1999). the application of the neoliberal project in Latin American countries signais the end of radical agrarian reforms based on state-led and interventionist agrarian refonn policies; instead, it relies on market orientated land policies , Le.. where expropriation or dispossession would give way to land pollcies that focus on progressive land taxes, land colonization, land markets, reglstration and titling, and secure property rights (284). In this scenario, the International Monetary Fund (MF) and the World Bank play an important role in the application of this strategy in Third World countries by imposing poiicies based on the

It resembles the Mexican Pronasol. neohberal paradigin as a conditton for structural adjustment lending (Bmhrnan. 1996:M).

in this context. social movements are becomîng more organized in opposing poudes based on neollberaiisrn. In Brazil, the MST has ken one of the most sallent and organized movements to oppose Cardoso's neoliberal approach. Its major siwcance is not ody related to its relative strength in pushing for land reform setdementsa and supporting programs, but also in creating broader concrete steps to change and improve the Uves of many landless rural familles at the local IeveI. This thesis presents the MST as an opposition to neohberallsm and as an important source for creative alternatives to rnainstream development programs, which have been criticized for their exclusionq, top-down approach (Shepherd, 19981.

Develoisment and Sustainabilitp

The rapid environmental degradation witnessed in the last centuq (e.g. ozone depletion, global wanning, deforestation of tropical forests, desertification) has put into question the conventionai paradigrn in niddevelopment. which was commody associated with the attainment of growth n production and the expansion of the market economy (Shepherd. 1998:2).A growing concern with the degradation and contamination of the environment has produced a series of international conferences and meetings, such as the 1972 Conference on Human Development in Stockholm, the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED),the pubifcation of influentrd documents, such as the Club of Rome "Limits to Gmwth" in 1972 and "Our

The MST refers to the Braziiian constitution to Legîtlmate its strate@ of land occupations. In the constitution. land is supposed to fulfill a social function; if land is unproductive [idle]. it can therefore be used for land reform programs. niis wüi be treated In more detali in chapter 3, pp.59-60. Common Future", prepared by the Brundtland Commission WCED, 1987). and International environmental agreements4

The concepts of sustalnabUity and sustainable development have generated much debate in the past decade, especbdy on what needs to be sustained, and what principles should be taken into consideration for that purpose. The mots of the concept of sustainability can be traced back to mncems over the need to conserve the environment as a whole, and natural resources that are used in production activities. in particular. These concerns are related to the basic resource management decisions that follow under the fleld of natural resource economics, and are related to how to ensure that resources are king used at the optimal level and so as to ensure their availability in the future (Kane, 1999). in 1972, the Club of Rome study produced "Wmits to Growth", which warned about the need for considerable changes in actions and for population growth control [Kane. 1999).

A popular definition for sustainable development has been prescnted by the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED)through the document cded "Our Common Future". In this document sustainable development was defined as being: 'development that meets the needs of the present without cornpromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs." (WCED,1987:43). This defhition focuses on intragenerationd and intergenerational equity, and sees in economic growth that does not dimlnish environmental resources an essential element to reduce poverty in poor countries and provide for future generations. This deilnition has been criticized, though, for not caliing for more radical changes, and has been referred to as 'cornfortable reformism' (Elliott, 1994: 11).

Many deûnitlons exist in the development literatwe that var-according to disciplinw biases, distinctive paradigms, and ideological disputes (Redclift, 1993).The existence of a variety of definitions for sustainabiiity is in part due

Such as the Convention of Biodiversity (1994). The Law of the Sea Convention (1994), Convention on Desertification (1994). and the Global Climate Change Treaty (The Kyoto Protocols, 1997). to the lack of a consensus among academics. pohcymakers, and activists on what needs to be sustained (Redcliff. 1993). Whilst some studies emphastze the need to integrate the concept of nature into economtc systems (so as to account for the use of nature) and encourage altemative forms of production that reduce resource degradation [e.g. Binswanger, 2000). other studies see the search for sustainability as a search for alternative development paradigms that would tackle the socioeconomic structures and the exploitative use of nature that are at the mot of ecological degradation and poverty (e.g. Shiva, 199 1: Redclift, 1993). John Brohman ( 1996) idenmes two major groups with different definitions and impiications for the term: [l)agricultural economists associated with the environmental management perspective. who are concemed with the economic and technical side of sustainability, that is. on how to guarantee the growth of the economy without incurring greater costs associated with environmental degradation and loss of ecosystems: and (2) authors from a variety of alternative perspectives that oppose approaches that do not try to address the rwts of environmental problems within socioeconomic structures and society-nature relations (Brohman, 1996:310). The ûrst group refers to the neoclassical view, in which technology and the market are important elements to sustain industriaihtion and globalization while protecting the environment, taking into consideration cultural and politicai aspects. The second group, on the other hand, questions development based on economic growth, industrialization. and globalfiation. Within this group, the current debate in Laün America about sustainabiiity focuses on the interrelatlonship between the sochi and environmentai aspects of rural development strategies. Hence, sustainabiiity b not only seen as being dependent on economic viabiiity and environmentai regeneration. but also on the structure of social organization itseff, a stnicture that would improve social equity and social justice (Blauert and Zadek, 1998).Therefore, the concept of sustainabiiity is very much related to the need for a democratization of basic rights (e.g. access to productive resources. education. healthcare), in addition to concems over the regeneration of the naturai resource base and the preservation of biodiversity. The organization of rural workers and smallholders in movements and organizations is of partlcular importance in the struggle for social equity and social justice, since many nuai movements that exist in Brazii are demanding and struggling for basic rights and conditions to guarantee thei.survivability and sustainability. In the case of the MST, the stmggle for social justice and agrarian refonn is accompanied by a stniggle to create and foster forms of production that combine a concem for the ecological preservation with the democratization of productive resources and basic rights.

The growing attention being given worldwide to the question of sustainability has led international agencies, such as the World Bank, the international Monetary Fund (IMFI, and United Nations Organizations (e.g. Food and Agriculture Organization or FAO), to reconsider the& development goals and assessment methods to focus more on the relationship between quality of Me and technologlcal suitability, rather than merely on gains in productivity and GDP growth. For example, the World Bank5 has modified its approach to structural adjustment to include issues of human development, such as women's role in development. Such changes, however, have been criticized for not being effective in practice (Bernstein 1990; Singer 1989) or for being merely compensatory measures in deahg with poverty and other human development issues (Cavalcanti, 2000; Streeten, 1987). Measures that do not address the structural factors that produce poveriy will not produce the necessary conditions for the poor to escape poverty. conditions that are related to access to productive resources, education, technical training, credit, housing. and healthcare.

Wen though the World Bank recognîzes that poverty is an obstacle to sustainable development, it does not inciude poverty aUeviaUon as one of the key issues to be addressed by govenunents during structural adjustment

5 In the 1970s, the World Bank supported integrated rural dwelopment directed at smallholders as a strategy to be implemented in counûles that did not undergo land reforms, such as Brazil. IWs dweIopment was later abandoned, though. due to factors related to government cornmitment, adverse poky environment. and so on (Pichon and Uquillas. 1999:56). processes (Pichon and UquiUas, 1999). Rather it understands that if al1 of the recommended measures6 are appiied, then poverty alleviation will be a natural consequence. In relation to technology transfer, the World Bank has recommended that the transfer of adequate technology to agricultural producers be done through a strong network of private and people's organizations ['consteilations of hstitutional support'). This approach has ken termed 'pluralistic participation' by the World Bank (Rchon and Uqufflas. 199959). nie World Bank understands that the role of generating and disseminaüng technology shouid not rest oniy within the public sector. since better ailocations of public expenditures can be achleved by contracting out services and/or taldng advantage of the work of other organizations that are already addressing some of the needs of producers. At first. this approach seems to be a plausible alternative to a strong role for the state in rural development, but it does not take into account the fact that partlcular industries have considerable market power, and can easily take advantage of this position to pass on particular technologies that may not be in the interest of sustainability. Up to now, agricultural activity has been modernized to support the corporate sector (Shiva, 1991).and what is of economic interest to the corporate sector may not correspond to the needs and choices of local cultures. For example, research in biotechnology has been Nghly inîluenced by corporate interests to increase their market share, and, thus, makes producers dependent on a number of inputs and seeds that are produced by particular Brms.

In this thesis. the justifkation for linking rural movements to sustainability derives hmthe centrality of relations of production and reproduction to both the stmggle of the MST and to the changes needed for social and ecological sustainabiliîy. Rural movements in Brazil struggle

These measures are Identifieci as flve strategic themes. being: (1) continued improvement and fine-tuning of the pollcy framework: (2) continued improvement in the allocation and quality of pubiic expendihire; (3) development of banking and capital markets; (4) reversal of the degradation of natural resources (soils. forests, and water): and (5) revitaiization of technology generation and dissemination. [Pichon and Uquillas, 199957-8) prirnarily for productive resources, and for the conditions that WUallow them to sustain those resources and their survlval. As weH. it is argued that sustalnabillty prospects are increased when the target population is included into the planning and implementation of development projects. In the case of rural movements such as the MST, dhct producers themselves are being the creators of their own project, especisiily when they engage into collective fonns of production. and interact wlthin organizations created by themselves (e.g, CONCRABJ.According to Shepherd (1998).scholars agree on the need for peoples' intervention in development projects to enhance the prospects of sustainabiuty. This involvement is difflcult to achieve, however, because development programs are usually planned and implemented by government bodies or NGOs witti a top-dm approach. What needs to be developed is a bottom-up approach that systematicaliy takes into account the needs of the people involved, the speciflcities at the local level, and the ways proposed by these people to address them.

For the purpose of Ws thesis, 1 wiil treat sustainability as a process, in which develcpment paths and relations of production and reproduction promote: (1) social equity and social justice; (2) resource regeneration; (3)respect for other cultures; (4) economic viability of famiiy farmrs7. Social equity and social justice refer to the equitable distribution of resources, especiaily land in the case of Brazii. and the democratization of rights (e.g. right to educatfon, to housing, to citfienship). Resource regeneration refers to the preservation of the environment, of its natural resource base. ecosystems and biodiversity. Respect for other cultures fsa necessaq element due to the existence of difEerent ethnic backgrounds present in Brazil. And. the economic viability of family fmers has been inciuded due to the fact that many family fanners and

This element 1s of importance to the 6razilia.n case in view of the elevated number of famiiy farmers in Br& (24.5 million). the devated number of landless famiües (4.6 million famllies), and due to the nature of nual development in recent decades, whlch has emphaskd the modernization of large farms and aggravateci landiessness, rural exdus, and poverty. landless in Brazll are impoverished, with little opportunities for production and reproduction. By looking at their econornic viability as an element of sustainability in rural Brazll. 1wlll consider the role of appropriate techndogy and technology transfer, and the role of individuai versus collective forms of production.

The choice of the above mentioned elements have to do with the current context in rurai Brazil, where many people are in poverty, and relatively little employment is generated by the agricultural sector. These elements are also relevant to the stmggle of the MST,whose major goals are: the search for soclal justice, the democratization of rights. and the presewation of the environment. Social justice being a concept that refers to people gaining the necessary conditions to conquer basic rights and fultlll their potential as citizens.

The defMUon for sustainability used in this thesis involves rethinkîng development goals and, therefore, questioning relations of production and reproduction that are based on exploitation. It is thus important that the concept is vlewed as multidisciplinary and dependent on the use of adequate technology, etncient communication systems, and democratic processes in every sphere of Society.

In order to explore the social sustainabiiity of rural Brazil and the contributions and/or shortcomings of the MST, 1will use the following criteria: (1) access to land; (2) nature and availability of technology; (3)access to productive resources, (4) access to education; (4) access to health care and basic sanltary services; (7) presewation of biodiversity; (8)presewation of traditional cultures; and (9) poiitical environment in rural Brazil. The social and ecologlcai indicators to examine rural Brazil are primarily qudtallve. Quantitative indicators will be used sparingly. mainly to examine access to land. illiteracy rates, and to give some indication of the avaiiabiiity of healthcare servlces and sanftation to the rural population. This thesis witl focus on social indfcators of social sustainablUty, and WUnot deal with the specîûcs of ecological sustainability. Although some examples and indicators related to ecological sustatnability wiii be presented, the emphasis of Us thesis is on miai sustainabiiity. In this thesis, 1 wili explore the aspects of Brazilian rurai development, as well as the contributions and/or shortcornings of the MST struggle to social sustainabiiity, by referring to four major dimensions of sustalnabiiity that are related to rurai workers and smallholders In nuai Brazil. These dimensions are: (1) socio-cultural; (2) economic; (3)political; and (4) ecological. Although these dimensions certainly overlap, the overidi design will enable a closer look as to how the MST addresses the structural problems that may hinder social sustainabiiity in rural Brazil, and the sustalnabiüty of smaüholders in particular.

Studies on the MST have focused primarily on political aspects, particularly on the formation of the MST as a movement (e.g. Poli, 1999: Torrens. 1994),and on Its signiîîcance as a movement that challenges neoliberaîism (e.g. Almeida and Sinchez. 2000: Martins, 2000). For exarnple, Torrens (1994) has focused on the construction of the political elements of the MST by looking at the hterrelationships between other movements and organizations and the MST.

These studies, however, have lett a gap in the development literature conceming the MST arid its practical work. nils gap relates to the role that can be played by social movements and popular organizations in building opportunities for change at the local and global scde, particularly on promoting changes that promote sociaî equity and social justice. The socioeconomic impact of the work of the MST is thus an important element of the MST' struggle that can lead to further success of the movement at the political level. By using the concept of sustainabillty, 1 am aiso trying to show that the MST, as a rural movement. 1s an important force Ln rural Brazil that can further social sustainability8.

In chapter 2.1 will attempt to demonstrate tbat social sustainability in rural Brazil depends to a large extent on the redistribution of productive resources, as weii as knowledge and appropriate technology, and on an overall democratizatfon of rights. nie data for this thesis was obtained fkom primary and secondary sources and fkom Beld research whiie in my stay in Brazil firom February 1996 to May 1998 and during Apri120009. It is important at this time to point out that 1 have iived in Brazil for over 15 years, and as such 1 have been well exposed to Bradllan culture and realities. 1have lived in three capitals (Curitiba, FlorianopoUs, and BrasMa) of States that have been a major focus of the work of the MST. Much of the mobilization of the MST has been done in major urban cities to make the population aware of its stniggle, and thus. achieve greater overall public support. Their strong presence in major urban areas has facilitated the process of research, especially since 1 have been able to contact landless rural workers and leaders in important moments of mobikation, such as various encampments in front of rninistries, which attempted to achieve greater govemment support for agrarian reform. Research has also consisted of contacting rural development institutions through informai interviews (e.g. DESER INCRA). Thus. despite the complete lack of funding for this project. 1 have been able to gather important data about the MST and rural development in Braztl. 1 would also like to note that al1 translations are mine, unless otherwise noted.

This thesis 1s divided into two parts. The first part WUcover the historical background of the MST (chapter 1) and the problems of sustainability in nual Brad (chapter 2). Part 2 wlll explore the ways in which the MST addresses these problems. In Chapter 3.1 will focus on the examination of the policy- oriented and politicai initiatives of the MST, and, in chapter 4. on the practical. 'on the ground', initiatives of the MST. The conclusion wlll be presented in chapter 5.

Appendix II contains a description of the research methods used in this thesis. Appendix III contains a iist of interviews conducted during field research.

12 The MST has been the most active movement in Brazil in the past two decades, and has been successful in pressuring the state to reintroduce the campaign for agrarian reform. The MST has engaged in the mobiiization of landless families through land occupations, or acampamentos. and other strategies intended to raise pubiic support and/or pressure the federal and state governments to accelerate and improve the land reform program. As a result of ten years of organization (1986- 19961, the MST has directly contributed to the settlement of a total of 145,712 families in 1,564 land reform settlements on 4,870 hectares in total (MST, 2000b). in the 20 year period from 1979 to 1999, 475,801 familles were settled in 3,958 settlements on 22,996,197 hectares of land (Fernandes, 2000). In terms of percentage of families settled, there have been 38.88Oh in the North. 33.1g0/0 in the Northeast, 15.97% in the Center- west, 6.13% in the Southeast, and 5.80% in the South (Femandes, 2000:274) (for a regional distribution of Brazil, see Map 1). Not al1 of these settlements resulted fiom MST mobillzations or from MST land occupations. In Brazil, since the rnid 1990s, a number of other rural movements (e.g. Movement for the Struggle of Land (MLT), Movement of the iandless' Liberation (MLST), Brazilian Movement of the Landless (MBST))10 have also emerged, and have used the same strategy of land occupation to promote land reform sefflements.

For more information on these movements, please refer to Fernandes, 2000, pp.256- 259. North: Amapa, Amazonas. Para, Acre, Rondonia.

Northeut: Maranhao. Pîaui. Ceara, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraiia.

Pemambuco, Alagoas, Serglpe. Bahia.

Center-Wert: Mato Grosso, Mias. Mato Grosso do Sul.

Southeut: Espirito Santo. Minas Gerais. Rio de Janeiro. Sâo Paulo.

South: Parana, Santa Catarina, Rio Grande do Sul. In Brazil the term sem-terra,or landiess, is used to refer to a social class that farms land but does not own It. or, if it owns it, the land is insufficient to sustain their families' needs. Several categories of workers are then referred to as sem-terras.These are: (1)sharecroppers : (2) workers that rent land ; (3) posseiros. (workers that have land but do not have legal ownership; (4) wage laborenl 1; (5) very smallholders: (6)sons or daughters of very smallholders. Considering the above categories, it is estimated that approxlmately 4.6 mtUion fadeswere landless in 2000 (Fernandes. 2000).

Ortaha of the MST

The main factors that led to and infiuenced the MSTs formation as a movement have been (1) economic and social factors related to the inequitable distribution of land and the effects of exclusionary rural policies: (2) the unifytng role of the Pastoral Land Commission. or Comlssüo Pastoral da Terra-CET and (3)the process of abertura (political opening) in the 1970s and early 1980s that was accompanied by a boom in unions and social movements. These factors will be explored below.

Inequitiea, Landleuneu, and Mîgration

During the 1970s. the implementation of rural policies that benefited medium and large estates increased disparlties in land distribution and other resources, which ultirnately forced many rurai workers and smallholders to migrate either to the agricultural frontier in the Amazon Basin or to metropolitan areas (Romeiro, 1994).The occupation of agricultural hntiers, mainly in the Amazon basin, however. proved disastrous. Smaiiholders were faced wlth many

Temporary wage laborers in Brazil are usuaily refmd to as 'boias Mas' (iiteraiiy, cold luncheons). and they may reside in urban areas. The term 'boia frla' has been given to these workers since they take lunch to work that is not heated (Kay. 1999:289). diûlculties related to production and reproduction (e.g, problems of commerdaiization due to lack of markets in the proximity, high costs of medicines to treat malaria, paor fertthty of the soi]) that jeopardlzed their economlc vlability. Environmental degradation in Brazil occurred due to the use of unsustainable practices. such as the use of extensive slash-and-burn agriculture. and the search for alternative sources of revenue. especially the exploitafion of natural resources (e.g. logging, ranching) (Almeida and Uhl. 1999) and the garlmpo, which is a hîghiy poiluting process that characterizes the informal gold and mineral mining (Moran and Moraes, 1999). Rural development plans and the& socio-cufturaî and economlc effects will be treated In more detail in Chapter 2.

The CPT and the MST

The political mle of the Pastaral Land Commfssion, or Comlssào Pastoral da Terra (Cm,was particulariy important in raising the politicai awareness of landless families and in encouraging their association and mobWtion in more orgedstruggles. The CET, an organizatfon of the church created in 1975 in Goiânia (capital of the state of Golis), originated as a result of interna1 changes Ln the social and politicai postures of the church toward the profound inequalities and lack of social justice in Braziiian society. This new posture was especiaiiy iduenced by Liberation Theology, and encouraged the creation and prohferation of CMstlan Base Cornmunities, or Comunfdades &ksW de Base (CEBs]. The CEBs were created to attract and gather people together to exchange ideas related to the& realities and experiences, and to educate and raise theu poiitical awareness about the& socio-econornic and political exclusion ikom development policles. Similarly. the creation of the CPT was intended to support nual workers in their struggles, and to initiate a process of political awareness about their reality. The rationde beWthe work of the CPC m that many families shared sirnilar conditions, such as landlessness and poverty, but were isolated and lacked organizatîon. The CPT thus intended to change this situation by organizing. supporüng and facilitatfng the integration of fsolated struggles. This role was to be achieved thugh the creation of discussion groups, or grupos de rem,to promote the discussion of common problems and experiences related to struggle Vorrens, 1994).

The MSTs poUtica1, cultural, and internal structure was very much iduenced by the CPT through its role in leadership formation and in recruiting and/or making landless families aware of their exploitation and exclusion. The Cm was in fact an important force in uniting leaders of isolated stmggles for access to land and in providing educational opportuniffa on leadership (Poli. 1999; Torrens: 1994). Such an influence can be fflustrated by the MSTs decisions to adopt a slmilar strategy to that of the CPT, Le. in initially identüying and then organizing landless famiiies at the local or municipal level. During the First Assembly of the Landless of the West region of Santa Catarina in June 1983, it was decided that commissions would be formed in each municipality to idenw and organize landless famiiies(Poli, 1999). This effort was supported by the CPT and by progressive Rural Workers' Unions, or Sfndicatos dos TMdhadores Rurats STRs (Poli. 1999). nie meetings were expected to raise landless familles' political awareness by exchanging experiences and talidng about their rights (MST document. cited in Torrens, 1994).

in addition, the CPT has also supported the MST via its role as an important mediator in negotlations with local govements, and later with the f'deral govemment (Torrens,1994).

The process of aberhva [1979-1984). or political transition fkom the militaxy govemment to a functioning democracy resulted in the opening of many new political spaces that contributed to the proliferation of a variety of organized groups. Political spaces opened. in part, due to the gradua1 removal of censorship and repression. In this context, the combination of these factors provided the necessary overall conditions for the appearance of a movement that united and integrated the many isolated struggles for land that existed throughout the country. The Landless Rural Workers Movement originated hma combination of different and diversified struggles, some older than others, of sent-terras throughout the South region. As such. the MST has used strategies borrowed from earher and isolated rural struggles. Three different stmggies organized by landiess famiiies in the late 1970s and early 1980s were of particular signltlcance to the choice of strategies by the MST. These were: (1) the struggles of rural workers dislocated from their lands due to the construction of dams in Parana (1978), (2) the occupation of the fm EncruziUiada Natalino in Ronda Nta -Rio Grande do Sul (1979), and (3)the occupation of the farm BWTo Branco in Santa Catarina (1980).The lessons derived from these stniggles led the MST to choose a strategy of direct action. Le., to promote the occupation of unproductive land so as to pressure the government to settle landless families. The positive aspects of these confrontations were (1) their relative success in acquiring publicity about their cause and thus increasing public awareness about their conditions: and, (2) the relative success of the land occupation strategy in pressuring govemments to expropriate the property and settle the landless families. As such. at the First Meeting of the Landless (Sem-Terrdof the southem states (Le. Parana, Santa Catarina, Rio Grande do Sul) in January 1983. it was decided that land occupations would be used as the main strategy in the struggle for land (Poli, 1999: 108).

Other occupations occurred in the early 1980s in Parana [1982), Sao Paulo (1981 and 1983),and Mato Grosso do Sui (1983).The occupations experienced in the South region were more successful than those In the states of Sgo Paulo and Mato Grosso do Sul. in Sào Paulo, where much of the land had been obtained through grikigem, or occupation of public lands, conflicts over access to land were common and claimed the Uves of many posselros (Fernandes 2000). Not surprisingly, at the tir& land expropriation of unproductive land that occurred in 1984 in the region of Pontal do Paranapanerna (Sào Paulo state), latiidfartos promptly organized a movement caiied the Rural Democratic Union, or Unfao Demirtica Ruralfsta (LJDR). which would come to represent the main poiitical obstacle to agratian refom in subsequent years (Payne. 2000).

in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul. conîlicts over access to land were very simllar to those in the state of SiIo Paulo, since land was also acquired through grilagem (Le. the deforestation of frontier land, usually by posseiros]. Since 1979, many regions of Mato Grosso do Sul were already deforested and fms no longer needed the use of posseiros, which left many famiIies without land to farm. This situation led to increased conaicts between posseiros and Ufundfarlos. Other landless families joined the struggle of the posseiros and organized into landless groups to occupy unproductive properties in the region. As a result of this demand, landless families had to contend with the kilhg of their lawyer and many waniings that they also would be killed (Femandes, 2000). The intemention of the govement led, after more than a year of acampamento, to a settlement in the state of Goias. in vlew of the lack of fertillty of the land, however, the sefflement did not flourish. The experience gained from this and other similar confrontations between landless workers, lat[fundfarios, the police, and the govemment, resulted in the movement's percepuon that more organization was needed so as to tum land occupations more effective and, at the sarne time, to ensure the safety of its members (Fernandes, 2000).

Evolution of the MST

The content of the MWs demands and goals have changed over the years to adapt and respond to new needs and challenges that stem from changes in (1) intemal organization; (2) political opposition; and (3)government intervention. At the time of its official formation (1984), the MSTs biggest challenge was to mobiiize landless families, which represented the most marginahed group in rural Brazil, in its struggle for agrarian reform and a just society. Taking into account the political and economic influence of Iatifundfarios on niral development plans (Guedes Pinto. 1995) and the nature of public policies, the struggie of the MST was to advance by (1) integrating existing stmggies for land, (2) organizing the movement where such stmggles did not mst. and (31 arüculating the rurai struggie with that of the cities by forging alliances with urban movements. These were not easy tasks, especially in light of recent examples of cooptation (pelegufsm)within unions and social movements (Torrens, 1994). For a social movement that is trying to promote agrarian reform through land occupations of unproductive latrfündios, the elements of surprise and confidentiality are important to the success of their strategy, and to the safety of its members. Therefore, in the years that followed its ofilcial formation, the MST became more and more concemed with preserving its autonomy vis-à-vis rural unions and other organizations that had been helping in the organization and mobilizatlon of landess familles. In an interview conducted by Pinassi (2000).Joao Pedro Stédile, national coordinator of the MST, states that political autonomy is what gives the movement its strength (p.49). This concern led to two outcomes. First. the MSTs intemal structure became less prone to extemal influences. especially due to the institutionaiization of the movement. For example, decision-making within the movement was to be done at several levels: the local level, the state level, and the national level. Second. in the short run, the MSTs alliances with rural and urban unions got weaker and more fragile (Torrens, 1994). At the time. there was a concern that rural union leaders, politicians. or other public people, would undermine the purpose of the MST by using the movement for their own polltical purposes ('Torrens, 1994).Thls isolation, however. would last only a few years, and was signincantly reduced when the movement expanded to the national level and received growing public support nationally and intemationaliy.

Expansion of the MST

Isolated but unprecedented success in promoting the redistribution of some unproductive land boosted the growth of the movement (Poli, 1999), which graduaily gained recognition as an important force in shaping the character of agrarian reform in Brazil. The ofilcial formation of the MST occurred in 1984 during the First National Meeting of the Landless Rural Workers, and one of the resolutions of the movement was to expand (kom Rio Grande do Sul, Parana, Santa Catarina. Sao Paulo, and Mato Grosso do Sul) to other states of Brazil, in the intent to become a national movement. nie First National Congress of the LancUess Rurai Worken twk place in Curitiba (Parana) in 1985 and counted wlth the participation of 1500 delegates that represented the 13 states.

Since the very beginnlng, the MST encouraged organization and division of tasks to further the stniggle of the landless. For this purpose, the MST became instltutionalized with representative organs at the national, state. and local level. The main decision of the congress was to continue with the strategy of land occupation; its resulting theme: "A Ocupaçào é a Soluçao" (Occupation is the Solution).

Growing public support for the MST can be traced hmthe mid 1990s, particularly in the state of Sào Paulo, which had become the headquarters of the movement. A swey conducted in the Campinas (SPI in 1995, found that 90.6% of people intemewed were in favor of agrarian reform, 5 1.5% supported land occupations of unproductive lat@incilos,and 69.2% belfeved that land occupation is an eilicient strategy to pressure the state to implement agrarian reform (Fokde Sao Paulo. 01/07/ 1996). in this state, the MST started to concentrate most of its land occupations in a region caüed Pontal do Paranapanema (Stio Paulo). characterized by Iattfiirtdios obtained through the invasion of terras deualutasl? which could not be claimed by ownen since these were illegally acquired.

New Needa and Chalieagei

The new challenges brought about by the rise in successful occupations of land are related to the need to make the Settlements economicaily viable. This challenge was tackled by creaüng new organizations within the movement, especially the National Confederation of Cooperatives of Agrarian Refom. or Confederaçh das Cooperatiuas de Reforma Agrarfa do Brasil Uda(CONCRAB),

l* Terras devolutas are lands that were not claimed foUowlng the Land Law of 1850 (Lei de Terras). Therefare, they are public lands that have commonly been invaded by laffindlarlos, especiaily through the work of posseiros. and the Cooperativlst System of Settiers, or Sistema Cooperathfsta dos Assentados (SCA). These organizations were needed to encourage sefflements to work collectively in cooperatives, associations, or other groups with vamg degrees of cooperatlon. This wiü be dealt in more detail in chapters 3 and 4 of this thesis.

The MST is internally organized at various levels of decision-maldng, in its attempt to continue as a representative and grassroots movement, representatives of landless families are elected to take part in higher îevels of decision-making (state and national level]. National- and state-level representatives are elected every two years and these are engaged in organizing the movement in the different states where they are organized (23 at present), according to the MSTs short-term and long-term goals. Short-term goals are related to fhding strategies to settle families on unproductive land. Long-term goals are related to the overall achievement of a more equal and just society. Every 5 years a national congress takes place in order to reformulate and discuss long-term goals and the strategies needed to attain these goals. Al1 representatives and militantes, or movemen t activists. engage in leadership courses focused on the needs of the movement and on the history and lessons of past movements and organizations. Milmtes are those who travel around identifylng landless families and organidng them to take part in new acaryJamenbs or land occupations on land that has been found to be 'unproductive' 13.

In addition to state- and national-level meetings, the MST has state-level secretariats (secretarfas)in most Brazilian states (with the exception of Amazonas, Roraima. Acre, and Amapii). Each of these secretariats has governing bodies that are responsible for promoting in their states the diîTerent issues that have been identüied by the MST as important to stniggle. These

l3 Unproductive land refers to land that is not being cultivated or used for production of any kind. issues, or sectors, as caiied by the movement. are: education: production: human rights; and environment. me education sector is responsible for expancihg and improvlng the quality of educatîonal opportunities for landless families and land refonn benefidaries, whether adults or chilcirem. The production sector is responsible for promoting cooperative efforts in sefflements and promoting integration between sefflements so as to enhance the economtc vlabiiity of smaliholders (through CONCRAB and SCA). The human rights sector is concemed with the protection of human rights. and is very much involved in denouncing acts of violence and repression. The environment sector ls concerned with any issue related to the protection of the envtronrnent in generai, and especiaiiy in settlemcnts. Not every secretariat functions at the same level. Some are better organized and supported. depending on hbtorical factors such as expertence in struggle, as well as other factors, such as financing and mllitancy. Chapters 3 and 4 will deal in more detaii with the work of the different sectors of the MST.

Growh# Support for the MST

A crucial element in the success of the MST has bcen the support of other internal and external organizations concemed with social justice (e.g. CPT, OzSam]. in the Brst years of existence, the MSï' struggled to maintain its autonomy and consolidate an intemal structure that would minimize the risks of cooptation (Torrens, 1994). Once it started to achieve some success and independence from the Church and rural unions. the MST started to devote more interest to forming aliiances with other groups inside and outside Brazil. This choice to increase alliance buiiding was probably due to the need to become more influentid in shaping overail public policy, and the need to become more professional in the several sectors identlfied as important to the ovedi stniggIe. indeed, the support d professionals and logistical support is visible in al1 the sectors of the MST, including education, production, huma. rights, and the environment. Support given by a wïde range of NCOs. universitîes, and other public and private organizations reflects the serlousness of the MST struggie and the increasing organization within the movement. Its reputation has also permitted the formation of alliances at the level of settiements. That is, some settiements have fonned alliances with other organizations. That is the case of the NGO Savoir Partagé, which has helped particular sefflements in the state of Pernambuco by providing school supplies and covering costs of transportation as well as the stipend for the teacher to go to sefflements.

To gain public support. the MST believed that It was important to be known by the Bdanpopulation. especially in urban areas. as a legitimate movement, with a legitimate demand for land. For this to occur. the main challenge was to educate the population about the profound inequalities present in dareasl4- a difficult task when confronted with a country characterlzed by corporate media concentration. Publfc support was achieved through creative strategies, such as demonstrations or acampamentos in public spaces such as parks and/or squares in capitals of states. These strategies have been particularly effective following events that involved violent repressions and/or killlngs documented by the media. Examples of these have been the killings of landless workers in Corumbiara (1996) and Eldorado dos Carajas (1997).The subsequent demonstration. which was called the March br Agrarian Reform, hvolved thousands of landless families walking towards Brasilia hmdifferent parts of the country in the intent to anive on the fîrst anniversary of the massacre of Eldorado dos CaraJas. The March was intended to increase MSTs public support and pressure the Cardoso administration to further land reform. It was particularly intended to respond to president Cardoso's accusations that portrayed the leadership as sectarian and inesponsible. The March was a huge success. The strategy was humble and simple: to walk through different cities of Brazil so as to let the population know them better, that is, understand more about their difaculties and to show that they were serfous about their vindications. News coverage showed landless people engaging in community work. such as sweepfng streets, and

14 The înequaiities present in rural Brazil wüi be presented in chapter 2.

24 participating in conversations wlth the population in schools or other public places (fleld notes)i5.

The growth of the MST as a national movement resulted from the willingness of its militants to combine and absorb different and isolated stniggles over access to land in mral Bd.The rnobilization of large numbers of landless families has been particularly favored by the support of the CPT and the Church in the use of already established links, or social networks, between its members, or agentes da pasbrai, and landless families in local communities. In addition, the growth of the movement was aiso possible due to the relative success of the strategy of land occupation in pressuring the state to expropriate unproductive Intffundlos. Such strategy depended on disciphne and organization, traits that are particularly necessaxy for the success of land occupations (which take place for more than 6 months. and may last up to 5 years in some cases), and on the arduous and pahstaking process of identifying propertles that are most suitable for expropriation.

l5 The need idenmeci by the leadership to make the landes known to the population was probably due to the negative connotations that are commoniy associated with sern- tem. as backward. opportunistic. and lazy -a product of discrimination and the lack of educational opportmities in rurai areas (Poli. 1999). Recent capitalist rural development in Brazll has promoted the transformation of many large estates into capital-intensive farms and agribusinesses (Baer. 200 1:366-376), but has not reduced rural poverty (Baer, 200 l:372). Inequities have been aggravated by the implementation of a series of heterodox plans16 since 1986, and by the introduction of neoliberalism. The implementation of heterodox plans attempted to stabilize the economy by reducing Uation. which was seen by policymakers as detrimental to economic growth and foreign investment. Especialiy since the administration of president Fernando CoUor de Meilo (1990-1992), the Brazillan economy has gradually adopted neoliberal policies. This has resulted in public poucies king directed to macroeconomic adjustment. such as reducing public debt and removing incentives for agriculture. The present section will outiine the major structural problems that hinder social sustainability In rural Brd, in particular those related to the economic viability of family agriculture. This wIU serve as a means to better understand the context in which the MST operates. lt dlfirst explore the suitability of fdyagriculture to social susWabiIity.

The Role of fdg&culture In Surtainable Amiculture

The purpose of this section is to iden* some of the key contributions of famiiy farmers to sustainability. These contributions WU,of course. Vary according to what demtion is adopted for sustainable agriculture. Three main conceptual approaches have been idenüiled by Gordon K. Douglass. One approach sees sustainable agriculture as agriculture that uses technology that is ecologically sustainable. In this approach, the changes are not to relations of production. but in order to sustain commercial agriculture through the use of environmentally fkiendly technology. Douglass has associated this approach

l6 Plano Cruzado Feb 1986Ju.n 1987);Plano Bresser (Jul 1987-Dec 1988); Plano Verâo (Jan -Dec 1989); Plano Collor @Mar 1990-Feb 1991); flan0 CoUor II (Mar 1991-Feb 1992);and Plano Real (Jul 1994). mainly wlth malnstrearn agricultural and resource economists (Douglass, 1984: 2. 3-29).

Another approach sees sustalnable agriculture as agriculture that does not deplete, dismpt, or pollute the environment (Douglass. 1984:21. Thts approach is mainly supported by radical ecologlcal groups.

And the third approach sees sustainable agriculture as that which contributes to the preservatlon not only of the ecosystem but of a combination of belief systems involving cultures, community values, and traditionai production systems (Douglass. 1984:S). In this approach, indigenous knowledge and cuiture are recognized as having played an important role in the overall sustainabiiity of their economies. their environment, and in the preservation of cultural traditions.

in this thesis, the term sustahable agriculture wiil be used to refer to this thM approach. and the role of fdyfarmers to sustainable agriculture wiil be explored in terms of its economic, political, socio-cultural, and ecological significance to social sustainabfflty. The following section dlidentify the beneflts which family fiamers may bring to social and ecological sustainability according to economic. political, socfo-cultural. and ecological dimensions.

in the rurai development Ilterature, fdyfmers are &y seen to contribute to the economy in the foUowLng areas: (1) food security: through diversified production to satisfy interna1 food consumption, and by supplying local markets with foodstuffs; (21 in the generation of employment in rural areas (in agriculture and indirectly in the services sector of local. nearby communities.

Fa* agriculture can be instrumental in improvlng fdsecurity and as suppkrs to the local market, particularly in view of the growing urban concentration of the population. Aithough the percentage of the population living in rural areas in Latin Arnerica is shrlnking, poverty is usually more severe in rural areas, where about fifty-five million people suffer korn food insecurity (Plchon and Uqufflas, 1999:26). In the case of the South of Brazii. famiiy agriculture produced 43% of the total value of agricultural production in 1985 (FAO/INCRA, 1996). This is a relatively hlgh percentage of agriculturai production, when considering that family farmers occupy only 37% of the total land and receive only 20% or total rural credit available (FAO/INCRA. 1996). Whereas, large properties based on commercial agriculture occupied 63% of total land, they produced 57% of total value of production, and received 80% of credit (FAO/ïNCRA, 1996).

Family agriculture is also of particular sigdlcance to generating economic activities in nual areas. Urban areas, particularly in developing countrîes, have become increasingly unable to absorb the migration of rural workers, in part due to their inadequate or inappropriate education and skills to Rnd successful urban employrnent, but also, it has been argued. due to the increasing deterioration of income distribution between labour and capital. Many critics have argued that the increase in the concentration of income (through a deche in real minimum wages and average industrial wages). in the 1960s and 1970s. resulted fkom wage policies that were instituted after 1964 (Baer, 200 1:80). This is of particular importance to understand the little opportunities available in metropolitan areas for migrants to escape from poverty.

Other possible contributions of famiîy farmers to sustainabiiity relate to the& relative degree of flexibiiity to engage in other economlc activities. With the increased urbanization of rural areas, which seems to be taking place mostly in particular regions (e.g. south and southeast regions), other income generaüng opportunities may be available for members of the familfes, that may help increase family revenue. As such, this thesis does not assume that family farmers should limit their workforce to agriculture. DiversItication of incorne generating opportunities may be a way for many rurai families to become more economlcally sustainable. and thus avoid many problems that may lead to landlessi~ess. The main contributions of family agriculture to the socio-cultural dimension are related to the fixation of family farmers to rural areas and the preservation of th& cultural traditions, commonly related to indigenous production practices, production of artliacts, cultural manifestations, and ecological considerations. The preservation of such knowledge is not only beneficial as alternative sources of production systems and technologies. but for its own sake, for the preservation of a way of life that may differ signiAcantiy from western styles.

In the case of Brazil, the persistence of family agriculture could signlficantly reduce landlessness. and reduce social tensions existing in the countryside. Inequities and lack of access to land create the conditions for social unrest and political instabiiity not oniy in rural areas but also in major urban centers. Migration creates new pressures on social services and infrastructure, such as the need for proper housing, health care, and employment opportunities.

The sustainability of ecosystems and blodiversity are hhdered and/or transfomed by economic activity in general. As such, changes to ecosystems are meant to occur with economic activity, but the questions are: [ 1) how much is considered acceptable at a parîicular point in time and (2) what systems are more sustainable. It has been argued that large commercial farms are not sustainable in the long mn because side-effectsinciude soi1 degradation, poilution, and 105s in biodiversity (D'Souzaet al. 1998:23). Production based on monoculture, which has ken hlghly encourageci with the adoption of Green Revolution technologies 1s ecologically unstable (Shiva, 199 1). in part due to the reliance on parücuiar varieties of fwds, which may Mt the conservation of traditional varieties of certain foods (e.g. corn, mandioca. potatoes). Aso, the use of industriai methods in agriculture, such as chemical ferblllzers and pesticides, may produce environmental problems, such as pollution of the topsoil, loss of biodiversity and habitat, and health risks to humans and wiidllfe (D'Souza et al, 1998:23) According to Shiva (1991), 'production based on uniformity thus becomes the primary threat to biodiversity conservation and to sustainabfflty" [p.47).

It has been argued that srnall-scale agriculture may preserve biodiversity (e.g. through the diversiilcation of production to include traditional varieties) (Shiva, 1991). and is more appropriate than large-scale farms to adopt information and knowledge work (as opposed to industriai work)l7, to emphasize the biological process of production rather than the mechanical (D'Souza et al, 1998:38). The argument which is proposed by Drucker (1989) is that agricultural production is not a mechanical system but a biological one. and therefore scallng-up, which usualiy produces greater performances in an industriai system, does not necessarily going to produce greater performances in biological systems. as is the case of agricultural production (Drucker 1989 in D'Souza et ai, 1998). More ecologically sustainable technologies may have better chances of being implemented at smaller scales.

It has also been argued that smallholders may be more inclined than large-scale, commercial producers to derive a sustainable Uvelihood without risking the sustainabfflty of fragile ecosystems (Shiva, 1991).Traditionally, the environment has been seen by smallholders as an important part of their world that needs to be cared about and carefully used, especially for indigenous people. In the real world. however, these arguments can be contested by hdings that smallholders, such as possefros in Brazil, are also responsible for environmental degradation, especidy under conditions of poverty (Pichon, Uqufflas, and Frechione, 1999). The rising demands for land, which originate mainly from the inabüity to sustain access to land and from population growth, may lead to the unsustainable exploitation of fiagile forest areas, particularly in places where an agricultural frontier no longer exists. In ftagile lands. such as in Central America, severe environmentai degradation of fra#ie ecosystems is

l7 Industrial work would derto a mechanid process. Information and knowledge would refer to a biologlcal process (D'Souza. ikerd. and Kemmet, 1998:38). identified as king a product of a 'poverty-degradauon cycle' (Pichon and Uquiilas, 1999:22). People that are in poverty and have little or no source of revenue rnay engage into the exploitation of natural resources to increase the& revenue. in the case of Brazil, the garimpoj8 can be cited as an example of unsustainable natural resource exploitation of such poverty-degradation cycle. Other examples of environmental degradation in Brazil will be given later in this chapter.

Structurai Obataciea ta the SuatdnabîlitP of F8xniîv Amiculture

The sustainabiiity of srnallholders is being threatened by structural factors that lead to landlessness, poverty, and exclusion. A combination of historicai, socio- cultural, economic, and political factors have contrlbuted to the marginalization of smallholders from development efforts. Such marginaiization has been particularly strong in the past two decades, in a context of policies biased to the modernization of lrlnjundbs in periods of liffle or negative economic growth, high levels of inflation, and the gradua1 introduction of the neoliberal paradigm into Brazil.

Txying to identify what factors hinder the sustainabiîîty of smallholders in Brazil is a difûcult task, since Brazil is a large country with difièrent realities that vary according to geographicai, political. socio-cultural and historical factors. At the local level. the combination of such factors produces distinctive outcomes that vary according to the speclficities of particular places, and cannot always be generahd to the regional or national level. Therefore, this section is limited to the idenmcation of cornrnon factors to many areas of Brazil that have had the highest impact on the sustainability of smallholders and their familles. Such factors will be explored in light of the dimensions of sustainability identiaed in the tntroduction: (1)economic: (2) socio-culturai; (31 political; and (4) ecological. These dimensions are overlapping and influence one another in various ways.

l8 nie garimpo is a very rudirnentmy process to extract minerais (mainly gold) from the soil. In Brazü, it has taken place particularly in very hgüe rainforest areas in the The economic àimension of sustalnability refers to economic aspects that afTect access to land and the economic viability of smallholders. The socio- culturai dimension will cover the socio-cultural aspects that threaten the viability of smallholden and their ability to secure access to land. The political dimension will cover the political constraints to agrarian reform and changes in policy, and the state of repression and violence agatnst organized landless workers. The ecological dimension will cover the constraints to ecologically sustainable technology, and the effects of poverty-led environmental destruction on smalholders.

The Economic Dimendon

Rural development plans in Brazil have contributed to the consolidation of a bimodal structure (Abramovay, 1994:309-IO),where large farrns have been the main recipients of credit. technical assistance, and other forrns of state assistance (Baer, 200 1; Corender, 1994. Graziano da Silva, 1994a). Under such circumstances, the competitiveness of smallholders deteriorates in relation to large capitaiist farms. Among the many problems faced by smallholders, in Brazil today, are: (1) production problems, such as lirnited access to land. Umited or no access to technology and inputs; (2) iimited access to markets, caused by poor systems of cornmercialtzation, transportation, and marketing; (3)nature of rural labour market. which became more dependent on seasonal wage labour. These factors wlii now be treated in more detd.

Many rural workers have no access to land or have access to insuIliicient land to meet the needs of their families. The skewed distribution of land in Brazil (Elaer, 2001:372), which orighated during the period of colonial control of Brazilian territory, has been aggravated in the second half of the twentieth centuy (Oliveira, 1994:57), especially due to the discriminatory process of modernization of agriculture (Craziano da Silva. 1994a). which was encouraged by the militaty government (1964-1984), and to negative econornic conditions for agriculture in recent years (Baer, 2001:376). The Gini indicatorlg for the concentration of rural propertles increased from 0.835 in 1972 to 0.849 in 1988 (IBGE). In 1988, the 1Wof largest nual properties occupied 79% of total rural area, while 90% of xural properties occupied 2 1% of the remaining land (INCRA. 1992).The percentage of land occupied by latifiindios rose from 45.1% in 1966 to 55.2% in 1992. wMe that of smaii farms decreased from 20.4% to 15.4% during the same period (INCRA,1992) (Table 2.1). This is one of the world's most concentrated patterns of land tenure. The GM indicator in the United States was 0.72 in 1959, in Canada in 1961, 0.5 1. and in India in 1960, 0.71 (Baer, 2001:372). Table 2.1 Evolution of Land Stmcture in Brazll Rurai Ropertiei 1888 1972 1978 1892

Land occupied by propettiti < LOO & (96) 20.4 16.4 13.5 15.4

Land occupied by pmpcdici w lûûû ha ($6) 45.1 47 53.3 55.2

Source: INCRA, 1992.

The 'conservative modernization' of agriculture. a term that refers to the fact that modernization occurred without a prior agrarian reform (Leite, 1995: 137),has increased considerably mechanization in certain areas and the use of irnproved farming techniques (Baer, 200 1:374), transforming many large estates into capital-intensive fms for commercial agriculture. This process was largely made possible through subsidized credit. especially to large and medium farms, technical assistance, subsidies for acquisition of modem inputs, reduction or elimlnation of taxes on tractors and other machinery, and minimum prices policies [Gorender, 1994:37). The National System of Rural Credit. or Ststema Nacional de Crédito Rurai (SNCR). created in 1965, served as the main element of agricultural policy to support the modernization of

19 The GLni indicator measures the level of inequality that may Vary from O (representing no inequaüty) to 1 (representing the maximum possible degree of inequality). agriculture. Through this instrument. the distribution of credit was highly concentrated in large and medium farms (Guedes Pinto, 1995; Baer, 2001:374). In 1980. approximately 63% of loans were given to large and medium-sized properties between 100 and 9.999 hectares (Mendes 1987:41). Further, the support for medium and large farms bas also been facilîtated by very low or negative interest rates on this credit (Baer, 2001:374). It has been calcuiated that, in the second half of the 1970~~total repayment of credit was on average less than 50% of what was bomwed. (Guedes Pinto, 1995).

The availabilîty of subsidized credit, summed to other factors such as perlods of Ngh inflation, and the opening of roads towards the interior of Brazil, attracted other sectors of the economy (mainly hancial and industrial groups) to acquire land (Gomes da Silva, 1994:180). A survey conducted by INCRA to identlfL the economic groups that possess the most land in Brazil, has showed that in the financial sector. 15 groups hold 4,864.967 hectares, of which 87.3Oh of these are considered l~jhdlos(Gomes da Silva, 1994: 182). Similarly. in the industrial sector. 18 groups hold 10.991.2 18 hectares, of which 86% are Iatijrindfos (Gomes da Silva, 1994: 182).

The acquisition of land, however, has not always led to agricultural or iivestock production. Unproductive land in Brazii is a term referred to land that Is not king used for agricultural or llvestock production. Table 2.2 shows the percentage of land in Brazil that is occupied by 'unproductive' properües (Special Statistics/INCRA, 1994). It reveals that 60.7% of total land in Brazii is 'unproductive'. Table 2.2 Unproductive Land in Brazil(1992)

(area occupied by land properties)

(Million haetma) (Illillion hectuer) (96 of total mi) North 56.8 45.3 79.7 Narêheut 66.8 45.7 68.4 Centre-Elit 100.1 61.3 61.2

Source: INCRA 1994.

The above figures show that 60.7% of the total area occupied by rural properties registered in 1992 were not productive.

The 'conservative modernization' has not contributed to social sustainability nor to ecologicai sustainability. The concentrated nature of rural credit have increased rural disparities of productive resources, including access to land20. This development strategy, which was implemented on a bimodal land tenure structure (Abramovay, 1994),and benefited large and medium farms. has increased the disparities and inequities present in the countryside. In relation to agriculture, it has promoted the development of partfcular products21, and this development has been concentrated in the most developed regions22. The inability to maintain their viability, in part due to their relative loss in competitiveness, led many smallholders to sell or abandon their properties in search of better income generating opportunities (Romeiro, 1994).

20 It bas been argued that subsldized rural credit has been used by some farmen to acquire more land (Baer, 200 l:374). * Parücular products were favoured by subsidies and legal incentives. e.g. soya. sugar cane for the production of 'alcohol' as a combustible, caffle. and oranges.

22 The concentration of agricultural production especially occurred in particular regions. such as the South and Southeast. Not surprisingly. rural exodus to major metropohtan areas has been very strong in the 1970s and 1980s. The overall rural population dropped 60m 44.7Oh in 1960 to 32.4% in 1980 (lBGE/Sidra. 2000).

nie impact of the conservative modernization on the environment has been considerable. It will be treated later in this chapter.

Rural extension plays an important role in the competitiveness of smallholders and in ensuring their economic viability (Kay, 1994; Thiesenhusen. 1995). In Brazii, technical extension and the diffusion of technologies and food varieties has been passed on to producers by the influential Brazilian Enterprise of Technical Assistance and Rural Extension, or Empresa Brasileira de Assistência Técnica e Extensüo Rutal (EMBRATER). However, the majority of smallholders never received any rural extension(PNUD, 1997: 137), which might have enhanced their competitiveness and economically viability. Under the conservative modernization of agriculture, agriculturai research and rural extension were directed to satisijring the needs of large commercial fms (PNUD,1997). The conventional model of technical extension consisted of increasing the productivity of smallholder production by decreasing their costs and using new production techniques. For srnallholders, thfs model failed mainly due to the oligopoiistic nature of the market, where many fmers had to sell their goods to a few intermediaries at very low prices (Silva & Giles, 1998: 10). The overall process contributed to niml exodus and led to the demise of the conventional model.

With the adoption of a neoliberal policy fiamework, the EMBRATER was dissolved during the Collor administration (1990-1992). Its dissolution marked the temporary withdrawal of the federal govemment from rurai extension services. Although rurai extension continued at the state level in some areas, the dissolution of EMBRATER produced a steep deterioration in the overali quality and availability of rural extension in Brazü [PNUD,1997). Alternative Sourcem of Inconis

One of the characteristics of smallholders 1s their diversity of income sources (D'Souza et al. 1998:28). With the increaseâ dii3culties associated with conservative modernization and from the subsequent deregulation of agriculture through neoliberai policies, rural tamilies have been pressured to engage in other income generaüng activities. Employment in agriculture, however. usuaiiy receives very low wages. in 1980. 52.7% of the economicaUy active population in Brazilian agriculture earned less than the monthly national minimum wage, which at the tirne equaled Use81 (Gomes da Silva, 1994). As a matter of fact, 54% of the total number of poor in rural Brazil are full-time workers that are employed in agriculture. in the state of Siio Paulo. alrnost 88% of the poor are employed in agriculture (Gomes da Silva, 1994).

Research conducted by Jose Graziano da Silva (1999)on the characteristics of employment in mral areas, reveals the gmwth of non- agriculturai activities in rural Brazil during the 1980s and 1990s. His research uncovers a new trend in migratory movements in Brazll, which reveals the urbanisation of nirai areas and the creation of employment in sectors that offer relatively higher revenue than agrlculture (Graziano da Siiva. 1995).The expansion of non-agricultural activiües into rural areas is producing new sources of income for the rural population, including smaiiholders. According to his thdings, the activities that are being created are especiaiiy in the area of domestic employment and construction. Similarly, José Sacco dos Anjos (1997) has found that smailholders Ln Santa Catarina complement their income with revenue derived from part-time employment in industrial production23. He argues that the engagement of peasants in industrial production is an indication that rural families are not wiliîng to lose their lands, rather they attempt to persist living in rural areas by engaging in alternative revenue generating activities.

23 This is made possible by the relocation of certain industries away from the main centers of industrialization. Although there are indications that smdiholders are belng employed in other sectors of the economy. which is in part due to a new trend in urbanization of rural areas (Graziano da Silva and Del Grossi, 2001), poverty and landlessness, however. are yet too severe to be offset by few and scattered income generating opportunities.

Acceu to Markets: Pmblexas in Coxumercirlltation, Tnnrportation, and Marketing of Production

Access to markets is one of the main problems that jeopardize the econornic viabillty of smallholders in Brazll. as in many other Latin American countries. In view of the dimculties to commerciallze their products (e.g. lack of local markets, and lack of roads or means of transportation], smallholders sell their production to intermediaries. who often pay very low prices. The Brazilian rural sector has been characterized by the existence of an oligopoly of intermediaries that controls the supply of agricultural products for domestic consumption (Silva & Giles, 1998: 10). The intermediaries receive the difference between the price that is paid to the direct producers and the price that is paid by consumers. The profits attained fimm agrîcultural production are thus concentrated in the distribution and, dso, in the industriaiization process. Such concentration is detrimental to smallholders since they often operate in small scaie, which usually cannot be significantly increased to achieve higher income particularly due to limited access to land and other productive resources. The commercial oiigopsonies produce an unsustainable situation for smallholders and seriously threaten their economic viability. The manner by which smallholders have come to work with agribusiness complexes is usually by supplying these large companies with inputs such as produce, rnilk, and poultry. The problems of becoming a supplier for an integradora (agribusiness that buys products from primary producers) is that smallholders may become dependent on them as prlmary sources of income, and very vulnerable to the decisions reached by these, such as fluctuations in the demand and/or quality standards of products, or even relocations of these industries to distant places (Silva & Giles, 1998: 11). This vulnerabillty can seriously undennine the viabillty of smallholders, espechlly since they often face all the risks associated with agricultural and livestock production. Also. many smallholders are poor or have very limited resources to operate. This is due. in most cases, to their fragiie ûnanclal conditions. With Uffle funding to divers@ or recover fkom reduced revenue (e.g. due to reduced crops. drop in sehgprices. fluctuations in demand and supply of their products), smaiiholders are at rlsk of bankruptcy, which could lead to the loss of their land.

Another problem that may hinder the vIabtlity of some smallholders is geographical isolation. in isolated areas, problerns cmarise fkom the lack of or poor condition of roads. and the lack of local cornmunitles and regional centers to absorb their production24. The costs wlth transportation and commerclalization are thus increased, and the& profits decreased.

The Politicai Mmendon

The poUticd and economic dimension are closely related and innuence one another. in the case of mral Brazil. thls interconnectedness Ls obvious. Many of the nird pollcfes tn Brazil have been intluenced by the delite (Gomes da Sflva. 19951, and have excluded smaliholders and landless workers hmany major development strategy (Graziano da Süva. 1994a). Certain aspects related to the political dimension lead to unsustainable outcomes in rural Brazil. These are the concentration of land and resources; and the concentration of political power by economically powerful groups. The concentration of land and resources in rural Brazil is not conducive to political sustainability. since the formation of polarhed social groups may lead to social unrest, which is often accompanied by repression and violence. The lack of access to land has produced centuries of conftontatîons and violence in nuai Brazil.

The political barriers to the sustalnability of smaliholders are related to Il) the phtical opposition to *a.. refom and to policies that support smallholders (agriculturafamüiar):(2) repression and violence against organlzed landess workers.

24 Much of the Braziiian population is cuncentrated dong the seacoast.

39 In Brazil, concentration of political merhas produced poucies that favor ldfundlMos and the new rurai elite, and further marginaiize smallholders and landless families. Such concentration of poltttcal power is detrimental to sustainabihty, since groups of society that are poorly represented and organized have llttle chance to have their needs and demands addressed by development strategies. in rnany countries, the modernization of agriculture was carried out after a process of land reform. In Brazil, however. land reform attempts were overturned by the political power of rural elites (Gomes da Silva, 1994),producing increased dissatisfaction and unrest arnong the landless population.

The Land Refonn Debate

Despite the existence of 4,512,000 landless families in rural Brazil (Fernandes, 2000:302), land refom has encountered several obstacles to its implementation. The inteilectual debate about land reform in the 1950s and 1960s was over the necessity of land &strîbutlon for development purposes, and thus, its main proponents were not workers, but intellectuals and politicians associated with the national development project. These views were iniluenced by the work of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA),whose main development strategy at the time centered on import-substitution industrlalization. In this scheme, agriculture was seen as a major productive resource that was grossly underutilized due, in large part, to the high concentration in land ownership. Land redistribution, therefore, was seen as a policy that could achieve at least four goals: (1) the political pacification of rural unrest, (2) hcrease the availabtlity of agricultural raw materials for industrializaUon, (3) increase agrlcultural exports to generate foreign exchange necessary to finance industrlallzation, and (4) produce cheap food for the growing urban masses. Land refom was then supported by intellectuals and by the "Alliance for Progressw.an international aid and development program initiated by the United States' administration of John F. Kennedy. In 1964, the B&an military govemment created the Land Statute. or Estatuto da Terra,which is the current legislation mat govems agrarian reform, to promote a land reform program in Bradl. Agraxlan reform in Brazil is done through expropriation or dispossession25 of unproductive land, and its redistribution to landless or nearly landless people, and is dealt by the National lnstitute of Colonization and Agrarian reform (INCRA). Not atl unproductive land, however. are eiigible for dispossession or expropriation. The legislation protects properties srnaller than 1,500 hectares in the North region, 1000 hectares in the Centre-west region, and 500 hectares in the Northeast. South and Southeast regions.

The rationale behind the creation of the Land Statute was that the skewed distribution of land in Bradl was not conducive to the economic growth of the rurai sector. Despite international support for the implementation of land reform in Brazil, its implementation in the 1960s and 1970s was limited to the settlement of landless famiUes in public. fragile lands in the Amazon basin (colonization).

In the 1980s and 1990s. the intellectual debate over the need for land reform changed. Inteilectuals no longer argued in favor of land reform programs as a condition for economic development. Agricultural policies from the 1960s to the 1990s had been successfiil in modeniizing certain areas of agricultural production. They especiaiiy boosted the formation of agribusiness complexes, and the production for the extemal market (Baer, 2001:376). Recent studies of the rural sector in Brazil have found that land reform is not required to increase employment opportunities in the countryside (Muller, 1994). Among the reasons behind this argument are research findings that show significant changes in employment occupation and agricultural production. Graziano da Silva (1999)argues that the rural sector is being transfonned with respect to occupations, noting the urbanization of nual Brazil associated especiaiiy with

Dispossession is when the government pays for the land. The price is suggested by INCRA and negotiated with the landowner. Expropriation. on the other hand. does not involve compensation. Properües that are expropriated are properties that produce substantial environmental degradation, or plants us& in the production of drugs. the rapid growth of the senrlces sector. Also, it has been argued that srnalholders should not be contemplated with agracian refom (Graziano Neto, 1994). since they have land and many are taking part into movements organlzed by large producers in the intent to receive better terms and incentives for agricultural and agroindustrial production from the govemment (Graziano Neto, 1994:240).This study argues that in order to boost the economic development of the rurai sector, public policles should encourage productive investrnent in infrastructure and technological research for farnily agriculture (Graziano Neto. 1994). Also, this study argues that agrarian reform, as it is betng promoted in Brazil, is inappropriate due to the existence of different rural realities throughout Brazil, and that new strategies26 to promote better distribution of income should, for instance, be applied in states characterized by capitaiist agriculture, such as in the states of the south and southeastern regions (Graziano Neto, 1994).

In view of the unfavorable politicai and economic environment for land reform, mral worker movements have been the main proponents of land reform for the last two decades. According to José Graziano da Siiva [1994a),as land reform is no longer seen as a requirement for capitaiist development nor for the development of productive forces in the countryside, the argument for land reform today becomes simply as a necessity for rural workers. He argues that "If there is gohg to be an agrarlan reform it WU be done by the stniggle of &ers (author's italfcs), and no longer for an intrinsic need of capitaiist development." (p.142). Hence, if there is a need to reduce inequalitles so as to sustain economic growth and capitalist expansion, it can be done without implemenüng agrarian reform.

The Mobiîîzation of Lawndidries

The mobiiization of latfmdfarlos in Brdhas been an important force in shaping rurai policy and in halting any serious attempt to implement a land reform program (Gomes da Silva. 1995). This powerful influence has shaped z6 Such as progressive taxation on rural land.

42 rural policies (Guedes Pinto, 1995). which in turn have exacerbated landlessness and rural poverty. thus proâucing negative effects to the economic, socio-cultural, and political dimensions of nual life. The influence of the rural elite has Nstoricaiiy been strong in Brazil due to its mobilization in congress and the senate, especially through lobbying by the bancada ruralfsta and through its direct involvement with the federal govemment. Le. as public workers in rural development institutions (Guedes hto. 1995). The political infiuence of IrxtffundlMos27 in shaping poiicies can be illustrated by two events: (11 the changes to the original document of the National Plan of Agraclan Reform, or Plano Nucional de Reforma AgrMa (PNRA), a land reform program created durfng the Sarney administration ( 1985- 1988) in f 985; and (2) the changes to certain phrases in the Braziiian constitution of 1988. The PNRA. which had originaüy been formuiated accordhg to suggestions presented by organized rural workers groups. became an inemcient tool to implement an ambitious land reform program due to the mobilization and Muence of Iatffundfar[os on the Sarney government (Gomes da Silva 1987 in Tavares dos Santos, 1995), reducing drarnatically the formation of new settlements (Tavares dos Santos, 1995).

Similarly, the political mobilization of latifundfarios represented by the bancada ruraltsta in the senate and congress resulted In key changes in the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 in relation to agrarian reform mtle W,chapter III). These changes rendered the law less effective, since ambiguity was introduced over the meaning of 'productive' land [Gomes da Silva, 1995). Agrarian reform depends on the expropriation of unproductive httfwidlos. If ambiguity exists over what in 'unproductive' then it becomes more difficult to justify the expropriation of the property28.

27 It should be mentioned at this point that industrlalfsts and financial enterprises are also part of the new rural elite. Especiaily under the milltary dictatorship it acquired extensive land holdings in the Arnazon using a variety of tax and legal incentives (OUveira. 1994).

28 For more on this, refer to Gomes da Silva (1994). In addition to their political influence in politics and rurai development plans, lattfund[6rios in Brazil protect their lands from invasions of landless famiiies by hiring gun men. This practice has resulted in many violent confrontations to intirnidate and dissuade landiess workers who work and/or live on latffundWs' property without their consent. When killings occur, people that contract Mers or Mers themselves are hardly ever brought to justice (Fernandes, 2000).

Politicd Bittles wer Luid Refona: Cardao and the MST.

President Cardoso's disapproval of organlzed landless movements, which is portrayed in Ns comments on public television and on the news, has been accompanied by a progressive increase in repressive measures (some cornmanded by state or municipal govemments), and directed violence toward members and leaders of the MST. This posture does not contribute to the sustainability of popular organizations, borne out of the need to gain better conditions for the poorest and destitute segments of the population. In a country where political decisions have historlcally been biased to beneflt influential economic groups, this posture is certainly not conducive to the democratization of rural areas and the pursuit of better conditions by popular groups. The political posture of the govement is therefore seriously threatening the sustainabiiity of popular organizations that defend the interests of landless and smaliholders.

It should be noted. however, that this posture Is contradictory to his administration's increased support for family agriculture and agrarian reform (especially in terms of increased nual creditzg) and increased number of agrarian reform sefflements30.

-- - -

29 As noted in the introducuon (footnote 1).

30 Evidence wüi be presented in chapter 4. RdViolence

Alongside the concentration of income and rural property. violence against landless rural workers has increased in the last decade. as noted by the National Confederation of Agriculturai Workers (CONTAG), the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST), and the Pastotal Land Commission (CFT). These organizations agree that violence has become more selective in that it is directed rnainly towards leaders of landless workers instead of squatters in general,

In the state of Parana, where the Rural Democratic Union (UDR)is highly organized. repression against rural workers has always been very strong.(MST, 2000a). The form of violence has become institutionalized with the creation of paramilitary groups in several states (Ma, 2000~).According to witnesses of land occupations, violence usualiy strikes during the night perpetrated by armed men wearing black masks (erncampuzados)who know exactiy who each leader is in the acampamentos31.

nie increase in repression against rural workers in Brazll in the past two years has been accompanied by a stronger posture of president Cardoso against MST mobilization strategles, as mentioned in chapter 1. President Cardoso criticizes the MST for being 'illegai'. and argues that its members should be put in jaii if they engage in land invasions or destruction of public and/or private propew. According to the MST, during the first ten months of 2000,258 niral workers were arrested under aliegations of political action for the 'occupation' of land and 10 members of the MST have been killed (MST, 2000d).

Some newspapers and magazines (e.g. Caros Amigos, Foiha de Sao Paulo) have documented the state of repression against the Ma, and many important Brazilian personaiities have also denounced these violations of basic

l~ora description of occurrences involving violence or repression consult the MST website of Parana (http://www3.sul.com.br/mstpr).

45 human rights. For example, in a recent interview conducted by the Foiha de Sao Paulo on May 4 2000, Frei Betto32 stated that:

The landless are legal and legitimate. What happens is that there are four stages of exclusion of the landless, and i am worrled because we are already in the third stage. The fht state is the 'demonlzing' (dernonizaçdo). the second is the 'ridtcuhg' [rldicularIzaçco),the thlrd is the 'iiiegality'. and the fourth is the 'repression'." In this statement, Frei Betto argues that the actions of the MST in occupying unproductive land are legal and legitimate since the constitution guarantees that land should have a social function. and if a particular property is not fulfilling this social function, then It should be expropriated or dispossessed. By 'demonizing' and 'ridiculing' Frei Betto is referring to the negative image in which movements such as the MST are portrayed by government ofiicials and the media. Frei Betto's concerns derive from the fact that the recent accusations of President Cardoso, and judicîai rulings33 against land invasions. are 'legitimizing' the fflegality of the MST, and once particular actions are condemned and perceived as fflegal, then the state can more easiiy justifL the use of repression.

Repression and violence are being used to dissuade landless workers to invade land and organize themselves around movements such as the MST. This form of vlolence is a violation of basic human rights and is incompatible with any search for social sustainabiitty, especially in the presently polarized Braziiîan countryside.

The Soda cultural Dimenrion

The combination of discriminatory poiicies and an archaic structure of land tenure have worsened social indicators. aggravated social connict, and widened disparities within and between regions. The high incidence of poverty and poor

32 Frei Betto, who is a dominicari priest [kade), is a weii-known writer and journalist in Brazil. His writings and activities are very much concerned with popuiar participation and popuiar rnovements.

33 Many judicial ruiings in the state of Parana have been in favor of latifundüuios. quality of life in the Brazllian countryside are not conducive to sustalnabfllty at various dimensions -socially, economicaily, politically and ecologicaUy. Çociaiiy, quaüty of Me and the preservatlan of cultural traditions and knowledge are seriously threatened, posing a serious obstacle to the reproduction and survivai of famiiy agriculture and other categories of rural workers.

The present section wiU examine indicators on human development, such as access to education, health care, and sanitation.

The rural development process in Brazil has not irnproved quality of life for the overwhelming majority of the rural population. On the contrary. it has aggravated poverty, income and land inequalittes, and rural exodus. The present section WUprovide a brief anaiysis of human development as indicators of social sustainabiiity. especially for rural Brazil. This will be done by exploring statistical indicators based on (1) the state of poverty, (2) access to education, and (3)access to health and basic sanitation.

The population of Brazil was estimated at 170 million in 2000 (Baer, 2001:7). In 199 1. the distribution of the Brazilian population according to reglons was the foilowing: (1) 6.8% iived in the north; (2) 28.9% iived in the northeast: (3) 6.5% lived in the center-west: (4) 42.7% llved in the southeast: and (5) 15.1% Uved in the south (Baer, 2001:7).

in 1994, roughly 33.88%~of the overail Brazilian population lived under the poverty iineM (PNAD/IBGE), with a higher concentration in rural areas, as fflustrated by Table 2.3, where 50.68% live in poverty.

3-e deflnition adopted for the poverty line is based on the ability to buy a basket of essential fds(cesta basica), whose composition satisfies the nutritional values recommended by the FAO/OMS/UNfor the Brazilian population, taking into account the prevaiiing consumption patterns of every reglon. Table 2.3 Distribution of the Pwr by Urban and Rural Areas in 1992

(56 of Totai Population) Usban Runl Totd

Northemt 4.71 17.83 32.03 54.57 Center-wert 2.84 2.34 5.18 hutheamt 7.57 8.98 8.65 25.20 South 1.18 4.05 7.66 12.89 BRAaL 13.88 35.44 50.68 100

Source: O Mapa da Forne35. IPEA, 1993.

In terms of regional imbalances, rural poverty is especialiy concentrated in the Northeast region with 32.03% of the total number of poor in Brazil, and 63.2% of the total number of poor in rural areas. Meanwhile, some regions (especially the Southeast) have a larger number of poor in urban areas. To a certain extent, regional imbalances are explained by historical events that go back to the origins of the colonial period. During colonial control, the Northeast was the main region to be exploited for primary resources. The plantation system implemented in that region received large number of African workers brought as slavery workforce, and produced inequaiities that still remain after centuries. Regional imbalances are also explained by the concentration of the postwar industrialization process in metropolitan centers in the southeast and south regions. The combination of little infrastructure and marginal lands caused by chnatic factors, such as drought, worsens poverty in poorer regions.

Higher levels of urban poverty can be explained by several rnacroeconomic factors, such as the inabiiity of industries to absorb the high

35 nie 'Map of Hunger' was produced by the Brazllian Institute of Appüed Economics Research (IPEA) as a request by president Itamar Franco (1992-1994) provides the distributton of indigent and poor people by regions and urban and rural sectors.

48 levels of unskllled migrants lwklng for work. and the iittle infiastructure and insumcient or non-existent social services available to support them.

Access to Educafion

Education and technical training are important elements of any strategy to boost employment in a country like Brazil. Literacy rates for nimi areas are SU very much lower than those in urban areas, even though there has been some progress in the last decade (IBGEISIDRA, 2000). Although Uliteracy rates in Brazil have declined fiom 200h in 1986 to 14.7% in 1997 (SIDRA,2000), illiteracy rates in rural areas reaches 26.3% of people aged 10 or older. In the South region, illiteracy rates are 11.1% and in the Northeast it reaches 36.9% (PNAD/99). One of the major obstacles to reducing illiteracy has been the lack of infrastructure in rural areas, such as lack of schools. roads. and teachers.

Access to secondaxy and post-secondaxy education in Bradl is very Umited. In 1995 the total number of students in secondary education and pst- secondary education represented, respectively, 16.8% and 6.1% of those enrolled in primary education (table 2.4).

Table 2.4 Level of EducaUon Attended (1995) Pcrwna aged 5 yeui and kvcl of Educition older

Second inel (Segundomu) 5.181.709

Source: Automatic Recovery System of the IBGE (SIDRA- (SLstema IBCE de RecuperaçaO Autimbt[ca)) (131 11 /2000). Lack of educational and professional opportunities in rural areas accelerate migratory movements, especially of young people.

Education is central for social sustainability since it provldes people with knowledge. skiils, and technical training (depending on the program]. It is an important asset that can lead to employment and further study. The introduction of ecological concems into the content of education rnay impmve ecological sustainabiiity (Le. through gaining knowledge about ecosystems and the importance of ecological sustainabiîity) and the presenmtion of culture (Le. through the formation of networks and communication between people and across generations). For these purposes. however, the educational system should be based to a certain extent on local realities, including concems wlth cultural, ethnic and biological diversity. At the cultural level, for example, a lack of knowledge and/or appralsal for local cultures and traditions may lead to their gradual extinction. At the economic and ecological level, different places have different econornic conditions as weli as ecosystems. An understanding of what these are could certainly help in hding appropriate solutions to very speciflc contexts.

Access to Health Cure and Basic Sanitution

The Braziiian population has access to public health services under the Single Heaith System (SUS). In the past years, however, the has had financiai dit3culties that hinder the quality and avaîiabiiity of senrices for its population [field notes). The maln factors that limit access to health services are the lack of professtonals willing to work in public heaith and the limited funding to maintain hospitals and public clinics. A 1998 Population Annual Sample Survey (PNAD)~~on the avaîiability of medical services to the population showed that, of the population that was not seen by a doctor in their Brst visit38, 45.6% responded that it was due to lack of appointments, and 28.6% reported that it was due to lack of physlcians (SIDRA/PNAD 1998). According to the 1998 PNAD, access to medical services decreases for low income familles and for the rurai population in general. For example, regarding access to dental

36 The solution found by the government in the past 5 years has been to create an additionai tax (CPMF0.2%)on ali financiai transacttons in Br&.

38 People that needed medical appointments in the last 2 weeks but were not seen by a doctor in their first attempt. treatment, the percentage of people, eaming up to one minimum wage per month, that have never been to a dentist, is nine tirnes greater than those who earn more than 20 minimum wages per rnonth and have never been to a dentist (PNAD, 1998). In rurai areas, 32% of the population have never been to a dentist (PNAD 19981. Impnwements in the health system benefited primarily the rniddle and upper classes. whlch were provided with good and sophisticated services, but neglected the urban poor and rural population (Baer, 200 1:432).

The lack of basic sanitation services is also a serious obstacle to human well-being, and accounts in part for the persistence of many endemic diseases. Table 2.5 presents some figures comparing basic sanitation services in rural and urban areas, revealing sharp inequaiities.

Table 2.5 Treated Water Supply and Basic Sanitation Service (1991) Ruml Urblrr Dlrpnrity IV* = 100) Ruted Watet Supply &nitation Regioni % % North 13 24 Northe-t 12 11 Center-mat 6 8 Southeut 13 20 South 8 26 Brrisil 11 14

!&me: IBGE, 1991. in Relatbrlo sobre O Desenvoluimento Humano no Brasil. PNUD, IPEA, Brasilla, 1996.

The distribution of sanitation sewices and treated water supply is also unequal between rurai and urban areas, and between regions. In 199 1, treated water supply in rural Brazil corresponded to only 11% of that in urban areas, while access to sanitation corresponded to 14% (from Table 2.5).

Inequaiities in the distribution of these services also occurs between regions. As show in Table 2.6, 74.2% of households in Brazil receive treated water in their homes. The disparities between regions is considerable, though. The reglon with the least number of households receiving treated water is the Northeast (56.2%). which has also the highest percentage of the pr population in Bra~ll(54.57~41in 1992), as noted earlier in this chapter. Meanwhile, in the richest region. the Southeast, 86.5% of households receive treated water supply. Sirnilarly, access to sanitation varies according to regions. The richest region in Brazll, the Southeast, has 69.0% of households with sanitation in rede coletora, and 13.9% by fossa septica, compared to 15.3Oh and 22.4%. respectively, in the northeast. Table 2.6 Access to Sanitauon and Electric Power (1996)

(Households (%)) Sinlution Rcated Water /osso Electric

North (dandy) 59,7 8.9 39.7 96.8

South 77,O 14.0 52.6 96,8 Brrdl 74.2 40,3 23.3 92,9 Source: Pesquisa Nacionai por Amostra de Domicilias: sintese de indicadores 1996. Rio de janeiro: IBGE, 1997. p.97-99 (tabela 6.1.2). (IBGE, 2000b).

The exploitative nature of the economic activities undertaken in rural Brazil during colonial mes impacted negatively on local cultures and on the socio- economic practices present in different regions. One of the major problems has been the extermination and disappearance of the majority of the native population (Poli. 1999).The diseases brought by Europeans were in many cases fatal to indigenous people. Rural connicts leading to violence are also present in many parts of Brazil (Poli, 1999:39). The conservative modemlzation of agriculture and the later implementation of neoliberal measures firther deteriorated living and working conditions for the poorest rural population. Without the minimum necessary sodal conditions or income generating activities, many nual workers have been unable to secure access to land or to survive in the countryside. Loss of cultural diversity in Brazil can often occur from concomitant changes in socioeconornic and political structures. For the rural sector, insecure access to land 1s leacüng to transformations in much of the peasantry, some becoming part-the workers in industries, others seasonal agricultural workers, some migraing to urban areas. etc. Traditional cultures that are often rooted in rural Me are then transformed or lost during these changes.

Culturai traditions are also threatened by the opening of the economy to foreign products, and by the media. The intemationakation of Latin American economies has strengthened consumerism in local cultures (Silva, 1999). Much of the advertising and content of programs are filled with the marketing of new products and Mestyles (Oliveira, 1991) that are not appropriate to local social, economic, and ecological reaiities. Many of these products are introduced by multinational enterprises in the intent to increase their market share. The majority of the population has a very low purchasing power, and cannot dord advertised products, which are usudy relatively expensive. Also, the use of television programs, such as the popular soap-operas, to encourage a culture of consumerism is very detrimental to local cultures and is not conducive to ecological sustainability.

FinaUy. the Brazilian rural sector as It is today Is not conducive to social sustainability, due mainiy by the large inequdties present in rurai Brazil, such as the skewed distribution of land, the limited opportunities for education. and the limited provision of health care semices to the pwrer population. especially in rival areas. Under such circumstances, the la& of social sustainability can seriously hinder ecological sustainabihty. This interrelationship will be examined in the next section.

The EcoloPicai Dimension

The application of the green revolution, and the resulting aggravation of problems of landlessness and poverty, are elements that impact negatively on the environment. The use of environmentally friendly technology and production systems are important tools to reduce the deterioration of the environment. However. without reducing the sharp inequaüties in income and productive resources present in Brazil, poverty-led environmental degradation wlii continue to happen. Therefore. the sustainability of the ecological dimension is to a certain extent dependent on social sustainability, which is in turn dependent on a fair distribution of productive (e.g. access to land. technlcd knowledge, and productive resources) and reproductive factors (e.g. access to education. health care, and sanitation).This section will examine some of the main factors. related to rural development in Brazil, that hinder ecological sustainability.

The Green Rwolution Package

The conservatlve rnodernization of agriculture in Brazil encouraged the use of green revolutton technologies to improve agricultural productivity, and the expansion of strategic segments of agriculture, as a way to increase exports and supply of key products to the industrial sector (e.g. sugar cane, cotton, oranges) (Baer, 2001:403). As it has been demonstrated in previous sections, the rnodernization of large estates through increased mechanhation and use of industrial inputs was encouraged by a number of incentives as well as subsidized credit.

The application of green revolution technologies in Brazil have been criticized for their negative impact on ecological sustainability (e.g. through pollution of environment and humans) and on social sustainabiiity (e.g. due to a considerable shift to mechanization in agriculture).The strong incentives given by the govement to encourage technicd change in agriculture led to the indiscriminate and excessive use of chemicals in Brazilian agriculture (Baer, 200 1:405). which may pollute the soii, neighboring ecosystems, and even humans who apply them (Baer, 2001:405). Soi1 erosion in southern States has been particularly Ngh. In the state of Rio Grande do Sul, sou erosion aflects up to 40% of farming land (Giles, pers.com.). Also, in Brazil, there is iiffle concern fiom landowners to protect workers in the application of chemicals. that is, rnany workers do not Wear masks. nor clothing when they apply products39. The lack of knowledge on how to use such inputs is the main reason for contamination. The critique of the heavy use of chernicd inputs has led to the rise of severai movements in favor of more sustainable and environmenMy- safe agriculture, such as organic and agroecological agriculture (Altieri, 1995).

The predominance of monoculture as the main agricultural system has been criticized for inhibithg the preservation of biodiversity of tradltional fods (Shiva, 199 1; Thnipp. 2000). In Brazil, the widespread cultivation of certain crops (e.g. cotton, beans, soybeans, corn) hinders biodiversity when traditional varieues are substituted by high-yield varieties, and, depending on the crop and on the inputs applied, may reduce the fertility of the topsoil. or to more serious outcomes, such as sallnization and desertiilcation.

The application of green revolution technologies in Brazil has also impacted negatively on social sustainabiiity. It has prirnarily been done through the creation of govemment incentives to promote technical change. Such promotion. however, as demonstrated eariier in this chapter. has been done in a discriminatory and concentrated manner. in which large and medium fms have been the main recipients. The concentration of productive resources has led to a process of modernization and mechanization that excluded the poorer sectors of agriculture, reduced the demand for rural labor. and provoked considerable migration in search for other income generaüng activities. Such exclusion has been felt in al1 areas of social reproduction. such as access to housing, land, education. and health care, as demonstrated earlier in this chapter. The cases of environmental degradation and social exclusion in Brazil are not only a result of inappropriate technologies or economic activities that take place in particular locations, but primarily of intemal and extemal pressures which are rooted on particular development paradigms. The use of the green revolution package in Brazil was encouraged by the govemment to

39 This reaiity has been shown on sweral 'iV programs documenting the contrunination of rural workers hmchernical inputs.

55 produce a modern agricultural sector that would be able to compte in global markets and suppiy interna1 industries. hriThrupp [ 19931 has argued that:

"[tlhecauses of natural and human resource degradation consist not only of ecologlcal factors and technological 'errors"/problems, but most centrally sacioeconoailc and political factors that determine why /how people use land, resources. and technoiogy. Overcoming social and ecologlcal problems requires not only technical and ecological changes. but more crucially, changes and actions that confront social and poiittcal sociai classes."(p.48). Hence, the struggie to improve sustainability is also about changing Our perceptions concerning productivity and economic interest which are strongly grounded in poiitical and economic power structures. In Brazil, the appiication of the Green Revolution package was considered by the government and eiites as the way to achieve faster development of agriculture. and as an important source of inputs for the growing industrial sector. The decisions about what policies to implement and about who to bene0t are strongiy Muenced by infhential economic groups (e.g. new I-fURdWs in the agricultural fmntier) and coalitions of politicians (e.g. bancada wdfsta). In this context, little concem was glven to the effects of rural poiicies on social equity or on distribution of productive assets, which contributed to rurai poverty and poverty-led environmental degradation, or to considerations about damage to ecosystems or loss in biodiversity.

The ecological problems originating hmthe colonization of the Arnazodo have been the negative effects to the environment 6om burning (queimadus),which js widely used in the Amazon to deforest large areas. loss in biodiversity (plants, wüdlife, and other organisms not found in other parts of the world), and the liberatlon of CCP. Sociai problems orfginate fkom the hazardous conditions of smaliholders sent to the Amazon. due to the pwr quaiity of the sou, their isolation from markets and basic infhstructure, and the hi& costs of treating maIaria (Giles, pers.com.). The inabfflty of

40 The colonization of the Amazon was a geopolîücal strategy to occupy rich areas (e.g. rich in minerais] and served as a safety valve to reduce social unrest hmhlgh lwels of landlessness in other regions of Brazii. beneficiarles to become economically viable creates a vicious cycle that produces additional occupations of fragile lands and further deforestation.

Rural poverty and environmental degradation in developing countries are very much ünked to structural problems that hinder the economic viabiiity of smallholders and the survivai of rural workers and landless families. in Brazii. the main obstacles to ecological sustainability caused by poverty are the deforestation of fragiie ecosystems, such as the Mata Atlantica and the Amazon forest, the practice of garlmpos (informa1gold mining), which cause deforestation and the pollution of sofl and water with mercury. and the fflegal capture and sale of wiidlife, which may lead to extinction of many species (Gfles, pers.com.; Our Forests HmMore Lue, 1987).

Concludon: h~iicationrfor rurtdnabllity

The present chapter has attempted to provide a brief analysis of the main structural problems that hinder social sustainability in rural Brazil. It has demonstrated that the high levels of inequalities of land and income, and the low levels of human development, such as education. heaithcare and basic sanitation sentices, put into question the sunrival of rural workers, landless fades, and the economic viabiuty of smallholders, as weU as their cultural traditions. By cultural traditions 1 am referring to ali their knowledge and traditions (e.g. traditional ways of cropping, preservation of traditional varieties of foods) that have been passed and transformed dong many generations. In view of the poor education and technical skllls of the rural population, not many alternatives41 are available that can considerably reduce rurai poverty.

41 The growth of non-agricultural employment @el Grossi and da Silva, 2000). which was mentioned eariier in this chapter. is concentrated in jobs in the domestic sector and in the construction sector. These jobs. however, are hea* dependent on the purchasing power of the population. and in periods of economic crisis, their demand can rapfdly deciine, throwing many people in to unemployment. in addition. many of these jobs are poorly paid. In this context. social sustainability depends on eiiminating rural poverty and the many inequallties (outhed In thls chapter) present in the countryside. It aiso depends on soMng the pmblem of migration flows to already unsustainable urban centers incapable of absorbing more workers adequately. The search for social sustainabMy in Brazil requires a more equitable distribution of productive resources as weU as alternative forms of organizatlon of production that are adequate to local specificities and needs. In a large country iike Brazil, that is a very cütlicult task that requires the democraüzation of access to land, productive resources, knowledge. and services. Politicai opposition to such change. however. is strong, especiaily due to the political idluence that lnnuential economic groups (e.g. hancial, industrial, agricultural) have on shaping policy. As such, changes in poiicies and development plans are not an easy task. Setter results could be achieved with the formation of coalitions of popular organizatlons, NCOs, and other organizations. The search for sustainabflity. therefore, requires alternative and creative solutions. The Conceptual and Poiicy-Oriented initiative8 of the MST

Four centuries of development in Brazil have resulted in the success of export crops, but in the relative scarcity of other fwdstuffs for the intemal market, the exploitation of rural workers and the environment, increasing rurai landlessness, and a large structural surplus of labour power (Romeiro. 1994). The social sustainability of rurai Brazil has especially been put in jeopardy by increased rural poverty and environmental degradation. The interrelationships belween poverty and environmental degradation are of major concern in Brazil, as in many other developing countries. The search for alternative income generating activities, when few productive assets or skiils are avaiiable, often leads to the primitive exploitation of natural resources and/or the over- exploitation of marginal and fragile lands (Reardon & Vosti. 1997).

In the 1970s and 1980s. many rural famihes rnigrated to urban centers in search of employment opportunities. This option, however, is steadfly closing due to increasing levels of unemployment, violence, and poverty in t'ose areas. In this negative context for landless families and smallholders, the MST has bccome a national movement that struggles for social justice, especially via agrarian reform, as well as for an overall set of policies and principles to guarantee access to land for many landless famiiies, and to improve the viabfflty of rural settlements. The major goals of the MST are to promote: (11 democratization of land distribution; (2) implementation of public policies to support sefflers and smaliholders in generai; (3)protection of human rights; and (4) support for ecologically sustainable agriculture.

It is the purpose of this chapter to explore what policy changes and principles are advocated by the MST. It will explore the MSTs accompiishments and shortcomings to social sustainability by examinlng the different dimensions of sustainabiiity identified in chapter 2: economic, socio-cultural, political, and ecological. The Economic Dimedon nie present section wlU explore the ideas and pohcy changes that are advbcated by the MST to promote the democratization of land distribution and to support the economic development of settiers. and smailholders in general.

The MST advocates a thorough Lmplementation of agrarian reform through the expropriation/dispossession of unproducüve i@!fiiridlos, lncreased credit to settiers, and access to fonnal education and technical knowledge, nie agrarian refonn advocated by the MST goes beyond dividing up unproductive Latifindios to encourage their productive use. According to MSînational coordinator Joao Pedro Stédile, the agrarian reform proposed by the MST is necessaq to reorganize agriculture on a different socid basis. and to democratîze access to capital, agrolndustrial processes, technical knowledge, and formal education (Plnassl, 2000:52).To achieve these results, the MST has expanded its stniggle to al1 of Brazil (as shown in chapter l),so as to conquer political and territorial spaces to achieve greater popular support and to increase the population's awareness about the problems of landlessness in Brazii. The MST believes that by expanding the movement rural workers wili bave more power to conquer new poiitical spaces. This is important in Bdbecause, traditionally. the poiitical system has not ken representative of the prerrurai population, especially Iandless and smallholden.

The MST 1s not only advocating agrarian refom. it is also working towards transfonning the overaii reaiity of the nual poor by encouraging the& organization and mobihtion to struggie for land and better opportunities [e.g. through increased education, credit, technical knowledge). To produce positive results, the MST is constantly pressurlng the federai and state govemments to accelerate the rate of lrltifUndb dispossessions and creation of new settlements, and As requesting supporthg poticies to guarantee credit for settlers for investment and production. technical asststance, educational opportunities, and the re-negotiation of settlers' debts. This pressure takes various forms, such as publlc demonstrations, some of whkh are caordinated and carried out natlonally (e.g. marches, celebration of important dates), and the occupation of public offices (e.g. iNCRA, Mhîstry of Agriculture], In addltion to such actions, the MST engages in lobbying to seek the support of politicians' and the local population in general for Lts policies and prograrns.

The main form of struggle for access to land has been thtough land occupations of unproductive properties. iand occupations have often ben effective in pressuring the government to expropriate unproductive properties. nie process of expropriation and settlement of landless families, however, Is a bureaucratie prucess that can take Erom 6 months to several years. The accomplishments made by the MST through the use of land occupations wtü be dealt in more detail in chapter 4.

The MSTs choice to use occupations of unproductive42 properties as its main strategy to pressure for agrarian reforrn was a decision taken during the First Congress of the Landiess Workers (1985)in face of the protracted political influence of Iattfundfarfos in shaping rural policy and of the ongoing discriminatory nature of mral development plans (Gomes da Suva, 1995; Poli, 1999).The political opposition to agrarian refom, which was discussed in chapter 2, had been successful in rendering any policles related to the implementation of state-led agrarian reform ineffective through the 1960s. 19709, and 1980s.

A land occupation 1s carried out with the intent of pressurlng the government to redistribute the unproductive property that Is king occupied. This strategy relies on the fact that the Brazilian constitution, under the 1964 Land Statute, or Estatuto da Tema has a constitutional clause that states that

42 Properues are considered unproductive by iNCRA according to its degree of efaciency (grau de ewrtcto] and degree of uüiizatlon @mu de utfiizaçaol.

61 land has to fuW a social function (Fuiçcb soctaI)43. The outcomes of this pressure have not always been the expropriation or dispossession of the property. Due to the passing of decree no, 2250 (June 11, 1997) which states that land that is occupied by squatters is no longer subject to expropriation or disposaession. landowners and the police have sometimes used force to remove the acampados from the property. The National Institute of Colonization and Agraxlan Reform (INCRA) investigates whether the property is producuve or not. If it is unproductive, the landowner is notified with an estimate of the value of the land property and is given 150 days to appeal. However, if the government decides that the property is indeed productive, then the governent can request the removai of the acampados from the property, or it can reseffle them in public lands.

The agrarian refom plans of the Cardoso government have been criticized by the Mm for being slow and ineffective. This criticism is partly based on the fact that settlements are taking place mainly on public lands. and that the number of families settled is only a small fraction of the number of landless famiUes in Brazil (Fernandes, 2000). The use of public lands is seen as a problem for the MST because one of the goals of the movement is social justice. The distribution of public land will not significantly alter the land tenure structure, nor will it promote much social justice and equity. Detaiied figures on land occupations and settlements will be presented in chapter 4.

The Pwh for Credit and Technicd kditance Program

The MST cdsfor the creation and enhancement of programs to support and finance new agrarian reform settiers. These programs would provide credit for investment and production in sefflements, technical support and training, and educational opportunities for settlers. Without easy access to credit and adequate technicai extension. liffle can be done to render the sefflements productive and economicaüy viable. Aware of these limitations, the MST

Properties that may be affecteci are unproductive and larger than: (1) 500 hectares in the Northeast, South, and Southeast regions; (2) 1000 hectares in the Center-west regfon: and (3) 1500 hectares in the North region.

62 requests better credit programs for sefflers and srnall producen, and more technical extension programs. Such lobbying has enjoyed some success in creating programs and providing credit for settlers44, The programs created have been: (1) the PROCERA~~(Special Credit Program for Agrarian Reform), (2) the LUMiAR46, (3)the PRONAF47 (Programa Nacional de Fortiflcaçiio da Agricultura Familiarl , and (4) PRONAF AgroindtisMa (in support of agroindustrial production). These programs have certainly helped many familles in new Settlements, but in vïew of the many diniculties incurred by many new settlers, repayrnents of their debts are of major concern. in view of this problem, the MST is demanding better conditions for the re-negotiatron of sefflers' debts. An important achievement of rural movements in Brazil, particularly the MST, has been better terms for rural credit, especiaiiy for sefflers of agrarian reform48.

44 Rural credit given to farnily agriculture in 1995 totaied 93,000 reals (USS93,ûûû). This figure increased to 1.637.440 reais (US) in 1997, and to 2,300,000 reais (US$) between July and December 2000 (MDA. 2000b).

45 PROCERA was created in January 1986 by the federal govemment to provide credit to agrarian reform settlers. At the time of its creation the total arnount of credit that could be glven to each family was SUS 1200. This program was terminated and replaced by the National Program of Famiiy Agriculture Fortification (PRONAF) in 1998. The PRONAF was created in 1995 to provide rural credit to small producers. In 1998, settiers of agrarian reform were included in the program(Bampi, pers.com.; MDA. 2ûûûb).

46 The Lumlar program, which provided technical extension and credit to agrarlan refonn settien. was discontinued in 2000. The justification given by the govemment was that the MST was using public funds for other unintended purposes. The MST has put in its website copies of intemai documents of the National Institute of Colonizatfon and Agrarian Reform, or Insntuto Nacbnal de Colonizaçdo e Reforma Agrhia (INCRA), that show that the Foiha de Sâo Paulo's reporter. Josias de Souza. used a govemment car and driver as weU as publc funds to Rnance intervlews on that matter. The MST repiied to these accusations by stating that the govemment was fabricating evidence to incriminate its memben so as to demoraiize the movement and justify cuts in expenditures for land reform programs.

47 Since its creation (in 1995) until2000, the PRONAF has provided RS10.2 billion to famiiy fanners (including agrarian reform sefflers) in Brazii. nie PROCERA had pravided RS983.5 &on until its termination (MDA. 2000b).

48 Under Credit Wne 'A'. settlers of agrarian reforrn pay 1.15% in interest rates per year (as opposai to 4% per year for other family fmers) OA,2000b). nie Su~~ortfor Nehvorks to Imease Technicd Suvmrt

The MST encourages settlements to create links and partnerships with civil Society (universities, NGOs, public organizations. etc.] to encourage the production and dissemination of new technologies that prove to be ecologicalfy sustainable whlle promoting productivity, economic viabiiity, and social well- being. The MST also encourages the formation of partnerships at the local level (settiement)with organkations that can prornote knowledge transfer to settlers (e.g. NGOs, universities, govemment development institutions). These initiatives will be explored in more detail in chapter 4.

The Goveniment and the MST

In response to the strong pressure for agrarian reform. President Cardoso has spent heaviiy in publicity and has launched a new rurai development plan called The New Rural World', or 'O Novo Mundo Rural'. In the hteight months of 2000, the government spent R$ 146 million (US67.9 million) in publicity. more than the sum of investments made in the health system (a69million (Use32 million)), education (R$55 million (USS25.6 million)) and science and technology (R$22muon (USS10.2 million) (Foiha de Sao Pudo, 13/09/2000, A-5). The tmplementation of agrarian reform and the support given to farnily agriculture were some of the main elements of this publicity.

The new niral agenda that is king irnplemented under the name of 'the New Rural World' is intended to reduce and decentralize federal state intervention in agriculture and in the implementation of agrarian reform; most state intervention would be made by municipal and state govemments. One important element of this new approach is the adoption of market-assisted agrarian reform, whose piiot project was supported by the World Bank (e.g. through project BWE50772). For this purpose, the state created the Land Fund. or Banco da Terra, to provide credit to rural workers to buy land at market prices, and has attempted to reduce some of the incentives that has led many latifundfarios to hold land for speculative purposes, especialiy during periods of high by cutting the many subsidies avaiiable for the nual sector (mentioned in chapter 2). and by increasing the nual land tax (Il'R),or lmposto Terrttortal Rural, on unproductive land. Another factor that may have reduced the financial attractiveness of holding unproductive land is the possibfflty of unproductive land being occupied by organized niral movements or organizations, mostly the MST.

Also, INCRA, the state land reform agency, which had been iinked to the Executive as a sign of support for agrarian reform in February 1996 following the Eldorado massacre that killed 19 landless workers, has now been subordinated to the new Ministry of Agrarian Development. Since the ministry has been traditionally run by latifundiar[os interests, this move may slow down the implementation of agrarlan reform,

The creation of the Land Fund and the subordination of INCRA to the Ministry of Rural Development are measures taken to divert the responsibllity of agrarlan reform from the federal government, and rely more on the market to resolve the problem of land. Not surprisingly, the MST opposes such changes by arguing that the creation of the Land Fund is in the interest of latffundlat[os and not in the interest of landless, since bor~owingmoney to buy land in the present condition of the economy. in which smatlholders struggle to become economicdly viable, would put many smallholders in debt.

The way by which kesident Cardoso is responding to the MSTs concems and actions is by accusing the MST of being 'illegai' and against 'democracy*and 'citizenship' (FoUia de Sao Paulo, 1O/O5/2OO0). These accusations have given the Brazilian state some degree of fieedom to legiümize use of its miiitary forces to control the demonstrations by the MST and other rurai social movements. An example of this has been the ment creation of the

49 Brazii experienced periods of high inflation during the 1980s. The financial attractiveness of land in the 1970s and 1980s is mostly due to higb inflation combined with other factors such as the availabîiity of credit subsides for acquisition of land. and vexy low rural land taxes 0. DOPS nudm to repress niral movements leaders &Uuz de Sao Paulo, 12/05/2000, A-3). The manner by which -sident Cardoso is treating the MST is reflected in his reactions to the Idufng of a sem-terru in a demonstration in the state of Parana: 'Events Uke this one should serve as an alert for those who opted for the provocation and the disrespect of democracy and citizcnship." (Folhade sa0 Paulo, 13/09/2000. A-5).

Several attempts by the Cardoso admlntstration to isolate and demoraiize the MST have occurred in the past year. In May 2000, Andrea Matarazzo (Minister of the Secretary of Communication of the Government] censured an intewiew of MST national coordinator, JO& Pedro Stédile, by the 'IV Educativa in Rio de Janeiro (Foiha de Sao Paulo, 10/05/20001. The President of the ?V Educativa in Rio de Janeiro, Mauro Garcia. when asked about hîs decision to follow the minister's request repiied: "Censorship is abominable, a figure that cannot be replayed. There is no way of preaching that. What happened with Stédile is not censorshlp, since he does not represent the democratlc discussion." (Fotha de Sao Paulo. 14/05/2000].A few days later, the newspaper Foüuz de Sao Paulo pubiished an article which accused the MST of mîsusing public money (Foha de Sao Paulo, I4/05/2OOO], as has been detaiied previously in this chapter. These accusations have been used to Justify a series of repressive measures against the MST, and. more speciflcally, and the suspension of the program Lurniar (FoUia& Sao Paulo, 17110/2000), which provided credit and technical assistance to agrarian reform settlements.

The newspaper Foüta de Sa.Paulo, which is perhaps the most popular newspaper in Bradl, received strong criticism Erom its readers due to its aiiegedly biased news coverage about the MST. The newspaper ombudsman received a number of cornplaints about the stance of many articles that had been written about the MST. These readers accused the newspaper of

50 The new DOPS (Delegcaciode Ordem Pditica e Sdnual, which fs part of the Federal Poiice Department, was created by President Cardoso to intervene in rural conflicts. especiaiiy invoMng MST land occupations. representing govemment vie- about the movement. An example of such cornplaints is the following: "It looks ILke the Folha has dedded to foliow the poiitics of the FHC govenunent and establish in the country a force command to go after the MST, 1 have the impression that the newspaper does not have a compromise with readers but with power ('O rah niio esta preso mm O lettor, e

We are probably wltnessing a new phase in the history of the MST. Accorâing to Stédile, the movement was very naive In the past when they thought that by simply gaining land and credlt. they would end poverty in rural Brazil. To tus intent. the movement had planned to go national so as to pressure the federal govemment to accelerate and lmplement land reform policies, and to promote the inclusion of many landless famiiies throughout Brazil in its stxuggle. However. wlth the growth in repression and the gmwing unwülingness of the govemment to engage in negotiations with the MST and other social movements, Stedfle thinks that this strategy was too naïve (intenriew conducted by Fernando Candiin and published in Folk de Sao Paulo, 14/05/2000).

Nonetheless, international support for the MST seems to be growing. An example of international support fs the letter received by the Minister of Rural Development, while on an offIda1 visit to Itaiy on October 10, 2000. The Minister. Raul Jungmann, was to receive 12 Itaiian NGOs concerned with the question of agrarlan reform at the Braziiian embassy in Rome. The group of NGOs which was presented as Comitab di Appoggb di Rom ai MST, or Rome Cornmittee in Support for the MST, however, did not corne to the meeting; instead it sent an open letter to the minlster and a pinocchio Puppet. The posture of the cornmittee was in response to the suspension of the Lurniar program followhg allegations of comption within the MST:

The govemment Mes once again to postpone and break promises, and tries to justify its actions by throwing mud on the MST, saying that when the movement asks for credit for the farniiies in settlements, it is doing so

-

51 The slogan of the newspaper is: 'de rabo preso cmO leW.

67 ta hance Its own organization and that the mwement is lying about the number of famiiies in sefflements.* (FoUinde Sao Paulo, 11/ 10/2000). The Itallan NGOs added that they have ken Ln assentamentos and that they support credit on better tenns for assentados. niey add:

The members of the MST are great patriots and the Brazilian govemment should be grateful to the movement for the enonnous educational work that it is carcying out." (Folhade Sao Paulo, 1 l/ 10/2ooo). In view of the recent govemment retaliation and attempts to demoralize the movement. the MST has decided to forge stronger alliances with other movements that are not as organized as the MST, so as to encourage the formation of a stronger and broader national coalition. This posture was reached during Fourth National Congress of the MST that took place in Brasilia in August 2000 (MST, 2000el.

EnhancinP the Comuetitivenesr of Settlen

The MST advocates collective forms of production as a way to enhance the competitiveness of settlers and smallholders in general. The MST created the Cwperatlvist System of Settlers, or Sistema Cooperatiuista dos Assentados (SCA) in 1989 especiaiiy to promote the principle of agricuitural cooperaüon. According to the communications sector of the MST State Secretary of Rio Grande do Sul, agricultural cooperation is:

'...the union of people to increase efforts to achieve a parücular task. This solidarit- can acquire several forms: exchange working days in the harvesting. help when a companhevo is sick, comrnerciaiize as a group so as to obtain better buying and selling prtces, unite funds to acquire equipment or machinery needed to improve production, estabUsh a small unity for processing or agroindustry... in other words. cooperation is a way of organizing production through the division of work." (MST. 20000. In other words, through agricultural cooperation the MST believes that the productivity, and thus the competitiveness, of sefflements can be enhanced. The experience of colonization projects in isolated areas proved that even if sefflers were provided with credit and technical assistance, they were not always able to guarantee their economic viability: and even if they do, another critical area for debate remains, which is whether agrarian reform should reproduce the polarized income disMbuüon and land ownership structure prevaihg in rumi areas (Hall, 1990225).The MST believes that through cooperation. smaiîholders can be better off since they can share resources and labor, enabiing them to break out of the structural poverty that most srnailholders currently face.

The persistence of poverty in srnaii landholdings can be explained by Merent factors, such as Mgh production costs iinked to costly inputs such as fertiiizers, and rnachinery. The elevated cost of inputs is a serious constraint to smallholders' productivity since their often iimited access to credit and resources may reduce their compeütiveness vis-à-vis wealthier producers. Smallholders' compeüüveness is also jeopardîzed by the inefficiency of comrnercialization and marketing due to factors such as geographical isolation. inefflciencies in transportation, non-existent or littie demand, and settlers' dependency on intermediaries to sel1 their production. Changes in the nature of market demand rnay adversely affect the revenue of smaiiholders. Such changes in recent years have been provoked by increased consumption of industriahed foodstuffs and by increased compctition ikom imported foodstuffs, which are often subsidized, or come from developing countries that have specialized in simiiar agroexports. Problems wlth comrnercialization of production cm also be aggravated by the liberalization and opening of the market and the deregulation of agriculture with the apphcation of neoiiberal policies.

Therefore. to increase the revenue of settiers, the Mm-SCA recommends the fuliowing: (1)improvements in the quality of production, (21 the industriaiizatlon of primary pcoducts to produce value-added products such as jarns. ham. breads. dried fruits, and (3) improvements in the cornmercialization and marketing of production. As aoted in chapter 2, most value is added at the stage of cornmerciallzation and industriakation on the comrnodity chah for agridturai products (Siiva and Giles, 1998: 1 1).

In addition to the above recommendations, the MST encourages the integration of cooperatives in al1 areas of economic activity, such as in markethg and commerclallzation of production. production, provision of senrices and credit. Economies of scale can be improved by the integration of settlements into cooperatives, and increased cooperaüon between coopefatives. Such forms of integration can rnake cooperatives and settlements less dependent on intermediaries for the commerciaüzation of their production. and thus improve their profitabiiity and economic viability.

The MSTs concem with increasing the competitiveness of sefflements so as to guarantee their economic viabUlty goes beyond a concern simply with productivity. In fact. the MST-SCA aiso stniggles to be:

"... different from the traditional cooperativlsm due to a Mgher concern with the quality of life of the settlers than wîth the growth of the property, from an understanding that the cooperative ls also a twl for stniggle, and in the support of the MST; an alternative to the agricultural policy which beneflts big rural enterprises and the logic of the market. which are consequences of capitallsm: in opposition to the fom In which traditional cooperatives are organized" (Mm, 2000f). The emphasis on being different 6om traditionai cooperatives stems especially fiom the pollticai inclination of the MST to promote social justice and equity. The cooperativist mode1 proposed by the MST mers from traditional forms of cooperatives in terms of the following: (1) the decision-making process, where, instead of decisions being concentrated according to capital invested, decisions are reached by the majority of members; (2)participation of members is done frequently at monthiy assembiies instead of annual meetings; (3)activities are planned from the bottom-up, that is, ditferent sectors (e.g. education. production, communication) prepare their plans and these are approved at assembly; (4) introduction of new technologies 1s done by diversifying production, and not by eliminating other foms of production, with the intent of keeping ail members working (Fernandes. 2000:230).

in addition. the profits are distributed arnong members according to work performed and, depending on the decisions taken by the majority in the cwperative, reinvested accordlng to needs in order to improve quality of life and/or the efaciency of economic activities (e.g. in infrastructure for production, childcare, creation of collective dining roomsl. Table 3.1 presents a comparison between traditionai cooperatives and MST cooperatives. Table 3.1 A Cornparison between Traditional Cooperatives and MST Cooperatives MST Settlen' Coopentive Rural farmen Smallholders (settlen or not) SmaU producers and the& familles CapitaUsts Only worken Workers Permanent and temporary Members. Temporary wage wage laborers. labrers are hired only when Smaiholders there Is insumcient members' workforce Agricultural and livestock Agribusiness productfon. commercialization. Agribusiness The minarit. who owns the The majority takes decisions on most capital controls everything that goes on in the decision-rnaklng cwperative Annual assemblies Monthly assemblles Executive Council Representatives of sectors Council Matribution of Members are not able to The decislon is taken by the remdnderm control majority (coletivo). It L generally distributed according to the quantity and quality of work performed. and accordlng to the release of activlsts to the MST. 1t fs done through provision of services. in kind. or monetary vaiue. Top-down planning. From below to the top. Each Bureaucrats and the sector prepares its own work directorate decides plan, which requires approved during assembly Technologîcd Since it employs wage Since it cannot lay off members innovation uersus laborers, when adopting nor have idle workforce. when employment new technologies it tntroducing new technologies it genention behaves as a private attempts to diversify production enterprise and there is a to maintain work tendency to lay off some workers Miint.lni tendency for Contrlbutes to rural Lncome and cripihl development based on improved concentratlm living standards for members and families. Source: From Fernandes, 2000. p.230.

Therefore. the goals of this mode1 are not oniy econornic, such as irnproving productivity and quaiity of produce, but alsu social and politlcal, through investments in social infrastructure and servlces, the promotion of organizatlonal and ducational Iniüatives. and the integrailon and uniilcatian of Merent categories of rural workers (settlers and landless workers] inta one single stmggie. niese political, socio-economlc and cultural goals wiii be discussed in more detail in the following sections.

The contributions of the MST to the poUttcal dimension of sustainability are related to its attempts in promoting equity and popular participation for the poorer segments of the rural population, Equity is especially king promoted by implementation of agrarian reform, prompted in large extent by a strong mobilization of the movement in several states. The redistribution of land is a significant step toward more equltable development, since landless people are provlded with productive resources to fulflll their most basic needs, An important achievement of the MST has been to make the question of agrarian reforrn one of the top priorities of the govenunent (Fohde Sao Paulo, 20/02 /97), which has translated into more fdesbeing settted during the Cardoso administration than in previous administrations. This has been quite an achievement, particuiarly since most acadernics and policymakers in Brazil no longer view agrarian reform in Brazii as a necessity. As mentioned in chapter 2, the agrarian reform debate has been dominaled in recent decades by arguments clalming that economic development of agriculture could very well occur without a redistribution of land. Current arguments against the economic need for agrarian reform are largely based on the growth of non-fm employment as an alternative to landlessness and nual employment (Graziano da Silva and Del Grossi, 200 1). The experience and stniggle of the MST, on the other hand, provide enough evidence that agrarian reform is not only desirable for social purposes, but for economic, ecoIoglcal, and also poiitical ends.

Popular participation is being promoted through the encouragement of democratfc participation in acampamentos and settkments. This depends on strong organization of the movement to mobilize and organize the landless In nsral Br&. The organization and mobilization is possible due to the work of MST activists, in different regions of Brazll, in trylng to raise the landless' political awareness about their condition of exclusion, and to encourage them to join the stmggle of the MST. Participation in mampamentos and Settlements is highiy encouraged by the MST, and is characterized by its democratic nature, where decisions are reached by the majority. Examples of popular participation wfll be aven in chapter 4.

As the MST has recently enjoyed increasing public recognition, it has also gained a greater presence in major discussions concerning agrarian reform, receiving attention from policymakers and acadernics in discussing the question of land refom in Brazil. As such, the MST is represented in al1 major seminars. congresses, events. and govemment consultations related to the questions of land reform and family agriculture. It fiequently contributes to ideological discussions on such matters, as weil as shaping related policies and programs.

This section wiU examine the significance of the struggle of the MST at the poiittcal dimension to social sustahabllîty. This wül be done by exploring how the MST encourages popular participation, the protection of human rights and women's rights, and leadership formation. and by exploring the role of interna1 and extemal support to the overall struggle of the MST.

Increased participation in the movement has resulted in the creation of new struggles and the broadening of demands within the movement. such as women's rights, youth rights. education, and health. This transformation of the MST 1s in part due to the involvement whole families in the movement. that is, women. men. youth. elderly people, and chüdren. The involvement of Merent age groups and people from di£ferent backgrounds have been referred by Fernandes (2000) as a major element of the MSTs popular charmter (2000:84). According to Fernandes,the popular character of the MST reinforces the poiitical strength of the movement, especiaiiy because whole families participate in the stniggle of the MST, and this aspect in turn has transformed the stmggle for land into a broader struggle for dignity and Me [2000:84]. However, this diversity of people and interests may also sometimes produce conîllcts within the movement that are diîilcult to resolve, and may impact negatively on local parüdpation and cooperation. At the national level, Merences may lead to the creation of independent movements or groups (e.g. creation of the MhilTR (Movement of Women Rural Workers). The split of a movement into smalier ones is not necessarily a problem to sustainabfflty, but may, under certain circumstances, decrease the bargaining power of the movement. At the level of settlements, Merences may also prevent settlers from creating more complex forms of coUecUve organization. Some researchers have argued that such associations or cooperatives typically may not prosper due to dmerences in fields such as culture. traditions, and interests (Zimmermann, 1994). It has ken found that in settlements where settlers had diverse backgrounds and characteristics (determined by factors such as ethnic backgrounds, family composition, work experience), cooperation was more difficult to achieve (Zimmermann, 1994). For example. in the settlements that took place in Farm Etel (located in a municipality in the vicinity of Porto Alegre (RS)), settlers were idenufiecl as belonging to two major ethnic groups: settlers referred to as 'deortgem', which would include descendents of three or four generations of Gerrnan and ltalian immigrants, and sefflers referred to as 'caboclos', 'brasiletros',or 'bugres',which would include settlers with a Portuguese, Spanlsh, or indigenous ancestry. The 'de origem' settlers were more prone to collective organization and cooperation, whiie 'caboclos' were more keen on being indivfduaiistic or participatlng in less rigid forms of participation and coilective work (Zimmermann, 1994: 217- 18).

MST acampamentos and settlements are polltical spaces where the stniggle of the MST for social justice and more inclusive forms of development can flourish. One important element that encourages self-managed and democratic forms of organization is the formation of a coilective identity. The formation of a coilective identity 1s typically advanced via the participation of sefflers or acampados in Merent activities and through the&willingness to take on tasks and responsibilities. This participation WUbe referred to in this thesis as educational experiences. nie educational experiences attained during the various stages of stniggle52 are signîficant contributions to the inclusion of many poor smallholders and landless into the rurai development process. By educational experiences 1 am referring not only to formal training and education. but most importantly to the broader experiences of organization and solidarity that occur in acampamentos and settlements. Such reintegration is especially made possible through increased access to land and other productive resources, factors which the landless had previously been denied. Such participation 1s facffltated by the experiences attained in land occupations. in which higher levels of organization are attalned in order to surpass the many difaculties related to lack of land and other productive assets. education. and health services. This moment in the lives of many rural families 1s the Ume when they are most active as members of a strong cornmunity with well-dehed goals.

Education and political awareness are also vital in order to maintain strong organization and participation in acampamentos and settlements. In settlements. participation and collective organization are especially necessary to attain higher levels of collective organization of production. They can also encourage the political formation of settlers, particularly via experiences of participation and bottom-up forms of decision-making that promote a democratic and inclusive administration of the settlement. Participation and bottom up participatory models of development also seem to encourage individuals to become more interested in electoral politics. There are increasing numbers of sefflers who are chooslng to nui for elections (field notes]. In addition to encouraging the landless into entering politics, participatory models of development may also promote more accountability. transparency and representativeness in the political system.

52 These stages include mobiiization before and after land occupations, orgarlization in settlements, interna1 organization of the movement.

75 Settlem' Puticipaüon in the M?3T Struggle

Once sefflements are fonned, the MST not oniy encourages the formation of associations or cooperatives to enhance the competitiveness and the economic viabiiity of the sefflers, but it aiso seeks to integrate these local associations into the overall national struggle of the MST. According to Fernandes (2000:85), the struggle of the MST oniy starts with the struggle for land. especially since, once Settlements are created, sefflers are conhnted with new diverse obstacles and needs that require further stniggie and organization (e.g. need for electrical power, education, productive assets, roads). He states that: "[tlhe conquest of land is not the end of the struggle; it is always the starüng point. The landless have been learning in their joumey that those who stniggle only for land will eventuaiiy fhd their end in their land. To lose the iink with the workers' organization is to fali into isolation. (2000:85)".This statement is one of the Brst lessons learned by the MST reference. The formation of associations or collective groups is, therefore, one way of preventing isolation and the return to a condition of landless. And. in addition to that, such formation aiso beneflts the MST at the broader regional and national scales through settlers' support and participation in the overall stmggie of the MST.

Human Riahta and Loadermbiu Formation

This section will explore the MSTs position in relation to human rights and its construction of leadership.

The MST and the Protection of Human Rlghtr

The protection of human rights is a basic element of social equity and democracy, and is desirable for social sustainabiiity. The contributions of the MST in this area have been in: (1)denouncing violations of human rights: (2) organizing a network of lawyers that support and represent the MST in cases of repression, incarceration, torture, and murder; and (3)educatlng landless workers, in the various courses and events pmmoted by the movement. especiaiiy about the essential and basic rights of Brazillan citizens and, more specificaiiy, about agrarian legislation. According to the MST, one of the main problems concerning the lack of justice in incidents of violence and repression against landless workers is that in local regions the judiciary system tends to be biased toward and to represent the interests of the latifundüwbs (Guedes Pinto. 1995). Hence. the MST requests that al1 crimes against human rights be dealt within the Federai Judiclary System. The law is currently in the Senate waiting for approval.

Emphaair on the Formation and Education of Youth

Leadership formation and education of youth is of much concern for the MST. This concem is justifled by the lack of opportunities for young people in rurai and urban areas, e.g. in view of the lack of access to land and the lack of skills. It is also a strategic way to strengthen the stmggle by not relying on a few leaders. The MSTs youth are active and take part in various meetings. festivals and seminars so as to foster integration, cwperation, and solidarity (e.g. State Meeting of Youth in Pemambuco. in settlement 'Herbert de Souza' (14 to 16/08/ 1998).Also, the MST organizes meetings for chîidren too. so that they become involved with the MST struggle. In MST meetings. MST children are called sem-terrinha, or an affectionate way of calling children sem-terra53. These meetings are called Meetings of the sem-terrfnha Examples of these is the Third State Meeting of the Sem-Terrtnha, which took place in October 1998 in Pernambuco.

Women in Struggîe: An fncreuin~Role in Leadenhip

The inclusion of goals related to women's roles and equaiity reflects the increasing involvement of women in the leadership of the movement and the infiuence exerted by other related movements on the protection of women's rights. The MST recognizes that 'machisrno' is very much present in rural areas and, in one way or another, this 'machtsmo' is reflected in organizations and movements. Since the formation of the MST. there has been a graduai

53 Sem-teninhais a term used to refer to both landless children horn the MST. and children whose familles have been seffled. understanding that the role of women within the movement should not only be at the social, but also at the economic and political levels. At the time of the Brst major land occupations, the MST started to recognlze the important role of women in the success of land occupations and sefflements. Then, Uffle by little, the MSTs demands and goals were transforrned to include a larger role for women in the productive organization of sefflements and in leadership.

nie MST encourages women to become active members of cooperatives and/or associations. This posture is of particular devance to transforming the role of women, particularly when contrasted to other Latin American cooperatives, where usually only male household 'heads' are members. Women are behg recognlzed for their contributions at the level of declsion-making in improving the quality of life in assentamentos, (e.g., investments in collective dining rooms, daycare faciiities, laundry rooms, recreational facilitles). Thus, the contribution of women has been particularly felt in the social development of settlements to improve living conditions (Zimmermann. 1994).Womenare also being recognized, and they themselves are recognizing their potential. in production, especially in the industriaiization of many primq products (e.g., bread products, jams, dry fruits) (field notes).

The number of female leaders is constantly growing under the MST. (In the national executive there are 6 women and 15 men). This greater participation in leadership is a product of the strong contribution and role of women in stniggle, parUcularly since these positions are elected at the regional level.

The role of women in the struggle of the MST is therefore a key element in the success of acampamenbs and assentamentos. Women's role in the social and economic development of settlements has especialiy helped to reduce discriminatfon and subrnission. It 1s important to cléulfy at this point that these results have been attained through the application of coilective forms of organization in sefflements, whether in associations or cooperatives, where women are members, and therefore, are encouraged to participate in various levels of decision-making. At the present Ume, the growing strength of the movement is due both to the strong internai support and participation received by its members, whether aMunpados or settiers, and to the extemal support received from outside organizations. groups, NGOs, and individuals.

in terms of intemal support, as 1 mentioned before, the MST encourages settlements to support and participate in the overail struggle. Such support is usudly maintained through the work of MST local leaders and activists that network between different Settlements, and by the existence of a political representative in settlements whose work is to interact with the MST as a whole. In this way, the MST can also achieve considerable support for local publc events/protests to help particular settlements or for nation-wide demonstrations such as the 'Matcha da Reforma Agraria' (The Agrarian Reform March) in February 1997. The existence of a political representative in settlements is also instrumental to achieve the support of local governrnent institutions, state education secretaries, mayors, state govemors. and various organizations in civil society, such as NGOs or other movements. An illustration of this was the recent visit of Mirio Covas, the State Governor of Sao Paulo, to an MST agroindustrial cooperative in the state of Sao Paulo. At this opportunity, the settlement. which was strategically represented by MST national leader José Rainha Jr. (state of SAo Paulo), requested the paving of roads in much of the site. The govemor, who was quite impressed by the productivity and sociai development of the cooperative and the settlement as a whole, agreed to the request (Foiha de Sao Paulo. 091 l8/2OOO).

As for extemal support, one can distinguish between organizations that voluntarily or by request support particular settiements (e.g. by transferrlng technical knowledge. volunteers. andior funds), and other organizations with whom the MST shares broader goals. At many demonstrations over the years, the MST has often been accompanied by representatives of other organizations, whether social movements, unions, or formal organizations, Technical or logistic support glven to the MST by domestic and international organizations is usually dlrected to settlements. for production purposes (e.g. more sustainable technology. processing of primary producst) as weil for the promotion of social development (e.g. education. acquisition of technical skills). The MST has received support from NGOs and other organizations (e.g. Savoir-Partage, Manos Abiertas, OXFAM, IICD (Institute for International Cwperation and Development)).Asan illustration, we can refer to the support being given by the French association, "Savoir Partage", to settlements situated in the RecOncavo Bahiano (in the state of Bahla)54. This support is provided to a particular region of Bahia, but any help in the stmggle of the MST is a signtûcant step towards ending. or at least reducing, illiteracy in settiements and acamparraentos.

In addition, the MST has established important alliances wlth other movements, in partlcular with the global peasant organization, Via Ccvnpesfna55. The significance of these alliances transcends the irnmediate goals of the MST, since it means that the MSTs struggle is being extended to the global level. From the results of the World Social Forum, organized in Porto Alegre (RS)in January 200 1, it seems that the formation of global coalitions between social movements and organizations will become an important strategy to struggle against social exclusion and poverty (Brohman, pers.com.).

Many of the alliances that are created between the MST and other groups are based on solldarity. Shce solidarlty can lead to more exchanges of knowledge and experiences, it can also be seen as an important element that

54 The name of the project translates the support being given to these settlements. that is. *Equip the MST schools, or "Equiperles écoles du MW.

55 Recently (9 August 2001). the joint mobilization of rural movements in Brazil under the name Via Campesina Brasfl (MST. MPA (Movement of Srnall Producers), MAB (Movement of the Affected by Dams), MMTR (Movement of Women Rural Workersl), protested against the government's proposeci cuts for rural credit under PRONAF (for family agriculture) of 56% for crop season 2001-2002. Their mobîiization was effective, and the govemment stated that no cuts wouid be made. Rural credit for family agriculture under PRONAF for that season will total 4.4 biliion reais (USS1.66 buon) (Folhade Sao Paulo, 09 August 2001 :MST, 200 Id). enhances sustainabiIity, 1 consider the creation of partnerships and alliances with other organizations in civil Society to be a crucial contribution of the MST to aii the dimensions of sustainabiiity. Depending on the specialization of the organizations that fonn alliances with the MST. such as environmental NGOs, and on the hdof partnership or support offered, there rnay be many different degrees of contributions to sustainabiiity. Examples of such contributions will be offered in chapter 4.

The MST aims to reduce poverty, improve the quality of life of its members, and foster the political awareness and participation of its members. Thus, it attempts to provide the necessary means for rural workers to become reai citizens, and exercise their rlghts as citizens in areas such as education, housing, land, health, culture, and work. It attempts to liit landless workers out of their previous condition of marginalization and exclusion from real ciüzenship.

The MSTs concem with quality of Me may impact favorably on sustainabiiity through the encouragement of social and economic development of settlements. As such, the MST encourages, as much as possible, sefflements to invest in the provision of services, basic infrastructure, and recreational opportunities. It supports the creation of health ciinics within the Settlements and the use of alternative medications based on herbs (much of this knowledge has been passed through generations). Among the constraints and limitations to achieve better living standards, are the problems associated with maklng a settiement productive and economicaiiy viable. These aspects were covered in the previous section on the economic dimension of sustainabLI1ty.

The contributions of the MST to education are impressive. and reflect the centrality of education to the success of the MSTs struggle. According to the MST, the struggle for land reform cannot proceed without the attainment of better education, which is seen by the movement as a needed social right to attain full citizenship. The MSTs view on education is highly lnfluenced by the work of Paulo Freirese. nius, education is seen as a key factor helping people think criticaiiy and creatively about their realities, so as to devise solutions to the& own problems. In view of the many difilculties present in rural Brazil, education is more than ever an essential right that can make a difference in the struggle of the MST. The two great obstacles to the democratization of education according to the MST are the lack of schwls and educational professionals in rural areas, and the poor quality of education. In order to address these problems. the MST stmggles to improve education through mobilization, organization. and solidarity (http://www.mst.org.br, September 23, 2000). This involves mobiiizing and organizing forces in Society that can contribute to the formation of new schwls, to teaching, and to the reduction of illiteracy in Brazil. In view of the little infrastructure for education in Brazil, such attempts require solidarity and cwperation. The practical achievements of the MST sector on education wiU be examined in chapter 4.

The educationai sector of the MST is well represented by educational professionals that attempt to apply new popular models of education to serve as tools for freedom. In order to increase literacy rates and conscientiously irnprove the education of members, the MST encourages the formation of schools in settlements. The ways by which the MW forms schools in anunpamentos and settlements wiU be addressed in chapter 4.

To expand and interchange experiences in the area of heath, the MST created the Brst health collective group, or Coletioo de Scuide, in 1998, which is the

56 Paulo Freire is one of the most weii-known educators of Our tirnes. His work has been influential to many professors and professionals from other fields. The main arguments that are fdowed by the MST are the role of education as a culturai expression and the importance of autonomous educational practices, when appiied to its rurai/urban contexts. as instruments to increase the organization and power of the oppressed. most recent sector in the movement (Fernandes, 2000:226).The interest of the MST in the question of health started in 1997. when the federal governent removed 3.5 billion reais (US2.9billion) from the health sector budget. The cuts in spending for the health sector affected several services, such as health carnpaigns for diseases such as dengue, yellow fever, and malaria.

The Hedth Sector of the MST has launched a campaign to encourage the use of traditional medicines based on herbs and medicinal plants. According to the MST, this 1s a way to overcome the dependency on medications produced by multinationals, as well as a way to preserve and promote popular knowledge on the use of medicinal plants. To reach this end, the MST Heaith Sector is counting with the partnership of the Northeastern Center of Popular Medicine, or Centro Nordestho de Medicina Popular (CNMP). The CNMP is a NGO whose goals are to educate and provide technicd experience and knowledge on the use of popular medicines based on medicinal plants. The work of the CNMP is fùianciaiiy supported by nine organizations57. It started a partnership wlth the MST in March 1999. The main goals of the partnership are: (1) to cany out research on the epidemiologicai profile of diiferent states; (2) to create 'Live Pharmacies' everywhere in Brazil (this will be further explored in chapter 4): (3) to train MST members to take part in the health councils and in the formulation of recommendations and policies on health issues.

The Role of Culture in S-

The concentration of land and productive resources, as well as the concentration of the corporate media, are not conducive to the transmission of rural culture across generations. In Brazll, there has been a tendency to value foreign Ufestyles, particularly those assoclated with the American way of Ufe, to the detriment of traditional or indigenous counterparts. Much of this influence is passed through television programs that portray lifestyles that are far removed from the Brazilian reality (discussed in chapter 2). In addition, much

57 Mi serior (Gemnany), Mirnisa (Hoiiand),Cafod (England). CMstlan Aid (England]. Irocaire (Ireland), Manos Unidas (Spain), Angiican Church (Canada),Sesi (Bahia, B&). and Ceris (Rio de Janeiro. Brazil). of Brazillan rural Me is perceived as backward and unpromising (Poli, 1999). These factors are certainly not conducive to the sustainabiiity of rurai culture. and much is in danger of being lost since rurai areas are rich in many aspects of culture, as we can see from cultural expressions such as music, arllfacts, and festivitles [e.g. ùança do X~cado(Xaxado Dance), from the Northeast region).

Culturai expressions. such as musical performances and plays, have become important elements of most demonstrations, meetings, occupations, marches, and protests organized by the MST. This support is a struggle to presexve rural culture and to value what is traditionally rural in Bd.These cultural expressions, which are often created by M!3T landless or settlers. reflect the daily Ufe and struggle of being a sem-terra. Thus, the MSTs initiatives to preserve and foster rurai culture are valuable steps to promote rural Me. These, however, also depend on transfonning rural areas into promising areas in tems of qualiîy of life and income generating opportunities.

At another level, the role of culture is also important in the MSTs struggle by helping construct a collective identity. By supporting rural culture. the MST is aiso supporting the 'culture of the sem-terra', in which landless workers are self-identified as a class organization that is constantly evolving to include contributions from people with diverse backgrounds and origins. The fortiacatlon of the culture of the sem-terra becomes a unlfying element that integrates diîierent categories of rural workers (identlfied in chapter 1) into one large class of workers, including landless and sefflers.

The struggle of the sem-terra is represented by difFerent symbols such as the color red, which represents ali the blwd that has been spffled in struggle, and the couple that is portrayed on the MST flag, which represents the spirit of unity of workers, men, women and youth, in the struggle for fieedom (Fernandes, 2000: 188).As an observer, 1 have witnessed, in severai demonstrations58, all MST members wearing red MST T-shirts, and many

58 in the cities of Brasüia, Curitiba. and Fiorianopoiis, duhg 1996-1998, and 2000.

84 carrying symbols of their stniggle and resistance. which are the enxada (hm) and the fa& (machete).

Rural development plans in recent decades have produced many negative effects on the environment, as outhed in chapter 2. Given the especially negative effects of Green Revolution technologies on the environment (outiined in chapter 2), the MST is king careful to recommend more sustainable fonns of agricultural production. The MSTs posture in relation to the environment is to protect it and avoid any practice that is not sustainable or that may lead to its degradation. The MST' believes that the struggle for the democratization of access to land should not lead to the depletion of natural resources. To avoid such problems. the MST attempts to: (1) combine ecological sustainability wlth productive activities in settlements; and (2) pressure the government to support policies that protect the environment and encourage research on ecologically sustainable technologies.

Rerearch for Environmentaüy Friendly Roduction Systemr for SmaUholders

The MST believes that the technologies made available and passed on by government rural extension organizations are not appropriate for small producers nor for ecological sustainability (http:/ /www.mst.org.br). Rurai development plans in Brazil, particularly during the miUtary dictatorship (1964-1985). including the formulation of agrarian reform legislation, were designed to modenilze agriculture, especiaiiy to increase production and export of agricultural products. Under this broad goal, technologies supported in Brazil were chosen to increase yielding and productlvity based on the use of mechanization and chernical inputs. Such changes are not socially sustainable since rural Brazil is characterized by a relatively hi@ population (21%). if compared to the US (9g) and Canada (96). of which a high percentage are pooS9. Such modemization caused a decrease in the demand for rurai labour. which increased rural poverty. and a relative deterioration of smallholders competitivity vis-à-vis large producers60. and tumed many producers dependent on inputs that axe harmfui to the environment.

Therefore, the MSï demands that the govemment encourages research for technologies that are environmentaliy friendly and appropriate for farnily agriculture. It is also educating the population, through public demonsttations and marches, that changes are needed in dpolicy so as to address the needs of smallholders. These policy recornmendations are an initial step towards creating larger coalitions of groups demanding more environmentally- Mendly technology.

The MST has become an important organization opposing the entry of transgenics into Brazillan agriculture. At the ecological level, its disapproval ts related to the lack of thorough research about its safety to consumers (little is known about how toxins or allergenic substances in GMOs work in the long term), and to the environment (the exchange of genes with other plants can produce unstable organisrns) (Giuliani, 2000: 18). At the socio-cultural and economic level, the market for transgenics 1s characterlzed by an oligopoly of seeds producers mund the world (Giuliani, 2000: 19).Because of thL, the MST sees the use of transgenics as a new phase in the process of globalization and capitaiist penetration of developing countries agriculture. Arnong the harrnful effects of this situation, are that once producers become dependent on hybrid seeds and on particular accompanying inputs, transnational enterprises61 gain

59 For statlstics refer to chapter 2.

60 Due to the fact that rural poiicies benefited prlmarüy large and medium producers. as argueci in chapter 2.

61 In the U.S.A., transgenic seeds are under the conîrol of Monsanto (88%).Aventis (8%).and Novartis (4%)(Cidiani. 2000: 14). monopoly power to control pdces and production, especlally due to the question of property rfghts and the concentration of knowledge. Such technology may benefit parücular producers that are able to invest in this technology, provided that there is a demand for these products, In a country, where the majority of the niral population is stniggling to sunrlve, dependency on these autside industries would form a new obstacle to the competitiveness of smallholders.

The ways by whîch the MST settiements are turntng production more sustainable in ecological terms is by avoiding as much as possible the use of pesticides and other chernical inputs. Many settlements have tumed to organic production. Another way by which settlements are trying to become more sustainable is by diversifying the& production. The diveniiication of production is beneflcial as a safety net, in case a particular crop is aflected, and also as a way for settlers ta become more self-sumcient. In settlements, where forests Wst. the MST Neyrecommends that alternative production choices be sought. The sustainable extraction of resources, such as nuts, or honey. may become gwd sources of revenue for settlers. without resorting to deforestation.

Some of these recommendations may be difacult to implement in view of the scarce technical training and skills of the majority of the settlers. Therefore, to combine production with ecological sustainability, the MST recornrnends the creation of partnershlps and agreements between settiements and organizations involved in technology tramfers, such as university research centers, environmental NGOs, and government research institutes. The MST emphasizes the need to:

'.. . create and forge alliances and partnerships with environmental organjzations to acquire additional knowledge about our envimnmental reallty. and encourage collaboration to create joint programs (Mm, 2ooOg)." This statement demonstrates that the MST is aware that sustainable development often cannot be achieved without the collaboration of other environmental institutions and organizations. in the experience of MST settiements, these organlzations have often been NGOS~~.

The MWNational Confederatlon of Agrarian Reform Cooperatives of Brazîi (CONCRAB) has been an important organization in promoting the exchmge of knowledge about sustainable techniques between technology transfer organizations and settlements. It has done so by promoting serninars and discussion groups with environmental organizations. At the level of settlements, CONCRAB has also encouaged settlements to exchange knowledge about sustainable techniques between themselves, as well as about their successes and failures in applying sustainable production techniques, such as the production of agroecological seeds, and alternative pest control measures. Issues related to environmental sustainability and sustainable forrns of production have become important elements to be studied and discussed in accunpamentos and settlements. In addition to these contributions, CONCRAB has also supported settlements to plant trees wherever possible.

Concludinn Commenta

The MST is responding to the pwr conditions faced by landless and settlers by trying to produce alternatives to the problem of landlessness and to the accompanying obstacles that impede smallholders from becoming economkally viable. It is responding to these in three different ways: (1) by pressurlng the state for agrarian refonn and policies that provide credit and technical extension: (2) by mobiiizing, educating, and organizing landless workers; and (3)by creating internai and extemal networks with organizations that support acampamentos and promote the economic vlability of ussentmentos.

The use of land occupations and the nation-wlde demonstrations have been valuable tools to pressure the goveniment to expand agrarian refoms. The initiatives of the movement to provide services that are not included in the

62 Examples of NGOs that work in partnership with the MST and its settlements are: Instituto Vianei, Mani Tese (Italy), Savoir Partage and Frères des Hommes (France), Action Aid. OXFAM. agrarian reform programs are of parücdar signiflcance to the development of settlements. In settlements that have opted to work collectively or to fonn associations, quality of Me has dramatically improved, especiaily since the social development of settlernents is emphasized and recomrnended by the MST.

The major limitations and constraints to the success of settlements, however, typically stem from factors such as insufûclent or non-existent infrastructure, diîllculties in cornmercializing production. and high production costs associated with cos@ machinery and other inputs. A significant limitation to the appiication of agricultural cooperation in settlements is the diîllculty of creating a coUecUve identity. The existence of diverse cultural traditions. working backgrounds, and ways of lîfe sometimes have become obstacles to the organization of collective forms of production and organization. Chapter IV The Racticd Contiibutioni of the MST to Sustainabiiity

This chapter will examine how the larger theoretical and policy-oriented initiatives of the MST are being manifested in the real world of the settlements. It WUexamine the role of the MST in prcxiucing practical changes in rural development, and how thcse affect sustainability. For this purpose, thfs chapter will provide some examples on how settlers are coping wlth some of the main challenges related to nuai life in Brazil.

The Economic Dimension

The two main obstacles to the sustainability of srnallholders in Brazil are the lack of access to land and the poor economic competitiveness of smallholders. To offset these obstacles, the MST has promoted the expansion (tenitorialkaça0)of the movement to almost ail of the Brazilian States (except Roraima. Amazonas, Acre, and Amapa). With the increase in settlements of land reform. the MST has found it necessary to improve the econornic viability of sefflements. In some cases. sefflers are unable to become productive and are forced to retum to their previous condition of landiessness. To prevent that from happening, the MST has organized some alternatives to increase settlers' revenue. This section will examine the MSTs organization of land occupations and the MST ways it tries to enhance the competitiveness of settlements.

As seen in chapter 3. the MST encourages and organizes land occupations to force the governrnent (whether the federal or state govemment) to settle landless famiiies. Although it is a national movement, land occupations are organized by state and local leaders of the MST. The orgarilzation of a land occupation starts with the identification of a irztffhdio that is unproductive. Once the WjÜndfois chosen, local leaders spread the word that a new occupation is going to take place in the vicinity. In places where the MST is well known by the local population. recruitment of sefflers is much easier than it was in the past when the htoccupations took place (chapter 11. The meeting place, time and date are set. but information about the property to be occupied is not released to anyone for safety reasons. MST leaders keep that information secret to prevent any action, prfor to the occupation of the property. fkom the police, armed forces, or the owners of the property. When the big day arrives, people willing to take part in the occupation meet at a set place and board trucks or buses that will take them to the property. DNerent people take part in land occupations63, but aii share the dream to eventudy own a piece of land. This wish is what unites these people. Only when they get there, wül they know the name of the property.

Land occupations have often ken successful in pressuring the state to expropriate idle land and use it for agrarlan reform purposes. The strategy of land occupation has accelerated the rate of dispossession of unproductive land and the creation of agrarian reform Settlements, parücularly in the last 5 years. In Brazil, 398 land occupations took place in 1996, and 599 in 1998. The role of the MST is quite signiacant: in 1996,44% of occupations, and 72% of the familles taking part in occupations, were organized by the MST. Other occupations were organized by other mral movements, rural unions, or other popular organizations. Between 1986 and 1997, 77% of the settlements that were created in the South and Southeast regions (e.g., in the states of Mato Grosso do Sul and Goias, and in the states of Ceara. Alagoas, Sergipe and Pernambuco), originated from land occupations (Fernandes, 2000: 300). The rest of the Settlements originated from government initiatives.

Figure 1 shows the growth in settlements during the last two decades, and reflects the importance of land occupations.

63 Sharecroppers. landless workers, landless familles. part-the workers. boius-jirias (seasonal rurai workers). 1 have covered this in chapter 1. Figure 1 Families Settled (1979-1999)

Number of Families Settled per Region 1979-1999

INorth i~ortheastO Centre-West ISoutheast ISouth 1 Source: Data from Fernandes, 2000, pp.267-27 1. These figures reflect the growth and expansion of the MST in most of Bradl. and its central role ln the organizauon and mobliization of landless familles. According to Fernandes (2000),the Ma1s the most organized niral movement, and the only rurai movement that 1s organlzed at the nauonal level. His research has revealed the existence of other groups that use the strate@ of land occupations, most of which have origlnated since 1994. Some of these groups are organized by landless workers, while othen are organized by rural unions, such as the Cm (Pastoral Land Commission), or CONTAG (National Confederation of Agrlcultural Workers).

The Formation of Collective Production Groupa

The support of the MST for agricultural cwperaUves through the creation of the Settlers Cwperative System (SCA), ln 1989, has encouraged the formation and proMeration of associauons of producers at different levels of cooperation, that can range hmsimple associations that share costs of production (e.g. of collective organizauon but are usualiy informai groups, to the formation of formai cooperatives. In 1998, the MST had a total of 81 cooperatives with 13,500 direct members. The number of agricdtural industries sumrned 65 with a total investment of 12 Wonreais (approximately 11 miliion US dollars at the Ume) (Globo Rural 151, May 1998). Associations and cooperatives in different States are organized at the state level in Cooperatiuas Centrais de Refonna AgrW or Central Cooperatives of Agmian Refom, which at the national level form the Confederation of Agrarian Reform Cooperatives of Br&. or Confecieraçcio dus CmperatIuas de Rejom AgrMa do Brasil Ltda. (CONCRAB), whlch was created Ln 1992.

Given the limited technical and administrative knowledge of the majority of settlers, CONCRAB maintains a network of professionais to provide Settlements with assistance in various areas. particularly in technical extension (e.g., production techniques, irrigation choices) and the character of local markets (e.g., what products in demand, what products are over-suppiied. what industriai products have better prices) [Globo Rural 151, May 1998; http://www.mst.org.br). This initiative attempts to provide settlements with the necessary skills and market information to guide choices concerning production, technologies, and commerciaiization alternatives. among other things, so as to improve the competitlveness and viabiîiîy of the cooperative or association, In 1998, cooperatives and associations received support from about 300 professionals [Globo Rural. May 1998).

Technical adLraâersh@ Fmation

The MST has tried dmerent methods to organize settlers and MST leaders through a methodology caiied Organizationd Laboratories, or Laboratorbs Organizacfonais. These laboratories have benabandoned because they left iiffle freedom for innovation, since they wodd emphasize the transfer of knowledge and then the appbcation of that set of knowledge in the form of experirnental laboratories. rather than emphaslzing creative approaches to particdar situations. In vlew of the poor or non-existent educational opportunities in rural Brazil. the MST and CONCRAB have created the Technicd ïnstitute of Rural Extension and Research of Agrarian Refonn, or institut0 Técnfco de CapacüaçaO e Pesqulsa da Refonna Agraria (ITERRA). to pnrvide courses for sefflers and MST leaders in the development of sefflements (e.g. administration of cooperatives, production, support for agrîbusiness, educauon). The Institute is in fact a cmperative whose main activities are organized and adrninistered by students. The role of iTEXRA in the struggle of the Mmis of particular relevance since it provides the population (particularly MST members) wlth courses that apply, whenever possible, the integration of theory and practice. As such, many courses offered by lTERRA encourage students to retum to assentamentos to live a pedagogical experience in which they will put into practice what was Ieamed in theory. (Femandes. 2000).

In addition to the courses provided by KERRA, the MST formed important partnerships in 1998 and 1999 wlth ITERRA and the University of the Vale do Rio dos Sinos (Unisinos).in Sao kopoldo (RS),and the University of Brasilia (UnB)to mate a Course in 'Specialization and Extension in the Administration of Cwperatives' (CEACOOP). ITERRA and CONCRAB have also established partnerships with the State University of Campinas (UNICAMP) and the University of Brasilla (UnB) to train technicians in the areas of administration of cooperatives (TAC). administration of assentamentos (TAA), and administration of cooperatives (CEACOOP). The course on the administration of cooperatives is an initiative to enhance the performance of cooperatives through emphasis on better coordination, administration, and agronomy (Femandes, 2000: 245).

The need to better educate and train MST members has led to the creation of a national carnpaign to construct a MST National School, or Escoia Nacional do MST. Thnie School is to be a centre for education and leadership formation. Construction is being hanced by a carnpaign launched in late 1998, and donations are being received hmdifferent organizations and individuals, such as photographer Sebastiâo Salgado and composer Chico Buarque de Holanda64.

In~tmcîureand Resourccs

Problems originating hmlack of infrastructure and other resources Vary hm settlement to settlement, and largely depend on the nature of production that previously took place on the property. For most settîements, there is virtuaUy no infkastnicture exisüng. Most settlements start from scratch. The most cornrnon problems associated with infrastnichire are the non-existence or poor state of roads that provide access to local markets. interna1 infrastructure is usually obtained gradually, whenever credit 1s not a problem, and depends on the workforce of settlers. Depending on the degree of cooperation in settlements, mutir6es (collective work) are created to constnict common buildings. The avaiiability of credit is of utmost importance to the success of the settlement since considerable investment Ln infrastructure is needed in the Brst stages of organlzation and production in settlements.

One of the problems that further ümits ecological sustainabîiîty 1s the use of technologies that are not envlronrnentally friendly (e.g. burning. deforestation. excessive use of agrichernicals). Although the MST proposes environmentaliy friendly productfon processes through environmental awareness projects and through the provision of technical and leadership courses. in practice they are seldom put in practice. Therefore, the major constraints to ecological sustalnabiiîty are sefflers' iimited environmental awareness, lack of training concerning environmentally friendly technologies, and the lack of rural credit.

64 That is. aU of the proceedings from the sale of Salgado's exposition cded "TERRA*, and the related book TERRA" wiii be given to the building of the school. AU the proceedings from the Chico Buarge CD entiUed TERRAœWU also be used to bufld the school. Commercialiration and Marketing

The cooperatives or associations linked to CONCRAB are marketing their products with a special MST-CONCRAB logo. In April2000, durlng my last trip to Florianopolis, Santa Catarina, 1 met members of a MST cooperative in a local supermarket who were placing pasteurized long Ufe milk cartons on shelves. The carton had a clear and visible logo of the MST with the words "Produbs da Reforma Agrar[aw.or "Products of the Agrarian Reform". This logo is placed on al1 products originating from MST settlements. The MlFT logo represents the commitment of cooperatives to the stmggle of the MST, and is a marketing strategy to make MST products better known to consumers. Marketing of production is becoming an area of investment for many cooperatives. Brands are being created in several States. In Santa Catarina. these are Terra Vlua, or Live Land. In Parana: Prociutos da Terra, or Products of the Land. In Rio Grande do Sul: Fh~tosda Terra, or Fruits of the Land; and in Sào Paulo: Sabor do Campo, or Taste of the Countryside (Globo Rural, May 1998).The creation of brands that identifL MST products can definitely help settlements overcome some of the problems associated with commercialization, such as the lack of markets for some products in the surrounding areas of settlements, and the lack of standards for their products. It may aiso improve demand for speciai products. especiaily for organic produce and processed products. For example, the MST has launched the brand Bbnahv to market agroecological seeds produced in MST settlements.

in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, another way by which settlements [whether cooperatives or not) are marketlng their products is by organlzing local public markets where their products can be sold directly to consumers. Public markets are aiso a way for the cooperatves to make public theIr achievements as successful examples of settlements of land reform. An example of this is the work of the Central Cooperative of Settlers of Rio Grande do Sul, or Cooperaiiva Central dos Assentados do Rio Grande do Sul (COCEARGS). The COCEARGS organizes an annual event called the State Festival of Agrarian Reform. which takes place in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre. The last festival took place in October 2000 (Mm/RS website. November 2000). These events are organtzed to increase public support for agrarian reforms and to market the settlements' products. The festival tncludes a wide range of products. which serves as an example of the choice for the diver~iflcationof production in settlements and cooperatlves.

Some settiements are also participating at major independent events. such as livestock festivals. which promote the exhibition and trading of Uvestock and related products, and are usualiy restrlcted to large farmers. Thus, at the Expointer (1999),which is the main agricultural and livestock festival of Brazii, cooperatives of the state of Rio Grande do Sui participated.

The need to impmve the cornmerciaikation of MST products has dso led to the creation of MST supermarkets and stores. As seen in chapter 3, one of the main reasons for the scarce revenue received by many small producers is their lack of control over the commercialization process. In the state of Rio Grande do Sul, the first supermarket of the MST (actually it is owned by a cooperative but they refer to it as a MST supermarket) was inaugurated in October 1999. and 1s owned by the MmCooperative of Agricultural and Uvestock Production of the SettIements of Charqueadas [COPAC). State govemor of Rio Grande do Sul, Olivio Dutra (PT), participated in the inauguration of the supermarket in the city of Charqueadas (RS),and stated that: "the organlzed urban and rural population, acting together. can alter the reality, and stop king used by the powerful, and become agent of its own society." This statement reflects the admiration of the PT65 govemor with the achievements of the cooperative and of the MSTs struggle ln general. The supennarket 1s iike any other supermarket but Mers In its supply of Gesh produce, which is grown without any pesticides or agrochemicals and 1s guaranteed to be non-transgenic. Its president, Valcir Ramlro de Oliveira, comrnented that "we want to offer consumers cheap products that are free of agrotoxics, generate revenue and employment, and increase the vaiue of our products." (Jomal do Brasil 28/ 10/ 1999). This statement iliustrates the

The PT (Workets' Party) is a political party that was born out of mionisrn in the late 1970s. It bas since become an important party in Brazil. adoption of the cooperativist mode1 proposed by the SCA, for it combines an ecological concem to grow organic produce. and socioeconornic and political concems to generate revenue and employrnent, and increase the value of production by ellminating commercial intermediaries and by industriaking products. This achievement was made possible by the provision of credit under the program PROCERA. which provided fmds for half of the investment, and from the cooperative's own funds, wNch accounted for the other half. This experience fflustrates the importance of credit to the successful development of agrarian reform settlements.

Similarly, in the state of Sao Paulo, the Central Cooperative of the state of Sao Paulo (CCA-SP) in partnership with CONCRAB has opened a store in the capital (RevfstaSem Terra, May 15, 2001). This store, which 1s called The Agrarian Reform Store, or Lofa da Reforma Agmwas opened on January 14 2001, and sells products from Mmsettlements and cooperatives. such as: beans, cassava flour. rice, honey, presentes, sweets, miik, cheese, fresh produce, and deii products. In addition to the sale of products to the pubiic, the store also works as a commercial warehouse to seli wholesale to other businesses. The existence of a commercial warehouse wiil help particular settlements that produce products in large quantities (e.g. pasteurized milk, beans. grains), since the supply of these products 1s not completely absorbed by local markets as opposed to diversaed fresh produce, whose supply 1s easily met by local demand.

Major Limitations and Obstacles fo the Formafion of Coopemtives and Associafions

For most agrarian refonn settlers, economic conditions are a matter of concern. The First Survey of Agrarian Reform in Brazli (19971. organtzed by the University of Brasilia in collaboration with 29 other universities. revealed that production conditions in most settlements are alarming. It surveyed 1647 settlements in 26 states. and found that 86.5% of settiers work alone in individual plots; 42.9% do not have access to technlcal assistance; 50.396 rely exclusively on private commercial intemediaries to seli their production; and 30% are illiterate. Moreover. subsistence production predominates over production for the market (Globo Rural, May 1998; Fernandes. 2000).Aithough the cwperatives of the MST are better off socially and economically than most other Settlements (Globo Rural. May 1998). they are still facing many challenges. These are especiaily related to the poor generai condition of smallholder agricultural production in Brazil as a whole. and to dflerent degrees of indebtedness (Globo Rural. May 1998).The pwr conditions of agriculture to a certain extent related to the effects of deregulation and liberaüzation and to the accompanylng cuts in credit and rurai extension in recent years, An additional constraint is the low revenue obtained frorn the production of foodstuffs, partkularly grains (e.g.. beans). and the rising costs of production inputs and related infiastnicture (Fernandes, 2000:23 1; Globo Rural, May 1998). Many of these problems are comrnon to small producers In generai in Brazil and other Latin Arnerican countries.

Therefore, even though the MSTs SCA recommends that cooperatives become an alternative to capitalist enterprises, these cooperatives rernain subject to exploitation by overarching capitalist stxuctures. This is not oniy through exploitation of their labor power66, but because of a reliance on costly production inputs. This reliance on production inputs and machinery is dependent to a certain extent on the choice of what is to be produced and what technologies are available. Settlers are often trapped in inappropriate technologies (e.g. technologies that require high investment in capital and/or produce little employment generation) that consume most of their revenue. Such exploitation occurs at different levels. such as through producers' dependence on intermediaries to cornmerclalize production, and through the acquisition of agricultural inputs. machinery and seeds that are relatively expensive. The existence of monopolies for agricultural inputs places considerable stress on the abiiity of mal1 producers to become economtcaily viable. Consequently, Ma.(1981) argues there is a tendency for the appropriation of the revenue of agricultural properties by capital (cited in Fernandes, 2000: 23 1). The combination of the above factors leads many cooperatlves, as well as other sefflements that operate at Merent levels of cooperation, to become increasingiy indebted. Up to now, two MST cooperatives have been dismantled: the COPAJOTA (Cooperatioa de Raltqdo Agropecuarta Padre Josfmo Tauares) in Promissao (SP). and the Cuoperaiiua de Prociuçüo Nom Ramada in Julio de Casüihos (RS)(Fernandes, 2000:244). They were dismantled particularly due to their inability to finance their productive activities because of insufîlcient revenue.

The MSTs recornmendations, as noted in chapter 3, are for sefflements to divers@ their production so as to sel1 it to local markets (when existent) and become more self-sutllcient. Other alternatives include the transformation of primq products into processed goods. Although this requires higher capital investment (in some cases), revenue is aiso higher. These recornmendations, however, are useless if no credit is avaüable, or if credit needs to be repaid in a short period of Ume at high interest rates. A maJor problem faced by many cooperatives and settlements is they are not yet viable and are required to repay heavy debts. Most of the credit available for production in ment years cornes from the Speciai Credit Program of Agrarian Reform, or Programa de Crédüo Especial de Reforma Agraria (PROCERA), under which loans were to be repaid in two years with interest at 6.5% per year. Accordhg to Adaiberto Martins, executive secretary of CONCRAB, diiliculties in repaying such loans are associated with poor administration and some combination of poor planning of production, poor fertiiity of the soil, and lack of funds to cany on production (Globo Rural, May 1998).

The Sacio-economlc Immct of Settlements on Nei~zhboudnPCommunitiea

The socioeconomic impact of cooperatives on local cornmunitles has not ken the subject of much reaearch (Abramovay, 1994; Fernandes, 20001. It has been noted, however, that the diversified nature of production in sefflements and

66 It has been noted that many family fmers are now seeking work in other sectors of the economy and/or in part-üme agricuitural employment (Medeiros et al. 1994)

100 cooperatives contributes to the supply of cheaper produce in local markets (Fernandes, 2000:239). nie diversification of production contributes to the sustainabfflty of both settlements and local communities by helping to sustain food secufity. This contribution is of particuiar relevance to sustainabiiity since rural poverty and hunger are especially high in rural areas (as noted in chapter 21.

Research conducted in the municipality of Abelardo Luz (Santa Catarina) concluded that settlements in the vicinity of this community contributed to bwsting local markets by increasing demand for pmducts and senrlces. This positive impact to the local economy was experienced despite the difllculties encountered by the settlements, such as those related to the lack and/or poor conditions of roads, and those related to cuts in financing through the PROCERA program. This research concluded that settlements are a viable alternative to boost local development. (Reydon et al. 1999 in Fernandes, 2000: 239-40).

in the States of the South region (Parana, Santa Catarina. and Rio Grande do Sul), the impact of cooperatives on neighbouring communities 1s more visible than in ather regions. In this region. severai settlements have fonned associations and cooperatives. Of al1 the MST cooperatives associated to CONCRAB, 77% are in the South region. Their positive experiences are recognized by local communities, and serve as an incentive to the formation of new cwperatives. It has been noted by Femandes that some cooperatives aiflllated to CONCRAI3 have not originated from MST settlements, but decided to join the confederation to benefit from the agricultural cooperation mode1 supported by CONCRAB and SCA (Femandes, 2000:234).

Concludixut Commenta in the real world of the sefflements, the major obstacles to sustainabiiity and viability are their lirnited access to technical knowledge and training, and the inadequate administration of production and other cooperatives activities. Many cooperatives or collective efforts in sefflements rnay not succeed due to consequent indebtedness and poor intemal administration. Commercialization is often a further problem due to varying quality of products, reliance on monopolistic large industries, and lack of marketing expertise.

Most contributions to sustainability, however, are related to the provision of employment and housing, the overall reduction in poverty, and the general promotion of local rural development. In addition. there have been indications that settlements also contribute to the development of nearby cornmunities, both through the supply of diversified products and through increased demand generated by settlers for services and other products.

The Poiîtîcd Dimension

The contributions of the MSTs struggle over the politicai dimension of sustainability are associated with the provision of alternatives to landless families. The struggle for access to land, productive resources, and rights (e.g. women's rlghts, education, heaith) opens up new choices hmwhich landless families may become small producers. and, in some cases, members of well organtzed associations or cooperatives. This transformation can be seen as the achievement of rights [e.g. rlght to citkenship, to a household, to work, to education), and, at the same Ume, as a process that shows that agrarian reform is viable and important for social, politicai, and economic purposes.

This section will examine how the struggle of the MST pennits and enhances this transformation, and how it may impact on the polltical dimension of sustainabfflty through the encouragement of popula. participation, expanded citizenship, women's right S. and human rights.

The Formation of Citizenr: inclusion

The educational experiences attained during the various stages of str~ggle6~ are significant contributions to the reintegration of a portion of a previously

67 Mobilization prior to land occupation, participation and organization in acampamenfos, participation and organization in settlements. mobüization for better conditions for production and reproduction (cg. such as demands to local governments for schools, roads). marginaiized population into the various dimensions of social Me. By educational experiences 1 am referring not oniy to formal training and education, but most importantly to the experiences of organization and solidarity that occur in acampamentos and settlements. This reintegration is made possible by gaining access to land and productive resources, factors that were prevlously exduded hmthe landless' existence. 'ibis reintegration can lead to higher participation in every sphere of social Me, including politics. through the experiences attained in the various stages of stniggle, in which higher levels of organizatfon are expected in order to uvercome the many dittlculties related to lack of land and other productive assets. as well as education, health care and other services. This moment Ln the lives of many rural familles is the time when they are most active as members of a strong community with well-dehed goals. Consciousness raising and political awareness play a key role in the success of land occupations, especially to maintain a strong organization based on a divlsion of tasks, and to encourage the formation of new leadership. The hardships and obstacles that are presented in anunpamentos, however, discomge many Iandless families hom continuing theh struggle. At the level of acampamentos. landless families may be subjected to violence from the owners of the property occupied, to disagreements with the order established in acmntos,and to various hardships such as starvatlon and poor health conditions.

As for electoral politics, participation and bottom-up participatory models of development that encourage individuals to become more interested in politics and the future of the country will also promote more accountabiiity arnong politicians and/or a revised, more participatory political mode1 that better represents its population.

Participation in Acnmpamentor and Aiientuncntor

Participation in acampamentos starts with the arrlval of the sem-terraon the property to be invaded. The area where the ~campamentowiîl be located is cleared and the new 'homes' are built. niese new homes are usually made out of scrap wood and black plastic '&na',and are norrnally sparsely fùrnîshed with items brought by the sem-tema

The organization of the acampamenb is done through the creation of several cornmittees (sebres)to coordinate dinerent aspects of life: education, health. hygiene. information, negotiation. and security. Volunteers for each of those sections. or others that are created accordhg to need. are rapidly recruited. One of the most important sectors is that of security. Security in accunpamentos is of vital importance to the sustainabtlity of the ocampamento. As such, this cornmittee is responsible for controlling the entrance to the acampamento. Entrance is restricted to visitors and fiiends of acampados, and others are admitted at the discretion of the Qcampamentoso as to impede the entrance of rioters (amcaceiros). or anyone that may put in jeopardy the stability of the acampamento. nie mles are very strict; any car that enters the acampamento is checked.

The division of tasks is the basls of the organization in the settlement. This process of social organization is the key contribution of the MST to the construction of civil society, in these comrnunities. Problems that may arise in acampamentos, such as improper behaviour of acampucios, are dealt in assembléias (assemblies).Any person that does not foilow the mles of conduct is expekd fiom the acampamentos. Due to the many hardships faced by landless families, the acampamentos are very strict with what is acceptable and what is not. For example. drunk people are not aliowed to enter the acarnpamenb, even if they live there.

in assentamentos, new settiers often experience dimculties related to the sphere of production (e.g. lack of capital goods. Limited credit. poor or non- existent roads, lirnited technical or administrative SUS)or to the sphere of reproduction (e.g. iittie or no access to education, health clinics. housesl. Not only do sefflers often have to think about what kind of productive organization they are going to frnplement. but they dso need to think about ways to facilitate their socid reproducüon, such as in the provision of basic fnfrastructure, education, community involvement, and access to financial institutions.

During this process of adapüng to their new realities, settlers may often become very active in interacting with &sting social institutions and local governments. This interaction oRen seems to become easier over time since they are gradua@ able to vlew society, with ongoing support, in a diiierent way. FWor to their involvement with mobilization and direct acUon they were normally incapable of thinking about themselves as transfonning agents: as time passes in the settlements, they are more conildent about thetc force as collective agents capable of transfonning their reality.

In terms of the overail MST stniggle, the ongoing support of various MST settlements expands the broad stmggle for agrarian reform and a more just society. The support of MST sefflers for agrarian reform is of utmost importance to the overall movement since it allows for a coalition of dmerent groups (settlers and landless) to unite and collectively stniggie against the many adversities that stem from discriminatory mainstream rural development plans and the considerable political power of loie[jundiarbsmin various levels of government.

The Education and Political Formation of the Youth

As noted in chapter 3, leadership formation is of major concem to the MST. As an example of this cornmitment. thls year (2001)the MST is launching a National Program of Formation [Programa Nacforial de FonnaçaO) to form new leaders in al1 of the states in which the MST Is organized (23 states). The campaign seeks to train 20 youth per state to become leaders who will then cover neighboring rural areas to raise people's consciousness about the many inequaüties present in rural Brazil (MST, 2001).

68 The power of falifiiarios L considerable in Brazil. especiaiiy due to the fact that intluential economic groups (industriai and financiail have acquired Ah. chiîdren and youth are encouraged to take part in any event promoted by the MST. Different events have been organized with the intent of integrating the youth and children of dlflerent Settlements. For example. in October 1996. durlng a course for Youth and Adults Educators in Canindé (Cearit), chiidsen participated in the flrst Ciranda InjimM (children programs). Its educational content is planned carefully so that children learn whlle having fun. These programs are king replicated in other states (RevistaSem Terra. no. 81, and have become very popular since it aiiows for mothers to participate in MST activities and meetings.

Women in Stmg@

There are indications that the model of cooperation supported by the SCA produces more opportunities for rival women to exercise the& rights and be treated equally. The key contribution of the model in this respect is the inclusion of women in every level of decision making of the MST, including in cooperatives and associations. As such, in cwperatives. women are members and have the right to vote. and thus women are able to decide on important aspects of production and cornrnunity life of such organizations. The needs of women are, therefore, better addressed. An example of women's roles in cooperatives, 1s their participation in the Cwperative of Agricultural and Livestock Production Vitoria (COPAW) (in the state of Parana). In this cooperative. a woman is responsible for the production of pasteurised mük and cheese. The greater participation of women in this settlement has been encouraged by the creation of a cornmunity dinlng mmwhere breakfast and lunch are served daily, and the provision of other services, such as daycare. These changes are seen by male members of the cooperative as important achievements that promote the autonomy of women (Globo Rural, May 1999).A greater participation of women in aii aspects of production is possible to a certain extent due to the decreasing responsibilities of women in theIr households, and also due to changes in perception about women's rights to seek education and work. in addition to an increasing role for women in production, women are also working towards the formation of female leadership through increased female participation and the stniggie for women's rlghts. An example of such involvement has been the actlons 0rga-d for the International Day of Women (Match 8). MJT women have organized encampments in the capitals of maJor Brazilian states between the 5fi and the 9th of March 200 1. Their rnotto was Women Rural Workers constmcting a new Br&. Their main demands were: (1) to improve public health for dl. particularîy specific programs for women's health in mral areas; (2)to create and improve social assistance programs and quality education; (3) to expand the documentation of women in rural areas (cg, acquisition of national i.d.. CPF); (4)to stmggle againsi GMOs and the use of agrotoxîcs; (5)to oppose the agreement between Brazil and the MF: 16) to oppose the importation of fwds, [MST,2001b). Some of these demands are very speciîlc to women, while others are part of the MST overall stmggle.

The Socio-CulturaiDimendon

As argued in chaptet 3, the MST attempts to reduce poverty , improve the quaiity of life of its members, and foster the political awareness and participation of its members. Especlally given the very poor physfcal and social infrastructure in most rural areas, the emphasis of the MST on education and collective organization has often been effective. in parücular settlements, in reducing poverty and impmving the weii-being of settlers. The provision of services, such as health ciMcs. education, daycare, and recreational opportunities are also common services and amenities that are encouraged in settlements. Depending on the level of organization and location of settlements, some of these may become self-sufficfent on food and provide serrices such as school, daycare, and health chic. Not al1 settlements are at the same level of development, but there is a general willingness among settlers to invest in such areas69.

69 A few examples of settlements that have achieved considerable social development WU be presented in chapter 4. The centrality of social development to the MST is seen in the improved indicators of quality of Me in sefflements. The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) concluded after a study of socioeconomic conditions in agrarian reform settlements that. despite the limitations of settlements in terms of social and econornic infiastnicture, beneaciaries of agrarian reform generated on average annual family revenue of 3.7 times the minimum wage. This revenue was found to be more than that of any other category of rurai workers in Brazil (FAO/PNUD/MARA, 1992: 100).And, where agroindustrial production took place, the annual family revenue was 5.6 times the minimum wage per family (FAO/PNUD/MARA. 1992: 100). Research has also indicated that settlers improved their quality of Ufe. especially when considering that only 13.44% of settlers owned some land or were posseiros before joining the settlement (FAO/PNUD/MAARA, 1992: 10). Therefore, in general. the majority of the beneflciaries of agrarian reform in Brazil improved their condition simply by receiving land.

Examples fiom MST settlements also fflustrate the reduction of poverty and the improvement in quality of life by settlers. The importance of social development for the MST has produced settlements with considerably improved services such as schools, health ciinics, and daycare facilities within sefflements. The settlement Santa Maria in the state of Parana is an example of such success. It has recently won the International Award of Technological Innovation from the College and Association of Industrial Engineers of Cataluna. This award is given to organizations for their technological innovation and for their level of social cornmitment, sustainabiiity, and local development. The cooperative that is run in the sefflement previously mentioned. the Cooperative of Agricultural and Livestock Production Vitoria (COPAVI), was selected for a project of 'drying fruits using solar thermal energyn.The project was a parternship between the COPAW and three other organizations: the Geography Department of the State University of Maringa (in the state of Paran&), the Cooperative Group of the Terrasa Campus (GCCT) of the Polytechnic University of Cataluiia, and the Water Sun Engineering £tom Barcelona, nie cooperative's high level of social cornmitment. sustainability, and local development are fflustrated by its social infrastructure and provision of support services (e.g. collective dining cafeteria serving breakfast and lunch daily using produce hmthe cooperative, enrollment of al1 children in school or in daycare facilities in the settlement, support for adult education (fifteen adults attending the first and second level supletiuo, and six attending university programs in fields of agronomy, veterinary science, and accounting)].

Acceri to Education

As seen in chapter 2, one of the main obstacles to the economic viabfflty of smallholders is the& lack of education and technical sus.To overcome this obstacle, the MST has created a network of support services in several areas of expertise to improve the competitiveness and the quality of life of smallholders. One such area that has been particularly successful has been education.

The achievements of the MST in democratizing education in rural areas have received national and international recognition. Some of the prizes received include: the Itau & UNICEF prize 'Education and Participation' by UNICEF (December 1995): the 'Alceu Amoroso Lima' Prize in Human Rights by the Foundation Alceu Amoroso Lima (August 1999); 'Pena Libertairia' Prize (Liberaüng Pen) by SINPRO of Rio Grande do Sul (October 1999): and the Itau & UNICEF Prize 'For a Basic EducaUon in the Countxyside' by UNCEF (November 1999).

The achievements of the education sector of the MST are in part due to the formation of parternships and agreements with universities (40 universities in Brazil), govenunent institutions (e.g., INCRA), Braziiian organizations (e.g,, CNBB) international organizations (e.g., UNESCO,UNICEF), and NGOs (e.g., Savoir-Partage. Manos Abiertas, HEKS) (MST.2001~). The MST mrks to expand four basic levels of education: daycare, fodeducation, education of youth and adults, and the preparation of teachers through Magistério and Pedagogy70 (in partnenhip wIth meral unlvemities).

In the area of formal education, the educational sector of the MST has achieved (up to July 2ûûûl, the formation of 1200 schools, the involvement of 3800 teachers, and 150 thousand cMbnattending school. In the area of adult and youth education. the MST educates 25,000 youths and adults with 1200 teachers trained in adult education. In the area of toddlers and preschoolers, 250 teachers are involved in providing daycare activltfes (MST. 2001~).

The educationai sector of the MST created in 1996 the Ciranda Infantil boung children's program) with the intent to provlde educational opportunities for very young children and allow women to more fully participate in MST events and courses. The Cimnàa InfatIl mers drarnatically hmthe normai Brazilian daycare system. which is referred to by a MST women as a 'deposit for children' (ReufstaSem Terra, n.81. The CMInfant[f, on the other hand, attempts to stimulate the creativity and expression of young children71 as weU as to provide a safe envlronment for chfldren whiîe parents are at work or participating in MST events. The Brst Ciranda Intawas created in the state of Ce@ in 1996 during a training course for educators of youth and adults. The demand for this service has increased considerably, requiring much more training of educational professionals. This need resulted in a partnership between the MST and UNICEF in 1997 to provide for the physical and human inlrastructure required to increase professionals in this area (Revista Sem Terra. n.8).

To expand education in rurai areas, the MSTs educational sector has concentrateci on training teachers willing to remain in mal areas and continue

In Brazil the Magisterio is a special high school program that forms teachers for elementary school. Pedagogia. is the field at the university lwel that prepares teachers for higher grades of formal education.

71 Children are encourageci to express themselves through play and art work, and to relate to their own reaiity. in teaching forma1 education, rurai extension, and administration of cooperatives. As such. the MST has promoted courses of magfstérlo through partnerships with the Federai University of Paraifia and the State University of Mato Grosso do Sul, as well as courses in Pedagogy of Land72, in partnerships with UNIJUI. the State University of Mato Grosso, and the Federal University of Espirlto Santo (MST. 200 lcl.

A parücular noteworthy achievement has been the creation of the 'escola ttinerante', a moving school, in 1996 as a manner to offer forma1 education to many chiidren Uving in temporary acampamentos. The 'escola Memnte' originated fiom a joint pedagogical proposal by the MST educational sector of the state of Rio Grande do Sul and by the Pedagogy Department of the Secretary of Education of that state (Fernandes, 2000:226). The State Council of Education has formally recognized and approved the 'escola Itinerante' for formal education. This achievement is a considerable step towards reducing ilîiteracy levels in acampamentos and encouraging the contlnuous education of children and youth, even if acampamentos have to move. Due to the nature of land occupations, which can last for several years, when children try to enter formai schwls they are required to start ikom the very begfnnlng even though they had some previous informal instruction. The grades taken with the escola Itinerante in ucampamentos, on the other hand. are recognized by the Rio Grande do Sul school board.

The Supletluo system (a concentrated program that încludes the core of

1st and 2nd grade formd education program) 4s also offered by the Technical Institute of Rurai Extension and Research of Agrarian Refom (iTERRA), noting that these spaces are aiso offered to urban workers. The MST has partnerships with the State University of Campinas (UNICAMP) (1000 students) and the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (500 students) to educate youth about the Brazillan economic and social reaiiîy during holiday breaks (MST, 2001~).

72 Pedagogy of land is a specfal prograrn that is designed to expand teachers' knowledge and understancüng about rurai areas and its major problems and characteristics At the university level, the MST encourages its members to pursue post- secondary educauon. Entry to universiUes in Brazil. however, requires that applicants write an entry examination called the Vestibular. Only the best students wlil be granted access to university. At the moment. the MSï'believes that it has more than 100 students enroiied ln Braziilan wiiverslties, and 25 more enrolled in the Lath American School of Medlclne ln Cuba (MW,2001~). Many of these graduates choose to work with the MST in areas such as agronomy, joumallsm, education, and agricdtural research.

In campam ment os and settlements there has been a growing concem for health matters. As seen in chapter 2, health senrlces and infrastructure are no&y very poor in rural areas, The creation of the health sector within the MST has been an Important initiative to provide alternatives and solutions to poor services and the lack of knowledge by niral worken about heaith matters. This section wlli identify the matn actions being taken by the MST area.

One such action has been to create the 'Itinerant Health Program', or Rogramu de Satide Itlnerante'. The role of this program is to provide health services and support to major MST events (e.g. during the Fourth Congress of the MST). Under thls prograrn. health professionals and volunkuy workers are available to provide flrst aid assistance, and are equipped wlth medical kits contalning common and homemade medicines (ReufstaSem Terra, n.9).

Another initiative. originatlng in the state of Pemambuco, has been to create the 'Health Volunteers Program'. or Programa Volwitatlos da Scuiàe. The purpose of thls prograrn is to have settlers working as on-cd volunteers in their own settlements to educate people about common diseases. and to help sick people get to hospitals or ciinics according to need.

in the state of Ceaa the MST has formed an agreement with the Osvaido Cniz FoundaUon and the Wsûy of Health. The agreement will provide funding to put together kits for the Baslc Solidarlty Pharmacy. or the Kit da Farmircia B&&Q Solidarla, and to have a family doctor vislt sefflements evexy 15 days. The klts that are distributed to settlements would be renewed evexy 3 months73. This program has been implemented in the following settlements in the state of CeaA (1) Santa Btirbara Settlement. in the municipallty of Caucaia; (2) 25 de mai0 Settlement, in Madalena; (3)Cratéus Settlement. in BaMté, and (4) Pocinhos Settlement. The implementation of this program is also benefittng residents of nearby cornmunitîes, who travel to the above settlements to be seen by the doctor on di. The kit remaïns in the settlements even when the doctor is not on call. Ttvo residents volunteer to be in charge of keeping the kit.

Another prograrn that is being implernented in some states74 is the Live Pharmacies, or Farm&ias Viuas. This program facilltates the production and transformation of medicinal plants into several home-made medicines. The idea is to promote the production and the d@ng of rnedicinai plants in settlements of each state involved in this program. Medichai plants would then be manipulated at central laboratories by professionals in the area. and the Anal product would be returned to the settlernent~~~.This program will receive hanciai support hmINCRA. who WUprovide the infrastructure needed to create the laboratories (ReulstaSem Terra, n.9).

The promotion of rural culture in general, and more specificaily the culture of the 'sem-terra*,is reflected in the inclusion of cultural expressions in any dernonstratlon or occupation organized by the MST. At the same tirne, culture is king promoted through festivals and other events that promote cultural exchanges between 'sem-terras' and the overall Brazlllan population. In those

73 The idts contain a number of medicines and basic equipment necessaty to ded with common Unesses and mùior accidents.

74 Rio Grande do Sul. Santa Catarina. Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul. Distrito Federal. Espirito Santo. Ceara. Pernambuco, Maranbao. Alagoas, PIaui. Paraifha. Parana, and Sao Paulo.

75 Examples of medicines created from medicinal plants: ointments for common skin problems. medicines for stomachache, headaches. events, music as weii as poetry and literature are the most common forms of cultural expression.

At present, music is probably the most important vehicle to pass on the culture of struggie of the memben of the MST,and is reflected in the lyrics of the majority of the compositions. From 1998 to the present, the MST has recorded three CDS. The flrst CD included Lnterpretations of famous Bradlian singers. The second CD was recorded in 1999 and contains the best songs of the First National Festival of Agrarian Reform that took place in Palmeira das Missaes in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The third CD, entitled 'Terra' (Land), includes four compositions of the singer and composer Chico Buarque de Holanda.

The struggle of the 'sern-terra'has also received considerable support from the photographer, Sebastiho Salgado. Salgado's exhibition caiîed 'Terra' has been shown in more than 800 cities across the world with the intent to use art to show different facets of the everyday life of the 'sem-terra'.Salgado's support for the struggle of the MST has also included financial support. Al1 of the proceedings from the exhibition Terra' are to contribute to the building of the new national school of the MST. called 'Escola Florestan Fernandes'.

The link between cultural events and the struggle of the landless strengthens and validates rural culture and rural popular knowledge in various areas, such as health, production, and recreation. The culture of struggle that is evident at MST events is also an important vehicle for the MST to attract landless workers to the movement, and generally to strengthen the collective identity of the sem terra

The Ecolodcaî Dimendon

The main contribution of MST settlements to ecologicai sustainability is the promotion of agroecology and its poiiticai opposition to agricultural production based on transgenics. Settlements also contribute to social sustainability through rurai equity and, consequently, may also contribute to ecologicai sustainability through a reduction in poverty-led environmental destruction. Landless families that previously lived in precarious conditions have improved dramaticaily their living standards because they are able to work and fmthe land, and thus provide for thetr -es' needs.

The Conciliation of Ecolodcd Suskinabiiihr with Production

The promotion of agmcology by the MST has resulted in settlements produclng organic produce and organîc seeds. One particular example of this application, is the cooperative COOPERAI, in the settlement Hulha Negra in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. wMch produces agroecological seeds. These seeds are being marketed with the name Blonatur (http://www.alternet.com.br/bionatur/).There are many examples of cooperatives that are producing various types of organic produce. Successful experiences of producing organic seeds and various other organic produce have encouraged the MST to invest more in sharing and expanding such techniques arnong the settlements.

Settlements of the MST are increasingly turning to the diversification of production to become more self-sustaining. This option has a positive impact on biodiversity, since the promotion of diversification may result in the planting of local native species. Therefore, it can help sustaln the existence of species that would otherwise not be cultivated by large farms that are dependent on export revenue or on meeting the dernand for particular products.

The creation of partnerships with universities and research centers dows for sefflements to be used as laboratories for new technologies. This is evident in at least one settlement in the state of Parana. Solar energy technology has been implemented to produce dry fniits. This technology, which is ecologically fiiendly and can reduce costs of production, originated fiom partnerships with universities and research centers fiom Spain and Bra~il~~.It is an example of how cooperatives can profit hmpartnerships with other organizations.

76 This example was introduced in chapter 3.

115 niis chapter has outlined how the MST is txying to put in practice the principles of agricultural cooperation and social justice. The concrete actions of the MST as a whole, and of particular settlements, have produced successful examples of production alternatives and improved living standards. Even if al1 settlements are not successful, a growing number of positive experiences point to the importance of building both intemal links and networks within the movement so that Settlements can support each other and the overall stniggle of the MST, and partnerships, or extemal linkages, with other organlzations. In the case of education and health, partnerships with universities and NGOs have been central to put in practice experiences of solidarity and cooperation since they can provide knowledge, volunteers, and funds, that are not always accessible to landless workers. Without the political awareness and the mobiiization of the landless, however, these linkages would be diillcult to achieve. This thesis focused on idenüjring the aspects in rural Brazil that are not conducive to social sustainability, and on explorhg the ways by which the MST is addressing these factors.

1 have identifled some of the main problems that are not conducive to social sustainability in rural Bradl (chapter 21, and 1 have explored the ways by which the MST is addressing these problems at the conceptuai level (chapter 3).and at the practical level (chapter 4). The identification and analysis of the main structural problems that affect smallholders and landless in rural Brazil have provided the context in which the MST emerged, and are valuable to better understand the demands of the MST, and the goals of its struggle.

As such, this thesis has identifled as one of the main problems originating hmrecent rural development. the discriminatory character of the 'conservative modernization', which excluded smaiiholders and niral workers from development plans. As noted in chapter 2, tNs development strategy. which beneAted large and medium producen. exacerbated rural poverty and led to further concentration of productive resources (e.g. land, technology, credit). Not only that, it also produced negative effects to the environment, such as deforestation, and pollution by the indiscriminate use chernical fertilizers and pesticides. Appendix 1 provides a surnmary of the factors identifled in chapter 2 that limit social sustainability in mral Brazil. Many of these factors are related to the high inequalities present in rural Brazil, such as the concentrated distribution of productive resources, education, healthcare, and technical knowledge.

The MST addresses these problems in three ways. Flrst, by pressuring the state to implement agrarian reform and provide supporting rurai policies. Rural poiicies that help transfer productive resources to smallholders and sefflers. as well as knowledge and technical expertise, is of much interest to the struggle of the MST, since they are tools to reduce the large inequalities present in rurai Brazil, and thus, reduce poverty and exclusion. One of the main obstacles to the stniggle of the MST, however. parücularly regarding the question of agrarian refom, is the political influence of latifiutciVvios in shaping rural pohcy, and the acts of vlolence and repression that are being manifested against MST leaders.

Second, by encouraging agricultural cooperatlon through the principles of solidarity and cooperation. The application of agricultural cooperation in settlements is particularly important to expand social development, such as the provision of services and amenities. access to formai and adult education. and support for recreational opportunitles. The promotion of agriculturai cooperation is in part due to the experience learned by the MST that alternative foms of organization of production are needed to overcome the relatively poor infrastructure, and the very low levels of human development in rural Brazil, especially for landless and srnallholders. Such practices, according to the MST, need to be based on participation and cooperation among producers, worklng under relations of production that wlll not lead to capital exploitation. The goal is not to accumulate profits. but to promote the social development of settlements. Moreover, agrlculturai cooperation 1s also of importance to the MST stmggle against neoliberalism. As a matter of fact, the application of collective forms of production based on solidarity and cooperation, and a greater emphasis on social development, is an alternative to neohberal models of development.

The social development of settlements, however, rnay be jeopardized by their inability to become economically viable. Unfortunately, not al1 the MST sefflements engage in collective fomof organization of production, and, even when they do. many face many hardships that constrain their economic viability. For these reasons, the MST encourages the formation of partnerships and agreements between settlements and other organizations of civil society to help surpass the many obstacles to the economic viability of smallholders and settlers, such as inappropriate technologies. poor technical skills. sustainable agricuitural practices. contributions of the MST at the economic dimension are limited to settlements that have become viable. Third, by encouraging the formation of networks within the MST and also with extemal organizations at the national level and international level. These networks may be in the form of partnerships and agreements, or simply as links of support to the MST stmggle, or from the MST to support other organizations and movements. The formation of these links are imporfant to the overall struggle of the MST, and to the expansion of a growing stmggle for social justice at the global level.

As possible MST contributions to social sustainability, we cm mention the contributions to equity. The push for expropriation of idle properties through land occupations has enabled many landless families to change their lives, particularly if one considers that prior to that many lived in Vary precarious conditions. The data presented in chapter 4 suggests a correlation between the number of land occupations and the number of settlements fonned. At the socio-cultural level, the MST may improve social sustainability by supporting the democratization of land. technical knowledge and other factors such as education and health care. Sirniiarly. the MST improves poiitical sustainabllity by educating and fosterlng landless workers' political awareness. In addition. a valuable contribution is the support for women's struggle. At the ecoiogical level, the MST is contributing to sustainability by supporting the ecological education and fonnation of landless, by encouraging agroecologicai production, and by supporting the sustainable use of forest resources.

A theoretical contribution to social sustainabüity, is the concept of agricultural cwperation and the use of collective forms of production, which may increase settlers' revenue. Contributions to the overall economy rnay also be felt in settlements' neighboring communities. niese are related to the supply of settlements' products to local markets. and to the increase in demand for services and products offered by local markets. Of considerable importance to the success of MST setüements fs the creation of social links,such as partnerships. agreements, or simple consultations. with more knowledgeable organizations so as to promote the sharing. or democratization, of knowledge. hctmthat hinder SocirJSiut.ip.biiity MSTPiopim MST Pnctid initiathes

1 Exclusion from 1 Implementation of agrarian 1 Agrarlan reform L being 1 dmlopment plans reform and suppo&g public implemented by the policies to support settiers and govement. Some policies Altemative sources of smallholders in general. provide rural credit to settlers income are scarce: and smallholders (PRONNI. wage labour is paid poorly; increase in other sectors employment is dependent on urbanlzation of some mral areas Economic Production Probtems: llmited access to land. democratization of land Mobilization and land distribution occupations limited access to credit; ûemands for increased credit Encourages the creation of for production and Credit cwperatives infrastructure Inappropriate Need for agrtcultural research Initiatives taken by MST and technology and inputs, and rural extension CONCRAB to increase (were directed to appropriate to the needs of partnerships with technology satiswng the needs of smaüholders. Demands state transfer organizations large commercial intervention to invest in these. farms); Poor economic viability Creation of Settlers' Many settlements are Cwperativist System (1989) to diversmg production. encourage quah ty of 65 cwperatives producing pmductiOn~divers*cati0n production [to sustain intemal processed products (1998). consumption and Creation of CONCRAB in work);processing of pchnary 1992. 1998: 8 1 cooperatives. products (to produce value- added products and gain new markets): Commercial&ationRoblmrs: Wmited access to Encourages the supply of local Creation of brands, and markets, caused by markets with dlversified opening of store and

poor systems of production.- supermarket. ~omm&cialization. Application of principles of Coliective work and nuûitües hanspnaaOn*and so~arig and cwpraoon to marketing: surpass main obstacles 1 in6ïwtmcture. I 1 I Dependency on ) Encourages diversification of 1 Trend toward the integration lntermediaries and 1 ~roduction.and the I of cooperatives and integmdor- Processing of primary 1 settlements to seli production [agribusiness products by settiernents. complexes) Geographical isolation Where local markets cannot Settlements. especially due to poor absorb suppiy, diventfy cooperatives, are producing Lnirastructure and little ~roductionwlth se& ~rocessedfoods, such as population in the brocessecl or processeci fds bheese, conserves, bread, del! interior of Brazil. or other products to be sold in products. other markets. 1 1 Increased debt Renegotiation of sefflers' debts 1

Political influence of ln&ase mobüization and Unification of landless and latifundiarios. Strength strength of movement. settlers also from the fact that Form national and Participation in major new latifundiarios are meetings about the future of powerful economic international coalitions for support. family agriculture in Brazil groups from financial and the need to support and industrial sectors smallholders. Violence against Protection of human rlghts Inform population and workers international communities of actions of vlolence or repression. Little opportunities for Encourages education and Process of leadership youth in rural areas poiîtical formation of youth. formation b constantly producing new MST leaders. Women's rlghts Women are members of associations and cooperatives, They participate In al1 levels of organization and representation of the Mm' Children programs (babysitting)are set durlng MST events to encourage women's participation

Poverty: 50.68% in Democratization of land and Settlements decrease poverty rural areas other productive resources. and increase living standards Emphasis on the social of landless, especially where development of settiernents. emphasis is placed on social development. High illiteracy rates in Encourages ducation as a Increase number of schools rurai areas tool for freedom. through demands to state 1 and local governments. and partnerships with universities to form teachers.

Carnpaign to use of traditional Partnership with CNMP to heaithcare in rural medi&& based on herbs and cany out research on the medicinal plants epidemlologicai proflle of diiferent states: to create 'Live Pharmacies' evexywhere in Brazil; to train MST members to take part in the health councils and in the formulation of recommendations and policies on health issues, Support for nual culture Increase in cultural lifestyles expressions. such as songs. poems. and drarna. by settlers and landless. Eeologîcd Pollution of both soil, Support for ecologically and Many Settlements are ecosystems, and sociaiiy sustainable adopting agroecological humans (due to poor agriculture agriculture (organic protection) production that takes into consideration the environment and socio- economic relations). Green revolution Demand for more research on Partnership with CNMP to technologies, as appropriate and sustainable identify traditional plants that applied in Brazil, lirnit technologies for smaiiholders. are praper to dlfferent regions biodiversity, especially of Brazil. since high yleld varieties are promoted, which may lead to a decrease in the production of many local tradltional varieties, and to extinction. This thesis is based primarlly on three periods of field research conducted in the States of Santa Catarina, Parana, Sao Paulo, and in the Federal District, Brasilla. The first perlod of field research twk place in the state of Parana and in Brasilia between Febmary to May 1996. The second period of field research took place primarüy in the state of Santa Catarina. Sào Paulo, and in Brasilia from Febniq to Apd 1998. And the third phase Ln April2000. in Florian6polis and Brasilia.

The information obtained during Beld research originates from informal interviews, written documents fiom the MST, from being a participant observer at some MST demonstrations, hmBraziiian magazines and newspapers, and from the internet. The use of the intemet was particularly usehl to obtain material from the MST and h-om other organizations supporting the MST wMe 1 was away from Brazfl. As for interviews, 1 have had some intexviews with MST local leaders and members, as well as a series of interviews with members of government and non-govement organizations related to rural development in Brazii (e.g. CEPAGRO, DESER), and other people related in one way or another to the struggle of the MST (see Appendk III).

The interest in the practical work of the MST has been motivated by informal conversations with otficials hmINCRA and the Ministry of agriculture, which have been made possible by my father, Antonio GUes, who has worked aii his Me with niral development in Latin America. Through his experience and sharing of the Brazilian reality and rural policies, 1 have gained many valuable insights into the main problems faced by rurai workers and smallholders in Brazll, and was later intrigued by the growing number of settlements working collectively, and the increasing support that was being received by the urban population. As 1grew up in Brazil. 1 could feel these changes going on, that is. the growing awareness of the BraziUan population about the question of land reform, and the key role that was, and still b, being played by the MST. APPENDIX III LIST OF INTERVIEWS

~NJhnQB pCE 1 DATE 1 -- Antonio Giles, FA0 Brasilia Many r- interviews CEPAGRO, Center for Studies and Promotion of

Gilbert0 Barnpi, INCRA Brasilla

Joao Batista da Silva, Brasilla Ministry of Agriculture

Joao Magnanti, Vianei Lages- S.C. Centre of Popular Education

Joao. Torrens. DESER Curitiba 22/04/96

MST- Parana (local Curitiba 26/04/96 coordinators)

-- -- Florianopolis

I Roberto Altman. CEPA Florlanopolis 2410 1/98 (State Commission of Agricultural Planning)

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