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The Lion in Chinese Space and Social Life

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Min-Chia Young

Faculty of the Built Environment The University of New South Wales Sydney, Australia

June 2009 PLEASE TYPE THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet

Surname or Family name: Young

First name: Min-Chia Other name/s:

Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: PhD

School: Architecture Faculty: The Faculty of the Built Environment

Title: The Lion in Chinese Space and Social Life

Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE)

This thesis is a systematic examination from a historical point of view of the rich diversity of forms and images of the lion motif in Chinese space and social life. Drawing on textual, linguistic and archaeological sources, it addresses the fundamental problem inherent in the study of the lion motif in China, that is, why a foreign import was adopted, transformed and assimilated into an existing culture and how it was then widely rendered in various forms and images as though it had been an indigenous image all along.

The examination begins with a search for the origins, names for and appearance of the real lion in China and a comparison of this with the images, roles and powers of the ideological lion in the Chinese mind. It proceeds through an investigation into the liking of the ruling class for lions as tomb guardian beasts in their search for a better afterlife. The thesis then focuses on the adoption of the lion motif by ordinary people as a means of approaching the divine and gaining recognition, in the process of which the image of a ferocious beast was gradually transformed into that of a rotund pet. The pet-like “look” of the lion came to be associated with various vernacular cultures of Southern China and assumed a unique style during Ming (1368–1644), when the form and image of the animal became a living concept with little emphasis on its physical appearance. In other words, what perpetuated the significant role of the lion in Chinese space and social life was its conceptual image, not its physical shape.

Two case studies, one based in Kinmen and the other in Sydney, further demonstrate that the physical appearance of the lion motif has little effect on the power and mechanism of the mighty animal in the Chinese mind. What matters most, when placing the lion motif in front of an entry way, is the reiteration or reenactment of the conceptual image of the lion through symbols, rituals and “traditional” beliefs by which this particular animal motif has become an enduring legacy of Chinese communities around the world. The thesis, then, summarises the changes in the lion motif and its transformation from a physical object to a living concept free from image and form constraints as a gradual process of Chinese perception that integrated the real animal with the imagined animal, strange and unfamiliar phenomena, and the dominant and popular cultures. The context of this integration may have been significantly influenced by the bureaucratic metaphor of the ruling class. The lasting meaning and significance of the lion motif, however, is due to the vision and determination of ordinary people, who are as much prone to seeking a comfortable space and the promise of a better life as have been their rulers.

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Abstract

3 object to a living concept free from image and form constraints as a gradual process of Chinese perception that integrated the real animal with the imagined animal, strange and unfamiliar phenomena, and the dominant and popular cultures. The context of this integration may have been significantly influenced by the bureaucratic metaphor of the ruling class. The lasting meaning and significance of the lion motif, however, is due to the vision and determination of ordinary people, who are as much prone to seeking a comfortable space and the promise of a better life as have been their rulers.

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Professor Xing Ruan. This thesis would not have been completed without his constant support and invaluable guidance. I am also grateful to Dr. Catherine De Lorenzo and Dr. Tom Loveday for their helpful comments and suggestions.

I am thankful to the staff and research students in the Faculty of the Built Environment at the University of New South Wales for their kind assistance throughout my course of study.

My thanks also go to the people of Beijing, Nanjing and Kinmen, who have contributed in various ways to the completion of this thesis, especially those from Nanjing University, Southeast University, Tzu Chi University, National Dong Hwa University, Historical Relics Bureau of Nanjing, Cultural Affairs Bureau of Qixia, and Jiangning Museum, to whom I will always be grateful.

Last but not least, I would like to thank my parents, Lee Se and Chen Seng Yang, for their unwavering support and encouragement throughout the journey of my PhD studies; my parents-in-law, Ah Shiu Huang and Jieh Shan Lin, for their kindness and patience with my children; my lovely two children, Shou Koi and Cai Syuan, for being the greatest kids in the world; and my wife, Weiju Lin, for sustaining me with her love and faith.

Table of Contents

Originality Statement...... 2 Abstract ...... 3 Acknowledgements ...... 5 Table of Contents...... 6 List of Illustrations...... 8 Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 17 1.1 The Chinese Lion in Literature...... 20 1.2 A Review on the Significance of the Lion in China ...... 27 Chapter 2 The Efficacy of the Animal Motif in China ...... 35 2.1 An Omnipresent Animal Motif ...... 35 2.2 A Bridge between Real and Fictitious Chinese History...... 46 2.3 Animals in Chinese Spatial Concepts...... 65 Chapter 3 The Lion in Chinese History: the real lion...... 72 3.1 Its Origins...... 72 3.2 Its Names...... 76 3.3 Its Appearance ...... 80 3.4 Its Temperament ...... 83 3.5 Its Value...... 86 3.5.1 Representing Power and Authority...... 87 3.5.2 A Profitable Investment ...... 889 Chapter 4 The Chinese Interpretation of the Lion: an imagined animal .94 4.1 The Likeness of None...... 94 4.2 The Chinese Way of Perceiving ...... 99 4.2.1 What is an Image...... 100 4.2.2 The Role and Shape of Images...... 101 4.2.3 The Power of Images ...... 105 4.3 The Real and the Imagined ...... 109 Chapter 5 The Lion Motif in Chinese Mortuary Art—the tomb guardian beast from the Warring States to the Tang dynasty ...... 115 5.1 Zhenmushou in the Chinese Concept of Protection ...... 115 5.1.1 The Protective Sorcery of Zhenmushou ...... 117 6

5.1.2 The Spatial Location of the Guardian Animal ...... 119 5.2 The Assimilation of the Lion Motif with the Tomb Guardian Beast.130 5.3 The “Spirit Road” from Han to the Six Dynasties ...... 136 5.4 Reconciling the Protective Forces of Daoism and Buddhism ...... 143 5.5 Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism and the “Rounding” of a Spiritual Animal into a Domestic Pet...... 157 Chapter 6 The Lion Motif in Chinese Social Life—the transformation from Tang to Qing...... 163 6.1 A Lion and a Dog...... 163 6.2 A Decorative Gateway and a Memorial Pillar-Gate ...... 164 6.3 A Decorative Animal and a Symbol of Power and Success...... 170 6.4 What the Dancing Lion Signified...... 182 6.5 Convergence of the Dominant and Popular Cultures ...... 185 Chapter 7 The Lion Motif in the Vernacular Cultures of Southern China189 7.1 Differences between North and South...... 189 7.2 The Resisting Stone in Southern Fujian Culture...... 192 7.3 The Power and Image of the Wind ...... 196 7.4 Consolidation of the Wind and the Lion ...... 198 7.5 The Wind Lion God of Kinmen...... 201 7.5.1 The Geographical Position of Kinmen: natural disasters ...... 202 7.5.2 The Strategic Importance of Kinmen: man-made calamities ..204 7.5.3 A Protection Scheme...... 206 7.5.4 The Wind Lion God...... 208 7.6 The Lion Statues at the Gates of Sydney’s Chinatown...... 219 7.6.1 A Chinese Enclave: the Chinatown of Sydney ...... 219 7.6.2 The Symbolism of the Memorial Archways and Temple Dogs222 7.6.3 Reminiscent of Chinese Rituals and Festival Ceremonies .....224 7.6.4 Summoning Cultural Assimilation between East and West ....228 Chapter 8 Conclusion...... 234 Appendix A: Historical Records of the Tribute of the Lion ...... 238 Bibliography...... 241

List of Illustrations

Figure 2.1: Some examples of the lion motif in China. From left to right, the lion statue at a roundabout in Danyang, in front of a park in Taipei, and at the entrance to a hotel in Kaohsiung. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2005–2006...... 35

Figure 2.2: Lions as auspicious motifs: Source: Xu Huadang and Yang Guchan, Zhongguo shizi yishu (The Art of the Chinese Lion), (Beijing: Qing gongye chuban she, 1991), 393, 397 and 399...... 36

Figure 2.3: An advertisement depicting a pair of Chinese lions paying homage to a Japanese vehicle. Source: Qiche zhiyou zazhi she, ed., Qiche zhiyou (Auto Fan), 168, No. 12 (2003), 56–57...... 43

Figure 2.4: An internet posting showing the lions launching a counterattack on the Japanese vehicle. Source: http://car.huash.com/gb/car/2003- 12/07/content_695509.htm ...... 44

Figure 2.5: The lion mascots Wei Wei ৖৖, of the 9th National Sports Games, and Ning Ling ኑᨋ, of the 8th National Middle School Sports Meet. Source: http://www.sportsonline.com.cn/GB/channel21/549/2447/2453/20011111/ 46423.html and http://www.people.com.cn/GB/paper40/7013/680288.html...... 45

Figure 2.6: A ritual bronze ding (fifteenth to fourteenth centuries B.C.) with a mixture of animal motifs from the real and the imagined worlds. Source: Fong Wen, ed., The Great Bronze Age of China (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1980), Figure 13...... 48

Figure 2.7: The twelve cosmic animals with human form on the Chu silk manuscript indicate the euhemeristic nature of Chinese history. Source: Michael Loewe, Divination, Mythology and Monarchy in Han China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 43...... 53

Figure 2.8: Animal holding a human on an archaic ritual bronze showing the intimacy between the two, or intimidation. Source: Jian Rongcong, Zhongguo hu wenhua (The Tiger Culture in China), (Taipei: Caituan faren dalu jiaotong jijing hui, 1999), 37...... 56

Figure 2.9: Scenes of men and animals challenging each other when humans started to believe they were the superior species in the universe. Source: Kwang-chih Chang, Early Chinese Civilization (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), 181...... 57

Figure 2.10: The transformation of the dragon showing it in different stages of being combined with other animals. Source: Fan Dongqing, “Lüeshu 8

gudai taoci qi shang long de zhuangshi yanbian” (Evolution of the Dragon Motif on Ancient Ceramics), Shanghai bowu guan jikan (Bulletin of Shanghai Museum), 2 (1983), 198–207...... 60

Figure 2.11: The transformation of the nao as it was combined with other animals. Source: Ma Yinqin, “Lun yinshang minzu de chixiao chongbai jiqi lishi yanhua” (The Shang People's Worship of the Owl and Its Historical Evolution), in Tianwen: Bingxu juan (The Heavenly Questions: The Bingxu Edition), (Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chuban she, 2006), 57...... 61

Figure 2.12: The feilian changed suddenly from a bird-like creature to a ferocious feline. Source: Li Ling, “Lun zhongguo di youyi shenshou” (Chinese Mythical Winged Beasts), Zhongguo xueshu (China Academic Journal), 5, No. 1 (2001), 70 and 73, and Sun Zuoyun, Sun Zuoyun wenji: Zhongguo gudai shenhua chuanshuo yanjiu (The Collected Works of Sun Zuoyun: Ancient Chinese Myths and Legends), (Henan: Henan University Press, 2003), 572...... 61

Figure 2.13: A hero with a lion motif in front of the doorway of the Hundred- Columned Hall of the Persepolis Terrace is symbolic of direction. Source: Lindsay Allen, The Persian Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 77...... 71

Figure 3.1: Comparison of a Babylonian lion (tenth century B.C.) and a Han lion (first century A.D.) demonstrates western influence on the heavy block- like Chinese lion. Source: Osvald Sirén, “Indian and other Influences in Chinese Sculpture”, in Study in Chinese Art and Some Indian Influences, ed. J. Hackin et al. (London: The India Society, 1938), Figures 3 & 9. 75

Figure 3.2: A bronze plaque in the shape of a lion (second century B.C.). Source: Osvald Sirén, “Indian and other Influences in Chinese Sculpture”, Figure 7...... 75

Figure 3.3: A lion-like gold plaque from the Warring States period indicates the lion may have first arrived in China before the Han dynasty. Source: Lin Weigong, “Zhongguo shi wenhua yuanliu chutan” (Exploring the Cultural Origins of the Chinese Lion), Journal of the National Dr. Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall, 7 (2001), 174...... 76

Figure 3.4: A realistic portrayal of a stone lion from the Later Han dynasty (A.D. 25–220) with less emphasis on the animal’s fluffy mane demonstrates its close affiliation in Chinese eyes with the tiger: Source: Zhu Guorong, Zhongguo shizi diaosu yishu (The Figurative Art of the Chinese Lion), (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chuban she, 1996), 40...... 81

Figure 3.5: (right to left) The stone lions of the Northern Wei dynasty (386–535) (the first two), the Sui dynasty (581–618) and the Ming dynasty show a gradual emphasis on the size of the mane and on of the tail without completely letting go of the tiger’s likeness. Source: Zhu Guorong, Zhongguo shizi diaosu yishu, 42–46...... 82 9

Figure 4.1: A popular image of the Chinese lion, the likeness of no particular animal, in front of the Imperial Palace, Beijing. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2005...... 95

Figure 4.2: A lion motif made of a tea tree root echoing the diverse xiang. Source: Andrew Gerstle and Anthony Milner, ed., Recovering the Orient: Artists, Scholars, Appropriations (Chur: Harwod Academic, 1994), 107...... 108

Figure 5.1: The "Antler and Tongue" of the Chu. Source: Alfred Salmony, “Antler and Tongue: An Essay on Ancient Chinese Symbolism and Its Implications”, Artibus Asiae, 13 (1954), 1...... 117

Figure 5.2: Typical arrangement of coffin and guo in plan (left) and section (right) views. Source: Li Ling, Changsha zidanku zhanguo chu boshu yanjiu (Chu Silk Writings of the Warring States Period Unearthed from Zidanku in Changsha), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 128...... 121

Figure 5.3: The winged beast from the imperial Zhongshan Tombs at Pingshan County, Hebei, date back to the late third century B.C. Source: Robert Lee Thorp, Son of Heaven: Imperial Arts of China (Seattle: Son of Heaven Press, 1988), 133 and 134...... 123

Figure 5.4: Tunnels flanked by guards in the tomb of the First Emperor. Source: Lothar Ledderose, Ten Thousand Things: Module and Mass Production in Chinese Art (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 50 and 58...... 124

Figure 5.5: The tomb of General Huo of the Han dynasty (117 B.C.) showing a group of fourteen stone guardian animals covering the tomb mound. Source: Wu Hung, Monumentality in Early Chinese Art and Architecture (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), 131...... 126

Figure 5.6: The top of the Baozishan stone sarcophagus of Later Han Times. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past: Han Dynasty Pictorial Tomb Reliefs and Archaeological Objects from Sichuan Province, People's Republic of China (San Francisco: Chinese Culture Foundation of San Francisco, 1987), 157...... 127

Figure 5.7: The side panel of the coffin illustrating the procession to eternity. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 158...... 127

Figure 5.8: The front and rear panels of the Baozishan stone sarcophagus of Later Han. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 156. ...127

Figure 5.9: Animals and human motifs marked the entrance of certain burial sites. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 126 and 128.128

Figure 5.10: The rear and front panels of Wang Hui’s sarcophagus. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 178 and 179...... 129 10

Figure 5.11: The side panel with the “Azure Dragon” from Wang Hui’s sarcophagus. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 180.129

Figure 5.12: The side panel with the “White Tiger” from Wang Hui’s sarcophagus. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 181.129

Figure 5.13: A realistic reproduction of the lion used as the base for certain burial furnishings (second century A.D.). Source: Zhoukou diqu wenwu gongzuo dui and Huaiyang xian bowuguan, “Henan huaiyang beiguan yihao hanmu fajue jianba” (Excavation of Han Tomb No. 1 at Beiguan in Huaiyang, Henan), Wen Wu, 419, No. 4 (1991), 38–39...... 130

Figure 5.14: The stone lions before the Wu Liang Shrine (A.D. 147): Source: Osvald Sirén, “Indian and other Influences in Chinese Sculpture”, in Study in Chinese Art and Some Indian Influences, ed. J. Hackin et al. (London: The India Society, 1938), plate 1, fig. 2, and Tadashi Sekino, Shina santosho ni okeru: kandai funbo no hyoshoku (Sepulchral Remains of the Han Dynasty in the Province of Shandong, China), (Tokyo: Tokyo teikoku daigaku, 1916), plate 32...... 131

Figure 5.15: The stone inscription on the pillar-gate of the Wu Liang Shrine: Sui Zong, Jing Xing, and Kai Ming commissioned the masons Meng Fu and Li Mao to build the pillar-gate. The cost was 150,000 qian. Sun Zong (is the one who) made the (stone) lions, which cost 40,000 qian. Source: Lin Meicun, Hantang xiyu yu zhongguo wenming (The Western Regions of the Han-Tang Dynasties and Chinese Civilisation), (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1998), 93...... 132

Figure 5.16: The arrangement of the stone lions in relation to the shrine and the burial mound in the Wu Liang Shrine. Source: Wu Hung, The Wu Liang Shrine, 31...... 133

Figure 5.17: The mythological animals of the Six Dynasties, (from left to right) the qilin and tianlu in front of the tomb of Emperor Jin of Qi built in A.D. 494 and the bixie before the tomb of Xiao Jing (477–523), still bear certain similarities to the lion. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2005...... 134

Figure 5.18: The “Spirit Road” during the Han dynasty. However, the guardian animals were supposed to face each other and to be stationed behind the pillar-gates as in the original plan shown at the right. Source: Ann Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 33 and 242...... 137

Figure 5.19: Stone reliefs of guardian animals flanking the door panels, Later Han dynasty. Source: Suide xian bowu guan, “Shaanxi suide han huaxiang shimu” (A Han Stone Tomb with Pictorial Arts in Suide, Shaanxi), Wen Wu, 324, No. 5 (1983), 29...... 138

Figure 5.20: The different compositions of the “Spirit Road” in the Han and the Six Dynasties. Source: Ann Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 242.139

Figure 5.21: The colossal guardian lions in front of the tomb of Xiao Ji of the Liang dynasty (505–529). Source: Wu Hung, Monumentality in Early Chinese Art and Architecture, 253...... 141

Figure 5.22: The intricate patterns on Six Dynasties' tomb guardian lions bearing certain spiritual powers. Source: Ann Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 71...... 141

Figure 5.23: A reconstruction of the inscriptions on stone pillars in front of the tomb of Xiao Jing shows the Liang people’s use of reversed characters as symbolic of another world. Source: Wu Hung, Monumentality in Early Chinese Art and Architecture, 261...... 143

Figure 5.24: Rubbing of a brick relief lion of the Southern Qi dynasty (479–502). Source: Yao Qian and Gu Bing, Liuchao yishu (The Art of the Six Dynasties Period), (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1981), 202...... 144

Figure 5.25: Two Buddhist statues from Eastern Wei (534–550) with the half- palmette leaf indicating a halo or a heavenly world. Source: Osvald Sirén, Chinese Sculpture from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century (New York: Hacker Art Books, 1970), plates 186 and 198...... 147

Figure 5.26: Tomb guardian lions of the Liang dynasty (502–557) in Nanjing, Jiangsu Province. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2005. ...147

Figure 5.27: The realistic renderings of the lion motif on a bronze cosmic mirror of the Sui dynasty. Source: Alexander Coburn Soper, “The Jen Shou Mirrors”, Artibus Asiae, 29, No. 1 (1967), 64...... 148

Figure 5.28: The lion motifs on Sui and Tang cosmic mirrors often competed with the dragon, tiger, phoenix and turtle in their roles as the four cardinal directions (the animal motifs on the right are the “Four Spiritual Animals”, those on the left the lions). Source: Nancy Thompson, “The Evolution of the T’ang Lion and Grapevine Mirror”, Artibus Asiae, 29, No. 1 (1967), 43 and 46...... 149

Figure 5.29: Sui and Tang cosmic mirrors with a lion on the central boss acting as the centre of the four celestial poles and the fifth element in the Chinese cosmological scheme. Source: Nancy Thompson, “The Evolution of the T’ang Lion and Grapevine Mirror”, 50 and 54...... 150

according to the Indian “peppercorn curl” convention. Source: William Willetts, Foundations of Chinese Art from Neolithic Pottery to Modern Architecture (London: Thames and Hudson, 1965), 228. In the ...... 152

Figure 5.31: The Tang stone lion lining up with other guardian figures in front of the tomb of Li Hong (652–675) (left) and the tomb of Emperor Taizong (r. 626–649). Source: Ann Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 104 and colour plate 10...... 153

Figure 5.32: The floor plans of the Eastern Capital (left) and the Qian Mausoleum (right) of Tang reveal the similarities with an imperial palace setting. Source: Xiao Mo, Chinese Architectural Art History (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1999), 324 and 344...... 154

Figure 5.33: In the stone lions in front of the Tang imperial tombs can be seen the perfection of a circular shape and the likeness of a domesticated pet. Source: Chen Anli, Tang shiba ling (The Eighteen Mausoleums of the Tang Dynasty), (Beijing: Zhongguo qingnian chuban she, 2001), 78, 93 and 109...... 157

Figure 5.34: A Tang Bodhisattva accompanied by other divinities, with the circle of light (aureola) surrounding its head, sits on a floating lotus, depicting eminent power over the boundless universe. Source: Osvald Sirén, Chinese Sculpture from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century, plate 233...... 161

Figure 6.1: Two precious items of Tang with the dog-like lion motif: burial furniture (left) and an incense burner (right). Source: Zhuang Shen, “Zhongguo di shizi diaoke” (Chinese Lion Sculpture), Meiyu yuekan (Art Education Monthly), 40/41 (1993), 20, and Wang Zili, “Shixing xiangxun” (The Lion Incense Burner), Gugong wenwu yuekan (The National Palace Museum Monthly of Chinese Art), 20, No. 4 (2002), 66...... 164

Figure 6.2: A pictorial representation of a que showing the multi-storey structure’s relationship to its surroundings. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China's Past, 105...... 166

Figure 6.3: The “ornamental column” in front of a tomb of Xiao Ji (505–529) with a circular capital and a square pedestal signifying heaven and earth. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006...... 167

Figure 6.4: The imperial mausoleum of Emperor Xiao Shunzhi (ca. 444-494) showing two “ornamental columns” forming an entry way in front of the burial site. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006...... 168

Figure 6.5: A typical Song dynasty “Raven Head Gate”. Source: Liang Sicheng, Yingzao fashi zhushi (Commentary on Treaties on Architectural Methods), (Beijing: China Architecture and Building Press, 2001), 462...... 169

Figure 6.6: A Song xumizuo with Buddhist motifs symbolising the centre of the universe. Source: Liang Sicheng, Qingshi yingzao zeli tuban (Illustrations of Constructions by the Qing Ministry of Works), (Beijing: China Architecture and Building Press, 2001), 241...... 171

Figure 6.7: This xumizuo as the pedestal of a Ming archway dating back to the reign of Emperor Yongle (r. 1402–1424) has lion motifs carved on the four sides symbolising the guardians of the four quarters of the universe. Source: V. W. F. Collier, Dogs of China & Japan in Nature and Art (London: William Heinemann, 1921), facing page 104...... 171

Figure 6.8: Two Japanese interpretations of the Chinese lion (ca. 1895–1945): the one with its mouth open is called ah or shishi, the one with its mouth closed is called um or komainu. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006...... 175

Figure 6.9: The popular rendering of a pair of stone lions with oversized heads, standing guard in front of Daming Temple (ca. 1644–1722). Source: Zhu Guorong, Zhongguo shizi diaosu yishu, 79...... 187

Figure 7.1: The half-man half-beast stone guardian of Leizhou. Source: Luo Lang, “Leizhou shigou” (The Stone Dog of Leizhou), Minzu luntan (Nationalities Forum), 1 (2006), 28...... 195

Figure 7.2: The half-man half-beast image of Chiyou from the Wu Liang Shrine (A.D. 147). Source: Shi Yan, Zhongguo diaosushi tulu (The Pictorial Art of Chinese Sculpture), (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chuban she, 1983), 218...... 198

Figure 7.3: Qing stone lions from Jinjiang (left) and Tongan (right) in Fujian Province in the graceful style of the southern Lion. Source: Qiu Chengzhong, “Fujian gu shidiao yishu chutan zhi shishi zi” (An Initial Study of the Stone Lion in the Art of Fujian’s Ancient Stone Sculpture), Fujian wenbo (Fujian Relics and Museology, 55, No. 2 (2006), Figures 5 and 6...... 200

Figure 7.4: The geographical position of Kinmen. Source: Tsai Huei-Min, “Island Biocultural Assemblages: The Case of Kinmen Island”, Geografiska Annaler, 85, No. 4 (2003), 210...... 203

Figure 7.5: Wind-guarding statues around Kinmen. Source: Chen Bingrong, Jinmen fengshiye (Kinmen Wind Lion God), (Kinmen: Jinmen xianzhengfu, 1996), 113, 129 and 156...... 208

Figure 7.6: Distribution of the Wind Lion Gods and the monsoon winds in Kinmen. Source: modified after Chen Bingrong, Kinmen fengshiye, 52...... 209

Figure 7.7: The deployment of the four Wind Lion Gods in Yangzhai, indicated by black dots. Source: modified after http://www.jhes.km.edu.tw...... 210 14

Figure 7.8: The half-man half-beast Wind Lion God of Houhu, Huxia and Dongzhou (from left to right) in Kinmen with pastries placed in their mouths. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006...... 211

Figure 7.9: The ape-like Wind Lion God of Qionglin (ca. Ming–Qing). Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006...... 212

Figure 7.10: The dog-like Wind Lion God of Lucou (Ming). Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006...... 213

Figure 7.11: The clown-like Wind Lion God of Houpan (ca. Qing). Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2008...... 213

Figure 7.12: The transformation of the Wind Lion God of Dongzhou from a likeness of none to a leonine deity before and after 1995. Source: http://blog.roodo.com/wind_lion...... 214

Figure 7.13: The Wind Lion God of Housa (2007), Shangyi (1998), and Jincheng (2006) all share the likeness of a Chinese lion. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2008...... 214

Figure 7.14: The third generation of the Wind Lion God of Dongzhou (resculptured in 1995) has the look of a superhero ready to fly. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006...... 216

Figure 7.15: The Wind Lion God of Shamei with sweet rice in its mouth. Source: Chen Bingrong, Jinmen fengshiye, 62...... 216

Figure 7.16: The Wind Lion Gods from a gift shop (left) and the monumental landmark at Shangyi Airport (right): Source: Chen Bingrong, Jinmen fengshiye, 81, and Yang Tianhou and Lin Likuan, Jinmen fengshiye yu bixie xinyang (The Wind Lion God in Kinmen and Belief in Evils- Avoidance), (Taipei: Daotian chuban she, 2000), 83...... 218

Figure 7.17: The Monumental Archway and “temple dogs” in front of Dixon Street Mall were meant to create a distinct Chinese ambience. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006...... 222

Figure 7.18: The heads of southern (left) and northern (right) dancing lions show the distinct differences in their mouths, ears and manes. Source: Lee Yu-yen, “Taiwan minjian wushi zongjiao yishi yu biaoyan yishu zhi yanjiu: yi taiwanshi yu xingshi weili” (Ritual and Performance of the Lion Dance in Taiwanese Folk Arts: The Cases of the Taiwanese Lion and the Cantonese Lion), (Master’s diss., National Taipei University, 2004), 33 and 37...... 228

Figure 7.19: The dye-dotting ceremony at the lion dance in Hurstville, Sydney, 2007, was performed by government officials and community representatives. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2007...... 229

Figure 7.20: The popular southern-style performances of caiqing (left) and meihua zhuang (right) during the welcoming of the Year of the Pig in Hurstville, Sydney, 2007. Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2007...... 230

Figure 7.21: The blessings of the dancing lion extended to stores of the non- Chinese community at Westfield shopping centre in Hurstville, Sydney, 2007. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2007...... 231

Chapter 1 Introduction

This thesis examines the transformation of the lion motif in China from a real to an imagined animal. It focuses on the process of inhabitation whereby the image of a foreign animal is transformed from strange to familiar and on the aesthetic, political and historical aspects of that process. Through textual and linguistic enquiry in combination with historical and archaeological studies, the thesis aims to demonstrate that the migratory image of the lion in China was first developed by the ruling class to claim superiority, but later flourished within popular culture with new forms, values and meanings. The expansion of this particular animal motif broke the class barrier between ruler and ruled, narrowed the disjunction between the real and the imagined, and transformed the lion from a ferocious beast to a domestic pet actively engaged in Chinese spatial and social contexts. That is to say, the Chinese lion motif started as an actual physical object but developed into a living concept which could be invested with meanings and values through human imagination, but could also generate meanings and perpetuate values of its own.

The thesis begins with an analysis of the significance and efficacy of the lion motif in pre-modern and modern China,1 where the animal is perceived as a hybrid of existing and imaginary beasts actively involved with Chinese space and social life. It then proceeds to a relatively chronological discussion of the shift in the image of the lion from real to imagined, comparing the surreal look of the lion with the mythological animals of the Shang and Zhou dynasties (1600– 221 B.C.), when hybrid animals serving as a link between the terrestrial world and the spiritual realm were mostly composed of images of the known and the unknown. Naturally, when the lion was introduced to China through neighbouring countries during the Han dynasty (206 B.C.–A.D. 220) as a supernatural winged animal of might and power, the Chinese ruling class found

1 I use the terms pre-modern and modern China as defined by Kenneth Hammond, who sets the end point of pre-modern China as the fifteenth century. See “Introduction” in Kenneth J. Hammond, ed., The Human Tradition in Premodern China (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002), xv. 17 it perfect for representing their power and authority, and used it pervasively in their palace decorations and mortuary settings.

However, the use of the lion motif as a form of class distinction had gradually diminished by the Sui and Tang dynasties (581–907) and the animal came to be widely adopted in popular culture as a demon pacifier, human protector, and bearer of good fortune. In addition, its supernatural attributes became less of a focal point, more attention being placed on a realistic rendering of the animal and on its playfulness. Nevertheless, the change from unruly beast to domestic pet prompted certain wealthy merchants to decorate their entrance ways with this strange-looking animal, as much to borrow the power of repelling evil that its predecessor had possessed and that the ruling class had used to keep hostile influences at bay as to flaunt their success through its symbolic importance in terms of class distinction. Surprisingly, this transformation of the mechanism of the lion motif from real to imagined, from strange to familiar and from dominant to popular culture did not pose any significant threat to the dominant–submissive relationship between those who ruled and those who were ruled, as the animal continued to be the favourite motif of the rulers of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911).

The Dowager Empress of Qing, Cixi (1835–1908), even supported certain extreme inbreeding practices in an effort to turn the Pekingese dog into an emblem of the lion in order to acquire the symbolic power of the mighty beast and to acquire the animal’s prestigious association with Buddha, as she took ۵ᅍ, literally “Old Buddha”.2 The idea that۔ seriously her sobriquet Laofoye one could acquire ultimate power and prestige through having a puppy “lion- dog” further accounted for the popularity of the Pekingese dog among learned Chinese, who deemed the pet dog a necessary luxury far beyond the reach of the poverty-stricken masses.3 This kind of generalisation, however, ignores the subtleties in the transformation of the lion motif from strange beast to familiar

2 Yi-Fu Tuan, Dominance and Affection: The Making of Pets (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984), 106, and Annie Coath Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking: A History of the Pekingese Dog (London: Peter Davies, 1967), 42. 3 Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 3. 18 canine through the dynasties, when the animal often held a seemingly contradictory position between those who ruled and those who were ruled, that is, as an “upholder” of power and authority to the ruling class, but to those ruled a “challenger” to that very same power and authority.

Thematic and chronological narratives further carry the textual and linguistic enquiry into the lion-related vernacular cultures of Southern China and the custom of placing a pair of dog-like lion statues in front of a typical Chinatown overseas. With supplementary evidence from historical records and archaeological findings, the conclusion can be drawn that the ever-changing form and role of the lion motif throughout Chinese history was largely due to the animal being constantly “refurbished”, renamed, and reassigned different tasks to better suit its various identities. The varying forms and roles of the lion motif, as the thesis continues to demonstrate, have obstructed Chinese views of this animal motif to such an extent that its original conception has changed, twisted, and been forgotten. The thesis then proposes that the lion motif is pervasive in Chinese space and social life because it has been assimilated into the four traditional Chinese religions, or ways of thought, that have been the key elements in the composition and activation of Chinese society: the popular religion, Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism.4

Having identified the aims, objectives and structure of the thesis, it seems necessary to justify why textual and linguistic enquiry is essential in addressing the transformation of the lion motif from a physical object to a living concept. The textual enquiry involves collecting, developing and constructing a meaningful narrative using literary sources from classical to contemporary to form a coherent sense of the role of the lion in Chinese space and social life at different stages. This sense of belonging, from the strange to the familiar and from the real to the imagined, is further enhanced through linguistic enquiry, which re-examines a series of lion-related titles, terms and characters that

4 These four categories are borrowed from Meir Shahar and Robert Weller’s study of the relationship between Chinese divinity and society, see Meir Shahar and Robert P. Weller, “Gods and Society in China”, in Unruly Gods: Divinity and Society in China, ed. Meir Shahar and Robert P. Weller (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1996), 1–36. 19 explore the relationship between different languages, translations and interpretations. Although this kind of study could easily be turned into an anthropological study of a specific material culture requiring detailed planning of observations, examinations and interpretations to establish the authority of its claims, that is not in the best interest of this thesis, which aims to explore the various roles and images of the lion throughout Chinese history. That is to say, the aims and objectives of the thesis are to use literary sources in the form of lion-related studies to reflect the transformation in Chinese minds of the lion motif from a physical object to a living concept over the dynasties.

1.1 The Chinese Lion in Literature

This study is essentially textual and linguistic research, which draws on a variety of literary works from both China and the West, but especially standard إ ݳ (local gazetteers), zhengshiֱچ medieval Chinese texts such as difangzhi ׾ (official histories), and yeshi xiaoshuo ມ׾՛ᎅ (unfounded tales and fiction),5 where the lion appeared in various guises under various names to speak on behalf of humans. In this thesis the term difangzhi refers to regional political histories, which often cover a wide range of subjects, from changes in territorial divisions, the founding of cities, local products and customs to biographies of local celebrities, bibliographies and literary anthologies loosely structured under the categories of tujing ቹᆖ, zhi ݳ or fangzhi ֱݳ.6 This kind of “regional history” was originally compiled by the local administration to provide up-to-date maps and detailed information on local geographic conditions for the imperial court, but during the Song dynasty (960–1279) came to be regarded as “scholarly monographs” offering a generous selection of literature and critical commentary from past works.7

5 The English translation of yeshi xiaoshuo is borrowed from Meir Shahar in his “Vernacular Fiction and the Transmission of Gods’ Cults in Late Imperial China”, in Unruly Gods, 185. 6 James M. Hargett, “Song Dynasty Local Gazetteers and Their Place in the History of Difangzhi Writing”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 56, No. 2 (1996), 405–442. 7 Ibid., 412–421. 20

In studying the lion motif in Chinese space and social life, difangzhi are particularly useful because they provide first-hand information on locating, mapping and explaining vernacular variations of the lion culture, without subsequent editing and embellishment by imperial court historians. The unpolished portrayals in these local gazetteers tell us that a painted lion can repel evil spirits;8 an iron lion is credited with power over dragons;9 and the stone lions in front of the yamen ᇒ॰ (the magistrate’s office) can provide safety and protection to people who pet them.10 These vernacular descriptions of the lion motif are a faithful interpretation of the animal’s role in the popular mind and culture as opposed to how it was depicted by the imperial court.

The term zhengshi, however, points to the official dynastic histories, grouped under sibu ؄ຝ (four categories) of shi ׾ (historiography) in Chinese classical texts and often referred to as the Ershisishi ԲԼ؄׾ (Twenty-Four Official Dynastic Histories).11 These dynastic histories are a collection of historical

8 Wang Ao, ed., Gusu zhi (The Gazetteers of Gusu), (Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1986), 819. Gusu .and the text was originally published in 1506 ,ڠࡤᤕ is the modern Suzhou ᤕ 9 Cui Shoulu et al. eds., Cangxian zhi (The Gazetteers of Cang County), (Beijing: Zhongguo heping chuban she, 1995), 487. The text was first compiled between 1573 and 1620. 10 Li Xi and Wang Guoxian, eds., Qiongshan xianzhi (The Gazetteers of Qiongshan), (Taipei: Qiongshan xianzhi chongyin weiyuanhui, 1964), 32. The text was first compiled in 1662. It is noteworthy that the three mentioned difangzhi are in very different regions of China. They were selected to demonstrate the magnitude of the lion’s power in different forms and representations. That is, the focus is on the variety of the lion motifs in popular culture rather than their regional differences. The lion motif cited in Qiongshan xianzhi is a pair of stone lions standing guard in front of the magistrate’s office; they were believed to be able to protect the people who petted them. The lion in Gusu zhi is a painted lion hanging in front of a civilian house; it was believed to have the power against malignant influences. The lion in Cangxian zhi is an iron lion watching over a coastal village; it was believed to have defeated a demonic dragon residing over the area. The twenty-four official histories are the Shi ji ׾ಖ (Records of the Historian), Han shu ዧ஼ (The 11 Book of Former Han), Houhan shu ৵ዧ஼ (The Book of Later Han), Sanguo zhi Կഏݳ (Records of the Three Kingdoms), Jin shu வ஼ (The Book of Jin), Song shu ݚ஼ (The Book of Liu-Song), Nanqi shu ত Ꮨ஼ (The Book of Southern Qi), Liang shu ඩ஼ (The Book of Liang), Chen shu ຫ஼ (The Book of ׾ (The History of the Northernק Chen), Nan shi ত׾ (The History of the Southern Dynasties), Bei shi ,(Ꮨ஼ (The Book of Northern Qiק Dynasties), Wei shu ᠿ஼ (The Book of Northern Wei), Beiqi shu ࡌ஼ (The Book of Northern Zhou), Sui shu ၹ஼ (The Book of Sui), Jiu tang shu ៱ା஼ק Beizhou shu ׾ (The Old History of the Five Dynasties), Xin tang shuזThe Old Book on Tang), Jiu wudai shi ៱ն) ,(׾ (The New History of the Five Dynastiesזᄅା஼ (The New Book on Tang), Xin wudai shi ᄅն Song shi ݚ׾ (The History of Song), Liao shi ᙉ׾ (The History of Khitan-Liao), Jin shi ८׾ (The .(History of Jurched-Jin), Yuan shi ց׾ (The History of Yuan), and Ming shi ࣔ׾ (The History of Ming For a general definition of zhengshi, see Wei Zheng, Sui shu (The Book of Sui), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973), 956–957. It is noteworthy that the twenty-four dynastic histories I used are the Zhonghua shuju editions, which have been widely circulated and have achieved significant recognition at the academic level. As for my references to the authors and dates of classical Chinese texts, they are mostly 21 references compiled and produced under the supervision of the imperial court and ranging in subject matter from the biographies of members of the imperial family, court officers and eminent people to treaties, legislation and foreign policy, from the Han to Ming times (206 B.C.–A.D. 1911).12 They are often regarded as authoritative sources for literary research on Chinese history and culture. In my textual enquiry, these histories serve as basic sources of information for verifying the existence of the lion through the dynasties.

However, because the imperial court’s interpretations of the lion were often filtered through the lens of the historian, the information in the dynastic histories is selective, with values superimposed to meet certain practical needs. Furthermore, these practical issues are frequently camouflaged by a political agenda whose sole purpose was to keep the feudal system in place.13 Therefore, it is not surprising to see what were considered important topics and events often leveraged through the social and moral values of judgmental official historians concerned with documenting incidents. Hence, the lion in the dynastic histories is described as one of many exotic gifts pouring into China from all over, creating an image of the power emanating from a strong empire and attracting lesser states.14 Similarly, the lion dance is honoured with the title Wufang shiziwu նֱஃ՗ፘ / նֱᅐ՗ፘ (The Lion Dance from the Five Directions), a chorus of one hundred and forty performers dancing and singing

drawn from Michael Loewe’s Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, published by the Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley in 1993. 12 For a definition of the twenty-four dynastic histories and what they include, see Ji Yun and Yong Rong, eds., Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao (Comprehensive Annotated Bibliography of the Four Repositories), (Haikou: Hainan chuban she, 1999), 256. 13 According to Lee Yun Kuen, one dominant theme of these practical issues was to legalise the succession of dynasties, kings and capitals. See Lee Yun Kuen, “Differential Resolution in History and Archaeology”, Journal of East Asian Archaeology, 4, No. 1–4 (2002), 376. Charles Gardner, however, attributes the practical need for a selective Chinese history to upholding political morality. See Charles S. Gardner, Chinese Traditional Historiography (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), 13. Using the pictorial art of the Yinan Tomb of Han times as an example, Lydia Thompson also proposes that the narrative meaning in Chinese funeral arrangements often shifted between historical and political circumstances. See Lydia duPont Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb: Narrative and Ritual in Pictorial Art of the Eastern Han (25–220 C.E.)” (PhD diss., New York University, 1998), 152. The original sentence is “shufang yiwu, simian erzhi” ௘ֱฆढΔ؄૿ۖ۟, see Ban Gu, Han shu 14 (The Book of Former Han), (Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1970), 3928. 22

the music of Taiping ֜ؓ (Universal Peace).15 The lion’s tribute is vaunted as the result of the divine virtue and majesty of the Son of Heaven.16 The focus of all the statements in these official histories is more on the effect achieved than on the power and efficacy of the lion. It thus seems justified to conclude that the aim of the imperial court was to depict the lion as a symbol of the dominant authority and absolute power of the ruling class.

Unlike the paradigmatic records of the dynastic histories, which were intent on maintaining the feudal status quo, yeshi xiaoshuo contain material drawn from the mundane tasks and chores of daily life of the ordinary people. This category covers an extensive range of classical Chinese texts, both literary and vernacular, including yeshi ມ׾ (non-official historical records privately composed by local scholars), biji ࿝ಖ (jottings), xiaoshuo ՛ᎅ (fiction), zhiguai (ݳࢡ (records of strange happenings) and chuanqi ႚ࡛ (tales of the marvellous that were beyond the purview of local gazetteers and official historiography but circulated widely among the people.17 Through these unofficial compilations of historical records, tales and fiction, the power and efficacy of the lion endured through myths and legends vividly brought to life to tell of its genesis,18

15 Liu Xu, Jiu tang shu (The Old Book on Tang), (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 1059. It is worth noting that according to Alexander Soper the music originated with the Manichaeans. See Alexander Coburn Soper, “The Jen Shou Mirrors”, Artibus Asiae, 29, No. 1 (1967), 60. 16 Zhang Tingyu, Ming shi (The History of Ming), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 8600–8601. The luxurious treatment accorded the lion even caused complaints from imperial officials, who claimed they had been treated no better than the lion. See Xie Zhaozhe, Wu zazu (Five Collected Offerings), (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 240. The tribute of the lion symbolising the emperor’s glorious reign is more specific in a Ming ambassador’s travel notes, Xiyu fanguo zhi ۫഑྾ഏݳ (Records of the Barbarian Countries in the Western Regions). See Chen Cheng, Xiyu xingcheng ji: Xiyu fanguo zhi (Travels to the Western Regions and Records of the Barbarian Countries in the Western Regions), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991), 119–120. 17 It is noteworthy that the imperial court regarded the compilation of standard histories as one of the primary tasks in legitimising the existing rule. Consequently, non-official historical records were not allowed to exist. See David Wei Ze, “Printing as an Agent of Social Stability: The Social Organization of Book Production in China during the Sung Dynasty” (PhD diss., Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, 1995), 181. These kinds of historical records and narratives, especially zhiguai, were among the Chinese literary works in medieval China that were extensively circulated. See Wang Chen-shan, “Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery: Architecture, Iconography and Social Contexts” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2008), 79. Qian Daxin (1728–1804) further claims that these fictitious tales had as much impact on Chinese social life as Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism, if not more, since literati, peasants, workers, and merchants were all familiar with them. Even children, women and illiterates had all heard or seen these tales performed. See Qian Daxin, Qianyantang ji (Collected Essays from Qianyan Hall), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1989), 282. 18 For the definition of myth, see Claude Lévi-Strauss, “The Structural Study of Myth”, The Journal of American Folklore, 68, No. 270 (1955), 429, Stith Thompson, “Myth and Folktales”, in Myth: A 23 immortality,19 and humans’ love and affection for it.20 Although most of this rich material was pure imagination with little foothold in reality, it often reflected the interests, beliefs and needs of the people, in sharp contrast to the dogmatic tradition of the official dynastic histories, from which local tales of spiritual beings and events were often excluded.

The problem with these allegorical records and tales, however, is that they were often created around the notions popular among the people that fell between spiritual yearnings and religious beliefs, in which time does not exist, space has no limit, and the intermingling of the real and the imagined is acceptable. That is why the lion could go from being a mythological creature from the archaic Bronze Age to a fantastic animal from a mysterious continent to a grotesque creature looking like a cross between a tiger, an ape and a dog jumping across time and space with no fixed form.21 It is why the animal’s body odour, breath

Symposium, ed. Thomas A. Sebeok (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965), 173, and Paul Steven Sangren, “Myths, Gods, and Family Relations”, in Unruly Gods, 154. As for the definition of legend, see William Bascom, “The Forms of Folklore: Prose Narratives”, The Journal of American Folklore, 78, No. 307 (1965), 4, and Peng Bangben, “In Search of the Shu Kingdom: Ancient Legends and New Archaeological Discoveries in Sichuan”, Journal of East Asian Archaeology, 4, No. 1–4 (2002), 76–77. For stories about the lion prophesying the primeval flood and the genesis of human beings, see Liu Xicheng et al., Shi yu shishen (Stone and the Stone God), (Beijing: Xueyuan chuban she, 1994), 94–124, Liu Xicheng, “Luchen chuanshuo zaitan” (Reassessing the Legends of the Lost Islands of China), in Wu wenhua luntan (The Forum of Wu Culture), ed. Xu Caishi (Beijing: Zhongyang minzu daxue chuban she, 1999), 14–31, and Lu Yilu, “Hongshui chuanshuo zhongde shishizi” (The Stone Lion of the Primeval Flood), Guowen tiandi (The World of Chinese Language and Literature), 17, No. 3 (2001), 11–18. Mark Lewis has also proposed a variety of allegorical stories about the recreation of the world after a devastating flood, see Mark Edward Lewis, The Flood Myths of Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006). Similar stories can be found in Japanese classical tales as well. See Bernard Faure, “The Buddhist Icon and the Modern Gaze”, Critical Inquiry, 24, No. 3 (1998), 780. 19 For the lion’s association with an immortal island named Jukuzhou ፋᆌ੊ (Grotto-Gathering Island), see Wang Guoliang, Hainei shizhou ji yanjiu (Research on the Records of the Ten Continents), (Taipei: Wenshi zhe chuban she, 1993), 72. 20 For lion stories reflecting the romance of the human world, see Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 20, and Yang Hongjiang, “Mingzhou suide de diaoke yishu” (The Sculptural Arts of Suide County), Shuishou yu shehui (Taxation and Society), 12 (2000), 37–38. 21 For the lion as a mystic animal from ancient times, see Chen Cheng, Chen zhushan xiansheng wenji (Collected Works of Master Chen Zhushan), (Tainan: Zhuangyan wenhua, 1997), 335, and Lu Rong, Shuyuan zaji (Miscellaneous Notes from the Bean Garden), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 17. For the lion’s association with a mysterious continent named Hantu ឌՒ (Land of Han), see Wang Qi and Wang Siyi, eds., Sancai tuhui (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1988), 2201. As for the lion’s association with the appearance of the tiger and ape, see Wu Shuping, ed., Dongguan hanji jiaozhu (Annotated History of the Former Han from Dongguan Hall), (Zhongzhou: Zhongzhou guji chuban she, 1987), 113, and Zhou Mi, Yunyan guoyan lu (Record of Clouds and Mists Passing Before One’s Eyes), (Changsha: Shangwu yinshu guan, 1939), 30. For the lion’s association with Buddha and his dog, see Xu Yingqiu, “Yuzhitang tanhui” (Collected Talks from Yuzhi Hall), in Biji xiaoshuo daguan (Grand Exhibit of Notebook Fiction), ed. Guangling guji keyin she, vol. 11 (Yangzhou: 24 and excrement were said to be capable of repelling bears, causing the death of other animals, curing chronic constipation and counteracting the toxic agents to which someone was exposed.22 Obviously, these miraculous powers of the lion grew out of hearsay or assumptions about its function and efficacy rather than its rarity.23 It seems plausible to conclude that these popular lion tales were a means of gaining for the masses access to this divine creature that the ruling class had a monopoly on and giving them a taste of the absolute power and authority they were always searching for.

Historical, linguistic, archaeological and anthropological studies in contemporary Chinese and Western literature have also been employed to seek a meaningful narrative on how the lion, a foreign import, could be adopted by, transformed by and assimilated into an existing culture. These materials explain the invention of tradition, the etymology of terms in different languages, and archaeological findings and anthropological research on the transformation of a material culture. Hence, such things as how an accidental encounter became a longstanding tradition of feeding the stone lion,24 how the name for the lion was changed from its foreign-language original to that of a legendary Chinese sovereign25 and how the lion was transformed from a ferocious beast to a domestic puppy can be placed in context and assessed.26 By examining materials from different disciplines and sources, the thesis demonstrates how the lion motif changed and was gradually transformed from a ferocious guardian of the ruling class,

Guangling guji keyin she, 1983), 98–99, Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 20, and V. W. F. Collier, Dogs of China & Japan in Nature and Art (London: William Heinemann, 1921), 112. 22 For the power of the lion’s body odour, see Fan Xiangyong, ed., Luoyang jialan ji jiaozhu (Annotated Record of the Buddhist Monasteries of Luoyang), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1978), 162. For the power of the lion’s breath, see Pu Songling, Liaozhai zhiyi (Records of the Strange), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1979), 280, and Ji Yun, “Yuewei caotang biji” (Jottings from the Thatched Hall of Close Observations), in Biji xiaoshuo daguan, vol. 20, 312. As for the power of the lion’s excrement, see Li Shizhen, Bencao gangmu (Compendium of Materia Medica), (Beijing: Renmin weisheng chuban she, 1975–1981), 2815. 23 The fantastic nature of Chinese classical tales, however, did not mean narrative events were not “real” or “accurate” accounts. This can be confirmed from Ji Yun’s remark: “xiashuo jishu jianwen, jishu xushi” ՛ᎅਝ૪ߠፊΔܛ᥆ඖࠃ (Classical tales are accounts of what one has seen or heard; they are narrative of real events). See Ji, “Yuewei caotang”, 405. Andrew Plaks has also suggested that Chinese allegorical stories are often interconnected with the real world. See Andrew H. Plaks, Archetype and Allegory in Dream of the Red Chamber (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), 5–19. 24 See Chapter seven: Consolidation of the Wind and the Lion for further discussion. 25 For further discussion, see Chapter three: Its Names. 26 See my analysis in Chapter six: A Decorative Animal and a Symbol of Power and Success. 25 created to accord with the political agenda of the élite culture, to a domestic pet entrusted with the interests and hopes of the popular culture.

In summary, the textual and linguistic enquiry that I offer here is a structured narrative on the changes in the Chinese lion motif and its transformation from the real to the imagined, providing a consistent and unitary reading of the lion culture in China through textual materials and archaeological findings.27 This reading is a “thick description”, unlike the loose depiction found in local gazetteers, the paradigmatic interpretation of dynastic histories, or the fallacious portrayals in unfounded histories and fictitious tales that focused either on individual hypotheses or general assumptions.28 It is a combined reading using visual and textual materials from official historical records to popular fictitious tales to reconstruct and reinterpret the past as a coherent whole, in all its vividness.29 This vivid description is treated as being outside time: the past can be time immemorial or an untraceable place.30 It is not a thematic study of the forms and mechanisms of the lion. That is to say, the study is not intended to trace the origin of the lion motif in Chinese history nor to distinguish the animal’s natural attributes from its allegorical powers, where most of the lion’s value and efficacy is entrenched. Rather, this is historical research from a textual and linguistic perspective into how people believe in and react to a particular material culture from abroad. By collecting and analysing the vast panorama of this particular animal motif in shaping Chinese social life, the formal, religious,

27 In his interpretation of the feng and shan rituals, Mark Lewis uses a similar method to construct a synthesis of surviving textual materials on sacrifices to argue against a hypothetical reading of Chinese ritual in historical situations and cultural meanings. See Mark Edward Lewis, “The feng and shan Sacrifices of Emperor Wu of the Han”, in State and Court Ritual in China, ed. Joseph Peter McDermott (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 65. 28 The term “thick description” was used by Clifford Geertz to describe his method of doing ethnolographical studies. He borrowed it from Gilbert Ryle who argues that the meaning of human behaviour changes in different contexts. See Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (London: Hutchinson, 1973), 3–10. Here I use it in the literal sense focusing more on the interpretation of textual and linguistic materials than on the empirical analysis of human behaviour. 29 The use of diverse visual and textual materials to reconstruct the past without a single focus is a methodology of Cultural History. See Wu Hung, Monumentality in Early Chinese Art and Architecture (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), 14. This approach is crucial, in Lydia Thompson’s view, as any given material or information might be the key to the identification or interpretation of the narrative meaning. See Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 152. 30 See Chapter six: What the Dancing Lion Signified for my interpretation of a record of a dream of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (r. 712–756), in which he saw a lion dancing joyfully with people in an unknown world. The dream was taken by the historian as a good sign indicating the glory of the current imperial reign. 26 and political aspects of the lion are re-examined to explore its position, significance, and function in contemporary China. The central argument, however, is the transformation, facilitated by unconscious collaboration between those who ruled and those who were ruled, of the Chinese lion motif from real to imagined, from strange to familiar, and from unruly guardian to domestic pet.

1.2 A Review on the Significance of the Lion in China

The essential problem addressed by this study can be summarised by a statement in Xiamen zhi ლ॰ݳ (The Gazetteers of Xiamen) (1832), which asks why, when the people of this region speak of the stone lion, they address it by the respectful title ye ᅍ (Master).31 This not only pinpoints the essential question researched, that is, “why the lion”, but also suggests the framework of the literature review, which examines the lion motif in China.

The first phase of my literature review, then, focuses on the historical background of the lion and archaeological findings to see where the animal was found and where it was positioned in Chinese society. What is already known is that, though not native to China, the lion was first tamed in the imperial menagerie, and a likeness was later sculpted and placed in front of imperial tombs to protect the dead. Most scholars seem to have no objection to the non- indigenous nature of the lion. Some base their arguments on Chinese literary sources,32 others on archaeological findings,33 and yet others on scientific

ᅐྤߢۖጠᅍ, literally, the stone lion cannotف ”The original sentence is “shishi wuyan ercheng ye 31 speak (to people), but people address it as master. See Zhou Kai, Xiamen zhi (The Gazetteers of Xiamen), (Taipei: Taiwan yinhang jingji yanjiu shi, 1961), 650. 32 To give a few examples, Collier, Dogs of China, 91, Laurence Sickman and Alexander Soper, The Pelican History of Art: The Art and Architecture of China (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1971), 62, William Chao-chung Hu, Chinese Lion Dance Explained (San Francisco: Ars Ceramica, 1995), 5, Zhai Jie, “Guanzhong kuibao, xiaozhong jianda: cong shizi ruhua kan zhenghe xia xiyang de chengjiu” (Seeing the Big World from a Small Hole: From the Foreign Tributes of the Lion to Zheng He’s Western Expeditions), Shandong jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Shandong Education Institue), 107, No. 1 (2005), 26, and Huang Huiwen, “Taiwan shishi yishu fengge yanbian zhi chubu yanjiuyi zhanqian 1945 nian yiqian wei fanwei” (A Preliminary Study of the Evolution in the Artistic Styles of Stone Lions in Taiwan before 1945), (Masters diss., National Cheng Kung University, 2007), 12. 33 Stephen Wootton Bushell, Chinese Art (London: Board of Education, 1924), 7, Osvald Sirén, “Indian and other Influences in Chinese Sculpture”, in Study in Chinese Art and Some Indian Influences, ed. J. Hackin et al. (London: The India Society, 1938), 18, Schuyler Cammann, “Significant Patterns on 27 evidence and expert testimony.34 Despite the animal’s non-indigenous nature, nothing fetched so great a price as the lion during imperial times; members of the ruling class would pay any price for this royal beast.35

When the lion was first introduced to China, its noble mien and ferocious look soon caught the attention of the ruling élite. The animal was kept in the imperial menagerie for their personal amusement. Consequently, professional animal trainers were assigned to care for the lions and teach them a few tricks to entertain the imperial family, thus turning the unruly beast into a domestic pet. Skilful acts designed to amuse the ruling class such as “staying put”, “dancing”, and “bowing to the emperor” have all been recorded.36 In fact, the lion was so well trained it posed no threat to other domestic animals in the emperor’s imperial hunting grounds.37 Marco Polo (ca. 1254–1324), the intrepid Venetian traveller, is said to have been very impressed by the magic the Chinese performed on the lion, turning a ferocious beast into a “little, nimble, golden-

Chinese Bronze Mirrors”, Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America, 9 (1955), 50, Berthold Laufer, Chinese Pottery of the Han Dynasty (Rutland: Charles E. Tuttle, 1962), 236, Barry Till, “Some Observations on Stone Winged Chimeras at Ancient Chinese Tomb Sites”, Artibus Asiae, 42 (1980), 262, and Li Ling, “Lun zhongguo di youyi shenshou” (Chinese Mythical Winged Beasts), Zhongguo xueshu (China Academic Journal), 5, No. 1 (2001), 129. 34 For instance, Zhang Zhijie traces his sources to various Chinese institutions including Gujizhui dongwu Գᣊઔߒࢬ (Institute of Vertebrate Paleontology andײ౩཮೯ढፖײ yu gurenlei yanjiusuo ෻ઝᖂፖᇷᄭઔߒࢬ (Institute of Geographicچ Paleoanthropology), Dili kexue yu ziyuan yanjiusuo Sciences and Natural Resources Research), and Ziran kexueshi yanjiusuo ۞ྥઝᖂ׾ઔߒࢬ (Institute for the History of Natural Science) of Zhongguo kexueyuan խഏઝᖂೃ (Chinese Academy of Sciences) in order to verify the often misleading notion of the lion’s indigeneity to China. See Zhang Zhijie, “Shihu aohu? Cong yuanren hua gongaotu shuoqi” (A Lion or a Mastiff? Some Observations on the Painting of the Tribute of a Mastiff from the Yuan Dynasty), Science Monthly, 321 (1996), 722–727. For the general Chinese misconception about the lion being indigenous to China, see Li, “Lun zhongguo”, 130, especially note 121. One thing to be noted is that Zhang Songli and Zhang Jinfeng did mention that lion fossils were found in Zhoukoudian ࡌՑࢋ near Beijing, without referencing their source. See Zhang Songli and Zhang Jinfeng, “Xuchang handai daxing shidiao tianlu, bixie jiqi tedian” (The Special Characteristics of Han’s Massive Stone Sculpture, Tianlu and Bixie in Xuchang), Zhongyuan wenwu (Cultural Relics of Central China), 4 (2007), 76. 35 Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither: Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China, vol. 1 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1915), ccxxii. Aly Mazahâeri has also mentioned the Chinese rulers’ extreme advocacy of possessing a number of lions. See Aly Mazahâeri, Sichou zhilu: Zhongguo bosi wenhua jiaoliu shi (La Route de la Soie), trans. Geng Sheng (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1993), 13 and 321. 36 For the tricks the lion can do, see Jin Shan, Jin wenjing gong ji (Collected Works of Jin Wenjing), (Taipei: National Central Library, 1969), 2: 11, Liang Qian, “Boan xiansheng wenji” (Collected Works of Boan), in Beijing tushuguan guji zhenben congkan (Collections of Classics and Rare Editions in the National Library of China), ed. Beijing tushuguan (Beijing: Shumu wenxian chuban she, 1998), 328. However, such training was often at the expense of the personal life of the animal trainer. For the animal trainer’s ungraceful life, see Chen Hongmo, “Zhishi yuwen” (Words from a Regulated Realm), in Congshu jicheng xinbian (New Collections and Compilation of the Collectanea), ed. Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, vol. 85 (Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, 1985), 716. 37 Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo (London: Dent, 1908), 193. 28 coated dog”, and recorded his admiration in his travel notes.38 Not only had Marco Polo witnessed the kingly mien of the real lion turned into a tame puppy within Chinese palaces, he had also seen the grotesque statues in front of public structures of the lion-dog mocking the lion’s royal domain.39 However, the shift in the lion’s image from a ferocious beast to a domestic pet during the Yuan dynasty (1280–1368), when Marco Polo was in favour with the imperial ruler (of Mongolian origin), was not the first merging of the real animal with the imagined animal. That first grand appearance was during Later Han times (A.D. 25–220).

Since the late 1970s archaeological studies have shown that the lion motif was fashionable with the imperial family as figurative funeral art during the Later Han dynasty.40 It was often associated with the term zhenmushou ᠜ችᡬ—literally, tomb guardian beast—and ranged in appearance from realistic representations to more abstract pieces in which the lion becomes a hybrid of real and imagined animals.41 Some scholars have attributed this “strange” phenomenon of stylised formal representation to the creativity of Chinese artists confronted by a rare

38 Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 31. For Marco Polo’s recording of the magic tricks the lion performed in the imperial court, see Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo, 192–193. 39 Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 32. 40 For archaeological evidence of the lion motif as funeral art, see Sirén, “Indian and other Influences”, 15–17, Victor Segalen, The Great Statuary of China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 43–54, Zhou Dao and Lu Pin, “Lüetan henan faxian di handai shidiao” (Research on the Han Stone Sculptures Discovered in Henan), Zhongyuan wenwu, 2 (1981), 34–37, Zhoukou diqu wenwu gongzuo dui and Huaiyang xian bowuguan, “Henan huaiyang beiguan yihao hanmu fajue jianbao” (Excavation of Han Tomb No. 1 at Beiguan in Huaiyang, Henan), Wen Wu (Cultural Relics), 419, No. 4 (1991), 34–46, Xu Huadang and Yang Guchan, Zhongguo shizi yishu (The Art of the Chinese Lion), (Beijing: Qing gongye chuban she, 1991), 12–16, Guo Taisong, “Qiantan gudai shizi zaoxing yishu” (Aesthetic Empathy in the Figurative Art of the Lion), Zhongyuan wenwu, 4 (1992), 95–99, Su Jian, “Luoyang xinhuo shi bixie di zaoxing yishu yu handai shi bixie di fenqi” (The Distinction between the Newly Discovered Stone Bixie from Luoyang and Han Stone Bixie), Zhongyuan wenwu, 2 (1995), 66–71, Zhu Guorong, Zhongguo shizi diaosu yishu (Figurative Art of the Chinese Lion), (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chuban she, 1996), 1–5, Sun Zhaojin, “Nanyang handai diaosu tianlu bixie de yishu tese” (Distinctive Characteristics of Han Dynasty Tianlu and Bixie in Nanyang), Zhongyuan wenwu, 4 (2005), 43–45, and Zhang and Zhang, “Xuchang handai”, 73–77. In using the term “figurative art”, I refer to neither the realistic nor the abstract representation of the lion, but to the intermingling of the two. That is, the lion in figurative art serves as a symbol of a particular social group as well as displaying the rich and powerful meanings and messages the artwork has gained as its form evolved. 41 The term zhenmushou was first used to describe the mysterious horned wooden figurines guarding the tombs of the region of Chu in southern China. See Geng Hualing, “Chu zhenmushou de yuanqi yu chuguo zulei” (The Origin of Tomb Guardian Beasts of Chu and the Chu Nation), Hengyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Hengyang Normal University), 28, No. 4 (2007), 91. However, the term was later used for any tomb guardian figurine or statuary. See Li Ling’s argument in Li Ling, Rushan yu chusai (Entering the Mountains and Crossing the Borders), (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 2004), 148. 29 and non-indigenous animal.42 Others have proposed that the grotesque appearance of the Chinese lion motif has its origin in foreign influences.43 Although scholars are yet to come to a definite conclusion about the stylistic origin of the lion motif in China, one thing is certain, and that is that this strange- looking animal motif has played a significant role in Chinese history.

The second phase of my literature review addresses the power and efficacy of the lion motif. I have already referred to some of the amazing and unique features of the lion motif: the animal’s frequent association with divine powers, spiritual mechanisms, and spatial and social stratification. The divine aspects of the lion, such as being able to fly, make predictions, cure disease, challenge the dragon, communicate with human beings and even take on human form, have been widely documented in both dynastic histories and classical tales.44 The

42 Segalen, The Great Statuary of China, 41–42, Yao Qian and Gu Bing, Nanchao lingmu shike (Stone Statuary of the Southern Dynasties), (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1981), 5, Yang Hong and Sun Ji, Xunchang di jingzhi (The Extreme Delicacy of Things), (Liaoning: Liaoning jiaoyu chuban she, 1996), 150–157, Bai Huawen, “Shizi yu shizi hou: jinian fojiao chuanru zhongguo liangqian nian” (The Lion and Its Roar: Two Millennia since Buddhism Arrived in China), Wenshi zhishi (Chinese Literature and History), 210, No. 12 (1998), 37–39, Lin Weigong, “Zhongguo shi wenhua yuanliu chutan” (The Cultural Origin of the Chinese Lion), Journal of the National Dr. Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall, 7 (2001), 173, and Gu Wen and Huang Jun, “Zhongguo zaoqi youyi shenshou wenti yanjiu size” (Research on Deity Animals with Wings in Ancient Times), Yindu xuekan (Yindu Journal), 3 (2005), 36–37. William Watson, Laurence Sickman, Alexander Soper and Robert Thorp, however, did not make a conclusive statement, but seemed more inclined to the opinion that the animal’s stylistic origin was China. See William Watson, Style in the Arts of China (Penguin Books: Harmondsworth, 1974), 58, Sickman and Soper, The Pelican History of Art, 61–62, and Robert Lee Thorp, Son of Heaven: Imperial Arts of China (Seattle: Son of Heaven Press, 1988), 189. 43 Sirén, “Indian and other Influences”, 15–17, Till, “Some Observations”, 262, Edith Dittrich, “The Spread of the Lion Motif in Ancient Asia” (paper presented at the International Conference of Archaeological Cultures of the Northern Chinese Ancient Nations, Hohhot, Inner Mongolia, 11–18 August 1992), Li Xueqin, Bijiao kaogu xue suibi (Random Talks on Comparative Archaeology), (Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chuban she, 1997), 82–85, and Zhang Yongpan, “Shizi ruhua qiantan” (A Preliminary Study of the Lion’s Arrival in China), Huaxia wenhua (Chinese Culture), 1 (2001), 63. While Zhu Xizu and Li Ling did not come to a firm conclusion, they did not exclude the possibility of foreign influence on the stylistic representation of the lion. See Zhu Xizu, “Tianlu bixie kao” (Comprehensive Studies of Tianlu and Bixie), in Liuchao lingmu diaocha baogao (An Investigative Report on the Tombs of the Six Dynasties), ed. Zhu Xizu and Teng Gu (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1992), 197, and Li, “Lun zhongguo”, 63. 44 The classical text Yi jian zhi, written during the Song dynasty (960–1279), records hundreds of Buddhist monks riding on lions (and other divine animals) to deliver a sacred Daoist book. See Hong Mai, Yi jian zhi (Tales of the Strange and Supernatural), (Changsha: Shangwu yinshu guan, 1941), 4: 19. For stories about the lion prophesying the primeval flood, see Liu, Shi yu shishen, 94–124. For records of the lion motif being able to cure strange diseases, see Chen Wenzhu, Tian zhong ji (The Encyclopaedia of Tianzhong), (Taipei: Wenhai chuban she, 1964), 1968, and Li Fang, ed., Taiping guangji (Extensive Records of the Reign of Great Tranquillity), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006), 1609. One record in Taiping guangji (978), however, has the lion challenging a dragon residing in a well. See Li, Taiping guangji, 3425. For the talking lion, see Liu, Jiu tang shu, 531. The Guang bowu zhi of Ming times (1368– 30 exercising of these divine powers has gained this royal beast honourable titles, such as qishou ࡛ᡬ (extraordinary animal), ruishou ᅗᡬ (auspicious animal) and shenshou 壀ᡬ (spiritual animal), capable of eliminating baleful influences and bringing good luck.45 These divine titles have their origin in the early association of the lion with certain spiritual animals. Through the centuries ,names such as suanni ‐≢, qiuer ૷ۘ, baize ػᖻ, zuner ༇ۘ, biao ๡ ,xiaoshou ՛ᡬ, bo ⿜, luquan ᥻ׅ, caoshangfei ౻Ղଆ, fuba ฤࢸ, tianlu ֚ᆂ qilin ᣜ᧵ and bixie ሌߵ were constantly juxtaposed with the name of the lion to indicate its divinity.46 The famous twentieth-century author Guo Moruo (1892– 1978) even went to the extreme of attempting to associate the name of the lion with the legendary ancestor of the Chinese people Xuanyuanshi or Huangdi (Yellow Emperor), which was often portrayed as a semi-animal divinity.47

The multi-dimensional illustration of the lion was gradually associated with different spatial arrangements, such as the carpet holder near the throne in the imperial palace, the tomb guardian within the precincts of imperial burial sites, the directional animals on cosmic bronze mirrors, the supporting stones of the archway in front of an entrance, the decoration on both sides of bridges, and the

1644) has provided an account of a monk who could transform himself into a lion at will. See Dong Sizhang, Guang bowu zhi (Further Records of Various Matters), (Taipei: Xinxing shuju, 1972), 3970. 45 Wang Ming, Baopu zi neipian jiaoshi (The Rectification and Interpretation of the Inner Chapters of the Book of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity), in Xinbian zhuzi jicheng (New Compilation of Classical Chinese Texts), ed. Zhonghua shuju (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1996), 349, Zhang Daoyi, “Zhuanshi jingshen: nanchao lingmu shidiao he taosu yishu” (The Soul of Stone and Clay-Stone Carving on Tombs and Pottery Sculpture in the Southern Dynasties), Dongnan daxue xuebao (Journal of Southeast University), 4, No. 3 (2002), 145, Zhou Li, “Lidai shizi de zhuangshi yishu” (The Decorative Use of Lions throughout History), Sunan keji kaifa (Sunan Sci-Tech Development), 12 (2004), 43–44, Zhai, “Guanzhong kuibao”, 26, and Qiu Chengzhong, “Fujian gu shidiao yishu chutan zhi shishi zi” (A Preliminary Study of the Stone Lion in the Art of Fujian’s Ancient Stone Sculptures), Fujian wenbo (Fujian Relics and Museology), 55, No. 2 (2006), 55. 46 For the lion’s association with these spiritual animals, see Chapter three: Its Names. 47 For the lion’s association with Diku ০㒤, the ancestor of the Shang, and the Yellow Emperor, see Guo Moruo, Guo Moruo guanji: kaogu bian (The Complete Works of Guo Moruo: Archaeological Studies), vol. 1 (Beijing: Kexue chuban she, 1982), 257–258. For the Yellow Emperor’s association with the bear, see Sun Zuoyun, Sun Zuoyun wenji: Zhongguo gudai shenhua chuanshuo yanjiu (The Collected Works of Sun Zuoyun: Studies of Ancient Chinese Myths and Legends), (Henan: Henan daxue chuban she, 2003), 186. Wang Zhenzhong, however, argues that Diku was not the ancestor of the Shang, see Wang Zhenzhong, “Diku bingfei shang zhi shizu” (Diku Was Not the Ancestor of the Shang), Yindu xuekan, 3 (2004), 10–13 and 21. 31 tutelary gods of villages.48 Besides indicating its various mechanisms, these spatial arrangements had the added implication of indicating social status.

The tomb-guardian lion statues of the Six Dynasties (A.D. 220–589), for instance, were classified in an orderly fashion in the imperial system of officials.49 During the Tang (618–907) people applied the sancai Կ൑ (three- coloured glaze) technique to the lion motif and turned it into an incense burner to underscore their social status.50 In Song people shifted their attention to “dressing” the lion, ling ር (bells), shoudai ፅ൅ (ribbons) and yingluo ᥖఉ (necklaces) further indicating the social status of its owner and the domestication of the animal.51 The gentry class of Yuan times (1280–1368) placed lion motifs in front of their doorways to flaunt their wealth and success.52 The people of Ming (1368–1644) turned the lion into a messenger functioning as the supreme power or authority preserving human society.53 In addition, the people of Qing saw the tributary lion, signifying obedience and submission, as a

48 For the association of the lion motif with imperial palaces, see Marinus Willem De Visser, “The Dog and the Cat in Japanese Superstition”, Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 37 (1909), 61. For its association with Chinese mortuary settings and cosmic mirrors, see Chapter five. For its use in the decoration of a bridge during Yuan times, see Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 32. For its association with village settings, see Chapter seven: The Wind Lion God of Kinmen, and for the supporting stone of an archway, see Chapter six: A Decorative Animal and a Symbol of Power and Success. 49 On Six Dynasties’ stone lions as a reflection of their highly codified feudal system, see Yao Qian and Gu Bing, Liuchao yishu (The Art of the Six Dynasties Period), (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1981), 1–3, Ann Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road: The Classical Tradition of Stone Tomb Statuary (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 9, Teng Gu, “Liuchao lingmu shiji shulüe” (A General Discussion of the Tombs of the Six Dynasties Period), in Liuchao linmu diaocha baogao, 78, and Liang Baiquan, Nanjing de liuchao shike (Stone Sculptures of the Six Dynasties in Nanjing), (Nanjing: Nanjing chuban she, 1998), 59. It is important to note, however, that the maintenance of proper hierarchical distinctions between classes even after death had its origin long before the Han dynasty, when laws were issued to specify the quantity of burial goods that could be interred with different classes. See Albert E. Dien, “Chinese Beliefs in the Afterworld”, in The Quest for Eternity: Chinese Ceramic Sculptures from the People’s Republic of China, ed. Susan L. Caroselli (Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1987), 14. 50 Wang Zili, “Shixing xiangxun” (The Lion Incense Burner), Gugong wenwu yuekan (The National Palace Museum Monthly of Chinese Art), 20, No. 4 (2002), 74. 51 Zhu Jinhui, “Shaanxi kangtou shishi de yishu wenhua yunhan” (The Artistic and Cultural Implications of the Stone Lion on kang Made in Shaanxi), Xibei meishu (North West Fine Arts), 1 (2007), 4–8. The use of yingluo (keyura in Sanskrit) as a decorative necklace or collar to indicate the domestication of the lion can also be found in Aegean art. See Nancy Ann Rhyne, “The Aegean Animal Style: A Study of the Lion, Griffin, and Sphinx” (PhD diss., The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1970), 38. 52 Cheng Zhang, “Yuandai shishi qutan” (The Stone Lion of the Yuan Dynasty), Wenshi zhishi, 207, No. 9 (1998), 49–51. 53 Wang Yizhao, ed., “Keben longtu gong’an” (The Block-Print Edition of Criminal Investigations by Bao Longtu), (Taipei: Tianyi chuban she, 1974), 12: 4–5. 32 parallel for neighbouring countries submitting in acknowledgement of Manchu authority over tianxia ֚Հ (all under heaven).54

Although the lion motif often conveyed a positive perception of power and authority in its spatial and social context, it sometimes went the other way.

One example of the negative portrayal of the Chinese lion motif is the reaction of literati of the Tang and Song dynasties to the sight of stone lions of the Six Dynasties period lying in ruins at an imperial burial site. These men were poets and they pictured the stone lions as creatures trapped in thousand-year-old stone, their broken legs overgrown with moss as they lay year after year in the imperial burial grounds, symbolising a glory that no longer existed.55 These perceptions changed the lion motif from the once-familiar symbol of achievement and social status into a totally negative construct, alien and unfamiliar in Chinese space and social life. Therefore, it is justifiable to say that it could be perceived differently in different spatial configurations and time zones. The flexible and dynamic interpretations of the lion motif over the centuries in China have made its study complex.

Certain questions often arise when it comes to the lion’s role in Chinese space and social life: Why has the lion, a foreign import, been frequently rendered as belonging to Chinese material culture? How do the Chinese perceive the lion and why does the Chinese lion look so different from the real lion? What does the lion mean to the Chinese? Consequently, the following chapters are an attempt to answer these questions. Chapter two is a general introduction to the lion’s efficacy in pre-modern and modern China; it traces the historical background of how the Chinese applied the mythological animal motif in their

54 John Elliot Wills, Jr., Embassies and Illusions: Dutch and Portuguese Envoys to K’ang-hsi, 1666–1687 (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1984), 136, and Jiang Yinghe, “Aomen yu kangxi shiqi nian gongshi” (The Tribute of the Lion from Portugal during the 17th Year of Kangxi), in Aomen shi yu zhongxi jiaotong yanjiu (Macao and Cultural Communication between China and Portugal), ed. Cai Hongsheng (Guangzhou: Guangdong gaodeng jiaoyu chuban she, 1998), 117–145. ڣ ”ፍ and “niannian chunluفThe original descriptions for these stone lions are “qianzai shifu” Տሉ 55 ਞጸ, see Zeng Ji, “Jinling baiyong” (One Hundred Ballads of Jinling), in Congshu jicheng xubianڣ (Sequel to the Collections and Compilation of the Collectanea), ed. Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, vol. 228 (Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, 1989), 260, and Zhou Mi, “Haoranzhai yatan” (Elegant Words from Haoran Studio), in Congshu jicheng xinbian, vol. 78, 230. 33 space and social life, and how they associated fictitious animals with real ones. Chapter three discusses the origins, names, appearance, and values of the living lion in China. Chapter four examines how the Chinese perceive the lion, and how they have turned this perception into textual or pictorial forms in creating a spiritual animal having real and imagined attributes. Chapter five draws attention to the lion motif in Chinese mortuary settings with regard to the changing concept of the afterlife and spatial arrangements; it focuses on the gradual transformation of the lion from a ferocious guardian to a domestic pet from the Warring States period to the Tang dynasty (475 B.C.–A.D. 907). Chapter six continues to examine the transformation of the lion motif from the real to the imagined with a focus on the period between the Tang and Qing dynasties (618–1911), when the animal motif was associated with decorative art and used as a means of flaunting success and wealth. Special attention is also paid to how the dog became associated with the lion in popular culture. Chapter seven then moves to various vernacular cultures of Southern China, where the worship of stone figures came to be associated with the lion. Two case studies, one based in Kinmen and the other in Sydney, are provided as an extension of the influence of this lion culture on immigrants from Southern China, where the animal’s enduring legacy needs to be reiterated and reinforced through historical invention. In summary, then, the thesis maintains that the transformation of the lion motif from the real to the imagined was an intentional act on the part of the Chinese ruling élite, their sole purpose being to exert their power and authority. However, the common people refined, reconstructed and reinterpreted this as a means of approaching the divine and gaining a chance for recognition in their endless quest for a better life.

Chapter 2 The Efficacy of the Animal Motif in China

This general introduction to the animal motif in China starts with the efficacy of the lion in pre-modern and modern China, and proceeds to a discussion of how the ancient Chinese constructed certain mythological animals drawn from the real to the imagined in claiming supreme power and absolute authority. It then discusses the Chinese use of mythical animals in spatial constructs and integration of a mighty and powerful beast, the lion, associating these spiritual animals from the imagined back to the real. Associated as it is with various spiritual powers, the lion, while not native to China, has been ubiquitously rendered in Chinese space and social life. It is revered not merely as an animal, but as an auspicious animal or spiritual animal capable of eliminating baleful influences and bringing good luck (Figure 2.1).56

2.1 An Omnipresent Animal Motif

All good motifs, Maggie Bickford suggests, “must work to bring people luck”57 and, judging from the extensive use of the lion motif in China, it seems the Chinese do believe the lion is an animal that brings luck.58 The phonetic

56 Zhang, “Zhuanshi jingshen”, 145. 57 Maggie Bickford, “Three Rams and Three Friends: The Working Lives of Chinese Auspicious Motifs”, Asia Major, 12, No. 1 (1999), 144. 58 Zhang Maolin, Wang Meijuan and Sun Hongmei have pointed out that in contemporary China people are fully aware that the Chinese lion is only a figment, yet they still hope that having a lion motif can help bring them good fortune, see Zhang Maolin et al., “Zhonghua shi chongbai yu wushi yundong” (Chinese 35 association of the word shi ᅐ (lion) with xi ໛ (happiness), shi ࠃ (events or officials), and si Ⴓ (succession or inheritance), all speak of this) ד affairs), shi “fact”, that the lion is capable of bringing good fortune and joy for generations. Therefore, a single lion signifies xishi shangmen ໛ࠃՂ॰ (Happiness Has ࠃլឰ (Eternal Happiness), andړ Arrived), two lions stand for haoshi buduan ഘ (Nineٵnine lions appearing simultaneously symbolise jiushi tongtang ԰׈ Generations In One Household) (Figure 2.2).59 Furthermore, when pairing the რ (jade sceptre), the symbolic message becomes shishi ruyiڕ lions with ruyi რ (Everything Will Come Your Way); with ping ෿ (bottle or vase) itڕࠃࠃ All Will Be Safe And Well); and with lian ᓊ) ڜbecomes shishi pingan ࠃࠃؓ lotus flower) and deng ᗉ (lantern) it becomes liandeng taishi ຑ࿆֜ஃ (May) You Be Promoted to the Post You Desire).60 Moreover, if properly used, this auspicious animal can also be an intermediary capable of establishing, maintaining, and reinforcing relations between people.

Figure 2.2: Lions as auspicious motifs: Source: Xu Huadang and Yang Guchan, Zhongguo shizi yishu (The Art of the Chinese Lion), (Beijing: Qing gongye chuban she, 1991), 393, 397 and 399.

The efficacy of the lion as an intermediary between people can be traced back as early as the Tang dynasty, when it was customary for a bride on her way to

Lion Worship and Lion-Dancing Sports), Shandong tiyu xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Shandong Institute of Physical Education and Sports), 22, No. 4 (2006), 41. 59 Wang Tianran, “Siheyuan zhuangshi zhong de minsu” (Folk Customs in the Decoration of Chinese Courtyard Houses), Beijing difang zhi (Beijing Local Chronicles), 1 (2005), 35. 60 Lin Yigang, “Zhongguo chongshi xisu chutan” (Brief Research on Folk Customs in Lion Worship in China), (Master’s diss., Xiang Tan University, 2004), 24. The shape of ruyi is an imitation of the lotus or lingzi ᨋ॒ (a species of fungus often associated with immortality) that is thought to be able to bring good luck. The term taishi ֜ஃ (Grand Master) refers to one of the highest imperial officials. For these various associations, see Wolfram Eberhard, A Dictionary of Chinese Symbols: Hidden Symbols in Chinese Life and Thought (New York: Routledge, 1989), 164 and 258, and Edouard Chavannes, The Five Happinesses: Symbolism in Chinese Popular Art (New York: Weatherhill, 1973), 19–20. 36 the groom’s home to carry a bronze mirror inscribed with the lion motif to ward off evil spirits and ensure happiness and fertility.61 The people of Shaanxi Province used a special lion motif called kangtoushi घᙰᅐ (stone lion on a kang) to “nanny” their babies, believing the lion could ensure the children’s safety, happiness and prosperity;62 in Fujian Province and in Taiwan people use the lion motif as a “cultural communication”, believing that the Fujian lion is the yuan ᄭ (root) and the Taiwan lion is the liu ੌ (branch);63 and overseas Chinese typically have a pair of stone lions erected before the entry gate of their Chinatown as a symbol of Chinese culture.64 The constant use of this animal motif to strengthen relations between people has undoubtedly advanced beyond mere luck-bringing; that is to say, this bearer of good fortune is now an organising device that begins in the artist’s imagination and progresses from there to drive and guide the work of motivating others.65

Initially, in the Chinese imagination the lion was a supernatural animal equipped with wings, horns and scales that deterred both worldly and spiritual wrongdoers.66 To accentuate its efficacy, the ruling class further associated the lion’s magical power with Buddhist doctrine,67 Daoist metaphysics,68 Zen

61 Schuyler Cammann, “The Lion and Grape Patterns on Chinese Bronze Mirrors”, Artibus Asiae, 16, No. 4 (1953), 278–280. 62 Lu Jing, “Shanbei Suide kangtou shishi wenhua tanlun” (The Cultural Origins of Stone Lions on Kang Made in Suide County, Northern Shaanxi), Yulin xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Yulin College), 13, No. 4 (2003), 98–100, and Zhang Yixue, “Suide shishi” (The Stone Lions of Suide), Xin xibu (The New West), 10 (2006), 46–47. The kang is a platform used for both daily activities and sleeping on (as a heated bed) in northern China. See Guo Qinghua, “The Chinese Domestic Architectural Heating System [Kang]: Origins, Applications and Techniques”, Architectural History, 45 (2002), 32. 63 Lin Weigong, “Mintai shi wenhua de yuanyuan guanxi” (On the Stone Lions of Fujian and Taiwan), Fujian huabao (Fujian Pictorial), 217, No. 12 (1998), 37. For instance, in 1998, Taiwan’s Hedongtang shizi wenwu bowu guan ࣾࣟഘᅐ՗֮ढ໑ढ塢 (Leo Museum of Hedong Hall) invited several Chinese scholars to exchange their ideas about the lion culture in China. This is recorded in Xu Huadang and Yang Guchan’s Zhongguo shizi zaoxing yishu (The Plastic Arts of the Chinese Lion), (Tianjin: Tianjin renmin meishu chuban she, 2004), 201. 64 Zhou Guozheng et al., “Qiantan Zhongguo shi wenhua” (A Preliminary Study of the Chinese Lion Culture), Yesheng dongwu (Chinese Wildlife), 26 (2005), 6. 65 The sentence is borrowed from Susanne Langer’s definition of the word “motif”. See Susanne K. Langer, Feeling and Form: A Theory of Art Developed from Philosophy in a New Key (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), 69. 66 Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 9. In a study of Chinese popular religion, Donald Sutton also confirms that it is the practical usefulness of supernatural powers that determines the concept of their power. See Donald S. Sutton, “Transmission in Popular Religion: The Jiajiang Festival Troupe of Southern Taiwan”, in Unruly Gods, 239. 67 Lin, “Zhongguo shi wenhua”, 178, and Chen Zhengping, “Tangdai de wushi youyi” (The Performing Art of the Lion Dance of the Tang Dynasty), Guowen tiandi, 20, No. 11 (2005), 50. For more information about Buddhist influence on the lion, see Fotuo jiaoyu jijin hui, ed., Dazheng xinxiu dazang jing (Taisho 37 meditation,69 and the Confucian paradigm.70 Thus, the lion motif bridged the terrestrial world and the celestial realm, the real and the imagined, and those who ruled and those who were ruled, where the use of this supernatural beast was redefined in a more practical way by the masses in their daily life. Hence, the lion’s heart was said to honour a man of courage,71 the lion’s mouth to condemn a man of greed,72 the lion’s roar to criticise a dominating woman;73 one saw people touching a lion’s head to keep worries away, its back to avoid exhaustion and its bottom to attract good fortune;74 and one was told how two lovers became the guardian lions before an entry way,75 how a village’s male ڣ line could be secured by touching the lion’s genitals,76 and how the nianshou ᡬ (Monster of the Year) and the Manchu authorities were associated with the

Shinshu Edition of the Great Treasury of Scriptures), (Taipei: Fotuo jiaoyu jijinhui chubanbu, 1990), 3: 473, 19: 144, 24: 766, 25: 111, 47: 628, 50: 675, 51: 205, and 53: 113. 68 Xie Mingchuan, “Nanshi yundong jiedu” (An Analysis of the Southern Lion Dance), Zhaoqing xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Zhaoqing University), 26, No. 5 (2005), 76, and Zhong Kui, “Shizi shouxian shi quanwei xiangzheng” (The Lion as a Primordial Symbol of Authority), Guangzhou ribao (Guangzhou Daily), 24 May 2007. 69 Feng Guodong, “Hedong shihou kaoyuan” (Source of the Hedong Lion’s Roar), Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (Chinese Classics and Culture), 4 (2005), 113. For the mingling of the lion with other popular beliefs, see Liu Yang, “Images for the Temple: Imperial Patronage in the Development of Tang Daoist Art”, Artibus Asiae, 61 (2001), 189–261. 70 The lion is described as an animal of virtue and filial duty. See Chen Menglei, Gujin tushu jicheng (Complete Collection of Ancient and Modern Pictures and Books), (Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1985), 584, and Wang Hengtao and Huang Yi, “Wulong wushi: wuzhong shengyou cheng guibao” (The Dragon Dance and the Lion Dance: A Treasury of Fabricated Stories), Renmin zhengxie bao (People’s Political Consultation News), 7 November 2000. ”Աᅐ՗֨, see Cui Shanjia, “Shizi xin yu baozi danپ ”The original expression is “chile shizi xin 71 (The Lion’s Heart and the Leopard’s Gut), Zhongguo yuwen (The Chinese Language), 5 (1994), 399. 72 The expression is “shizi da kaikou” ᅐ՗ՕၲՑ, see Li Maolin, “Shilun wenhua beijing dui fanyi de yingxiang” (The Impact of Culture on Translation), Zhongshan daxue xuebao luncong (Sun Yatsen University Forum), 24, No. 6 (2004), 61, and Wang Yuying and Ming Yue, “Yinghan dongwu ci shizi zhi guosu yuyi tanxi” (A Comparative Study of the Cultural Connotations of the Chinese and English Words for Lion), Zhejiang shuren daxue xuebao (Journal of Zhejiang Shuren University), 7, No. 3 (2007), 97. 73 The expression is “hedong shihou” ࣾࣟᅐܳ, see Feng, “Hedong shihou”, 111. However, a lion’s roar can also be used to announce auspiciousness that is on its way, as in the expression “shier zougou hou, ॰ଈ, literally if the lion roars like a dog, (the positionڇzhuangyuan zai menshou” ஃࠝߨदܳΔणց of) Zhuangyuan (the first place in the imperial examination) will appear at your door. See Chen, Gujin tushu, 587. 74 The riddles about touching the lion’s head, back, and bottom to obtain good fortune and prosperity are ღ, “momo shizi bei, zoulu buhui lei” ኷شmomo shizi tou, wanshi buyong chou” ኷኷ᅐ՗ᙰΔᆄࠃլ“ ᄎैै. See Yangץ኷ᅐ՗હΔߨሁլᄎี, and “momo shi pigu, hebao hui gugu” ኷኷ᅐݞैΔ๛ Shujiao, “Shiqing huayi: yinyang meixue de huihua chuangzuo yanjiu” (The Lion and Painting: Yin and Yang in the Aesthetics of Painting), (Master’s diss., National Taiwan University of Arts, 2005), 15. 75 Yang, Mingzhou suide, 37–38. 76 Hu, Chinese Lion Dance, 100. 38 lion dance.77 There is little question that these anecdotes sought inspiration from the allegorical powers of the lion in the interests of bridging the real and the imagined worlds. At times of social disruption, the lion became more efficacious and a stimulant to national pride.

During late imperial China (1750–1920) and the beginning of the first Chinese Republic (1912–1949),78 as the Manchu ruling house and the new Republic government were constantly challenged by internal revolts and foreign imperialism seeking to benefit from China’s critical political power shift,79 the lion motif was used as an information exchange,80 political symbol,81 and spiritual support (as the Republic’s founding father, Sun Yat-sen) to restore national pride. This was the time, in the view of some of the nation’s reformers and revolutionaries, to awaken the nation’s four hundred million people, who were mostly under the spell of opium, dreaming that the Chinese mandate from Heaven could never be altered. Zhou Rong (1885–1905), for example, attacked this quasi-paralysed state in his Geming jun (first published in 1903) and urged his people to stand up and fight for their future:

Ζمᗑڇ଀ࡎΔਢڇհጕᅐۖದፘΔਢڣ᥺ᨊԫᜢΔ᧫ᑇՏ A sudden flash of lightning woke the sleeping lion from a thousand-year- long sleep. This is the time (sign) for revolution, the time for independence.82

77 Huang Hui, “Foshan shitou jiang shenbao shengyi” (Claiming the Lion’s Head from Foshan as a Provincial Heritage), Guangzhou ribao, 7 September 2006. For the lion dance’s association with Manchu authority, see my argument in Chapter six: What the Dancing Lion Signified. 78 This time frame for the late imperial era is according to James Watson. See James L. Watson, “The Structure of Chinese Funerary Rites: Elementary Forms, Ritual Sequence, and the Primacy of Performance”, in Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China, ed. James L. Watson and Evelyn S. Rawski (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 7. 79 John Fitzgerald, Awakening China: Politics, Culture, and Class in the Nationalist Revolution (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 2. 80 Lee Yuyan, “Taiwan minjian wushi zongjiao yishi yu biaoyan yishu zhi yanjiu: yi taiwanshi yu xingshi weili” (Research on the Ritual and Performance of the Lion Dance in Taiwanese Folk Arts: The Taiwanese Lion and the Cantonese Lion), (Master’s diss., National Taipei University, 2004), 65. 81 Shan Zhengping, “Jindai sixiang wenhua yujing zhongde xingshi xingxiang” (The Awakened-Lion Image in a Modern Cultural Context), Nankai xuebao (Nankai Journal), 4 (2006), 29–36. 82 Zou Rong, Geming jun (The Revolutionary Army), (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1958), 37. There is much speculation about who first coined the term “shuishi” ጕᅐ (sleeping lion) associated with the Chinese and China in the early twentieth century. Cai Yuanpei, Liang Qichao and Napoleon have all been held responsible but with no substantial evidence. Shan Zhengping has written an insightful article about this. See Shan, “Jindai sixiang”, 29–36. 39

Chen Tianhua (1875–1905), protesting against the Manchu government’s inability to manage foreign affairs, also borrowed this “sleeping lion” metaphor in his Meng huitou (first issued in 1903) to encourage his countrymen to awaken from their long sleep and prepare for resurrection:

៲ᡬ᧫Δᚊ๢ߨΔᦆᕖಲۍԫܳΙ֚ٻෳጕᅐΔኄխᙌΔ (Upon) awakening from its dream, the ferocious lion will roar to the skies, terrifying all beasts, alerting the dragon and snakes and repelling all evil influence.83

In addition, the lion dominated front covers and titles of politically oriented magazines. For instance, Dongfang zazhi (first published in 1904) had a leonine creature in the upper portion of its front page piercing the magazine’s title, and Xingshi (first published in 1905) had a lion covering both its title and front page.84 The extensive use of the lion motif in literature and art also prompted the political newspaper Chuyan bao to issue an article between November 1910 and November 1911 associating this “lion scenario” with an anecdote about the pressing opium issue.85 In this article, a lion trainer feeds his lion meat laced with opium to keep the beast in a state of unconsciousness in order to easily manipulate it.86 This article was later recorded in Wang Rangqing xiansheng biji (first published in 1926) where the allegorical story ends with a quote from the very same animal trainer:

ᙌழྤة၆ഏհՕΔྫᅐհᡓྥՈΔ࠹੅հ෡…੃ല९ጕΔ Your country (China) is as huge as a lion (in the eyes of predators). However, the Chinese are so addicted to opium … they will (also) soon fall into a long sleep, a sleep that will never end.87

83 Chen Tianhua, Chen tianhua ji (The Works of Chen Tianhua), (Changsha: Hunan renmin chuban she, 1982), 59. 84 Shan, “Jindai sixiang”, 29. 85 Ibid., 33. 86 Ibid., 32–33. 87 Wang Kangnian, “Wang Rangqing xiansheng biji” (Notes of Wang Rangqing), in Jindai zhongguo shiliao congkan (Collection of Historical Materials on Modern China), ed. Shen Yunlong, vol. 41 (Yonghe: Wenhai chuban she, 1969), 8:50. 40

However, the political activist Wang Kangnian (1860–1911), living in hope that one day China would wake from its coma, turned this anecdote around and made the following statement:

ԫᙌհழڶԳߢխഏ੡ጕᅐΔᅐۖճጕΔึ۫ Although Westerners refer to China as a sleeping lion, they should be aware that the lion will eventually wake from its trance!88

The call for modern China to awaken was further utilised by the forerunner of the Nationalist Revolution, Sun Yat-sen, who expressed his concern in a 1924 speech alerting his four hundred million countrymen that the hour of their death was at hand, and it was time to waken the beast to turn and fight.89 While not pointing to the lion directly, Sun’s use of a beast yet to be awakened as a metaphor for a crumbling nation in dire need of salvation invoked the same “lion effect”. Only this time the metaphorical animal was targeting a more powerful one, powerful enough to cover not merely a “nation”, as Dr. Sun counselled the year before his death: “Our four hundred million people have been asleep; our ancient morality has been asleep; and our ancient learning has been asleep.”90 It is therefore apparent that with his “metaphorical beast” Sun was calling for the resurrection of modern China by elevating an animal motif to the ideological concept of a nation, a nation with an inexhaustible reservoir of energy and power waiting to be awakened.

The mysterious beast which represented China’s immense power waiting to be resurrected was conclusively identified by the writer Wen Yiduo (1899–1946). In a 1944 article, Wen gave his preference to the real animal over an imaginary one:

Δ߷༉ᝫਢᅐ՗ᒽΔݺᎅᝫױढլسගᙇࡳԫଡွᐛࢤऱاᆄԫॺ૞࿯ຍ լ٦֜຅ጕऱᇩה࣠ڕਢ߷౨ജ৷ܳऱᅐ՗ᒽΔ

88 Ibid. 89 Fitzgerald, Awakening China, 1. 90 Ibid., 2. 41

If I were to pick an animal to represent this nation (China), then it would be the lion, the animal that is capable of delivering a raging howl, that is, if it is not that keen to sleep.91

In addition, the subtle dialectic between the increasing number of lion portrayals and the sudden death of Dr. Sun suggested that the lion paintings produced around 1925 were commemorating this founding father of the Republic of China.92 It seems that the lion motif to imply a sense of China or “Chineseness” was thenceforth firmly established in China. Only this time the animal did not speak for the class holding power but as a representative of the people and for the oppressed, a general concept firmly grounded in Chinese pride and abhorrence of any symbolic violence associated with their culture over the use of the lion motif.

In 2003, the Toyota Motor Corporation placed an advertisement in the magazine Qiche zhiyou, and made dramatic use of the Chinese lion in a campaign aimed solely at a Chinese audience. The advertisement featured the company’s latest Prado GX in the foreground with a pair of Chinese lions behind the vehicle. The lions stood on a stone bridge, one with its arm flung up in a salute, the other burying its head on its knees in a bow, a dual gesture of admiration and respect for the vehicle. This particular model was named Badao ᥹ሐ (Intimidating) with the campaign slogan Badao, ni budebu zunjing ᥹ሐΔ ܃լ൓լ༇ᄃ (with its intimidating manner, you have to respect it) to claim authority for the vehicle (Figure 2.3).

91 Wen Yiduo, Shenhua yu shi (Myths and Epics of China), (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chuban she, 2006), 61. 92 According to John Fitzgerald, the lion paintings produced by prominent Nationalist Party members such as Chen Shuren (1883–1948) and He Xiangning (1878–1972) during the first Chinese Republic commemorated the nation’s spiritual leader, Sun Yat-sen. See Fitzgerald, Awakening China, 2. 42

Figure 2.3: An advertisement depicting a pair of Chinese lions paying homage to a Japanese vehicle. Source: Qiche zhiyou zazhi she, ed., Qiche zhiyou (Auto Fan), 168, No. 12 (2003), 56– 57.

The advertisement drew intense criticism from the Chinese community who complained that the use of the lion was a direct insult aimed to humiliate. They noted in particular that the lions stood on the Marco Polo Bridge, where Japanese troops initiated hostilities in 1937.93 After Xinhua she’s initial report on 3 December 2003, further action was taken by a Chinese authority with the Japanese media paying close attention to this confrontation between the “Chinese lion” and the Japanese “installation”.94 Two days after the initial report from Xinhua she, the Japanese car maker apologised and the advertisement was withdrawn.95

The dispute between the lion and the Japanese car maker sheds new light on the lion motif. That is, the incident not only confirmed the lion motif as a

93 Li Jia, “Shishi xiang badao jingli” (Stone Lions Pay Their Respects to Toyota’s Prado), Beijing yule xinbao (Star Daily), 3 December 2003. ࠇՠ೸ݝ (Industry and Commercialק The Chinese authority here refers to Beijing gongshang ju 94 Bureau of Beijing), and the Japanese media is Asahi shimbun ཛֲᄅፊ (Daily News). See Zhang Yaodong, “Huigu fengtian badao guanggao shijian de qianqian houhou” (Looking Back on the Toyota Prado Commercial Incident in China), Beijing qingnian bao (Beijing Youth Daily), 10 December 2003. 95 Zhang Jingyi, “Kuaguo qiye xingxiao pengbi” (The Difficulties of Commercial Strategies for a Transnational Corporation), Yuanjian (Global Views Monthly), 220, No. 10 (2004), 272. 43 representation of China and the Chinese, it also connected the lion’s supremacy in the material world to a world of hypothetical constructs, where realism matters less, distance does not exist, and the manipulation of form and shape is not an issue. The message was even clearer when the lion was depicted in the newspaper Beijing qingnian bao turning the Japanese vehicle upside-down, with the tag line Badao, budebu naxia ᥹ሐΔլ൓լஞՀ! (with this intimidating manner, we have to take you down!) reclaiming the lion’s authority over any foreign invasion (Figure 2.4). In other words, consciously and subconsciously by the early twenty-first century the lion had become a metaphor for Chinese dignity, power and authority, one that shifted between the real and the hypothetical worlds.

Figure 2.4: An internet posting showing the lions launching a counterattack on the Japanese vehicle. Source: http://car.huash.com/gb/car/2003-12/07/content_695509.htm

The ruling élite of imperial China may have been responsible for endorsing power and authority in creating the lion motif; however, it was late Qing revolutionaries who redirected this potent symbol of power and authority back to the people, redefining the animal as the essence of the Chinese spirit and morality with immense power and potentiality. This reading not only turned an 44 exotic beast into an indigenous Chinese icon, it made the lion a “good motif” signifying honour, wisdom and prominence. That is why, in celebrating a new year, the Chinese insist upon a lion performance. The gradual assimilation of the lion motif into Chinese social life and the constant intermingling of the lion motif with human affairs have nevertheless made this fantastic beast a major feature of Chinese culture, highly prized and praised in Chinese spatial and social life. The placement of the lion motif as a landmark or emblem, its use as a mascot in national and international events, and its presence as an identity in foreign lands all speak to the animal’s irreplaceable position in China (Figure 2.5).96 However, the Chinese commitment to this omnipresent beast is firmly rooted in the mythological animal motif of ancient China nearly two millennia before the Later Han period, when the use of mystic animals to shorten the distance between the human and the bestial realms had a practical effect on spatial constructs and social life.

Figure 2.5: The lion mascots Wei Wei ৖৖, of the 9th National Sports Games, and Ning Ling ኑ ᨋ, of the 8th National Middle School Sports Meet. Source: http://www.sportsonline.com.cn/GB/channel21/549/2447/2453/20011111/46423.html and http://www.people.com.cn/GB/paper40/7013/680288.html.

ᅐ all have lion statues as landmarks orف Cities such as Nanning, Danyang, Cangzhou and Shishi 96 emblems. See Wu Wei, “Chengshi biaozhiwu diaosu yu lishi wenhua mailuo” (A City’s Landmark Statue and its Historical and Cultural Contexts), Chengshi wenti (Urban Problems), 117, No. 1 (2004), 14, Zhou, “Qiantan zhongguo”, 7, and Wang and Ming, “Yinghan dongwu”, 96. The use of the lion motif in national and international events can be seen in Dijiu jie quanguo yundonghui ร԰ࡻ٤ഏሎ೯ᄎ (The 9th National Sports Games), 2001, Diba jie quanguo zhongyunhui รԶࡻ٤ഏխሎᄎ (The 8th National Middle School Sports Meet), 2002, and the 15th Asian Games—DOHA 2006. As for the lion motif in a foreign land as a symbol of Chinese culture, the presentation by China of a pair of stone lions to the Australian Parliament in 1988, a pair of marble lions to Honolulu, Hawaii, in 1989, and a bronze lion to Nagoya, Japan, in 2003 are just three examples. 45

2.2 A Bridge between Real and Fictitious Chinese History

The ancient Chinese made animal motifs for different purposes. Be it a facsimile of a real animal or an imagined one, it always carried the hopes and fears of the Chinese people: hope for a better life and fear of the yet-to-come.97 Insecurity and anxiety nevertheless prompted the Chinese to make mythological animal motifs combining real and imaginary animal forms in order to establish a link between the human and bestial worlds or the known and unknown worlds.98 This conceptual link, however, was based on the belief that certain animals possessed mysterious powers far beyond human comprehension.99 Once these animals were apprehended, humans would be able to possess their powers. With the help of these magical powers, human beings could then foresee the future and the path to power and dominance would be apparent. In order to gain such transcendental power and control, the ancient Chinese believed the first thing they needed to do was bridge the gap between the human and the bestial worlds, and the second was to conquer the animals’ world.

In their attempts to shorten the distance between the human and the bestial worlds, the ancient Chinese observed that animals moved, sounded and behaved in certain ways that were comparable or superior to those of human beings. The great variety and unique biological otherness of those superior species prompted them to render these animals as a favourite means of

97 Zhao Dunhua has also suggested that in the Chinese metaphysical tradition a peaceful and rational mind is required for achieving a better life, meaning by this being able to know, control and conquer fear. See Zhao Dunhua, “Metaphysics in China and in the West: Common Origin and Later Divergence”, Frontiers of Philosophy in China, 1, No. 1 (2006), 30–31. 98 Animal motifs as channels of communication between this world and the world beyond can be traced back earlier, to the Shang and Zhou (1600–221 B.C.). See Kwang-chih Chang, “The Animal in Shang and Chou Bronze Art”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 41, No. 2 (1981), 527–554. According to Michael Loewe this channelling can be discerned through two contradictory principles. The first was the identification of the human world with the animal world. The second was the euhemerisation of the animal world, whereby animals, myths and gods were transformed into beings of authentic history, that is, in anthropomorphic terms. See Michael Loewe, Divination, Mythology and Monarchy in Han China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 40. 99 The association of animal and human powers often takes a religious form among certain primitive peoples, such as in Australia, America and Africa. In Sigmund Freud’s words, this kind of association provides the basic social structure of these societies. See Sigmund Freud, The Origins of Religion: Totem and Taboo, Moses and Monotheism and Other Works (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), 159. 46 representing the realm of the other, non-human world.100 Animals alluding to the real world were made available through allegorical stories and anthropomorphised simply by renaming them and making them “fit” for certain unexplainable natural phenomena.101 Hence snakes and reptiles were named xiushe ๆ๢ (a cultivated snake), weiwei ࡡࡡ (moderate or flexible), and shishi ਜਜ (giving and caring), and wild beasts were called fengxi ৞⫤ (a fiefed boar), yayu ⓠ⽯,102 and zaochi ᨼᕡ (chiselling teeth) to associate them with natural disasters or human conflicts.103 The making of these anthromorphic animals throughout human history is, as Roel Sterckx remarks, not aimed solely at the animals’ extraordinary ability, but is also a symbolic appropriation of the wild so as to render it an “indicator of political power, intellectual supremacy, and socio- religious dominance.”104 That is to say, the making of these mythological animals is a symbolic gesture demonstrating that being human is the measure of all things, the ultimate source of all values.

100 Roel Sterckx, The Animal and the Daemon in Early China (Albany: State University of New York, 2002), 3. 101 This theory is adopted from Claude Lévi-Strauss’s explanation of myth, which is to provide a logical model capable of overcoming a contradiction. See Lévi-Strauss, “The Structural Study”, 443. David Johnson also suggests that the anthropomorphosis of spiritual beings in Chinese history and legend served as a new style of popular religion, which met the requirements of those in spiritual authority. This new style contributed to the triumph of popular religion or belief over “superstitions”. See David Johnson, “The City-God Cults of T’ang and Sung China”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 45, No. 2 (1985), 426. However, it is worth noting that it was not only China that produced anthropomorphised animals, as the depiction of animals in human form is a major feature of Hinduism. See Jessica Rawson, Animals in Art (London: British Museum, 1977), 54. 102 The name does not have any specific meaning. It is said to be a fox-like creature with the claws of a tiger that lives to kill people. See Xu Shen, Shuowen jiezi (Commenting on Simple and Analysing Compound Characters), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1978), 198. 103 For the natural disasters and human conflicts associated with these mythological beasts, see Chen Mengjia, “Shangdai de shenhua yu wushu” (Myths and Witchcraft during the Shang Period), Yanjing xuebao (Yanjing Journal of Chinese Studies), 20 (1936), 509–515. 104 Sterckx, The Animal and the Daemon, 4. 47

One source of these mythical animals is the Shang and Zhou ritual bronzes— ding ቓ (tripod)—on which various fantastic animals from the strange to the familiar were cast to embrace all creatures, from the terrestrial world to the celestial realm, in order to channel both worlds, foresee the future, and gain ultimate power to rule “All under Heaven” (Figure 2.6). The Chunqiu zuochuan (ca. 195–88 B.C.) has the following message:

اढۖ੡հໂΔࠌۍᐚՈΔ᎛ֱቹढΔಥ८԰डΔᦷቓွढΔڶ࣏୙հֱ ౨࠰ՊՂՀΖش…व壀৕ In the past when the Xia dynasty (ca. 2100–1600 B.C.) ruled by means of virtue, as their tribute objects people from the distant regions created pictures on metal and had the Nine Shepherds cast this metal into a tripod bearing all the images of regional goods. Because the tripod included the images of all things, the people of Xia could distinguish divine spirits from the bad … thereby, the Xia used these images to harmonise the High and the Low.105

105 Zuo Qiuming, “Chunqiu zuochuan zhengyi” (The Spring and Autumn Annals with Zou’s Commentary), in Shisan jing zhushu (Annotated Edition of the Thirteen Classics), ed. Li Xueqin, vol. 7 (Beijing: Beijing daxue chuban she, 1999), 602–603. 48

The tripod, or ding, had long been deemed a symbol representing virtue, power and authority during the Three Dynasties (2100–221 B.C.).106 The hundred things, or all things, appearing on this vessel of mythology have thus frequently been associated with their religious mechanism and are called by scholars of archaeology and sinology “animal offerings” or “animals to help in Heaven– Earth crossings.”107 It seems plausible to conclude that these animals are helpers in ritual ceremonies, acting as the means of communication with the various provinces or, better yet, as the means of intercommunication with the various things from above and below, that is, between the imagined and the real, or the dead and the living.108

However, an ancient commentator of the Chunqiu zuochuan, Du Yu (A.D. 222– 284), suggests that these “animal helpers” were a blend of shenwu 壀ढ (divine animals) and guiwu ೒ढ (demonic animals) to keep people informed about animals from the mystic realms.109 Attempts were made to name these mythological animals, which often have wings, horns and tails, as taotie 墏塨, feiyi ॅᙊ, kuei ᥅, qiu ᴞ and long ᚊ.110 It has even been proposed that one of these animals was patterned on the lion.111 The difficulty with correctly identifying these mythological animals from engravings arose because they came in too wide a variety of styles and shapes. This nevertheless led to the interesting proposal that all animal motifs on Chinese bronze designs that could not be correctly identified were thus the Chinese dragon, or long.112

106 For the symbolic meaning of the tripods, see Kwang-chih Chang, Art, Myth, and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 95–106, and Wu, Monumentality, 1–75. 107 Chang, “The Animal in Shang”, 539–540, and Liu Zhixiong and Yang Jingrong, Long de shenshi (The Origin of the Dragon), (Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshu guan, 2001), 67. However, some hold that these animal motifs might have developed from geometric form or technical deficiency and are therefore decorative patterns that have no meaning. Others have suggested that by the time the bronzes emerged, the meanings of these animal motifs had been lost. See Max Loehr, Ritual Vessels of Bronze Age China (New York: The Asia Society, 1968), 13, Robert W. Bagley, Shang Ritual Bronzes in the Arthur M. Sackler Collections (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), 19–30, and Ladislav Kesner, “The Taotie Reconsidered: Meanings and Functions of the Shang Theriomorphic Imagery”, Artibus Asiae, 51 (1991), 50. 108 Chang, Art, Myth, and Ritual, 65 and 96. 109 Zuo, “Chunqiu zuochuan”, 602. 110 Chang, “The Animal in Shang”, 529–533. 111 Jessica Rawson, “The Eternal Palaces of the Western Han: A New View of the Universe”, Artibus Asiae, 59, No. 1/2 (1999), 51. 112 Chang, Art, Myth, and Ritual, 59. 49

The dragon was a hybrid of the real and imagined animal highly regarded in China as the origin of all creatures, be they winged, hairy, scaly or armoured.113 It naturally became the prerogative of the sovereign alone to claim this dominant creature, which came to symbolise the emperor. Instead of trespassing on the imperial domain, the quasi-dragon mythological animals on the tripods were, from the Song dynasty, commonly termed taotie, to distinguish them from the prestigious long.114 This was to acknowledge both the powerful attributes of the Chinese dragon and the privilege this symbolic sovereign represented, as well as to address those strange animal motifs with horns, legs and tails whose frontal aspect and profile appeared simultaneously on the vessel.115

The term taotie (greediness) is often imbued with a sense of aggressiveness.116 This greedy animal has also been described as a creature that will never choke on human flesh.117 Depicted both front on and from the side, this mystic creature not only produces a quasi-three-dimensional effect, it also creates a visual ambiguity between what is known and what is unknown. This ambiguity shortens the distance between what is real and what is imagined and gives “life” to the animals as well as the tripods.118 The fifth-century B.C. classic the Mozi

113 M. Oldfield Howey, The Encircled Serpent: A Study of Serpent Symbolism in All Countries and Ages (New York: Arthur Richmond, 1955), 295 with reference to Liu An’s Huainanzi (The Master Huainan) published around the second century B.C. See He Ning, “Huainanzi jishi” (An Interpretation of Master Huainan), in Xinbian zhuzi jicheng (New Compilations of Classical Chinese Texts), ed. Zhonghua shuju (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998), 371–372. 114 Jordan Paper, “The Meaning of the T’ao-T’ieh”, History of Religions, 18, No. 1 (1978), 19 and 28. Wu Hung and William Watson also agree that taotie is a dragon-like creature. See Wu, Monumentality, 47, and Watson, Style in the Arts, 27. 115 Paper, “The Meaning of the T’ao-T’ieh”, 19–20. Ladislav Kesner also agrees that theriomorphic images can be presumed to generate feelings of mystery and fear, thus exercising coercion on the subordinate strata. See Kesner, “The Taotie Reconsidered”, 49. 116 According to the Shuowen jiezi, both tao 墏 and tie 塨 mean tan ຅ (greed), see Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 108. The Chunqiu zuochuan further specifies that the character tao means greed for money, and tie indicates gluttony, see Zuo, “Chunqiu zuochuan”, 582. ল, see Lu Buwei, Lushi chunqiu yizhuآThe original expression is “shiren weiyan” ଇԳ 117 (Commentary on the Master of Lu’s Spring and Autumn Annuals), (Changchun: Jilin wenshi chuban she, 1987), 492. 118 According to David Freedberg, everything about the picture and the sculpture demands that we see both it and what it represents as a piece of reality. It is this that triggers the interaction between viewer and viewed, hence giving power to the image “as if” it was real or alive. See David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 438. However, in Kwang-chih Chang’s view the ambiguous image on the tripod is a number of dualistic 50 provides the following fairytale of how the sovereign of the legendary Xia dynasty, Qi (ca. 2146–2117 B.C.), cast a spell on the ritual tripods to make them come “alive”:

հܠผ഼࣍אΔԿߩֱۖΔլछۖ۞෪Δլᜰۖ۞ፔΔլᔢۖ۞۩Δګቓ ဠΖ Let the tripod, once completed, have a square body and three legs. Let it be able to cook, hide and move at will, without human intervention. Hence, it can be in charge of the ritual ceremony at Kunwu.119

The walking tripod is further described by the second-century dictionary Shuowen jiezi as a “treasure box” with three legs, two ears and five senses:

ቓΔԿߩࠟۘࡉն࠺հᣪᕴՈΖ The tripod is a three-legged, two-eared treasure box having five senses.120

Imbuing objects with life and geometric shapes with an approximation of a living form—in this case, “legs” and “ears”—can be regarded as a kind of sorcery.121 This sorcery works by stylising a given object to impose order, hence transforming that object or its parts into the semblance of a demonic being to protect an existing social structure.122 That is to say, by providing the ritual vessel with animal parts and associating its movements with animals, the ancient Chinese were using this “treasure box” as a symbol of political power phenomena, which split an image and then re-unite the image, an indication of the constantly changing political world. See Chang, “The Animal in Shang”, 553–554. 119 Wu Yujiang, Mozi jiaozhu (The Rectification of the Book of Master Mo), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju. 1993), 656. It should be noted that the tripod used to have four legs, see the note on page 667. 120 Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 143. Alternatively, the sentence can be interpreted as “a tripod is a treasure box with three supports and two handles, which contains a variety of smells or receptors” as zu ߩ, er ۘ and wei ࠺ can be deciphered as merely mechanical devices. Here, I am using these descriptions as supporting evidence for the ancient Chinese dual perception between the real and the imagined. It is also worth noting that Shuowen jiezi was completed in A.D. 100, but was presented to the throne in A.D. 121. See Loewe, Early Chinese Texts, 429. 121 In his study of the psychological patterns of decorative art, Ernst Combrich has proposed that the use of the human form in expressing certain mechanical structures is a kind of charm functioning as a protective force to guard mentally or spiritually against potential aggressors. See Ernst Hans Gombrich, The Sense of Order: A Study in the Psychology of Decorative Art (Oxford: Phaidon, 1984), 261. 122 Ibid. 51 and intellectual supremacy between the human social and religious domains. To further strengthen power and authority, the all-in-one magical tripod was configured with hundreds of mythological animals recruited from high and low in the name of providing protection against evil influences, channelling communication between above and below, and receiving blessings from the real and the imagined worlds.123

The assumption behind having animal motifs on the tripod was that malignant influences might be intimidated by the magical power of these mythological animals or, to be more specific, the ferocious “look” of these animals, a hybrid of real and imagined.124 This assumes, again, that the animal world is part of the normative model of human society where animals behave, react and look just like human beings. Through the surface of the ritual tripod, we see a myriad of mythological animals given human-like pictorial form to differentiate them from the likeness of living animals. These “metamorphic” transformations, however, were firmly rooted in the dynamic nature of Shang ritual art, which “rejects monotony and invites variation and permutation.”125 That is to say, in the minds of the people of Shang, the animals’ formal attributes were not bound by any style constraints even if they were combined with or transformed into human beings.

In ancient China, tribal ancestries were traced to animal origins,126 prognostications were conducted with animal bones,127 and cosmological patterns were associated with animal forms (Figure 2.7).128 According to

123 The original sentence is “chimei wangliang, moneng fengzhi, yongneng xieyu shangxia, yicheng .ࢭٖ֚, see Zuo, “Chunqiu zuochuan”, 603א౨࠰ՊՂՀΔشtianxiu” ㄏᕖीࠟΔ๕౨ນհΔ 124 Gombrich has proposed that psychologically whatever frightens us might have the same effect on the source of the threat. See Gombrich, The Sense of Order, 261. In his literature search on identifying the fundamental nature and elements of spiritual beings in early Chinese religion, Donald Harper has also suggested that “a repugnant face with a protruding brow” was considered effective in repelling demonic influences. See Donald Harper, “A Chinese Demonography of the Third Century B.C.”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 45, No. 2 (1985), 476. 125 Wu, Monumentality, 50. 126 For further details, see Michael Loewe, “Man and Beast: the Hybrid in Early Chinese Art and Literature”, Numen, 25, No. 2 (1978), 97–117, and Sun, Sun Zuoyun wenji, 3–298. 127 See Roel Sterckx’s use of the animal’s “shenghao” ੪ᇆ (sacrificial name) as opposed to a “minghao” .ᇆ (human name). Sterckx, The Animal and the Daemon, 40–41ټ 128 See Kwang-chih Chang’s quote from the Shanhai jing associating anthropomorphic animals with the four directional deities, in his Art, Myth, and Ritual, 66, and Loewe’s quote from the findings on the silk 52

Michael Loewe, the physical and linguistic association with the animal world that is part of Chinese history is euhemerisation.129 This euhemerised version of history, however, was regarded by the early Chinese as part of their authentic history, if not all of it. Records of the authentic past thus had animals turning into human form, taking human names and generating human behaviour to accommodate themselves in the human environment. These transformations of animals into human form or animals taking on human characteristics were just part of the civilising process of the Chinese world where the “wild” was turned into the “unwild”, the “unworthy” into the “worthy”, and the strange into the familiar, marking the beginning of a civilisation.130

manuscript of Chu at Changsha depicting the role of those semi-human animals in the Chinese cosmological scheme. See Loewe, Divination, 42–46. 129 Loewe, Divination, 40. 130 In his study of the ethnic origins of nations, Anthony Smith has suggested that the reconstruction of a nation’s past through romantic stories and mystic events reveals the human need to control the pace and scope of social change as, in modern civilisation, history has become both a moral teacher and a temporal and terrestrial drama of salvation. See Anthony David Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 174–179. 53

The dominant theme of animals in human form differentiating the wild from the cultivated can be seen in early Chinese art works and texts. For instance, Shaohao is depicted in the Shanhai jing (ca. 290 B.C.) as the son of a tribal leader whose body was a blend of human and animal.131 People often called him qiongqi ᒡ࡛, meaning extremely strange, not only because of his grotesque physical appearance but also because of his ruthless and wanton brutality that destroyed the noble traditions his father had instituted.132 This kind of anthropomorphic creature can be found in the same text, where the people of were described as having the form of a dog.133 ڨthe kingdom of Quanrong ׅ enfeoffment), it) ڨ Judging from the kingdom’s name, quan ׅ (dog) and rong seems probable that these dog people were awarded this territory because they achieved merit in the eyes of the Chinese court.134 The quasi-human animal motifs on the Zhou ritual tripods appear to be more aggressive in their anthropomorphic role in the Lushi chunqiu (ca. 239 B.C.), where they take part in political debate and experience moral conflict just like human beings:

੡ՈΖױߠՕ؏հլאڶࡌቓထ℞ۖ㍔ࠡਐΔ٣׆ On the tripods of the Zhou, there are images of Chui portrayed as (an animal) biting off its own toes. This tells us that the former kings knew that great craftsmanship meant nothing without a moral code of conduct.135

ߠᄕհඓՈΖאΔڴण੷९ΔՂՀઃڴ᧗Δڶࡌቓ On the tripods of the Zhou, there are serpentine creatures named Qie, whose bodies are twisted extensively upwards and downwards. This tells us that going to extremes often brings misfortune.136

131 Yuan Ke, ed., Shanhai jing jiaozhu (Classic of Mountains and Seas), (Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1992), 364–365. 132 Ibid. Other descriptions of qiongqi can be found on page 75. 133 Ibid., 362. 134 Richard E. Strassberg, A Chinese Bestiary: Strange Creatures from the Guideways through Mountains and Seas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 196. 135 Lu, Lushi chunqiu, 617. Chui was a legendary craftsman who invented the ruler and compass, see page 618. 136 Ibid., 679. 54

Tracing ancestral leadership and moral political codes from the images of anthropomorphic animals not only reinforced the role of animals as a means of communication, it legitimised the use of animals as a way to tell stories, even to the point of fabricating a history that humans preferred. The use of hybrid animals to reconstruct human history combining real and imagined events was also depicted in interaction between humans and beasts. Therefore, scenes portraying humans and beasts holding and hugging each other were believed to have originated in the era of Taiqing ֜堚 (Great Purity) when relations between humans and beasts were pure and simple (Figure 2.8).137 Intimacy in the man– beast relationship could also be found during the reign of the legendary ruler Getianshi, when people could hold the tail of an ox, stamp their feet on the ground, and sing songs.138 Equally, when the legendary ruler Rongchengshi was in charge, humans could safely cradle their children in birds’ nests, place their hands on the tails of the tigers and panthers, and rest their feet upon the bodies of serpents.139

137 For a description of Great Purity, see He, Huainanzi, 555. Men and animals holding and hugging each other were taken as either synergistic or antagonistic responses by scholars such as Kwang-chih Chang, Luo Zhenyu, Rong Geng, Dong Zuobin and James Frazer. See Chang, “The Animal in Shang”, 546, and Liu and Yang, Long de shenshi, 229–236. However, the antagonistic approach fails to explain the benign or joyful expressions of the humans. The Buddhist idea of reincarnation also blurs the boundaries between species. For instance, the afterlife in Buddhism becomes the point at which human and beast can be interconnected. See Rania Ann Huntington, “Foxes and Ming-Qing Fiction” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1996), 59. 138 Lu, Lushi chunqiu, 139. 139 He, Huainanzi, 574. 55

However, this closeness between humans and beasts ended when humans began disrespecting and challenging nature and abandoning virtue. The pictorial arts of the Eastern Zhou period (770–221 B.C.) (Figure 2.9) depicted the separation of human and bestial undertakings.140 The degeneration in human–beast relations is also reflected in the Huainanzi (second century B.C.) which tells of humans starting to mine mountains for precious stones, drain ponds for fish, and treat animals as livestock.141 Then came the counterattack and daijue ,׃juya ࡺ ,ֿ؁ when ferocious hybrid animals such as the gouzhao ᚮߡ appeared, forcing humans to dig moats and build defensive embattlements,

140 Kwang-chih Chang, Early Chinese Civilization: Anthropological Perspectives (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), 180. 141 He, Huainanzi, 557–558. 56 and the war between humans and beasts began.142 This metaphorical explanation of the “fall” of the human–beast relationship is, in Derk Bodde’s view, simply the “inexorable concomitant of the rise of human civilisation.”143 This reading seems to confirm that the power struggle between humans and animals in that part of China’s history that is allegorical reflected a time when humans used excessive force in exercising power and control when “communication” was ineffective.

It is apparent that the use of power to change the relationship between humans and beasts was linked to the imperial court’s attitude towards its neighbouring states when one notes that the terms yeshou ມᡬ and qinshou ᆅᡬ—meaning ڎ wild animal or wild beast—came to signify the man ᨟ (wild people) and yi

142 Ibid., 563–564. The gouzhao was a legendary beast with the claws of a falcon, the juya was a mythological monster with the fangs of a bear or tigerine, and the daijue was a mysterious creature with horns. Descriptions of these animals can be found on page 563. 143 Derk Bodde, Essays on Chinese Civilization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), 70. 57

(savage people) people.144 This can be seen in the Guoyu (fifth to fourth ,and Di ߅ people had no manners ڨ century B.C.), which states that the Rong lacked respect, and were undisciplined; hence, they were similar to wild animals.145 In describing the civilising influence of music, the Liji (first century B.C.) says the difference between human beings and animals is that animals know only the sheng ᜢ (sound) of music not the yin ଃ (tones) of music.146 This implies that people who lack knowledge of music or, by extension, cultivation, are just like wild animals.

Thus, we see that in early Chinese history the uncultivated or uncivilised tribes ڎand states on the periphery of the imperial court were called manyi ᨟ (barbarians or wild people).147 These savage people, especially the Jiuli ԰ᕟ tribe from the South, jeopardised communication between the terrestrial world and the celestial realm.148 This reckless deed is also attributed to the Sanmiao Կ્ tribe, who threw virtue into disorder, causing spirits and humans to intermingle.149 These accounts demonstrate the imperial court’s contemptuous attitude towards its neighbours and their manners; most importantly, they hold the “wild people” responsible for disrupting Chinese civilisation. As a result, in the eyes of the Chinese ruling class these “wild animals” needed to be tamed, trained and civilised in order to maintain order and discipline. However, the journey from “wild” to “civilised” was often completed in three transformative

144 The character ye ມ (wild) is also used for the half-spiritual half-earthly realm in the Shanhai jing (ca. 290 B.C.), see Xia Zhifeng, “Chuguo shenhua chulun” (An Initial Discussion of Chu Mythology), in Chu wenhua yanjiu lunji (Chu Cultural Studies Collection), ed. Chu wenhua yanjiu hui, vol. 4 (Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chuban she, 1994), 590. For the use of ye in the Shanhai jing, see Yuan, Shanhai jing, 267, 454 and 505. 145 The original sentence is “Fu rong, di, maomo qingchan, tan er burang, qi xieqi buzhi, ruo qinshou Ε߅Δক޲᎘ᡍΔ຅ۖլᨃΔࠡۨ௛լएΔૉᆅᡬ෫, see Shanghai shifan daxue gujiڨ֛ ”yan zhenglizu, ed., Guoyu (Narratives of the States), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1978), 62. 146 Zheng Xuan, ed., “Liji zhengyi” (Commentary on the Book of Rites), in Shisan jing zhushu, vol. 6, 1081. 147 For various descriptions of and names associated with these “barbarians” surrounding the imperial court, see Zheng, “Liji zhengyi”, 398–400. 148 Shanghai shifan daxue, Guoyu, 562–563. 149 Ibid., 563. The first Chinese character from Jiuli ԰ᕟ and Sanmiao Կ્, literally the numeric values nine and three respectively, gives no indication of the numbers of the tribes. See Luo Ji, “Jiuli zhi jiu kao” (Textual Criticism of the “Jiu” of “Jiuli”), Yunnan shifan daxue xuebao (Journal of Yunnan Normal University), 34, No. 5 (2002), 51–54. 58 steps: changing the animal’s appearance; changing the animal’s name; and changing the animal’s behaviour in order to turn the strange into the familiar.

The Chinese way of civilising beasts frequently started with changing the animal’s appearance. The usual way the look of a particular species was changed was by adding special features selectively borrowed from other species. These “borrowings” would then change the shape of the animal and make it look different and strange. This change differentiated the “new” species from the natural world and made it odd, wild and exotic. With their new identity, these strange-looking animals were then held responsible for natural catastrophes and man-made disasters because of their apparent lack of fit in the natural world. Consequently, people called these hybrid animals qiyi zhi wu ࡛ฆհढ (odd and strange creatures) and held them responsible for all odd and strange events.150 As a result, we read in the Huainanzi of mystic animals, such as the dafeng Օଅ, jiuying ԰᚛, and zaochi ᨼᕡ, disturbing people in the “old days”.151 However, the tension and antagonism between humans and beasts could be resolved if another change was made.

In order to make another change for the better, these strange-looking animals needed to be tamed, disciplined and transformed into civilised animals. This meant a total change from head to toe, which included changing their names and their behaviour. Typical examples can be found in pictorial art and written texts with the transformation of the long, nao ㍣, and feilian ଆკ. The Chinese dragon (long) was originally a water creature that was gradually brought into the category of the strange by adding features drawn from the horse, the snake and the bird and reprehensible qualities such as greed, ferocity and brutality drawn from humans that often resulted in devastating storms (Figure 2.10).152 After its promising role in assisting the Yellow Emperor in the Battle of Zhuolu to gain

150 This is according to Du Yu’s commentaries in Chunqiu zuochuan, see Zuo, “Chunqiu zuochuan”, 602. 151 He, Huainanzi, 574. The Dafeng was a legendary wind monster that looked like a wild bird; the jiuying was a nine-headed creature allegedly responsible for both world conflagration and flood; and the zaochi was a mythological animal with a rodent’s teeth skilled in slaughtering humans. For further descriptions of these strange animals, see pages 574–577. 152 Fan Dongqing, “Lüeshu gudai taoci qi shang long de zhuangshi yanbian” (Evolution of the Dragon Motif on Ancient Ceramics), Shanghai bowu guan jikan (Bulletin of Shanghai Museum), 2 (1983), 193. 59 power over the world, this strange creature ruined its reputation by becoming associated with the spiritual realm as one of the siling ؄ᨋ (Four Spiritual Animals) guarding the celestial world.153

Figure 2.10: The transformation of the dragon showing it in different stages of being combined with other animals. Source: Fan Dongqing, “Lüeshu gudai taoci qi shang long de zhuangshi yanbian” (Evolution of the Dragon Motif on Ancient Ceramics), Shanghai bowu guan jikan (Bulletin of Shanghai Museum), 2 (1983), 198–207.

The same pattern of “upgrading” can be seen in the transformation of the nao. The change from a greedy ape-like monster to a divine dragon-like spirit with a single foot named kuei ᥅ began when it was associated with the chixiao 〇⿿, which was an ungrateful and unfilial creature associated with the falcon, swallow and horned animals.154 The unfilial animal was later manipulated into a divine phoenix, a dragon and a human being associated with the ruthless God of War Chiyou, and with the ancestral lineage of the Xia and the Shang, before making its way into the core category of the Confucian school (Figure 2.11).155 The feilian also was transformed from a feathered to a hybrid creature associated with quadruped and human forms, its name going from the familiar feng ଅ and feng Ꮥ to the strange beilan ݘᨱ and feilian ⫆კ, in its turn

153 These four spiritual animals are the dragon, phoenix (sometimes referred to as the Red Bird), tiger, and turtle (or a turtle-snake creature). They are commonly referred to as the Four Directional Animals because of their spatial arrangement in Chinese cosmological schemes. For their association with the four cardinal directions, see Susan N. Erickson, “Money Trees of the Eastern Han Dynasty”, The Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 66 (1994), 16. For the dragon’s association with them see Zheng, “Liji zhengyi”, 704. For other details about the dragon’s origin and forms see He Xin, Zhushen de qiyuan: Zhongguo yuangu taiyang shen chongbai (The Origin of the Gods: Ancient Chinese Worship of the Sun), (Beijing: Guangming ribao chuban she, 1996), 100–117 and 331–339, Liu and Yang, Long de shenshi, and Sun, Sun Zuoyun wenji, 642–655. 154 Ma Yinqin, “Lun yinshang minzu de chixiao chongbai jiqi lishi yanhua” (The Shang People’s Worship of the Owl and Its Historical Evolution), in Tianwen: Bingxu juan (The Heavenly Questions: The Bingxu Edition), ed. Cheng Gongrang (Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chuban she, 2006), 55–58. The definitions of nao and kuei, however, are from Xu Shen’s Shuowen jiezi, 112. 155 For the association of the kuei with deities and human beings, see Derk Bodde, “Myths of Ancient China”, in Mythologies of the Ancient World, ed. Samuel Noah Kramer (New York: Doubleday, 1961), 374. For the association of the chixiao with the God of War, see Sun, Sun Zuoyun wenji, 516–528. For its association with the Xia and Shang ancestral lineage, see Ma, “Lun yinshang”, 56–61. 60 moving from the category “wild” all the way to the category “civilised” (Figure 2.12).156

Although animal motifs and their symbolic meanings were transformed frequently and in many ways in early Chinese art and history, they never reached a conclusive, or at least a comforting, identity. Therefore, a long could

156 For the role of the feilian first as a Wind God helping Chiyu, the God of War, in the Battle of Zuolu against the Yellow Emperor, and then as leader of the Qin, delivering his people from persecution by the Zhou see Sima Qian, Shi ji (Records of the Historian), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 4 and 174. For its role in Chinese immortality, see Zhu Xi, Chuci jizhu (Commentary on the Songs of the South), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 2001), 19. For further formal descriptions and associations, see Zhang Pingyi, “Feilian yu shuangyi shenshou” (The Association of Feilian with Winged Spiritual Animals), Wenwu chunqiu (Stories of Relics), 51, No. 1 (2000), 26–27, Li, “Lun zhongguo”, 113, and Sun, Sun Zuoyun wenji, 455–481 and 573–576. 61 be anything from a lizard to a crocodile;157 a kuei could be an unethical bird or a skilful musician;158 and a feilian could be fighting with the legendary Yellow Emperor in one scene and bearing the patriotic poet Qu Yuan (340–278 B.C.) up to the skies in another.159 These fragmentary and episodic “histories” associating animals with mythological creatures, legendary heroes and historical figures are, according to Bodde, the Chinese “universal” history whose content had been constantly edited, changed and renewed to find a convincing genealogy of the Chinese people.160 This “universal” history can be seen as part of the “selective” histories of an emerging state or culture trying to superimpose its ideas upon a declining or defunct culture,161 and the diversity of the animals’ roles are a projection of the values and ideas of various interest groups.162 This seems to suggest an “anything goes” ideology where accurate interpretation of an image is entirely dependent on knowing the specific context of its invention and later use; that is, Chinese art has no history!163

Conversely, the diversified and ideological forms of most animals in early Chinese art do have a history, a different kind of “universal” history that is often selective and inconsistent. This inconsistent history was subject to change, serving as an intermediary in the inherent conflict between this world and the

157 Liu and Yang, Long de shenshi, 1–3. 158 For the association of the kuei with a skilful musician from time immemorial, see Liu Qianxian et al., “Hanfeizi yizhu” (An Interpretation of the Book of Master Hanfei), in Ershier zi xiangzhu quanyi (Complete Interpretations of the Twenty-Two Masters and Philosophers), ed. Han Geping (Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chuban she, 2003), 504. 159 For the feilian’s battle with the Yellow Emperor, see Sima, Shi ji, 4. As for its association with Qu Yuan, see Zhu, Chuci jizhu, 19. 160 According to Derk Bodde, the transformation of what were once myths into seemingly authentic history began during the Han dynasty, when scholars tended to change the texts they edited and introduce ideas reflecting their own environment. This kind of systematic editing of past historical writings was nevertheless responsible for the first Chinese “universal” history. See Bodde, “Myths of Ancient China”, 370–403. In my study of the Chinese lion motif, these selective and diversified “universal” histories are used to justify its shifting roles, images and mechanisms. 161 In her study of the Shang people’s worship of the owl, Ma Yinqin also tries to explain that the history we are familiar with is in fact selective and is often the result of dynastic succession. See Ma, “Lun yinshang”, 60–62. 162 In his study of animals in Chinese myths and legends, Sun Zuoyun questions the diversity of their role, stating: History? From whose perspective? See Sun, Sun Zuoyun wenji, 465. 163 In his polemical co-examination of the multiple analyses of Anglophone art history, John Roberts has proposed that art has no history. By addressing this, Roberts does not, of couse, mean that art really has no history, he is simply saying that the multi-dimensional structures of art, ideology and history are unavailable to rational discussion and control. See John Roberts, ed., Art Has No History! The Making and Unmaking of Modern Art (London: Verso, 1994), 1–36. I am also grateful for Dr. Catherine De Lorenzo’s attribution of this notion. 62 imagined realm, between human power and natural forces and between the interests of ruler and ruled. However, two attributes remained unchanged in this selective version of history: first, the animals were in a constant state of change in the sense of alternating between the strange and the familiar; second, these characteristics were continuously transforming in the sense that their physical appearance was alternating between the real to the imagined. That is to say, these mythological animals could not transform independently of one another but had to refer to each other in order to coexist. The Chinese character bian ᧢ (change), which stands for alternation not alteration, speaks of a process of change of substance in an orderly pattern, a pattern that is regular and repeated.164 The concept of hua ֏ (transformation), on the other hand, is not reducible to the orderly change of substance only; it focuses more on the object’s ability to be able to measure, understand and execute the “change.”165 This ability, in Gerald Swanson’s words, is the association with the imagined realm, that is, the supernatural, the divine and the spiritual.166 Thus the question rests on who has the knowledge to estimate, the ability to understand and, most importantly, the authority to execute the “change?”

An attempt at an answer can be found in the Yijing (third to second century B.C.), where a person who has the ability to change and has responsibility for change is described thus:

ֈΖٳᆣԳ๻࠳ᨠွΔᢀ᢯෫ۖࣔ The holy sage, having the ability to perceive the movements of the celestial image, puts the changes and transformations into the form of the hexagrams in ritual practice. He (further) appends phrases to these

164 Gerald Swanson, “The Concept of Change in the Great Treatise”, in Explorations in Early Chinese Cosmology: Papers Presented at the Workshop on Classical Chinese Thought Held at Harvard University, August 1976, ed. Henry Rosemont (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1984), 71. 165 Ibid., 71–73. In Zhao Dunhua’s view, bian and hua can be translated as “becoming”, which focuses more on the result of the change, proceeding and transformation in the Chinese cosmological scheme. Therefore, in Zhao’s interpretation, the “becoming” lies between unity and chaos, time and space, and being and nonbeing, which are the real and the imagined. See Zhao, “Metaphysics in China”, 22–32. 166 Swanson, “The Concept of Change”, 72. 63

forms and practices in order to clearly distinguish for people the good from the bad.167

It is not surprising that in another version of the mythological histories the holy sage was later “narrowed” down and “changed” into a legendary tribal leader or, to be more specific, the ancestor of the Chinese,168 Baoxishi, with a reference to the role of animals:

Δᨠ຺ᡬհ֮Δፖچᥔּհ׆֚ՀՈΔٛঞᨠွ֚࣍Δଏঞᨠऄ࣍ץृײ ᣊᆄढאຏ壀ࣔհᐚΔאԶ࠳Δ܂հࡵΖ२࠷壆ߪΔ᎛࠷壆ढΔ࣍ਢࡨچ հൣΖ When in the early days Baoxishi ruled the world, he looked up at the sky and figured out the images in the celestial world; he looked down to the earth and contemplated the regulations in the terrestrial realm; he observed the patterns of birds and beasts and their adaptations to their environment. Hence from his own direct experience and experience gained indirectly from animals, Baoxishi was able to invent the eight trigrams to initiate the connection from the virtue of the celestial beings to the regulation of all terrestrial beings.169

From this we see the part played by animals specified in the making of the universal Chinese history, and the power and authority associated with the supernatural and divine changed, transformed to a specific clan leader. This change and transformation demonstrates that the universal Chinese history was selective, and the role of humans and animals in making it was also selective. These changes and transformations from the real to the imagined in the human–beast relationship are merely depictions of historical power shifts and transfers of authority. The questionable and untraceable forms these

167 Wang Bi and Kong Yingda, “Zhouyi zhengyi” (Rectifications of the Changes of the Zhou Dynasty), in Shisan jing zhushu, vol. 1, 261. 168 Liu Mingwu and Chen Bohai agree that the holy sage refers to the ancestor of the Chinese people, Baoxishi or Fuxishi, see Liu Mingwu, “Lixiang jinyi zhi yi: yuan wenhua zhi yuan” (The Meaning of Li Xiang Jin Yi: The Source of Yuan Culture), Renwen zazhi (Journal of Humanities), 6 (2002), 28, and Chen Bohai, “Shi yixiang, shang” (The Meaning of yixiang, part one), Shehui kexue (Journal of Social Sciences), 9 (2005), 163. 169 Wang and Kong, “Zhouyi zhengyi”, 298. 64 mythological animals took and the roles they played were just a tool for individual ruling parties eager to find a way to convincingly establish their power and authority and locate their role in history. Thus, we see constant updates in the “official” Chinese dynastic histories from the Han dynasty on, where changes in an animal’s form and image are negotiable, but the relationship between human and animals is not, especially after humans conquered the animal world. The subjugation of the animal kingdom reflects the triumph of humans over the natural world, and nowhere is this seen more clearly than in the Chinese concept of space.

2.3 Animals in Chinese Spatial Concepts

The significance of animals in the Chinese concept of space can be discerned from a statement in the Han shu (ca. A.D. 92–141), where Wang Mang (r. A.D. 9–23) attributed the success of Liu Ban (r. 202–195 B.C.), founder of the Han dynasty, in resisting western invasions to the protection of the celestial tiger from the west.170 Hence, when the imperial ruler was presiding at court, images of four spiritual animals—the turtle, dragon, lin ᧵ (unicorn), and phoenix— would be placed by him to the north, east, centre, and south, respectively, to echo his symbolic position in the west, and to connote the idea of the wude նᐚ (Five Virtues).171 This symbolic association of animals with the directions might have had its origin in the importance of proper siting in the Chinese spatial concept, which is first found in the Shang dynasty (1600–1027 B.C.).

The Shang people regarded their kingdom as the centre of the universe, and associated their land with the name Zhongshang խ೸ (Central Shang) calling the surrounding territories Dongtu ࣟՒ (Eastern Land), Xitu ۫Ւ (Western Ւ (Northern Land) for theק Land), Nantu তՒ (Southern Land), and Beitu purposes of commercial exploitation, military expeditions, and political

170 Ban, Han shu, 3432. 171 Ibid. 65 expansion.172 Although the Shang’s four cardinal directions bore little which involved positioning ,ۯֱ implication of divinity,173 the concept of fangwei oneself in relation to the five cardinal directions, was adopted by the Zhou dynasty (1027–221 B.C.) within their Ministry of Rites, reflecting the founding, architectural setting, and stratification of a kingdom. For instance, the Zhouli (completed before 206 B.C.) indicates the importance of the founding of a kingdom in relation to its position and direction:

ᄕΖا੡אΔ᧯ഏᆖມΔ๻ࡴ։៭Δۯإ൫׆৬ഏΔᙃֱ The founding of a kingdom is the sole privilege of a king, who is responsible for determining the (four) directions and the correct position of the kingdom. (After the site has been chosen), the king will set up a plan of the city and its perimeters, create ministries, and set out individual duties in order to set a standard for the people.174

It further stipulates the architectural setting within an established kingdom:

ԳᛜഏΔֱ԰ߺΔலԿ॰Δഏխ԰ᆖΔ԰ᒮΔᆖῥ԰૩Ζٰ When the builders start to lay out a kingdom, they measure the walls (surrounding the kingdom) in a square of which each side is nine li in length with three gates. Within the kingdom, there should be nine streets along the north-south axis, and nine along the east-west axis, and the north-south ones should accommodate nine paths for chariots.175

The Lushi chunqiu refers to the significance of the central position of the kingdom in relation to a highly stratified society:

172 Fu Ying and Duan Degang, “Fangwei yu zhongguo chuantong jianzhu” (Orientation and Traditional Chinese Architecture), Huazhong jianzu (Huazhong Architecture), 18, No. 4 (2000), 128. 173 Ibid. However, Lydia Thompson, citing Sarah Allan, argues that the Shang people used the four cardinal directions and centrality for sacrificial purposes, which bore certain implications of divinity. See Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 157, and Sarah Allan, The Shape of the Turtle: Myth, Art, and Cosmos in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), 76. 174 Sun Yirang, ed., “Zhouli zhengyi” (The Correct Commentary and Translation of the Book of Rites of the Zhou), in Shisan jing qingren zhushu (Annotated Edition of the Thirteen Classics from the Qing), ed. Zhonghua shuju (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987), 9–15. 175 It is important to note that one li ߺ is approximately 416 metres. 66

ᐔم୰Δᖗ୰հխۖمഏΔᖗഏհխۖمհ׆ृΔᖗ֚Հհխۖײ When the ancient rulers wanted to choose a site for a kingdom, they would place it in the centre of the universe; when they wanted to choose a place for their palace, they would place it in the centre of the kingdom; and when they wanted to choose a location for the ancestral temple, they would place it in the centre of the palace.176

The central location of the ancestral temple, then, becomes a focal point of the kingdom and an aligning force of the architectural setting, where only the superior class, the ruling élite, are able to make most use of it. The centrality of the kingdom with its cross streets running in the four cardinal directions further meshes with Chinese spatial concepts and sequential composition in which the orientation of the kingdom accords with the cycles of the tiangan ֚ե (Celestial Terrestrial Branches), forming sixty possible pairs of) ֭چ Stems) and dizhi ideological graphs that can coordinate with any division of time and spatial reference.177 Consequently, to orient a bulding or city becomes a process of harmonising it with the ordered and cyclic flow of time in which the built form is related to the central pivot on the wheel of time, and hence to eternity.178 That is why the Yijing names the orientation of the kingdom the Dabao Օᣪ (Grand Treasure) of the holy sages to indicate the importance of position and direction as well as of the person who is capable of intermingling these real and imagined tools in Chinese spatial concepts.179

During the Han dynasty, the Chinese concept of space in relation to positioning and directions was associated with a systematic framework of mythological

176 Lu, Lushi chunqiu, 580. 177 Adrian Snodgrass, Architecture, Time and Eternity: Studies in the Stellar and Temporal Symbolism of Traditional Buildings (New Delhi: Pradeep Kumar Goel for Aditya Prakashan, 1990), 389–391. Archaeological excavations have also shown that cardinal orientation was typical of Chinese cities from earliest times, demonstrating convincingly that the city was an image of quadrangular space. See Cheng Te-k’un, “Yin-Yang Wu-Hsing and Han Art”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 20, No. 1/2 (1957), 162-186 and Vitaly A. Rubin, “The Concepts of Wu-hsing and Yin-yang”, Journal of Chinese Philosophy, 9, No. 2 (1982), 139. 178 Snodgrass, Architecture, Time and Eternity, 392. See Wang and .ۯThe original sentence in the Yijing is “Shengren zhi dabao yue wei” ᆣԳհՕᣪֳ 179 Kong, “Zhouyi zhengyi”, 297. 67 animals and legendary rulers.180 For instance, the Huainanzi has the qinglong ,(າ (Red Bird), huanglong ႓ᚊ (Yellow Dragonڹ ॹᚊ (Azure Dragon), zhuque ࣳ (Black Warrior), representing theخ baihu ػॡ (White Tiger), and xuanwu east, south, centre, west, and north, respectively.181 Similarly, the Shi ji (ca. 110–86 B.C.) states that there were five legendary rulers—Qingdi ॹ০ (Green Emperor), Chidi ߧ০ (Red Emperor), Baidi ػ০ (White Emperor), Heidi ႕০ (Black Emperor), and Huangdi ႓০ (Yellow Emperor)—stationed in the east, south, west, north and centre of the universe, respectively.182 The Shu yi ji (sixth century) says that when Pan Gu died, his head became Dongyue ࣟࢂ (Mount East), his belly turned into Zhongyue խࢂ (Mount Central), his left arm changed to Nanyue তࢂ (Mount South), his right arm was transformed into ࢂ (Mount North), and his feet were converted to Xiyue ۫ࢂ (Mountק Beiyue West).183

However, there was a cultural and political agenda to associating mythological animals with the four cardinal directions to support their centrality in an ideological spatial construct. To the Chinese, animals were either wild, unruly or or di ߅. These terms were often used to ڎ strange, that is, ye ມ, man ᨟, yi describe the barbarian lands surrounding China. Hence, the people from the Eastern Foreigners), the people from the south) ڎeast were called Dongyi ࣟ ڨ۫ Nanman ত᨟ (Southern Barbarians), the people from the west Xirong ߅ (Northernק Western Warriors), and the people from the north Beidi)

(Dong Zhongshu (179–104 B.C.) was responsible for the wuxing ն۩ (Five Elements or Five Phases 180 theory and associating the elements with a variety of things in order to promote Confucianism as the official ideology of the Chinese state. See Sun Ji, “Jizhong handai de tuan wenshi” (The Decorative Pattern of the Han Dynasty), Wen Wu, 310, No. 3 (1982), 65–66. However, Dong was not the first to create a synthesis of political theory with spatial and cosmological concepts. In the time of the First Emperor (259–210 B.C.), state ideology was a mixture of Legalist theory and the cosmological considerations of the school of Zou Yan (ca. 350–270 B.C.). See Vitaly A. Rubin, “Ancient Chinese Cosmology and Fa-chia Theory”, in Explorations in Early Chinese Cosmology, 95. 181 He, “Huainanzi jishi”, 183–188. 182 Sima, Shi ji, 1378, 1394. A similar record can be found in the Houhan shu (compiled ca. A.D. 432). See Fan Ye, Houhan shu (The Book of Later Han), (Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1971), 3159–3160. 183 Ren Fang, “Shu yi ji” (Tales of the Strange and Unusual), in Congshu jicheng xinbian, vol. 82, 33. Pan Gu was the lengendary hero who created the universe. It is noteworthy that the human body was first used to indicate orderly space in the fourth century B.C., when body parts were projected as images of the world. For further details about how the ancient Chinese ordered space using their bodies, see Mark Edward Lewis, The Construction of Space (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006), 13–76. 68

Nomads).184 The central position of China, however, was portrayed as a fifth direction running vertically at the centre as opposed to the horizontal four directions, representing a three-dimensional spatial concept and sequential composition of its own.185 This up-and-down fifth direction, then, was reserved for the Chinese, who perceived themselves as the Zhongyuan խ଺ (Centre and Source) and Zhongguo խഏ (Central Kingdom) under Heaven. This perception of the world and the universe under a unified authority thus reflected an organised system similar to early Chinese society as well as to other great civilisations in other parts of the world.186 Naturally, when the lion was introduced from the west of this central kingdom, it was soon associated with that spatial construct and directional deployment.

When the lion, a strange and unfamiliar animal from the west, first became known to this central kingdom, it was not difficult for the Chinese to incorporate their spatial arrangements into this animal.187 While this had its roots in the Chinese cosmological scheme, Manichean, Tocharian and Indian influences may also have been present. In western Asia the lion was regarded as a solar animal, representing the power of the sun, which happened to be in line with the Manichean emphasis on the forces of light intimately associated with their cosmological belief the “Five Bodies of Light”.188 These Manichean five elements found an echo in China in the cosmic forces of yin-yang and wuxing was associated—־ ն۩ (Five Elements) in which the element of light—huo with the south.189 That is why the Chinese describe the lion’s coat as the colour of light and its power as being able to emit fire, both expressions a reflection of

184 For the use of these terms to describe different peoples around China, see Zheng, “Liji zhengyi”, 398. ,means bing ܎, which can be interpreted as weapon or soldier ڨ According to the Shuowen jiezi, rong and di ߅ is a kind of dog, but can be used for people with no manners. See Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 205, 266. Accordingly, I have translated Xirong as the warriors from the west and Beidi as the nomadic people from the north. 185 Ye Shuxian, Zhongguo shenhua zhexue (The Philosophy of Chinese Mythology), (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chuban she, 1992), 17. 186 For the relationship between the Chinese perception of the world and their hierarchical society, see Q. Edward Wang, “History, Space, and Ethnicity: The Chinese Worldview”, Journal of World History, 10, No. 2 (1999), 287. The similarity between the Chinese cosmos and that of the other parts of the world is discussed in Joseph Rykwert, “The Four and the Five”, in Chinese Architecture and the Beaux-Arts, ed. Nancy Steinhardt (Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press), in press. 187 On the lion coming from the west, see my argument in Chapter three: Its Origins. 188 Cammann, “The Lion and Grape”, 286. 189 For the association of light with the south, see He, Huainanzi, 186. 69

Manichean luminosity or fire.190 It is also why, when the lion motif was first associated with mortuary settings as the tomb guardian, it was often placed at the south-facing entrance to tombs, which were normally on a north–south axis; that is, they were placed on the side of light, life, and the maximum power of yang.191

The Tocharian also associated the lion with the four cardinal directions, but emphasised the animal’s power with its associated colours.192 The Indian use of the guardian monarchs of the four quarters, the Lokaplas Four (or Sida tianwang ؄Օ֚׆ in Chinese), and the world-mountain Mount Sumeru (also called Meru) as the central axis of their universe also fitted into the Chinese scheme of the five directions.193 What is more significant is the Indian association of the four guardian forces with the four wicked invader-kings Pallava, Yavana, Sakya, and Tukhara, assigned to the west, north, south, and east, respectively, as the human opposites of the benign Lokapdas and often presented as a demi-monster squashed by the four monarchs.194

The association of guardian figures with cardinal directions and their power over invading forces, however, presents concrete evidence for why the Chinese lion was often portrayed holding or stepping on a small creature. While the suppressing of a malevolent creature under the paws of a guardian figure may owe its origin in China to the Han dynasty,195 a suppressing force with a directional animal can also be found in Persian art. For instance, different kinds of mythological animal motifs, including the lion, were associated with the

190 Cammann, “The Lion and Grape”, 286. For a record of the lion’s coat as a reflection of light, see Ren, “Shu yi ji”, 36. For a record of the lion’s ability to emit fire, see Chen, Gujin tushu, 587. 191 For the association of the south with light, life and yang, see Snodgrass, Architecture, Time and Eternity, 385. 192 Václav Blažek, “Hic Erant Leones: Indo-European lion et alii”, The Journal of Indo-European Studies, 33, No. 1/2 (2005), 89. 193 For the Indian use of the Lokaplas Four, see Alexander Coburn Soper, “Literary Evidence for Early Buddhist Art in China”, Artibus Asiae, 19 (1959), 231. For Mount Sumeru’s association with the central axis of the universe, see Dietrich Seckel, “Buddhist Temple Names in Japan”, Monumenta Nipponica, 40, No. 4 (1985), 361. 194 For the association of the Lokaplas Four with demi-monster beings, see Soper, “Literary Evidence”, 231. 195 There is archaeological evidence for guardian figures stepping on a defeated enemy existing before the ,(.ఐ (140–117 B.CװHan dynasty. The stone animals erected before the tomb of General Huo Qubing ᙥ for instance, provide a good example of this kind of illustration. 70 cardinal directions and were often depicted on the doorways suppressed by legendary heroes to indicate their directional significance, such as the Hundred- Columned Hall of the Persepolis Terrace of the Achaemenid dynasty (550–330 B.C.) (Figure 2.13).196

Figure 2.13: A hero with a lion motif in front of the doorway of the Hundred-Columned Hall of the Persepolis Terrace is symbolic of direction. Source: Lindsay Allen, The Persian Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 77.

To conclude, the Chinese used a combination of real and imagined animals as their path to success and this has its origin in their “universal” history. For the Chinese, the universal and directional use of the lion motif made this kingly beast a perfect animal for representing their spatial construct, channelling power from above and below and, most importantly, announcing that there was indeed an animal combining the features of the real and the imagined governing through the rulers and exercising its power over those who were ruled in this almighty central kingdom, where the existence of the animal was substantially “real.”

196 Lindsay Allen, The Persian Empire (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2005), 77. However, in Allen’s opinion, these guardian animals have their origin in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (911–612 B.C.). 71

Chapter 3 The Lion in Chinese History: the real lion

Following discussion of the animal’s image and role shifting between the real and the imagined, this chapter explores how the lion was perceived in Chinese history. It focuses on the origin, names and appearance of the living lion to locate its role in this central kingdom. Through textual and linguistic enquiry along with archaeological findings, the conclusion is drawn that the lion probably made its first appearance during contact between China and Central Asia before the Han dynasty. With various terms directly or indirectly borrowed from other languages during these early contacts, the image of the lion was slotted into a combination of the real and the imagined animals with which the Chinese were familiar. The lion’s power and value were thus overcharged and had a significant influence on the Chinese ruling party in their application of this particular animal motif, which, surprisingly, has continued to affect the changing dynamics of Chinese society. As a result, the Chinese view of the lion was not quite as “real” as the actual one, but the awesome reward for presenting the lion to the Chinese court was certainly real.

3.1 Its Origins

The Ming pharmacologist Li Shizhen (1518–1593) suggested that the lion was a foreign import, presumably from Xiyu ۫഑.197 Most scholars seem to have no objection to this royal beast being non-indigenous to China.198 What makes the statement problematic, however, is the term Xiyu (the Western Regions), for which he did not specify which part of the regions west of China. According to the Houhan shu (compiled around A.D. 432), these Western Regions stretched more than 6,000 li ߺ from east to west and more than 1,000 li from south to north.199 At their eastern extremity were the imperial court’s western border,

197 Li, Bencao gangmu, 2815. 198 For the lion’s non-indigenous nature to China, see Chapter One: A Review on the Significance of the Lion in China, note 32-34. 199 Fan, Houhan shu, 2914. 72

Yumen and Yangguan; to their west were the Pamir Mountains; to their northeast were the Xiongnu and Wusun tribes; to the north and south they were bounded by towering mountains; the centre was run through by rivers; the southern flank of the mountains reached Jincheng, which joined Mount Nan in the Qinling Mountains.200 Going by this description, Li Ling narrows the Western regions of the lion’s origin to the ancient kingdom of Wuyishanli, which was located around Kashmir, Syria, Egypt and Afghanistan.201 Osvald Sirén, however, suggests it was within the boundaries of the Iranian empire, which was a continuation of ancient Assyria and Susa.202

These ambiguous descriptions, which range from Central Asia to Western Asia to Southern Asia and even Africa, do not help to specifically locate the lion’s origin.203 Scholars in China have debated the origin of this kingly animal and have even suggested astronomical and religious aspects of its influence. Some have suggested that the lion came with the early intercourse between China and its neighbours during the Shang and Zhou dynasties.204 Others have credited Buddhism with introducing it in early Han times.205 The Jesuit missionary Louis Buglio (1606–1682) even proposed that there had never been a real lion in China.206 Despite the uncertainty about its origin, there are records of its existence. These are the tributary accounts in the dynastic histories, shilu ࢌ (imperial literature repository).207 Scholarsם ኔᙕ (memoirs), and cefu frequently cite as evidence the following tributary records of the lion.

200 Ibid. 201 Li, “Lun zhongguo”, 110. Lin Meicun, however, specifies that Wuyishanli is Alexandria. See Lin Meicun, Hantang xiyu yu zhongguo wenming (The Western Regions of the Han-Tang Dynasties and Chinese Civilization), (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1998), 97. 202 Osvald Sirén, “A Chinese Stone Lion”, The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs, 47, No. 273 (1925), 276. Quoting from Sirén, Barry Till has pointed out the path from the “Western Regions” to China was from Babylon and Assyria to Achaemenid Persia, then by way of Bactria, and then, across Central Asia to China. See Till, “Some Observations”, 262. 203 This range is according to Zai Jie. See Zhai, “Guanzhong kuibao”, 26. 204 Guo, Guo moruo guanji, 255-256, and Zhang, “Shizi ruhua”, 63. 205 Nancy Thompson, “The Evolution of the T’ang Lion and Grapevine Mirror”, Artibus Asiae, 29 (1967), 37, Lin, “Mintai shi”, 37, Wang and Ming, “Yinghan dongwu”, 95. It is, however, important to note that Buddhism in its imported form was no longer the redemptory religion of early Indian Buddhism, but had been associated with mystagogical practices of a monastic organisation by the Chinese. See Max Weber, The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism (New York: Free Press, 1951), 225. 206 Giuliano Bertuccioli, “A Lion in Peking: Ludovico Buglio and the Embassy to China of Bento Pereira de Faria in 1678”, East and West, 26, No. 1/2 (1976), 226. 207 For these various records, see Appendix A. 73

One record concerns a lion given as a tribute from Yuezhi (a Central Asian Tokharian state) in A.D. 87: this is the most frequently quoted source about the animal’s initial arrival in China.208 Another reference to the lion’s early appearance in China is from a passage in the Han shu, which states that the lion was one of the rare and exotic animals domesticated in the imperial menagerie.209 Despite the constant citing of tributary records as a primary source for the first appearance of the lion in China, other opinions hold that this ferocious beast might have been introduced earlier than A.D. 87.

One speculation from an archaeological perspective, for example, suggests that the six bean-sized animal motifs carved in stone in the ruins of Erlitou and dating back to the Xia dynasty confirms the lion’s arrival before the Han dynasty.210 It has also been pointed out that the early heavy block-like stone lions of the Later Han period parallel the monumental stone lions of Hittite and Armenian artists of the thirteenth and tenth centuries B.C. (Figure 3.1).211 These massive lions also echo the lion-like ornament found on the north-western border of China and attributed to pre-Han nomadic tribes (Figure 3.2).212 Further speculation has proposed that the lion’s first appearance should be dated prior to the Warring States period (475–221 B.C.), with substantial textual and archaeological references to a gold plaque in the shape of a lion-like animal found in Xinjiang Province (Figure 3.3).213

208 To name a few, Laufer, Chinese Pottery, 237, Till, “Some Observations”, 262, Lin, Hantang xiyu, 92, and Zhang, “Zhonghua shi”, 41. The original record is recorded in Houhan shu, see Fan, Houhan shu, 158. 209 Ban, Han shu, 3928. To name a few sources that quote this reference: Xu and Yang, Zhongguo shizi, 5, Zhang, “Shizi ruhua”, 62, and Huang, “Taiwan shishi yishu”, 13. However, judging from the lack of tributary records and the possibility of this particular record being a forgery at a later period, some scholars have remained sceptical about the authenticity of this source, and have prefered to use the former one. See Zhu, Zhongguo shizi, 1, and Zhang Zhijie, “Suanni, shizi dongchuan shitan” (A Tentative Inquiry into the Eastward Spread of the Two Terms suanni and shizi), Zhongguo keji shiliao (China Historical Materials of Science and Technology), 22, No. 4 (2001), 365. 210 Dittrich, “The Spread of the Lion”, 37. However, Dittrich has also pointed out that the animal motif in the underground chamber of Liu Chong (d. 125 A.D.) in Huaiyang County, Henan Province, is the earliest evidence of an approximately realistic reproduction of the lion. For further details about this lion motif, see Zhoukou and Huaiyang, “Henan huaiyang beiguan”, 34-46. 211 Sirén, “Indian and other Influences”, 18. 212 Ibid. 213 Lin, “Zhongguo shi wenhua”, 174-175. 74

Figure 3.1: Comparison of a Babylonian lion (tenth century B.C.) and a Han lion (first century A.D.) demonstrates western influence on the heavy block-like Chinese lion. Source: Osvald Sirén, “Indian and other Influences in Chinese Sculpture”, in Study in Chinese Art and Some Indian Influences, ed. J. Hackin et al. (London: The India Society, 1938), Figures 3 & 9.

Figure 3.2: A bronze plaque in the shape of a lion (second century B.C.). Source: Osvald Sirén, “Indian and other Influences in Chinese Sculpture”, Figure 7.

Valuable information from various fields that has also been used to verify the lion’s origin suggests that it could have made its earliest appearance during pre- Han contacts between China, Central Asia and Western Asia.214 These scholarly accounts are valuable textual and archaeological resources, and remind us to reconsider basing research into the lion’s origin solely on tributary records in the Han dynastic history. While this scholarly testimony casts doubt on when the lion initially arrived in China, there is just as little certainty about the terms associated with its name.

3.2 Its Names

Various terms are associated with the lion in China. The most common are shi ᅐ (ஃ), suanni ‐≢ (㒗) and qiuer ૷ۘ.215 The character shi ᅐ is a compound

214 Scholars such as Edward Schafer, Lin Meicun and William Hu have all cited pre-Han texts to support their argument that the lion arrived in China before Han. See Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T’ang Exotics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963), 84, Lin, Hantang xiyu, 87–95, Hu, Chinese Lion Dance, 33–35, and Zhang, “Suanni”, 363–367. 215 Liu Zhengtan et al. eds., Hanyu wailai ci cidian (A Dictionary of Loan Words and Hybrid Words in Chinese), (Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chuban she, 1984), 315. 76 made from the earlier graph shi ஃ (master), which was used in early Han times for “lion”.216 It was Guo Pu (276–324) who added the dog radical quan 䵜 (dog) to shi ஃ and coined the compound character shi ᅐ in order to distance this beast from the human domain.217 However, speculation that the character came from a foreign source points to its origin in Persian,218 Iranian219 and Indo- European languages.220 Although none of this speculation has been fully accepted, it seems that the Chinese word shi is a loan word bearing certain similarities with Proto-Indo-European languages.

Another loan name, though not a popular one,221 associated with the lion in early China was suanni, which was first acknowledged by Guo Pu.222 It has also been associated with Indian,223 Tocharian and Proto-Indo-European words

216 It is, however, important to note that Han Yu (768–824) defined the term shi ஃ as being able to propagate ideas, impart knowledge, and clarify doubts. See Ma Tongbo, ed., Han changli wenji jiaozhu (Collected Works of Han Changli), (Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chuban she, 1957), 24. This definition might have been considered to imply the lion’s role as a universal symbol of sovereignty. 217 Zhuang Shen, “Zhongguo di shizi diaoke” (Chinese Lion Sculpture), Meiyu yuekan (Art Education Monthly), 40/41 (1993), 10. Emil Bretschneider, however, proposes that the word shi ஃ first appeared in a dictionary in the seventh century. See Emil Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources: Fragments towards the Knowledge of the Geography and History of Central and Western Asia from the 13th to the 17th Century (Osnabruck: Biblio Verlag, 1987), 148, note 399. Bretschneider might be referring to either the Chinese encyclopedia Erya, which was classified under Confucian Classics (jing ᆖ) during the Tang dynasty (618–907), with a commentary by Guo Pu, or the Chinese dictionary Yupian .ᒧ (Jade Chapters) compiled by Gu Yewang in A.D. 543, in which case he was mistaken about the dateد For the first appearance of shi in Gu’s “Jade Chapters”, see Bai, “Shizi yu shizi hou”, 39. 218 For the Persion origin of shi, see Thomas Watters, Essays on the Chinese Language (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1889), 350, and Qiu Xiaolun, “Hanyu shi yici de laiyuan jiqi dui hanwenhua de yingxiang” (The Origin of the Chinese Character shi and Its Influence on Han Chinese Culture), Yuyan yu fanyi (Language and Translation), 2 (1995), 59. 219 For the arguments about shi’s Iranian origin, see Berthold Laufer, “The Si-Hia Language”, T’oung Pao, 17, No. 1–5 (1916), 81, Bernhard Karlgren, “Word Families in Chinese”, The Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 5 (1932), 30, and Luo Changpei, Yuyan yu wenhua (Language and Culture), (Beijing: Beijing chuban she, 2004), 24. Heinrich Lüders and Edward Schafer further confirm shi’s Iranian origin by suggesting it bears a certain phonetic equivalence to the Tocharian word “iäk”, which comes from Iranian. See Schafer, The Golden Peaches, 84. Lüders’ statement is quoted by Lin Meicun. See Lin, Hantang xiyu, 91. 220 Douglas Q. Adams, “Tocharian A sisak, B secake, and the Proto-Indo-European Word for ‘Lion’”, Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung (Historische Sprachforschung), 97 (1984), 284, and Blažek, “Hic Erant Leones”, 63–101. For further discussion on the merging of Tocharian “iäk” and Sanskit “simhá”, see Edgar Charles Polomé, “Some Comments on the Etymology of Vedic Simhah Lion”, in Hanjamana, ed. Subhadra Kumar Sen (Calcutta: University of Calcutta Press, 1989), 24–28. 221 Zhang Yongpan and Zhang Zhijie, for instance, argue that suanni ‐≢ was not popular during Han times. See Zhang, “Suanni”, 363–367, and Zhang, “Shizi ruhua”, 62–64. Lu Jing, on the other hand, questions the association between shi ஃ and suanni ‐≢. See Lu, “Shanbei Suide”, 98–100. 222 Zhang, “Suanni”, 366. For Guo’s acknowledgement and commentary, see Guo Pu, ed., “Erya zhushu” (The Commentary of Approaching Elegance), in Shisan jing zhushu, vol. 13, 327. 223 Schafer, The Golden Peaches, 84, and Liu, Hanyu wailai ci cidian, 315. 77 presumably known by the Chinese before the Han dynasty.224 Although whether suanni can be assigned to a specific language is still under debate, the fact remains that it is loan word from an earlier spoken vernacular adopted by the Chinese before they began using the word shizi ஃ՗ for the lion.225

The puzzling phonetic relationship between suanni, shi and the foreign influences on them was summed up by Gu Yanwu (1613–1682) who developed an ingenious phonological approach to pronunciation called fanqie ֘֊, literally reverse-slicing (the sound). He stated that “combining the sounds of suan ‐ and ni ≢ will result in the sound/word shi ᅐ.”226 While Gu’s approach has suanni and shi in the same phonological domain, it failed to convey the etymology between suanni and shi.227 Hence, the distinction or association between the two terms has yet to be clearly drawn.

The third name closely associated with the Chinese lion is also a loan word: qiuer. According to Guo Moruo the term is phonetically equivalent to the Babylonian ur, meaning lion.228 Guo further associates the Chinese character

which also stands for the astrological ,ۏ mao ׮ (Leo) with the Babylonian sign sign Leo, and speculates that contact between China and Babylonia might have taken place sometime between the Shang and Zhou dynasties.229 This accords with a record in the Yi zhoushu (first compiled between the late fourth and early third centuries B.C.) describing the qiuer from Yanglin (Elam), a ancient civilization located in the southwest of what is now Iran and whose written script was adopted by Babylon, as a beast with the appearance of a tiger and a

224 For the term’s Tocharian and Proto-Indo-European origin, see Lin, Hantang xiyu, 89–91. See also Harold Walter Bailey, Dictionary of Khotan Saka (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 421. 225 Wolfgang Behr, “Hinc Sunt Leones—Two Ancient Eurasian Migratory Terms in Chinese Revisited”, International Journal of Central Asian Studies, 9 (2004), 36, and Zhang, “Suanni”, 364. see Gu Yanwu, Yinxue wushu (Five ,ڗᅐ֊إ≢‐ ”The original sentence is “suanni zhengqie shizi 226 Texts on Phonology), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982), 51. The term fanqie in Donald Wagner’s translation is “sound glosses”, see Donald B. Wagner, A Classical Chinese Reader: The Han Shu Biography of Huo Guang, with Notes and Glosses for Students (Richmond: Curzon Press, 1998), 6. 227 For instance, Berthold Laufer has proposed that the word suanni is the Sanskrit guan, which means dog. See Laufer, Chinese Pottery, 237. 228 Guo, Guo Moruo guanji, 255. 229 Ibid., 256. Guo even attempts to associate the name of the lion with the ancient Chinese ruler the Yellow Emperor, who is often portrayed as a semi-animal divinity. 78 leopard.230 Guo Moruo’s conjecture about ur is problematic as in Sumerian, an earlier form of the Babylonian language, it can refer to any feline or canine.231 However, if Guo’s argument stands, this would place the date of the lion’s initial arrival in China much earlier.232

There are additional terms related to the lion, which more or less stemmed from shi, suanni and qiuer, for instance, the words xiao ₻,233 baize ػᖻ 234 and zuner ༇ۘ.235 When formally comparing the lion with the tiger, the names, biao ๡, xiaoshou ՛ᡬ, bo ⿜, luquan ᥻ׅ and caoshangfei ౻Ղଆ are sometimes used.236 When referring to the lion’s power, spiritual animals such as the fuba ฤࢸ, tianlu ֚ᆂ and qilin ᣜ᧵ are often invoked.237 Occasionally, the lion has been associated with the names of certain western countries, such as Sengjiabi (Sri Lanka),238 Fulin (Hrom or Rome)239 or Bixie (Persia),240 that presented the animal as a tribute to the Chinese imperial court.

230 For the lion in the Yi zhoushu, see Kong Chao, ed., Yi zhoushu youzuo Jizhong zhoushu (The Lost Book of Zhou or The Lost Book of Zhou Excavated at Ji), (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshu guan, 1937), 246. For Elam’s association with Babylonian culture, see P. Mack Crew et al., The Cambridge Ancient History: History of the Middle East and the Aegean Region, C. 1800–1380 B.C. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 271–272. 231 Blažek, “Hic Erant Leones”, 69. ,Guo’s argument is based on the final consonant of “qiuer” ૷ۘ and “zuner” ༇ۘ and “nier” 㒗ۘ 232 which is the transformation of ni ≢, suanni ‐(㥕)≢ or naoni ㍣㒗. However, Chen Mengjia, Xu Zhongshu, Rong Geng, Tang Lan and Yang Shuda seem to hold different opinions about the association of suan 㥕ʻ‐ʼ with nao ㍣. See Wang, “Diku bingfei”, 12. Behr further claims that the association of qiu ૷ with zun ༇ is problematic, as it is a convoluted argument tailored to match the phonetical equivalence of suan ‐. See Behr, “Hinc Sunt”, 38. 233 The term xiao is defined by Shuowen jiezi as equivalent to the word shi. See Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 103. For its general meaning, see Zhang Yushu and Chen Tingjing, eds., Kangxi zidian (Kangxi Dictionary), (Shanghai: Hanyu dacidian chuban she, 2002), 1046. 234 According to Bencao gangmu (1578), baize is an alternative name for suanni. See Li, Bencao gangmu, 2815. 235 For the association of zuner with the lion, see Guo, Guo Moruo guanji, 255. 236 Wang Li, “Xiaoshou fuhu gushi de yuwai laiyuan ji yiguo qingdiao” (The Source of the Little Animal Yielding to the Tiger and Its Exotic Sentiment), Nankai xuebao (Nankai Journal), 1 (2006), 66–73. 237 Zhang, “Zhuanshi jingshen”, 145. ,࢖ is from lengyan jing ᄛᣤᆖ (Shurangama Sutra). Thomas WattersۺThe term Sengjiabi ቖ 238 however, suggests that it comes from a language that existed before Buddhism was introduced that shares a certain phonetic equivalence to the word suanni. He further claims that the last character bi ࢖ was is the same as the Sanskrit ۺadded apparently by mistake. Zhou Yongliang also proposes that sengjia ቖ term “simhá” (lion). See Watters, Essays on the Chinese, 443. However, “simhá” was also used for Sri Lanka, which the Chinese called shizi guo ᅐ՗ഏ (a country (full) of lions). Therefore, terms bearing ᢅ, or Sinlan ᙔᥞ had all been usedۺSimgnala ቖ ,ۺphonetic similarity to “simhá”, such as Lenga ᄛ for Sri Lanka. See Sun Hong and Sun Tiancheng, “Mixie cifu shishizi: zhongguo shi wenhua yishu tanyuan” (The Evil-Repelling and Fortune-Gaining Stone Lion: On the Origins and Development of Chinese-Lion Art and Culture), Xuzhou gongcheng xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Xuzhou Institute of 79

Given that most of the terms associated with the lion are direct or indirect phonetic or etymological borrowings from Proto-Indo-European languages to be found only in the writings of the learned,241 it seems that Li Shizhen’s contention that “the lion is a foreign import from the Western Regions” is justifiable. However, the fantastic expressions of the lion in China have often been associated with the longicaudal, or long-tailed, fantasy creature resembling the tiger, leopard and lion, but equipped with wings or other bird-like features like the winged chimera or griffin of the Near East.242 Whether the lion was made in the likeness of every living creature on earth or of none, to accurately render it was always equivocal and problematic.

3.3 Its Appearance

What does a real lion look like? According to the Song scholar Zhou Mi (1232– 1308), a “real” lion has a head that resembles a tiger, the body of a canine, and is greenish-black in colour.243 This was a typical impression in imperial times of how a real lion “looks”, when it was constantly likened to the “King of Beasts”, the tiger, which was indigenous to China (Figure 3.4).244 The lion’s association

Technology), 21, No. 5 (2006), 62, Shih Fajian, “Sili lanka dangdai fojiao shi yanjiu” (Sri Lanka’s Contemporary Buddhist History), Huiju zazhi (Torch of Wisdom Monthly), 517/518 (2007), 50, and Ananda W. P. Guruge, “Emperor Aoka and Buddhism: Unresolved Discrepancies between Buddhist Tradition & Aokan Inscriptions”, in King Aoka and Buddhism: Historical and Literary Studies, ed. Anuradha Seneviratna (Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, 1994), 90. 239 Guo, “Qiantan gudai shizi”, 95. For the lion’s association with the place Fulin ࢲ▗, see Zhang Zhijie and Wu Jialing, “Xuanhe huapu zhulu fulin tu kaolüe” (A Preliminary Study of the Hrom Recorded in Xuanhe List of Paintings) Danjiang shixue (Journal of the Department of History, Tamkang University), 13 (2002), 229–235, and Collier, Dogs of China, 128. For its association with the Roman Empire, see Schafer, The Golden Peaches, 5. 240 For the lion’s association with bixie, see Chen, Tian zhong ji, 1968, Wang, Baopu zi, 349, and Xiao Bing, Bixie qutan (Random Talks on the Exorcist of Evil), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 2003), 2. 241 George van Driem, “Sino-Bodic”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 60, No. 3 (1997), 455–488. For the remark that these terms can be found only in the writings of the learned, see Watters, Essays on the Chinese, 350. 242 Behr, “Hinc Sunt”, 15. For the portrayal of winged lions and griffins in the Near East, see S. J. Rudenko, “The Mythological Eagle, the Gryphon, the Winged Lion, and the Wolf in the Art of Northern Nomads”, Artibus Asiae, 21, No. 2 (1958), 101–122, and Rhyne, “The Aegean Animal Style”, 33–84, 94– 133, 140–172, 174–205, 212–235, and 238–257. 243 Zhou Mi, Guixin zashi (Miscellaneous Observations from Guixin Street), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988), 176. ᡬհ९ (king of the hundredۍ ”The tiger was popularly known in ancient China as “baishou zhizhang 244 beasts). See Ying Shao, “Fengsu tongyi” (Comprehensive Meaning of Popular Customs), in Sibu 80 with the tiger also gained for it in certain classical Chinese texts the alternative expression zhanmao ⼷ᘷ (a light-coloured tiger), bringing the ferocious beast and the domestic cat a little closer to each other.245 The idea of the lion’s likeness to a light-coloured “big cat” was further developed in classical tales, where the animal was said to have a strange tail: a bushy tuft shaped like a shovel.246

However, the lion’s gradual departure from the tiger’s shadow as it took on distinct features of its own can be discerned in the dynastic history of the Ming, where, while still reflecting the mystic contour of the tiger, it has turned into a tiger with a big head, wide mouth, pointed tail and no stripes.247 By Qing, this stripeless tiger with a big head is depicted in a tale as looking like a dog, with a tigrine tail and a long mane covering its ears (Figure 3.5).248 The constant

congkan zhengbian (Veritiable Editions of the Four Parts of the Imperial Library), ed. Wang Yunwu, vol. 23 (Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshu guan, 1979), 59. 245 For instance, both Erya (third century B.C.) and Shuowen jiezi (A.D. 121) describe the lion with this term. See Guo, “Erya zhushu”, 327, and Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 205. 246 These classical Chinese tales are in Dongguan hanji (first compiled in A.D. 72), Yingya shenglan (1451), and Sancai tuhui (first published in 1609). See Wu, Dongguan hanji, 113, Ma Huan, “Yingya shenglan” (A Comprehensive Survey of the Ocean’s Shores), in Guochao diangu (Stories of the Ming Dynasty), ed. Deng Shilong (Beijing: Beijing daxue chuban she, 1993), 2144, and Wang and Wang, Sancai tuhui, 2201. 247 Zhang, Ming shi, 8451. 248 Xu Ke, Qingbai leichao (Collection of Anecdotes of the Qing Dynasty), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984), 415–416. 81 borrowing of the tiger’s image along with the gradual departure from its form reflects the Chinese bewilderment as to precisely what a lion looks like. Uncertainty about the lion thus makes the tiger its “double”, which is reducible but can not be easily used as a substitute for it.249 This “dual characteristic” of the lion, which it is easy to compromise with in the narratives between the real and the imagined, ultimately encompasses all the ferocious and deadly animals people are willing to use to take part in a faithful reconstruction of what this “King of Beasts” looks like.

Therefore, there are expressions associating the lion with the “wild horse”, which travels five hundred li (in a day);250 the cat, which eats tigers and leopards for a living;251 and the bear and the ape, which has a big tail.252 The vague renderings of the lion, while not necessarily factual, reflect the awe- inspiring impression the lion made on the Chinese mind. Furthermore, the assimilation of the appearance of native beasts into that of an imported animal not only bridged the gap between the known and the unknown, it created certain ambiguities about that foreign import, ambiguities that inspired artists to portray it as awesome. This is what prompted the Ming scholar Xie Zhaozhe

249 The concept of a double is inspired by Roland Barthes’ structural analysis of narratives. However, Barthes’ use of “double” has both meanings of “duel” or “contest”, which is not reducible and cannot be substituted. See Roland Barthes, Image, Music, Text (London: Fontana, 1984), 108. For the mechanism of a double, see Patricia Berger’s interpretation of the terracotta soldiers of the First Emperor, in Patricia Ann Berger, “Body Doubles: Sculpture for the Afterlife”, Orientations, 29, No. 2 (1998), 46–53. 250 For the lion’s association with the yema ມ್ (wild horse), see Guo Pu, ed., Mu tianzi chuan (The Biography of King Mu), in Congshu jicheng xinbian, vol. 102, 629. 251 Guo, “Erya zhushu”, 327. It is worth noting, however, that the original description is “zhanmao” ⼷ ᘷ”, with the character zhan ⼷, meaning a light-coloured tiger, and mao ᘷ, meaning a cat. The original sentence is “lei xiong er hou mao” ᣊዼۖྭᎎ, which means that the lion looks 252 something like a bear but with the facial features of an ape. See Zhou, Yunyan guoyan lu, 30. 82

(1567–1624) to comment that “the lion has a majestic look, which is capable of subduing all animals”.253

Does the lion’s noble mien really have an effect on other animals? Several emperors tried to assess the impact of the lion’s appearance on other animals. Emperor Wu of Han (r. 141–87 B.C.), for instance, had a tiger placed in front of a lion to witness the power of the lion.254 Emperor Xiaoming of Northern Wei (r. A.D. 516–528) used two tigers and a leopard to see what happened.255 Not surprisingly, in both cases the lion’s majestic appearance did work. The other ferocious beasts immediately fell prostrate at the sight of the lion and dared not raise their eyes to this “King of Beasts” from abroad.256 This “power struggle” between the lion and other fiercesome beasts became a recurrent theme in literature to accentuate its awesome look with a broader interaction between the real and the imagined worlds.257 The Chinese preference for an untouchable lion shifting between the strange and the familiar was never challenged until a Jesuit missionary who brought the Western concept of zoology to this Middle Kingdom during the Qing dynasty258 confronted the people by making them realise that the lion was just an ordinary animal that eats, sleeps and excretes.

3.4 Its Temperament

Despite Marco Polo’s description of the lion during the Yuan dynasty being a realistic portrayal of this royal animal,259 the first Chinese material dealing with the lion as a real animal was probably Shizi shuo ᅐ՗ᎅ (On Lions) (first published in 1678), translated by the Jesuit missionary Louis Buglio. This

.৖, see Xie, Wu zazu, 240אᡬՈۍThe original sentence is “shizi zhi fu baishou ye yiwei” ᅐ՗հࣚ 253 254 Zhang Hua, Bowu zhi (Treatise on Wide-Ranging Affairs), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), 35. 255 Fan, Luoyang jialan ji, 161–162. 256 Ibid., and Zhang, Bowu zhi, 35. 257 These “power struggles” between lions and other animals can be seen in Chuogeng lu (ca. 1360) and Yingya shenglan (1451). See Tao Zongyi, Chuogeng lu (Notes While Resting from Ploughing), (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshu guan, 1936), 345 and Ma, “Yingya shenglan”, 2144. 258 The term “Middle Kingdom” to represent China first appeared in Shangshu: “huangtian jifu zhongguo Δ။໒ᡲՒΔՊ٣׆ (Heaven has awarded theاխഏבmin, yuejue jiangtu, yu xianwang” ઄֚ਝ lands and peoples of the Middle Kingdom to their ancestors). See Kong Anguo, “Shangshu chengyi” (The Commentary of the Book of Documents), in Shisan jing zhushu, vol. 2, 387. 259 For Marco Polo’s description of the lion, see Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo, 192–193. 83 pamphlet was based on De Animalibus libri XXVI (On Animals) (ca. 1260) and Historia Naturalis (History of Nature) (first published between 1650 and 1653) and was the first work to introduce the Western concept of zoology to Chinese readers.260 The booklet was written on the assumption that the beast had never been to China,261 and was meant to be a kind of “beginners’ guide”, providing general information on the characteristics, habits, diet and behaviour this rare species. The chapter “The Temperament of the Lion” describes the natural behaviour of the lion, such as the way it eats, moves, and sleeps.262 What makes the lion different from other animals is that to demonstrate its superiority as the “King of Beasts” this proud animal eats selectively, drinks conservatively, and sleeps soundly.263 This royal behaviour is in accord with records in the official dynastic histories stating that lions consume only live goats, drink only vinegar, gan ℂ (a bitter wine), and a specially made dairy product mixed with honey named milao ፫ሠ, which is served only by professional trainers with a rank and a wage.264

In contrast to the well-treated domesticated lion, lions in the wild need to hunt regularly, that is, carrion or dead meat is not acceptable. However, when lions hunt, they display a sovereign attitude to their own species as well as to their prey. They never target their own species and the strongest always walk in advance to ensure the safety of the weak and the old.265 When prey is spotted, lions strike ferociously as they are unafraid of being injured; on the other hand, this royal beast does not kill those who pray for mercy.266 Furthermore, lions are not intimidated when they encounter human hunters, nor do they run away; instead, if a counterattack is needed, they will seize the male first, then the female, but never the young.267 Although Buglio’s description of the lion was

260 Tsien Tsuen-hsuin, “Western Impact on China through Translation”, The Far Eastern Quarterly, 13, No. 3 (1954), 309. 261 It is uncertain whether Buglio did not know that there had been lions in China the Qing dynasty or he intended to raise the lion’s status by stating that it was unknown to the Chinese. See Bertuccioli, “A Lion in Peking”, 226. 262 Ibid., 232–234. 263 Ibid., 232. 264 Zhang, Ming shi, 8600. 265 Bertuccioli, “A Lion in Peking”, 232. 266 Ibid., 230–231. 267 Ibid., 233. 84 convincingly real and close to the living creatures in the natural world compared to the exaggerated statements in classical Chinese tales and vernacular stories, there are two possible reasons why Buglio’s endeavour to draw attention to the zoological facts of the lion failed. First, this publication was aimed at the imperial court, not the people. Second, the lack of official recognition of the publication and the premature death of the tributary lion.

The Shizi shuo was intended to coincide with the tribute of a lion from Portugal to the Chinese imperial court in 1678. The tribute was designated for Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661–1722) to facilitate the revival of commerce in Macao in favour of the Portuguese government.268 The Beijing Jesuit’s pressing mission, however, was to come up with a lion “manual” for the court to supplement the lack of professional animal trainers. Commissioned by the Portuguese, when Buglio wrote this book he was probably well aware of the critical issues behind this commercial and political scheme, for he tried to bolster the lion’s status by stressing its rarity in China. However, his personal beliefs and a desire to cater to public tastes led Buglio to also try to impose religious messages and Confucian values on the lion in order to gain more recognition.269 Therefore, the preface combines the biblical theory of Creationism (Intelligent Design) and the moral standards of Confucianism:

壆ढΔಡॺԫՕ஼ཕჟ٥ᥦ׏Ζჟृ൫ီࠡ؆ݮᨠஙۖբ; ཕृڙቫᨠᖃ Δ塄ۚشࠡփխᤖᆠ…።࠹ທհढΔլร੡ԳᔞޣঞլַՊ؆ݮΔ֘ၞۖ ׈հრ…ᅐ՗լවᢧٗسԳ෡ტढցΔ֎૤ܠΔ׊Ծ඄ᖂ塄ᨋࢤΔ֧ᖄ᠎ ृΔܛᐈஏូႉհᇨΖ Is not recalling the creations of the world like reviewing a large book upon which the wise and the foolish both rest their eyes? When foolish people read it, they sense nothing but the surface rhetoric of appealing words, and are satisfied with this; wise people (on the contrary) go beyond the surface meaning and seek its innermost depths … That is to say, things are created not only to serve people, but to nourish their body,

268 Wills, Embassies and Illusions, 130, and Jiang, “Aomen yu kangxi”, 117. 269 Jiang, “Aomen yu kangxi”, 125–126. 85

mind and soul in order to provide guidelines and make them aware that there is a primary source of things so that they will not lose sight of the meaning of life … (The meaning behind the reason why) the lion does not kill those who squat before it is to show itself a benevolent king embracing those who submit.270

However, the little book did not arouse much public understanding of the biological functions of this majestic beast as people still preferred the lion depicted in Li Shizhen’s Bencao gangmu (1578) and Nan Huairen’s Kunyu tushuo (1674) instead of Buglio’s.271 Moreover, the Portuguese lion died shortly after its arrival in Beijing, which helped little in winning official recognition of Buglio’s work, which had turned an omnipotent beast into a profane subject. The lack of popularity and official recognition contributed little to revealing the true identity of this majestic animal. This is not to say that before Buglio’s work the Chinese were not aware that the lion was just an ordinary beast. The lion, especially the lion that came to China as a tributary gift, was more to them than just an animal; it had a certain value for the imperial house as well as the party making the tribute, particularly the symbolic representation of the animal and the practical reward of this “investment.”

3.5 Its Value

The system of animal tributes had always been a way for imperial rulers to ensure their symbolic dominance over territory beyond their physical world.272 The lion, as one of the Chinese court’s favourite tributary items,273 had often received considerable attention, requiring more preparation and human resources than other animals. Take the tribute of the lion during the Ming dynasty as an example. While it required only a report to introduce other

270 Xu Zongze, ed., Mingqing jian yesu huishi yizhu tiyao (Summaries of the Translated Works of the Jesuits in Late Ming and Early Qing China), (Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1949), 306. 271 Bertuccioli, “A Lion in Peking”, 228. Nan Huairen is the Chinese name of Ferdinand Verbiest (1623– 1688). 272 Sterckx, The Animal and the Daemon, 7. 273 Zhang Wende, “Shiwu shiji houqi samaerhan shichen hailu laihua yu mingting de fanying” (Samarkand Envoys’ Travel to China by Sea in the 15th Century and the Ming Dynasty’s Reaction to It) Xiyu yanjiu (Western Regions Studies), 4 (2003), 44. 86 animals into the imperial menagerie, presenting a lion was more elaborate.274 First of all, the Ministry of Rites needed to submit a report to the court, and then it had to recruit attendants from the original convoy and from the military service department to take care of the animal.275 The Yuma jian ൗ್጑ (The Directorate of Imperial Horses) would then take responsibility for feeding and training the animal.276 After that, the Court of Imperial Entertainments would need to provide daily food rations to the attendants, and the Ministry of War would have to issue “travel passes” to them so they could go in and out of the imperial gates.277 The extensive work and elaborate arrangements a lion occasioned indicated the significant value of this tributary animal.

3.5.1 Representing Power and Authority

China’s tributary system originated as a compulsory tax on the subjects of the Zhou dynasty and its neighbouring states.278 When the neighbouring states showed their “goodwill” by presenting luxury goods to the court, the emperor would reward them with goods of equal or higher value in order to demonstrate his hospitality and regularise the tributary relationship.279 This “gift exchange” pattern also applied to China’s foreign trade policy, as the term gong ಥ— meaning presenting or tributing—was often associated with the term si स (sacrifice), which implies the act of bai ਈ (worship). In the tributary system, gong, si, and bai were ambiguously merged with the intention of creating a

274 Henry Serruys, The Tribute System and Diplomatic Missions (1400–1600) (Bruxelles: Institut Belge des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1975), 480. 275 Ibid., 480–481. 276 Ibid., 481. The English translation of Yuma jian is borrowed from Edward Farmer, who states that the position was responsible for managing imperial horses and tributes from every region. See Edward L. Farmer, Zhu Yuanzhang and Early Ming Legislation: The Reordering of Chinese Society Following the Era of Mongol Rule (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995), 137. 277 Serruys, The Tribute System, 481. 278 Sun Yifan, “Lun xianqin fajia renwu” (Some Pre-Qin Legalists), (Master’s diss., National Sun Yat-Sen University, 2007), 48. Shi Xuewen, however, proposes that taxation in China should be dated back to the Xia dynasty. See Shi Xuewen, “Xia, Shang, Zhou sandai shuishou” (Taxation in the Xia, Shang and Zhou Dynasties), Shuiyou (Taxation Colleague), 8 (2002), 34–35. 279 A typical example was Emperor Hongwu of Ming who was more concerned about maintaining the tributary system than about the value of the tributary goods, even if that required the court to pay a bit extra. See Ding Mingjun, “Mingchao yu zhongya musilin gongmao guanxi tanxi” (The Relationship between the Ming Government and Moslem Tributes in Central Asia), Journal of the Second Northwest University for Nationalities, 2, No. 62 (2004), 29–34. 87 nonconfrontational yet self-centred approach to commerce and trade abroad.280 However, this kind of business deal was often referred to by historians as a “tribute” in an attempt to free it of any references to trade.281 The intentional parallel between “real” trade and “imaginary” tribute might have had its roots in Confucian teachings, which placed the merchant class at the bottom of the social structure, below the literati, peasants and artisans.282 By renouncing the vulgarity of trade and camouflaging it as a tributary system, historians intended to maintain the integrity of the court while still keeping imperial business and communications with “subordinate” neighbours running. Therefore, the Chinese often regarded trade between the imperial house and neighbouring countries as tributes whose sole purpose was to acknowledge the empire’s power and authority.

When a tributary lion was brought to the imperial house as a trade for precious goods from China, this merchandise valued as from “far away” was reconstrued as a tributary item representing the appreciation and admiration of barbarians who lived beyond direct imperial control.283 Such admiration was in its turn praised as being due to the virtue and majesty of the Holy Son of Heaven.284 Hence, the alleged tribute of this exotic animal was favoured by the Chinese imperial court, glorified in fu ᓿ (rhyme-prose writings),285 and valued above other tributary items as an auspicious sign of the empire’s rule and control over “All under Heaven.”

280 Takeshi Hamashita also agrees that Chinese tribute relationships involved economic and trade as well as political issues. See Takeshi Hamashita, “Tribute and Treaties: Maritime Asia and Treaty Port Networks in the Era of Negotiation, 1800–1900”, in The Resurgence of East Asia: 500, 150 and 50 Year Perspectives, ed. Giovanni Arrighi et al. (London: Routledge, 2003), 20. For gong ಥ and its association with si स, see Sun, “Zhouli zhengyi”, 90. 281 Wang Gungwu, China and the Chinese Overseas (Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1991), 117. 282 Ibid. 283 Chen, Xiyu xingcheng, 119. 284 Ibid., 120. 285 For instance, Jin Youzi’s Shizi fu ᅐ՗ᓿ (The Lion Poem), Yang Rong’s Shizi shi ᅐ՗ᇣ (The Lion Poem), Zeng Qi’s Xiyu halieguo suogong shizi ge ۫഑শ௺ഏࢬಥᅐ՗ዚ (The Song of the Tribute of the Lion from Heart State), and Chen Cheng’s Shizi fu ᅐ՗ᓿ (The Lion Poem). See Zhang Wende, Ming yu Tiemuer wangchao guanxi shi yanjiu (Communications between the Ming Dynasty and the Timurids), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006), 129. 88

This metaphorical declaration of a kingdom’s supremacy over the universe posed no significant problems when the court faced neither internal rebels nor external foes. To that extent the tribute might just be the fulfilment of a demand and supply relationship. In other words, it would fulfil the ruling class’s yearning for and curiosity about luxury and exotic goods, which were vulnerable to Confucian strictures against extravagance, and would grant to the tributary party eagerly awaited military support and military aid of equal value under the guise of the tributary system. On the contrary, if the empire failed to secure military supremacy internally or externally and was in financial difficulties, the rewards to the tributary party would be less, which often led the tributary party to doubt the court’s credibility and authority. This was especially apparent in the case of the tribute of a lion, the animal that symbolised power and authority. That is to say, when the imperial court faced the dilemma of saving “face” or saving its “pocket”, whether to collect or not to collect became problematic.

3.5.2 A Profitable Investment

Paying tribute to the Chinese emperor with a lion brought benefit and honour to both sender and receiver. That is, the envoy or merchant saw it as a profitable exchange yielding valuable rewards and improved personal status; the Chinese court, on the other hand, seized this opportunity to reassert its political power and authority over its neighbours. This kind of mutual awareness was the logic behind tribute and trade or gift exchanges in imperial China. The viability and acceptability of this logic, however, was hidden under the ambiguous terms gongwu ಥढ (tributary gift) and enciwu ஑ᔅढ (item granted).

A tributary gift was supposed to signify an act of respect, appreciation and recognition; however, the term or the act of presenting a tributary gift was often flexible enough to permit a “reasonable” expectation of redemption on the part of the tribute bearer. An item granted by the imperial ruler, on the other hand, was supposed to be the voluntary provision of help or a merciful and righteous contribution to people in need; however, the term or the act of granting was

89 often done with arrogance that denounced or acknowledged the inferior position of the other party. The dual nature of the logic of the tribute, however, was well acknowledged by both the imperial court and the tributary delegation.286

A typical example of this on the emperor’s part can be seen from the “kind” permission of Emperor Hongwu of Ming (r. 1368–1398), who informed his fellow officers:

ՈΖױ੉壆ഏైጠ᎛ᘓΔ௫௧ۖࠐΔᣄૠᄣִΖদ࢓ᜳࠐ۫ The people from over the Western Ocean are barbarians from the far lands, who travelled by sea for countless years (just to come to China) to pay their tribute. Therefore, it is permissible for our court to reward them with goods of higher value than their tributary items.287

On other hand, the “profit-seekers” from the far lands were fully aware of the arrogance and self-centred nature of the Chinese, but were tempted by the awesome rewards of the tribute missions and the honourable titles that accompanied those missions and that often exceeded the monetary value of what they had brought. Therefore, licensed merchants and local traders were often willing to risk their lives travelling all the way from their homelands and compromise their identity enduring humiliation from imperial court in order to gain profit and power.288 However, it did not seem possible that the imperial court’s neighbours could possess anything the ruler needed; the lion, as a “collectable” item, then became a profitable investment in the eyes of those “barbarian” bearers of tribute.

286 Zhang Wende examined the dual nature of the tributary system in imperial China in his discussion of the tribute of the lion during Ming times. See Zhang, Ming yu Tiemuer, 127–133. 287 Zhang, Ming shi, 8424. 288 According to Aly Mazahâeri, it would have taken three months to travel from the western border of China to Beijing with one hundred sectors or passes on the road, and it would have taken months to get from the tributary states to China’s border security. As for identity, no one was allowed to enter China unless they were part of an envoy or tribute mission. See Mazahâeri, Sichou zhilu, 11 and 314–315, and John Powers, History as Propaganda: Tibetan Exiles versus the People's Republic of China (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 58. 90

The Chinese imperial house never tired of receiving lions,289 and was often willing to pay “a little extra” in order to indulge itself in the grand picture of its absolute authority under the protecting shield of heaven.290 Hence, it was more than happy to collect tributary gifts and depict them as a gesture of submission and a sign from heaven ensuring its own legitimacy. Consequently, before the Tang dynasty there was little complaint that the “Mandate of Heaven” was a little costly to the imperial court. Take the cost of a tributary lion during Ming as an example. A lion was worth thirty chests of merchandise containing one hundred items, from textile to metal articles.291 This was equivalent to thirteen biaoli ।ᇙ of coloured silk or satin and roughly three times the value of a of rice during the reign of ف tributary horse, which was about forty-one dan Emperor Hongwu.292 That puts the cost of a lion at roughly one hundred and twenty-three dan of rice, which was about two years’ salary of a ninth-ranking official during the Ming dynasty.293 In addition, the tribute bearers received Տ֪ (Battalion Commander), Duduإ honourable titles such as Zhengqianhu वٵqianshi ຟᅮ♋ࠃ (Military Assistant Commander) and Zhihui tongzhi ਐཀ (Commanding Vice Captain) that enhanced their social status.294 The absolute value of a lion nevertheless prompted the sarcastic comment that the imperial court treated this particular animal better than it treated human beings.295

The Ming empire’s overwhelming regard for lions as tribute might have originated in Emperor Hongwu’s generosity towards tributaries; after his reign twenty-two lions were given as tribute in Ming. However, this generosity did not

289 This was noted by Mazahâeri, who states the Chinese ruling house never tired of foreign tributes of lions; even though there had been hundreds of lions in the imperial menagerie, the court still wanted more. See Mazahâeri, Sichou zhilu, 13. 290 For instance, the envoy from Samarkand was not happy with the reward from the Ming imperial house for their tribute of a lion in October 1483. The envoy appealed and was granted an extra reward. See Huang Zhangjian, ed., “Ming xianzong shilu” (Memoirs of Emperor Xianzong of Ming), in Ming shilu (Memoirs of the Ming Dynasty), (Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, 1962–1966), 4155–4156. 291 Mazahâeri, Sichou zhilu, 315. 292 Zhang, Ming yu Tiemuer, 115–120. It is important to note that biaoli was a unit of length used primarily for cloth. The dan, however, is a unit of measurement for rice. Generally, one dan equals one hundred litres in volume or about one hundred kilograms in weight. 293 According to the Ming shi, the salary of an official of the ninth rank was five dan of rice during the reign of Emperor Hongwu. See Zhang, Ming shi, 2002. 294 Zhang, Ming yu Tiemuer, 133. The translations of Zhengqianhu, Dudu qianshi and Zhihui tongzhi are borrowed from Farmer with minor amendments. See Farmer, Zhu Yuanzhang, 242–249. The original sentence is “ren fan buji shou hu” Գ៬լ֗ᡬ׏, meaning how can the treatment of 295 people compete with this animal (lion)? See Xie, Wu zazu, 477. 91 cause any severe damage to the imperial house until the reign of Emperor Xiaozong (r. 1487–1505). From 1488 on, the sumptuous rewards given to those who gave lions as tribute became a financial burden to the imperial court, which made substantial arrangements to reach a compromise between its “pocket” and “face.” These compromises often created disputes between the imperial house and the tributary bearers: at one extreme was the view that keeping the animal would prevent the court losing its imaginary glory, and at the other were those who sought to reproach the tribute by either refusing or returning the lion in the hope of saving their real assets.

The term for refusing or returning a tributary item is quegong থಥ. The word que থ—meaning stepping back—indicates the act of restraining a person from greed or desire.296 Therefore, the act of refusing to accept an inappropriate or unnecessary gift is called quezhi থհ. That is why officials petitioning the emperor not to accept an offer from outlying areas of the empire was called qingque ᓮথ. However, the Confucian philosopher Mengzi (fourth century B.C.) had a different interpretation of que, imbuing it with an ethical value and claiming it was disrespectful (and unethical) to return something you had been given.297 Therefore, there were officials who favoured keeping the lions in order to maintain the integrity of the imperial court.298 However, there were others who wanted to reduce the financial burden on the imperial house and were for that reason strongly opposed to keeping this “useless animal”.299

These “internal affairs” between the decision makers of the imperial house who struggled to debate the “usefulness” of the lion, however, did not affect the majority of the Chinese people, who had probably never seen a lion and had no clue if it really existed. What these people had seen, however, was a lion that

296 For the implication in que of restraining oneself from greed, see Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 187. 297 The original expression from Mengzi is “quezhi wei bugong” থհ੡լஐ, see Yang Bojun, ed., Mengzi yizhu (The Interpretation of Mencius), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 239. 298 In most cases, officials from the Ministry of Rites were in favour of keeping the lion as the tributes in 1489, 1490 and 1491. See Zhang, Ming shi, 185 and 8531–8532. 299 These included Lu Rong (1436–1494) of the Ministry of War, Geng Yu (1430–1496) of the Ministry of Rites, and Zheng Yipeng and Zhang Lu of Ming. See Zhang, Ming shi, 8600–8601. It is, however, important to note that the Ming dynasty was not the first to refuse to accept a tributary lion. In 696, the lion brought to Empress Wu as a tribute was rejected for reasons of economics. See Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi, Xin tang shu (The New Book on Tang), (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 3980. 92 had the appearance of familiar animals, a lion with an aura of mystery, and a lion with a taste of the supernatural that was capable of performing miraculous deeds. This stereotypical image of the Chinese lion was intentionally constructed in the ingenious minds of the ruling élite in order to disconnect the animal from the mundane. Furthermore, the ruling élite used this constructed lion to ensure it would belong solely to the ruling class and was not to be shared. This esoteric version of the lion shifting between the real and the imagined in Chinese society was so successful that the people readily adopted this invented lion over the real lion.

Chapter 4 The Chinese Interpretation of the Lion: an imagined animal

This chapter examines how the Chinese perceived the lion in their unique way, a way that turned a real animal into an imagined one. It proceeds through a discussion of how the lion has been read in China, the Chinese way of looking at things, and the Chinese way of approaching the divine and the unexplained, that is, how the Chinese compromise between the real and the imagined. It then argues that the real and the imagined are reconciled through an intermediary called xiang ွ, which is a conceptual reading of the way the legendary Chinese rulers or ancestors perceived this changing world. This conceptual reading involves changing the lion’s name, appearance and power and transforming them into mythical, legendary and allegorical images, then associating those images with Chinese spatial concepts and daily life. The chapter thus provides an account of lion tributes during the Qing dynasty to show how the lion can be differently perceived, constructed and interpreted. It then argues that these different perceptions and interpretations of the lion were often manipulated by learned and cultivated people whose sole purpose was to use this animal motif as their way to success.

4.1 The Likeness of None

The following verse by the well-known early Tang poet Yu Shinan (558–638) best illustrates the peculiar physical appearance of the Chinese lion, which depends on something we know but represents nothing we have ever known:

ᒑؾሽឱʳ ࿇ᜢሼ᥼ʳ ࢮॡܟㅊʳ ါྪ։ွʳ ᅷ⢜ࠞ࣍ᦑᠳ 94

ࡹ֣๢࣍ਐ༳ ല೗ࠡ୲ټאਢ ೏Գቹࠡᔆʳ (The lion) glares its eyes—lightning flashes, It vents its voice—thunder echoes. It drags away the tiger, swallows down the bear, Splits the rhinoceros, cleaves the elephant; It crushes the mighty gaur between gums and palate, It bends the boa snake between finger and palm … Hence, great warriors borrow the lion’s pictorial form Cultivated people desire the lion’s giving nature (Figure 4.1).300

Figure 4.1: A popular image of the Chinese lion, the likeness of no particular animal, in front of the Imperial Palace, Beijing. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2005.

What makes the lion image of China unique is its peculiar appearance that resembles no living creature.301 This likeness to none, however, is what

300 Li Fang, ed., Wenyuan yinghua (Blossoms and Flowers of the Literature Garden), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1966), 601. The English translation is borrowed from Schafer. See Schafer, The Golden Peaches, 85. 95 enhanced the lion’s image, changed the Chinese perception of it from a profane animal to a sacred creature, and sustained the integrity of the lion image as distinctly Chinese. This distinct style of the Chinese lion privileges it to perform the lion dance at Chinese New Year and be the emblem of the City of Nanjing, as well as to welcome the Chinese delegates to the 15th Asian Games—DOHA 2006. Although the lion has been ubiquitously rendered as a representation of China, there is little formal resemblance between the Chinese lion and the lion of the natural world. The fantastic look of the Chinese lion has prompted Western scholars to associate their mythological chimera and gryphon with the stone lion at ancient Chinese tombs sites.302 It has further caused Victor Segalen to light-heartedly depict it as “the circus animal” and “the child’s plaything.”303 The uncertain identity of this grotesque “plaything” placed outside imperial tombs not only confounds Western perceptions of the lion, it also makes the Chinese recognise the animal as problematic.

The problematic appearance of the Chinese lion has been recognised since imperial times. Records dating from the Northern Wei to the Ming dynasties (386–1644) show the difficulty the Chinese had in accurately distinguishing the real lion from the imagined lion.304 This difficulty can be attributed, first, to limited knowledge of the lion of the natural world and, second, to the distinctly Chinese way of interpreting images with regard to the viewer’s sense of coherence with the external world.

Lack of information about the lion of the natural world produced a distorted image of the lion.305 This was due to the association of this ferocious beast with

301 According to Rawson, it is not always easy to identify the Chinese lion. See Jessica Rawson, Chinese Ornament: the Lotus and the Dragon (London: British Museum Publications, 1984), 111. 302 Till, “Some Observations”, 261–281, and Sirén, “Indian and other Influences”, 15–36. However, Barry Till has acknowledged that “chimera” was first introduced by Victor Segalen to describe the stone lion in front of the tombs of the Six Dynasties period. 303 Segalen, The Great Statuary of China, 132. 304 Song Yun, an official of the Northern Wei dynasty, saw two young lions at the court of Gaudhara (present-day northern Pakistan) in A.D. 520 but had difficulty recognising them. This also happened to Zhou Mi who after seeing a realistic portrayal of lions in a Tang painting was uncertain about their identity. Chen Cheng, an envoy of the Ming dynasty, saw a lion on his way to a diplomatic mission and was disappointed at the inaccuracy of the lion portrayed in China. For these records, see Fan, Luoyang jialan ji, 318–319, Zhou, Yunyan guoyan lu, 50, and Chen, Xiyu xingcheng, 134. 305 Laufer and Thompson both agree that the Chinese were quite unfamiliar with the lion. See Laufer, Chinese Pottery, 239, and Thompson, “The Evolution of the T’ang”, 37. However, this does not mean 96 certain real aimals.306 From the Tang dynasty on, the ferocious feline became more like a science-fiction monster, with a square forehead, a pair of eyes that flashed lightning, and a set of saw-like teeth, aligned with the dominant source of all creatures, the dragon.307 Not only did the lion make it into the spiritual domain of the animal realm during this period, it also attempted to cross the border between the animal and human worlds and approach the fullness of the divine.308 While this semi-human, semi-animal, semi-divine “thing” fit nicely into Segalen’s description of the Chinese lion, it does little to help solve the mystery of its likeness of nothing in China, which, this thesis argues, was intentional on the part of Chinese artists, who severed the image of the lion from the formal attributes of the living animal.

The intentional severance of the lion’s image from that in this material world is characteristic of the distorted Chinese lion. Unlike Renaissance artists who observed tendons and muscles through autopsies in order to produce works that were extremely close to nature, Chinese artists consciously aimed at an illusion of life and were willing to compromise on any degree of distortion that was “not so great as to outrage the viewer’s sense of the coherence of the external world.”309 That is to say, Chinese artists were not attempting to represent the “lioness” of the lion, but rather took the animal as a point of departure for their own specific purposes.310 However, they thus constantly

that the Chinese were not capable of producing a realistic image of the lion. The Tang painter Wei Wutian saw a lion sent as tribute by a foreign nation and painted it. It was said that whenever his painting was unrolled any animals that chanced to see it were terrified. See Herbert A. Giles, An Introduction to the History of Chinese Pictorial Art, (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1918), 54, and Li, Taiping guangji, 1625. 306 For the terms used for the lion, see my discussion in Chapter three: Its Names. 307 Li, Wenyuan yinghua, 601. It is interesting to note that these descriptions were often used to describe the physical appearance of the Chinese dragon as well. For the lion’s association with the dragon, see Tuan Chengshi, Youyang zazu (Miscellany of Youyang Mountains), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), 130, and Li Dongyang, “Huailutang ji” (Collected Essays of Huailu Hall), in Jingyin chizao tang siku quanshu huiyao jibu (Complete Reprints of the Literature from the Hall of Chizao’s Four Imperial Repositories), ed. Shijie shuju, vol. 412 (Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1990), 238. 308 A Ming travel note describes the eyes of the lion as having shining pupils the colour of the bluish- green autumn stream, aiming to reflect the animal’s “humanity.” A Qing note, on the other hand, has the lion’s face circular, like the contours of a human face. In the Yuzhitang tanhui (seventeenth century), the lion is portrayed as possessing one of the thirty-two appearances associated with Buddha. See Chen, Xiyu xingcheng, 134, Ji, “Yuewei caotang”, 312, and Xu, “Yuzhitang tanhui”, 99. 309 This remark is by William Watson, see Watson, Style in the Arts, 54. 310 Laurence Sickman and Alexander Soper have also taken the Chinese representation of the tiger as an example to illustrate this point. See Sickman and Soper, The Pelican History of Art, 33. Nelson Goodman further suggests that, in the Chinese mind, a “successful illusion” depended “not upon imitation or 97 inserted elements and ideas from their own minds: elements that were not intended to compete with the actual living organisms and ideas that were supposed to be different from the ordinary sense of the world. This is uniquely the Chinese way of looking at life and approaching the divine.311

In order to bring the lion closer to divinity, the Chinese constantly injected their ideas of the supernatural into their images of the lion. Therefore, the lion was thought to possess the strength of a tiger, the speed of a horse, and the wisdom of an ape, and was changed into auspicious animals from the imagined Chinese world with names such as tianlu,312 bixie313 and qilin.314 As a result, some elements of the lion were familiar and others were unfamiliar as depictions of it shifted between the known and the unknown. Although these additional features were alien to the lion of the natural world and did not correspond to Western ideas of realism, to the Chinese mind they seemed justified, that is, they were xinxiang ֨ွ (images of the mind) invoking and capturing reality rather than ۿmerely fashioning a counterfeit of nature.315 Hence, the idea of bu si լ (likeness of none) took on positive connotations in the Chinese mind meaning “beyond a formal likeness” or “more than a formal likeness”. This “likeness beyond a likeness” is the Chinese way of perceiving the lion.316

illusion or information but upon inculcation” of the engaged work. See Nelson Goodman, Languages of Art: An Approach to a Theory of Symbols (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1968), 38. 311 In his study of ancient Chinese sculptures, Sirén has proposed that the Chinese way of approaching the divine is not to interpret it as an ordinary individual, nor as a memorial of an actual person who may have existed at some time or other, but as a portrayal of their consciousness and ideas. See Osvald Sirén, “Chinese Sculpture”, in Chinese Art: An Introductory Handbook to Painting, Sculpture, Ceramics, Textiles, Bronzes & Minor Arts, ed. Roger Fry et al. (London: Batsford, 1935), 17. 312 Tianlu (the celestial deer) is a mythical animal found in Confucian doctrine, which according to the Song shu (ca. A.D. 500) was the animal of ren ո (virtue), and would only appear before sage kings when the world was at peace. See Shen Yue, Song shu (The Book of Liu-Song), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 791 and 865. 313 The term bixie derives from the Daoist text Jijiu pian ৺එᒧ where it was depicted as being able to exercise power over all baneful influences. See Shi You, Jijiu pian (Dictionary for Urgent Use), (Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1989), 193. 314 The qilin (unicorn or chimera) was thought to be a good omen for prosperity during the Han era. See Ban, Han shu, 174. 315 The term “images of the mind” is from Wen Fong, who used it to reflect Chinese painting. See Wen C. Fong, Images of the Mind: Selections from the Edward L. Elliott Family and John B. Elliott Collections of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting at the Art Museum, Princeton University (Princeton: Art Museum, Princeton University in association with Princeton University Press, 1984), 3–11. ,The expression “likeness beyond a likeness” is a direct translation of “xiang wai xiang” ွ؆ွ 316 literally image beyond image. It is used by Lee Chenghung to describe a series of paintings depicting the ߲ (The Procession of the Goddess of Sea). See Leeנtheme and power of “Mazu chuxun” ್ల 98

4.2 The Chinese Way of Perceiving

Unlike conventional Western perspective, which tends to impose a “uniperspectival” order upon the objects being perceived,317 the Chinese way of perceiving is not so visually assertive; it is more tentative and ambiguous. This ambiguity derives from the Chinese appreciation of nature, the maker of all things, which is an undivided whole that echoes and enlivens this shattered world.318 This enlivenment is how nature, in which “ten thousand things are produced and reproduced in a constant state of movement so that change and transformation have no end”, is perceived.319 That is to say, the Chinese tend not to focus on the morphological outlook of an individual but to concentrate more on the overall meaning, expression and function that penetrate the reality of subjects.320 However, this does not mean that Chinese artists lack sharp observation and the ability to capture detail; on the contrary, it is expected that a realistic rendering could interpret meaning beyond the moment captured.321 Therefore, it is reasonable to argue that the Chinese approach to an image is ambiguously poised between theoretical and practical needs, that is, the imagined and the real. This ambiguous approach to an image, however, can be discerned from what the Chinese regard as an image, how they approach an image, and how they perceive the power of an image.

Chenghung, “Xiang wai xiang jing wai jing-Mazu chuxun xilie huihua chuangzuo lunshu” (Matsu Pilgrimage: An Appearance beyond an Appearance, a Scene beyond a Scene—Research on Creative Painting Series), (Master’s diss., National Hsinchu University of Education, 2005), esp. 28–34. 317 Antony Tatlow, “Alienation and the Dialectics of Acculturation: Brecht and the Aesthetics of Chinese Painting”, in Recovering the Orient: Artists, Scholars, Appropriations, ed. Andrew Gerstle and Anthony Milner (Chur [Switzerland]: Harwood Academic, 1994), 104. 318 For the concept of the Chinese universe as an undivided whole, see John Hay, “Chinese Space in Chinese Painting”, in Recovering the Orient, 162. 319 The remark is by Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073) in his Taiji tushuo (ca. eleventh century). See Zhu Xi, “Taiji tushuo jie” (Commentary on the Explanation of the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate), in Zhuzi quanshu (The Complete Works of Master Zhu), ed. Zhu Jieren et al. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, The original sentence is used to describe “taiji” ֜ᄕ (Supreme Ultimate), which is also an .74–73 ,(2002 indication of nature. 320 For how Chinese critics have always stressed the duty of the artist as being to penetrate the reality of things, see Watson, Style in the Arts, 53. 321 According to Alberti, Chinese artists did possess the view that things represented should appear to those who look at them to be extremely like the real natural forms. Quoted from Watson, Style in the Arts, 53. In his discussion of the Chinese dragon cult and its invocation for rain, Loewe also claims that the Chinese believed a properly executed image of the dragon would be as efficacious as the real one. See Loewe, Divination, Mythology, 142–157. 99

4.2.1 What is an Image

The Chinese regard an image as a xiang ွ. The character xiang has its origin in the animal kingdom, meaning “elephant”. This unique animal with a long trunk existed in North China but became rare in Shang and Zhou times.322 Its tusks had been the main source of ivory, crafted into items of extravagance that were highly esteemed by imperial families due to their rarity.323 As a result, the word xiang came to refer to rare or precious goods that ordinary people could only wonder about. Wondering about an idea and picturing an image therefore become associated with the term xiang. Han Fei (ca. 280–233 B.C.) attributes this to the following passage:

რუאՈΔਚ壆Գհࢬسუࠡאွհ೎ΔூࠡቹڽွՈΔۖ൓سԳݦߠ ृΔઃᘯհွՈΖ People rarely see a live elephant, but the bones of a dead elephant are attainable. From the patterns and information on the bones, people are able to imagine a living elephant. Therefore, things people use to form an idea or image are called xiang.324

Li Qi,325 a commentator on the Han shu, further suggested that the word xiang symbolised auspiciousness, as barbarian states sending an elephant to the imperial court implied the tribute was an auspicious one.326 This implication, however, might have had its origin in the animal’s size, foreignness and inaccessibility, confirming the rule that the “Son of Heaven” was the only one that deserved such precious and exotic gifts from far away.327 That is to say,

322 Jerry Norman and Mei Tsu-Lin, “The Austroasiatics in Ancient South China: Some Lexical Evidence”, Monumenta Serica, 23 (1976), 288. 323 Ibid., 291. 324 Liu, “Hanfeizi yizhu”, 234. 325 The only information about Li is that he was from Nanyang. See Wagner, A Classical Chinese Reader, 94. ᎞᤟ڎThe original commentary from Li is “xiang, yiye. Manyi qianyi zhi fugong ye” ွΔ᤟ՈΖ᨟ 326 ી壂ಥՈ, see Ban, Han shu, 1050. 327 Patricia Ebrey, “Taking Out the Grand Carriage: Imperial Spectacle and the Visual Culture of Northern Song Kaifeng”, Asia Major, 12, No. 1 (1999), 55. 100 xiang invoked value, diversity and function, which could be tangible or intangible, as in Han Fei’s comparison between a live elephant and a dead elephant, or attainable and unattainable, as in Li Qi’s association of xiang with the word yi ᤟ (interpretation). What lies between the attainable and the unattainable, however, is the bones of the elephant, which, physically, cannot be deemed to represent an elephant yet can be used to convey the message that they are (from) an elephant.

4.2.2 The Role and Shape of Images

The bones of the elephant, then, served as an intermediary between the known and the unknown, and this is precisely how the Chinese perceive their world and their universe, a mirage between the real and the imagined ranging from the behaviour of wild animals to strange astronomical events. This miraculous universe can be said to be an animated universe spontaneously creating, not created by, its dual operating system, the yin and the yang,328 where cosmic dualism is responsible for the creation of xiang as depicted in the section Xici ᢀ ᢯ (Great Treatise) of the Yijing:

ֈΖٳԶ࠳ΔԶ࠳ࡳس؄ွΔ؄ွسࠟᏚΔࠟᏚسᄕΔਢ֜ڶ࣐ Within the framework of the Changes,329 lies the Supreme Ultimate. The Supreme Ultimate can be divided into two polar opposites—yin and yang. The yin and yang then generate four types of reading instruction called xiang for delivery of the divine message. These four xiang produce an octagonal diagram with eight trigrams on each side. When the eight trigrams assume their proper position and order, the celestial bodies and

328 Jan Jakob Maria De Groot, The Religious System of China: Its Ancient Forms, Evolution, History and Present Aspect, Manners, Customs and Social Institutions Connected Therewith, vol. 6 (Taipei: Literature House, 1964), 929. 329 The Changes, that is Yi ࣐, implies the constantly changing nature of our biological and psychological selves, which influences our perception of social and spiritual realms. Hence, the Yijing is about how to harmonise and balance these phenomena. It is important to note that the notion of the Changes has been հ௛چ֚ depicted as or associated with taiyi ֜ԫ (Supreme One), hundun ྖޯ (Chaos), tiandi zhiqi (Energy of Heaven and Earth), and dao ሐ (Way) respectively. See Shanghai shifan daxue, Guoyu, 26, Feng Dafu, ed., Laozi yizhu (The Interpretation and Annotation of Master Lao), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1991), 58–59, and Zhao, “Metaphysics in China”, 24–25. 101

terrestrial events are thereby connected and ready to serve the purpose of prognostication.330

Being capable of reading the message of the divine, the word xiang accredited itself as the sole representative of or tool for decoding natural phenomena in the celestial world and the terrestrial realm, as the Yijing goes on to say:

ՈΖقא؄ွΔࢬڶ࣐ The Changes has four xiang, they are the means to reveal (things).331

ݮΖګچڇွΔګ֚ڇ (After the eight trigrams are settled for prognostication) the image formed and revealed in the sky is called xiang, its counterpart appearing on earth is named xing.332

ߠ֚Հհ㋀Δۖᚵ๷ࠡݮ୲ΔွࠡढࡵΔਢਚᘯհွΖאڶᆣԳ The holy sages, having the ability to perceive all mysteries under heaven, made forms and shapes similar to what they perceived. These forms and shapes were in imitation of the material world; hence, they were called xiang.333

ጐრΖאွمᆣԳ The holy sages set up xiang in order to express their thoughts and ideas completely.334

Western scholars have attempted with little success to decipher the actual meaning of xiang in the Yijing. For instance, the word “figure” has been suggested for xiang, implying the acts of observing, perceiving and producing in

330 Wang and Kong, “Zhouyi zhengyi”, 289. 331 Ibid., 290. 332 Ibid., 258. 333 Ibid., 274–275. 334 Ibid., 291. 102 order to form a concrete image out of abstract ideas.335 The word “counterpart” has also been used to strip from xiang any connotation of sharing between the celestial world and the terrestrial realm a similar form or likeness.336 The word “image” has also been assigned to it to convey a fixed value representing the thoughts of the spiritual world.337 Despite these attempts to define the role or shape of xiang from the unknown to the unknown, there is still no term in English that corresponds correctly to its dynamic range of meanings and values.

However, the gradual and cyclic change of xiang from a prestigious item to an intangible form of the universe, then back to a tangible form can be read as the shifting nature of xiang, which constantly changes its role and transforms in shape between this material world and a Chinese ideological realm. In my reading, this kind of change and transformation is intended to legitimise xiang as having a role between the celestial realm and the terrestrial world. Two statements in the Han shu can confirm this reading as the text states that the patterns on the turtle shell used for divination are called xiang, and these patterns or xiang only occur after an intellectual creation is made.338

Given its association with the formation of the celestial realm and the creation of the terrestrial world, it is justifiable to conjecture that xiang plays a transitional role between the celestial world and the terrestrial realm just as the bones of an

335 For instance, Willard Peterson used “figure” to associate xiang with the acts of observing, perceiving and producing from the perspective of the holy sages in order to form a physical appearance to express their ideas. This is contradictory to William Mitchell’s view of “figure”, which is often “dismissed as the artificial excesses of a pre-rational, prescientific age.” See Willard J. Peterson, “Making Connections: Commentary on the Attached Verbalizations of the Book of Change”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 42, No. 1 (1982), 114, and William J. Thomas Mitchell, “What is an Image?” New Literary History, 15, No. 3 (1984), 515. 336 Schafer interpreted the word xiang as counterpart to connote sharing between the celestial and terrestrial realms. See Edward H. Schafer, Pacing the Void: T’ang Approaches to the Stars (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 55. This interpretation neglects xiang’s autonomous role as an independent entity able to coordinate the complex mechanism between the cosmic forces yin-yang and wuxing freely with or without acknowledgement from its earthly associates, as depicted in the Laozi (third century B.C.). For xiang’s automatic mechanism, see Feng, Laozi yizhu, 58–59. 337 Hellmut Wilhelm, Heaven, Earth, and Man in the Book of Changes: Seven Eranos lectures (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977), 33. This interpretation is problematic as an image is often associated with a reproduction in the mind or a sensation produced by a physical perception, which often bears certain religious and political burdens. See Alex Preminger, ed., Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), 363, and Mitchell, “What Is an Image?” 503. ڶ৵ۖسThe original statements are “gui, xiang ye” ᚋΔွՈ, and “wu sheng erhou you xiang” ढ 338 ွ. See Ban, Han shu, 981. 103 elephant play a transitional role between the real and the imagined elephant. However, xiang does not refer to a mimetic representation or picture, just as the bones of an elephant do not depict an elephant and the cracks on a turtle shell do not represent the actual wording of a divination. That is to say, the bones of the elephant and the cracks on the turtle shell are neither linguistic units nor direct pictorial representations giving an account of the world through one-to- one correspondence with their object.339 On the contrary, xiang is a “shape” constituting a delimited number of fundamental units subject to interpretation, construction, and reading directly from the observable world it seeks to explain. This makes it problematic to define the shape of xiang.

To start with, xiang was portrayed as the shape of the Changes, which is the likeness of virtually everything.340 This likeness of everything is further perceived as having the shape of a piece of jade with a square inner peripheral and a circular outer contour in imitation of Heaven and Earth.341 Moreover, this quasi-circular square is said to have possessed two “shapes”: daxiang Օွ (great xiang), which corresponds to all intangible forms in the celestial realm, and xiaoxiang ՛ွ (lesser xiang), which echoes all tangible forms in this terrestrial world.342 However, the split character of xiang, torn between the celestial and the terrestrial worlds, invites the conclusion that xiang is

339 For the correspondence between linguistic unit and pictorial representation and their relationship to image, see Mark Edward Lewis, Writing and Authority in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999), 265. 340 The Yijing has provided a general shape of xiang, stating that the shape of the Changes is like the shape of xiang, and the shape of xiang is the likeness of what it represents. See Wang and Kong, “Zhouyi zhengyi”, 303. The original sentence is “bizhe, fangzhong yuanwai … guyou tiandi zhi xiang” ់ृΔֱխႽ؆ … ਚ 341 հွ, see Ban Gu, “Baihu tongde lun” (Virtuous Discussions from White Tiger Hall), in Sibuچ֚ڶ congkan chubian (First Compilation of Literature from Four Imperial Repositories), ed. Shanghai shudian (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1989), 7: 2. The belief that the earth was square and lay on a plane parallel to a domed and round heaven can be traced back to the fourth century B.C. See Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 160. It is also worth noting that bi ់ (jade) is phonetically equivalent to bi ሌ (to ward off evil spirits). See Su Jian, “Hanhua zhong de shenguai yushe he longbi tukao” (Spirits and Oddities, Snakes and Dragons in Han Paintings and Murals), Zhongyuan wenwu, 4 (1985), 86. 342 According to Zhu Xi (1130–1200), the relationship between daxiang and xiaoxiang is in imitation of the Chinese cosmological scheme, which has a terrestrial world and a counterpart, the celestial world. See Zhu Xi, Zhouyi benyi (Commentary on the Book of Changes), (Beijing: Zhongguo shudian, 1987), 3: 1. It is important to note that “lesser xiang” is described in the Yijing as qi ᕴ, which also symbolises the tangible forms in the world. See Wang and Kong, “Zhouyi zhengyi”, 288 and 292. 104 formless.343 This formlessness implies that the role and shape of xiang is too flexible so that it can be either the likeness of nothing or the likeness of everything. This likeness of everything is what makes it difficult to settle on the lion’s physical appearance.

The flexible nature of xiang does not, however, mean that xiang is a symbol that “can be taken in at a glance and easily held in the mind.”344 On the contrary, xiang is “out there”, with dual or multiple explanations ranging from a good to a bad prognosis subject to the interpretation of the observer.345 This ambiguous character of xiang often makes the attainment of xiang problematic as the term has such a dynamic nature and shape, intended to be understood during imperial times by only the initiated few, namely the cultivated man.346 Additionally, making the idea of xiang manifest was often in the hands of the ruling class, who would use any pedagogic possibility of nature to imply they had a superior role to play in the destiny of this worldly realm and in society. This is the power of xiang.

4.2.3 The Power of Images

A popular belief of the ancient Chinese was that xiang was not only invested with the magic power of creation, it was also equipped with the power to deal with mundane tasks. This can be read from the word’s frequent association with the term wu ढ (object), which is deemed to have the strength to carry any

The original expression of the formlessness of xiang is “da xiang wu xing” Օွྤݮ, see Feng, Laozi 343 yizhu, 98. 344 According to Ludwig Wittgenstein, the mechanism of symbolism is that it is seen at a glance and easily held in the mind. For further details about the system of signs, see Ludwig Wittgenstein, Preliminary Studies for the Philosophical Investigations: generally known as The Blue and Brown Books (Oxford: Blackwell, 1958), 6. 345 Peterson, “Making Connections”, 80–81. 346 For instance, Guanzi (d. 645 B.C.) has provided a modest approach to the attainment of xiang by stating “In order to know the xiang of a particular object, we should start from searching for its associated forms and shapes.” Du Songbo, on the other hand, compares the attainment of xiang with the clarity of a creek, and states “When the creek is clear, the stone underneath will appear … when the visible xiang is exhausted the dao manifests itself.” For these references, see Li Xiangfeng, “Guanzi jiaozhu” (The Rectification of the Book of Master Guan), in Xinbian zhuzi jicheng (New Compilations of Classical Chinese Texts), ed. Zhonghua shuju (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2004), 788, and Du Songbo, Chanxue yu tangsong shixue (Zen and Poetics of the Tang and Song Dynasties), (Taipei: Liming wenhua shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 1976), 336. 105 burden and the power to resist any attack.347 Furthermore, when xiang is used to describe a dawu Օढ (a big object or distinct object), it can imply the Chinese ancestor, a cardinal direction, or the language of a barbarian people.348 Rather than duplicating the appearance of an existing entity, this shift between the real and the imagined prompts xiang to engage abundant dynamic energy and transformative power.

Through Chinese history, the ruling class has utilised this dynamic energy and power to associate their power and authority with the spiritual world in order to make the most of xiang. Therefore, the xiang of the dragon, the phoenix and the lion have all been used to claim for certain people a historical role.349 These quasi-historical accounts are obviously an attempt to utilise the power of xiang to bridge the gap between the celestial realm and the terrestrial world in order to legitimise the political power of the chosen few.

Consequently, a cart could be viewed as having a square board with circular wheels in imitation of Heaven and Earth;350 an ancestral temple could be described as having an octagonal foundation in imitation of the eight cardinal directions;351 and the human body could also be regarded as possessing a

347 Chen, “Shangdai de shenhua”, 498. For the use of xiang (the elephant) to carry burden, see Liu Xun, Lingbiao luyi (Strange Things Noted in the South), (Guangzhou: Guangdong remin chuban she, 1983), 10. For the use of xiang to engage a battle, see Zuo, “Chunqiu zuochuan”, 1555. 348 For xiang’s association with the Chinese ancestor, Shun, see Chen, “Shangdai de shenhua “, 499 quoted from Yang, Mengzi yizhu, 183. For xiang’s association with the four cardinal directions and a foreign language, see Zheng, “Liji zhengyi”, 398. 349 For instance, Liu Ban (r. 202-195 B.C.) associates the xiang of the dragon with his father to legitimise his succession of the imperial power. The xiang of the phoenix has been used by Emperor Taizong of the Tang (r. 626-649). In addition, the xiang of the lion has been used to associate with a Qi General, Wang Jingze (fifth century A.D.). For these various records, see Sima, Shi ji, 341, Xiao Zixian, Nanqi shu (The Book of Southern Qi), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972), 479, and Ouyang and Song, Xin tang shu, 23. 350 According to the Dadai liji (compiled after the second century A.D.), the vehicle used for carrying goods on the road during the old days is called cart, it has circular wheels, which symbolise the sky and a square cross board at the rear of the cart named zhen ◳ that indicates the earth. See Dai De, “Dadai liji shisan juan” (Thirteen Volumes of Records of Ritual Matters by Dai Senior), in Sibui congkan: jingbu (The Four Parts of the Imperial Library: The Classics), ed. Lu Bian, (Shanghai: Shanghai shangwu yinshu guan, 1922), 3:9. 351 According to Jiu tang shu (945 A.D.), when building a mingtang ࣔഘ (ancestral temple), it is necessary to have a foundation with an octangonal shape, which represents the eight points of the eight cardinal directions. See Liu, Jiu tang shu, 857. For a thorough study of mingtang and its relationship with the Chinese cosmological scheme, see Yang Hongxun, Jianzhu kaoguxue lunwen ji (Essays on Archaeology of Architecture in China), (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1987), 169-200 and Hwang Ming- chorng, “Ming-tang: Cosmology, Political Order and Monuments in Early China” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1996). 106 round head and square feet in imitation of Heaven and Earth.352 By the same token, the lion could assume the physical appearance of a wild horse, a tiger or a dog serving Buddha in a squatting position.353

Although the power of xiang was intended as a channel between the visible and the invisible, it was nevertheless still concerned with the physical forms of human understanding.354 That is to say, to represent the holy the Chinese directed or redirected viewers to more practical issues of this worldly life. These practical issues involved the lion grabbing, biting, jumping, and flying in order to fulfil worldly expectations that a living lion might not be capable of. Consequently, with an image of the quasi-divine in mind, the Chinese lion was equipped with the horn of a rhinoceros, the antlers of a deer, and the wings of a bird to give what human eyes saw as the appearance of the divine and to synchronise the forces of nature but still be regarded as a lion.355 That is to say, these sensory correspondences were the activating force possessing the power of mediating the visible and the invisible. In other words, they are to be perceived as a system of images representing the position of humans and their role in channelling communication between Heaven, Earth and Man. As the

352 According to the Huainanzi (second century B.C.), the human head is round because it stands for the circular sky; human feet are square because they stand for the square earth. See He, “Huainanzi jishi”, 507. 353 This is in the Huailutang ji (sixteenth century A.D.). See Li, Huailutang ji, 238. For the suanni and the physical appearance of the tiger and the horse, see Chapter three: Its Names. 354 Sirén agrees, from his examination of the physical form of the tomb lions of the Six Dynasties, that the ideas inherent in the Chinese lion motif are of the physical or animal world. See Sirén, “Chinese Sculpture”, 18. 355 For the rhinoceros’ spiritual power and its association with the power and authority of the imperial ruler, see He Zhenghuang, “Shike shuangshi he xiniu” (The Stone Carvings of Paired Lions and Rhinos), Wen Wu, 134, No. 12 (1961), 49, and Yao Lijiang, “Manhua zhenshui shou” (Random Talks about a Guardian Beast of Water), Wenshi zhishi, 119, No. 5 (1991), 53. For the antler’s association with superhuman authority, evil-repelling power, and everlasting life, see Alfred Salmony, “Antler and Tongue: An Essay on Ancient Chinese Symbolism and Its Implications”, Artibus Asiae, 13 (1954), 1-57. The feathers or the wings are in close connection with the Chinese conception of immortality, such as the wings of yuren 壅Գ (Feathered Immortal), tianma ್֚ (Heavenly Horse) or xijima ۫ᄕ್ (Horses from the Western Paradise), and feilian that were supposed to be able to lead people the way to the heavenly realm. For further descriptions about the Heavenly Horse, see Ban, Han shu, 202, 1060 and 1061, and Su, “Hanhua zhong de shenguai”, 85. For Sun Zuoyun’s explanation about the mythological animal, feilian, see Sun Zuoyun, “Mawangdui yihao hanmu qiguanhua kaoshi” (The Mythological Paintings on the Lacquer Coffin of the Han Tomb No. 1 at Ma-wang-tui, Changsha), Kaogu, 127, No. 4 (1973), 251. For the wing’s associated powers, see Tseng Chao-yu, “Guanyu yinan huaxiang shimu zhong huaxiang de ticai he yiyi” (Concerning the Motifs and Meaning of the Sculpture in the Sculptural Stone Tomb at Yi-nan)”, Kaogu, 35, No. 5 (1959), 245-249, and Li, “Lun zhongguo”, 62-134. For the spiritual power of the eyes, see Freedberg, The Power of Images, 85-86, and Langer, Feeling and Form, 74-78. 107 saying goes, a picture is worth a thousand words; the word xiang, which tells us that it is a mechanism of correspondence bridging the gulf between the seen and the unseen, the heard and the unheard, and the felt and the unfelt, is the uniquely Chinese way of perceiving.

Bertolt Brecht also noticed that the Chinese lion was unique; thus in a wittily juxtaposition he combined Western text with a Chinese lion motif made of a tree root, where the real and the imagined aspects of xiang echo and enliven each other (Figure 4.2).356

In sum, the use of identifiable forms and shapes to reveal a thing’s actuality, originality and configuration is the power of xiang. This power proceeds from its association with rare and precious goods to the more abstract and obscure forms or images of the Chinese ideological universe. It is then completed by viewers with their own interpretations, that is, in proportion to their individual capacity to perceive this natural world. This “viewing” process draws its strength

356 Tatlow, “Alienation and the Dialectics”, 107, quoted from Bertolt Brecht, Gesammelte Werke (Suhrkamp: Frankfurt am Main, 1967), 10: 997. 108 from the surrounding environment, unites the visible and the invisible, and obscures the line between objects created by nature and works crafted by humans.357 Thus, the Chinese have always viewed the lion as a symbolic representation of their world drawing its strength from both the real and the imagined realms.

4.3 The Real and the Imagined

One interesting example of how the Chinese mixed the real and the imagined lion is the Portuguese tribute of a lion during the Qing dynasty. Different texts have recorded the tribute as having happened in 1675, 1678 and 1681.358 However, time is not my main concern in this case. Rather, what I am looking at is how different people interpreted the same event from different perspectives, that is, how the lion involved was simultaneously perceived as a real and an imagined one. This tribute from Portugal can be traced back to 1672, when prominent Portuguese living in Macao received an interesting proposal from the Jesuit Society stating that Emperor Kangxi would like to have a lion.359 The triggered prompt action by the Portuguese government, who believed such a tribute might do much to revive commerce in Macao in their favour.360 The government requested that two lions be captured in Africa, and this was done by a captain of the Mozambique fortress in 1674.361 The two animals were then forwarded to Macao via Goa; the process took approximately two years during which one of the lions died unexpectedly.362 The remaining lion finally made its way to Beijing in September 1678 and it was received with praise and

357 In his study of Chinese landscape paintings, Lothar Ledderose has also proposed that there is no simple border line between objects created by nature and works of art crafted by man. See Lothar Ledderose, “The Earthly Paradise: Religious Elements in Chinese Landscape Art”, in Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 178. 358 For summaries of these records, see Jiang, “Aomen yu kangxi”, 142–143. Jiang, however, proposes that the record in the Qing shilu (recompiled in 1937), which states the tribute was in 1678, is the one to be trusted. For this, see Zhonghua shuju, ed., “Shengzu ren huangdi shilu” (Records of His Holy Highness Emperor Ren), in Qing shilu (Memoirs of the Qing Dynasty), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 971. 359 Wills, Embassies and Illusions, 130. 360 Ibid. 361 Ibid. 362 Jiang, “Aomen yu kangxi”, 124. 109 admiration by the court.363 Unfortunately, a few weeks after its arrival this lion also died. It was given a sumptuous funeral and a marble monument was erected before its tomb.364 This event was recorded in the Shengzu ren huangdi shilu ᆣలո઄০ኔᙕ (Records of His Holy Highness Emperor Ren) in Qing shilu (recompiled in 1937).365 However, the same tribute and events surrounding it was also recorded in other texts, which added some flowery “touches” and miraculous “endings”.

For instance, the lion from Portugal is described in the Zi buyu (ca. 1788) as from xiyang ۫੉ (the Western Ocean).366 On its way to the court, while feeling unwell this western lion managed to exercise its powers of exorcism to free a district inn of malignant influences lurking in a tree. The text also provides an alternative explanation of the animal’s “disappearance” (that is, death) soon after its arrival in Beijing.

Ζᔞ۫੉ಥᅐ՗Δᆖመࠡ߳Ζᅐ՗࣍חᙘΔ੡ਬ߳ټࠊൗᛑճΚౖࠡ֜֩ 塢᧬ᑉᕋΖᅐ՗ᢧٗՕᖫՀΔຸ֟Δ࣓ଈ؄᥽Δ८٠୴ڇఐΔፖᇞ୉ڶሁ ᚺΖ٣ਢΔ᧬խ್ۖމՕ๢ެڶᚰᖫΔᖫ௅խឰΔធۨವੌΔփֿۼԳΔ ൛ೈΖদৱಥࠌΖ۟ࠇΔ᣸࣍ᠥݪΔွߠհլڼΔ۞ڽ൛ఐΔ࢓࢓ીڍ ഏΔ৵ᑇֲΔೇᐿ৉۟ء࣋ូڱሄΖᅐ՗ᔼ৷Ζ९ܳԫᜢΔွઃଏٗΖ࡚ ழբመᑡᣂΖֲ֑ءճΚࠇխ࣋ᅐΔ An imperial attendant named Ge Tao once described something that had happened to his father. Ge Jin [the attendant’s father] had served as a district magistrate. During that time, a tributary delegation bringing a lion from the west happened to pass through the district. The lion was unwell, so the delegation decided to make a temporary stop at an inn. The lion was placed under a big tree for a while, when all the sudden it raised its head and looked all around. Golden light radiating from its eyes

363 It was reported that the emperor went to see the lion before holding a formal audience with the Portuguese ambassador. The officials accompanying him were overwhelmed by the lion and wrote prose and poems to glorify its royal mien. For further details, see Jiang, “Aomen yu kangxi”, 126–137. 364 Wills, Embassies and Illusions, 137–138. 365 Zhonghua shuju, “Shengzu ren huangdi shilu”, 971. 366 Yuan Mei, “Zi buyu” (What the Master Did Not Speak Of), in Biji xiaoshuo daguan, vol. 20, 139. 110

penetrated everything near it, and then it began to claw at the trunk of the tree. The tree split open and blood poured out, then a giant serpent emerged from the tree and died. The inn, where horses used to fall ill or die inexplicably, was from then on free of the hostile invasion. Ge was very pleased and treated the delegation with great respect and honour. Upon the lion’s arrival in the capital, it was presented to the court along with some elephants. During the presentation, the elephants (for some reason) did not want to kneel before the court. The lion was furious and roared angrily at the elephants. This caused the elephants to panic and they immediately fell on their knees. This impressive incident prompted the court to release the lion so it could go back where it belonged. A few days after its release, the Shaanxi provincial governor sent a message stating that the lion had already crossed through the Tong Frontier Pass at the hour of wu (11:00–13:00).367

In the Zi buyu, the lion’s tragic premature death has been turned into a grand finale in which the animal is apotheosised. The fantastic animal is then described as a demon pacifier that challenges the evil spirit residing in a tree that is jeopardising the safety of a local district; as an enforcer of the law that seeks to uphold imperial authority by punishing those who fail to obey; and as a high-speed traveller that reaches and crosses the border in a flash. The version with the Portuguese lion mysteriously dying young was also transformed into a magical event in the Qingbai leichao (1916), where the animal’s disappearance has everything to do with its speed:

ᑇآ壀ᅐԫᙰΔԯᢀհ৵૒ᥳਰΖڶൈዺԬ׮ટΔ۫੉᎞ࠌԵಥΖ঴ढխ ଆ৉ԵݪΔᘯ࣍ਬֲ֑۝ښ༓Δቯ୻ᣂآ࡞ሼݶሽΖڕ۩ΔࠡװΔၝֲ Ζנᅐ။ᣂۖڶࠥΔ During the reign of Emperor Kangxi in the autumn of the year 1675, a western country sent an envoy to pay their tribute. Among the tributary items was a “spiritual lion”, which was kept in a metal cage placed in the

367 Ibid. The English translation of the title Shiyu ࠊൗ is borrowed from Donald Wagner. See Wagner, A Classical Chinese Reader, 52. 111

Inner Palace after the audience. However, the lion managed to escape within a few days of its arrival. (It was said that) the animal ran with the speed of crashing thunder and flashing lightning. Border security from Jiayu Frontier Pass soon reported to the court that a lion passed through the border at the hour of wu (11:00–13:00).368

Jiayu guan ቯ୻ᣂ (Jiayu Frontier Pass), literally excellent guarded valley, was the western outpost of Chinese border security during the Qing dynasty. It is approximately 2200 km from Beijing, which takes three to four hours by plane, thirty-two hours by train, but would take a few months by earlier types of transportation.369 The speed with which the lion reached and crossed the border is described in the Qingbai leichao as like benlei kuaidian ࡞ሼݶሽ (crashing ༓ (in no time) the animal had fledآ thunder and flashing lightning), hence weiji across the border. Although the expression weiji is problematic, as it can mean from a few minutes to a few days, we have the Yuewei caotang biji (ca. 1789– 1798) to clarify and refine the time frame of this amazing deed:

ڕ۩ΔࠡװၝܛᓿူΖઌႚլՆڶڍΔ۫੉ಥᅐΔ塢ᎹছᔘڣൈዺԼ؄ ቯ୻ᣂΖנܛଅΔգࠥ࿪᠙Δ֑ࠥ During the reign of Emperor Kangxi in the year 1675, a lion was presented as a tribute from a western country. This tribute has been widely recognised and recorded in the prose and poetry of senior court officials in imperial museums and libraries. (However), it was said that the lion escaped soon after its arrival like the wind, (that is,) the animal broke the lock at the hour of si (09:00–11:00), and made its way across Jiayu Frontier Pass at the hour of wu (11:00–13:00).370

368 Xu, Qingbai leichao, 415. 369 For instance, it took the Ming ambassador Chen Cheng (1365–1457) about four months to reach Gansu Province (where Jiayu Pass was) from Beijing. For further information, see Wang Jiguang, “Chen cheng xishi ji hongyong zhiji ming yu tiemuer diguo de guanxi” (Chen Cheng Sent as an Envoy to the Western Regions and the Relationship between Ming Dynasty China and the Tiemuer Empire during the Hongwu and Yongle Reigns), Xiyu yanjiu, 1 (2004), 21. 370 Ji, “Yuewei caotang”, 312. 112

This miraculous speed, which utterly outstrips modern technology, is in the Yuewei caotang biji’s own words apparently a flowery expression or a popular folktale, that is, qidong yu Ꮨࣟ፿.371 However, the various interpretations of this fantastic lion are all based on the simple fact that there was a tribute of the lion during the reign of Emperor Kangxi that “disappeared” soon after its arrival. The lion’s disappearance was then subject to speculation and was re-structured in a different time and a different place with different people involved. However, the changing elements in the story of the missing lion altered the original paradigm and transformed a real lion into an imagined one. This imagined lion, along with some historical facts, was then used to deliver certain messages: the lion is the sole property of the imperial court, the lion is a spiritual animal, and the lion did not and will not die.

From the Chinese authorities’ as well as the Portuguese’s perspective, there were risks involved in revealing information about the sudden death of the lion. To Emperor Kangxi, the tribute of the “King of Beasts” from a western authority meant more than personal inclination; it was (re)assurance and an endorsement of his newly established empire, a good omen indicating the stability of his power and authority under the mandate of heaven.372 The demise of this good omen was therefore absolutely unacceptable. The Portuguese government, on the other hand, maintained a low profile on the incident, fearing the Dutch and the French would follow the same pattern to please the Chinese court for their own interests.373 It would therefore seem justified to frame the whole incident as make-believe and turn the deceased lion into a shenshi 壀ᅐ (spiritual lion) long gone with the wind once the message had been delivered that tribute of a lion had been made. That is to say, fostering a “spiritual lion” was in the interests of the Chinese court and suited the Portuguese government’s political agenda.

The use of the lion motif to address the political power and legal authority of the ruling class is further evident in Chinese mortuary settings in which the use of

371 Ibid. 372 From 1676 to 1678, the authority of Qing was still under challenge. For further details, see Wills, Embassies and Illusions, 131. 373 Ibid., 137. 113 mythological animals combining features of the real and the imagined to guard the tombs of the nobility had its origins long before the Warring States period (475–221 B.C.).

114

Chapter 5 The Lion Motif in Chinese Mortuary Art—the tomb guardian beast from the Warring States to the Tang dynasty

This chapter demonstrates how the lion image was gradually assimilated into Chinese mortuary art between the Warring States period and the Tang dynasty (475 B.C.–A.D. 907) then examines the mythological tomb animal figurine zhenmushou ᠜ችᡬ (tomb guardian beast) and its role as a protector in the Chinese afterlife. It then draws attention to changing conceptions of the afterlife and the gradual transformation of the guardian animal in mortuary settings, in which the lion image set a precedent and became a paradigm for the “spiritual path” to the world beyond. The chapter argues that changes to the tomb guardian beast and its transformational shift between the real and the imagined are closely related to Chinese spatial concepts and the Chinese interpretation of the afterlife. In this interpretation the empowerment of the guardian lion’s apotropaic and auspicious powers is often achieved through three simple processes: alteration of the animal’s appearance; changing the new species’ name; increasing the new animal’s power to reaffirm its divinity.

5.1 Zhenmushou in the Chinese Concept of Protection

Burials of members of the ruling class were part of the social edifice; the system of mourning and burial embraced all of élite society.374 The term zhenmushou generally refers to the mysterious horned wooden figurines excavated from the region of Chu around Hubei, Hunan, Henan and Anhui Provinces.375 They belonged to burial furnishings categorised as mingqi ࣔᕴ under the

374 For more on the relationship between burial rites and élite culture, see Thorp, Son of Heaven, 170. 375 Geng, “Chu zhenmushou”, 91. However, in Li Ling’s view, the use of zhenmushou was not specific to ancient Chinese tombs. That is, the term could refer to any apotropaic figure possessing animal form from the Spring and Autumn period (770–476 B.C.) to Yuan (1280–1368). See Li, Rushan yu chusai, 148. Moreover, Chu could refer to a region, a state or a kingdom from the Spring and Autumn period to the Warring States (475–221 B.C.). 115 bureaucratic metaphor of the ambitious nobility.376 This fantastic looking figurine often had a protruding tongue and stag antlers, which is why Western scholars sometimes call it the “Antler and Tongue” associated with regional black magic (Figure 5.1).377 While “Antler and Tongue” obviously derives from the prominent stag antlers and lolling tongue of this burial item and their sorcery-related functions, the Chinese term zhenmu ᠜ች (guarding the tomb) emphasises both the protective sorcery—zhen ᠜ (to guard)—and the spatial location—mu ች (tomb)—of this particular protector. The character shou ᡬ (animal) carries the to guard) and bei ໂ (to protect), amplified by the) ښ double meaning of shou ,inclusion of the dog radical, quan ׅ. Together, the three characters zhen ᠜ mu ች and shou ᡬ define its role in this Chinese concept of protection.378

376 Sun Hongmei, “Zhongyuan diqu zhenmushou yishu zaoxing tanyuan” (The Source of the Artistic Form of Tomb-Guarding Animals in the Central Plains), Huaxia kaogu (Huaxia Archaeology), 3 (2002), 78. For the definition of mingqi, see Confucius’ comment in the Liji in Zheng, “Liji zhengyi”, 276–277. 377 For further details, see Salmony, “Antler and Tongue”, 1–57. This “Antler and Tongue” has been variously associated with the Shanshen ՞壀 (Mountain God), Tubo Ւ܄ (Earth God), Menshen ॰壀 (Door God), Longshen ᚊ壀 (Dragon God), Lingshou ᨋᡬ (Spiritual Animal), and Wuxi ݥ⫗ (Shaman) in this particular regional cult. See Chen Yaojun and Yuan Wenqing, “Zhenmushou lüekao” (A Brief Study of the Tomb Guardian Beast), Jianghan kaogu (Archeology of the Yangzijiang and Han River), 3 (1983), 64–66, Jiang Weidong, “Zhenmushou yiyi bian” (The Meaning of the Tomb Guardian Beast), Jianghan kaogu, 2 (1991), 40–44, Pan Jiahong, “Xiaoyi zhenmushou” (A Brief Discussion of the Tomb Guardian Beast), Jianghan kaogu, 2 (1992), 82–84, Qiu Donglian, “Zhenmushou biankao” (The Identity of the Tomb Guardian Beast), Jianghan kaogu, 2 (1994), 54–59, and Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 265. 378 For the definition of shou, see Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 308. For the interpretation of shou and bei, see Sterckx, The Animal and the Daemon, 18. 116

Figure 5.1: The "Antler and Tongue" of the Chu. Source: Alfred Salmony, “Antler and Tongue: An Essay on Ancient Chinese Symbolism and Its Implications”, Artibus Asiae, 13 (1954), 1.

5.1.1 The Protective Sorcery of Zhenmushou

As part of its protective mechanism, stag antlers were deemed by the Chu people to be a shamanic device capable of repelling evil spirits, a protective sorcery that was also well recognised throughout Medieval Europe and East Asia after the second century B.C.379 However, the Chu people’s appreciation of this protective sorcery might have had its origin in their admiration of this particular animal. The stag symbolises speed and is often associated in the minds of the ancient with the phoenix, dragon and wind deities.380 The speed of the stag has also gained it a reputation as a messenger of the celestial world shuttling between this world and the world above.381 That is why the stag has been associated with blessings from the celestial world, the guardian of hell, and being the shaman’s assistant; but it has also been described as a merciful

379 Salmony, “Antler and Tongue”, 17–30. Wang Li, however, holds that the antlers of the guardian figurine are a decorative element resonating with mythological animals with horns. See Wang Lin, “Yeshuo chumu chutu de niaojiagu zhenmushou ji qita” (Random Discussion on the Tomb Guardian Beast with Bird-Shaped Drum Frame and Others), Shaanxi shifan da xue jixu jiaoyu xuebao (Journal of Further Education of Shaanxi Normal University), 20, No. 1 (2003), 41–43. 380 Zou Fudu, “Chuqi zhenmushou xingzhi neihan tanyuan” (Research on the Connotations of the Shape of Tomb-Protecting Animals), Hunan daxue xuebao (Journal of Hunan University-Social Sciences), 17, No. 1 (2003), 25–26. 381 Wang, “Yeshuo chumu”, 42. 117 and auspicious animal, which, while possessing great strength, never engages in physical conflict.382 Hence, the Chu people regarded the stag as a symbol of courage and strength.383 One popular Chu legend even describes the stag as the saviour of the state since it helped the people defeat their enemy.384 Consequently, the stag was highly valued and esteemed in Chu.385

The tongue, on the other hand, is often associated with the infernal as a sign of demonic force or apotropaic power and was regarded by the early Chinese as a means of transition from darkness to the light.386 This is probably due to the use of the tongue as protective sorcery by the states of Ba (ca. 2100–316 B.C.) and Shu (ca. 1600–316 B.C.), which widely practised shamanism.387 The association of the character she ۡ (tongue) with she ๢ (snake) might have also contributed to the power of sorcery linked to the term.388 However, noticing the small dots that were often visible on the surface of the tongue of the Chu guardian figurine, Alfred Salmony has proposed that the power of the tongue in sorcery was as a prayer for rain.389 Although no conclusive statement can yet

382 For the stag’s association with the celestial world, hell and shaman, see Zhu, Chuci jizhu, 70, 132 and 160. According to Zhu Xi, the pleasing sound of the stag was imitated by musicians entertaining admired guests at celebrations. Hence, the stag symbolises auspiciousness. The stag’s feet, forehead and antlers, on the other hand, were depicted in the Shi jing (ca. 1000–600 B.C.) as a symbol of mercy. See Zhu Xi, Shiji chuan (Commentary on the Book of Odes), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958), 7 and 99, and Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 202. 383 Qiu, “Zhenmushou biankao”, 56. 384 Pan, “Xiaoyi zhenmushou”, 83. 385 Zou, “Chuqi zhenmushou”, 25, and Yang Yi, “Chushi zhenmushou de shiwei he hanyong de xingqiΫ jiexi qinhan linghunguan de zhuanbian” (Exploration of the Disappearance of Tomb GuardiansΫAn Interpretation of the Afterlife Ideology of the Qin and the Han Dynasties), Kaogu yu wenwu (Archaeology and Cultural Relics), 1 (2004), 55. 386 Salmony, “Antler and Tongue”, 30–48. For other powers of the tongue, see Alvin P. Cohen, “Coercing the Rain Deities in Ancient China”, History of Religions, 17, No. 3/4 (1978), 253, Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Way of the Masks (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988), 34, and Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 61–65, esp. note 14. 387 Fu Juan, “Chuanyu donghan mu chutu tushe taosu zaoxiang chutan” (Preliminary Survey of the Porcelain Figure with Lolling Tongue Unearthed from the East Han Tomb in Chuandong), Sichuan wenwu (Sichuan Cultural Relics), 4 (2006), 79. 388 Wu Rongzeng, “Zhanguo handai de caoshe shenguai ji youguan shenhua mixin de bianyi” (Spirits Holding Snakes and Variations of Myths and Superstitions in the Warring States and Han Periods), Wen Wu, 401, No. 10 (1989), 48–51. 389 According to Salmony, the small dots represent raindrops, which are crucial for the fertility of the soil in an agriculture society. See Salmony, “Antler and Tongue”, 50. 118 be made as to the actual power attributed to the tongue,390 the fact remains that the lolling tongue has been a prominent feature of tomb guardian beasts.

The combination of antler and tongue was therefore a convincing defence against malignant influences. While the co-existence of demonic force and apotropaic power in one “package” is not completely convincing,391 the combination of antler and tongue posed no significant problem to the ancient Chinese, as there was no bias against mythological animals possessing dual or multifunctional characteristics.392 However, not only were multifunctional powers of sorcery crucial in a protective mechanism for the dead, proper placement and orientation was also essential, as random spatial arrangements might adversely affect the tomb owner’s descendants, that is, the living.393

5.1.2 The Spatial Location of the Guardian Animal

For the sake of the living, the burial site was often carefully positioned, and the protective figurine was normally coordinated with the four cardinal directions in order to “serve the deceased as they were served while still alive.”394 For the

390 For instance, there are other opinions on the tongue as a decorative part of human facial expressions and focusing on the tomb guardian beast’s association with human beings instead of the protective sorcery of the tongue. See Qiu, “Zhenmushou biankao”, 59, and Sun, “Zhongyuan diqu”, 81. 391 For instance, Robert Heine-Geldern believes a relationship between the demonic and apotropaic figures is highly doubtful. See Robert Heine-Geldern, “Reviewed Work(s): Antler and Tongue. An Essay on Ancient Chinese Symbolism and Its Implications by Alfred Salmony”, Artibus Asiae, 18 (1955), 87. 392 See my argument in Chapter two about the splitting character of mythological animals in Chinese myths and legends. 393 The ancient Chinese carefully considered the position and orientation of burial grounds and goods as these elements might jeopardise the tomb owner’s offspring. The entire Zangjing (third century) is dedicated to explaining how to determine the position of a burial site and how to ascertain the four cardinal directions are properly oriented for the best interests of the living and the dead. See Guo Pu, “Zangjing jianzhu” (Notes and Commentaries of the Book of Burials), in Congshu jixuan (Selected Collections of the Collectanea), ed. Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, vol. 176 (Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, 1987). serving the deceased as if they were still alive) can be) سڕڽThe concept of “shisi rusheng” ࠃ 394 traced back to the ancestral worship and ritual practice of the Shang and Zhou dynasties. Several chapters in the Liji discuss this concept thoroughly. See Zheng Xuan’s Liji zhengyi, esp. the chapters Tangong ᚽ ۯը (Sandalwood and Bow), Zengzi wen མ՗ം (Questions of Master Zeng), and Mingtang wei ࣔഘ (The Position of the Hall of Distinction). However, Albert Dien has argued that the concept of serving the souls of the ancestors as if they were alive was for a practical reason, that is, to avoid the malevolent retribution of ancestral spirits. See Dien, “Chinese Beliefs”, 1. For how the Chu applied this concept to site selection, see Si Hongwei, “Qianlun dongzhou shiqi nanyang diqu chumu de mudi zhidu” (On the Tomb System of Chu Graves of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty in Nanyang), Henan fangzhi gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao (Journal of Henan Textile College), 19, No. 4 (2007), 56–57, and Fan Jifu, “Yunan diqu 119

Chinese, making their feelings and opinions material in funeral arrangements not only allowed them to express their ideas about the human soul it also reflected the departing soul’s destiny after death, that is, the way “home”. According to a recent study by Geng Hualing, Chu tombs and guardian figurines were mostly oriented to southern China, their point of origin.395 That is to say, while this southern ethnic group expanded its territory into the “Central Kingdom” during the Spring and Autumn period, they believed their souls would eventually return to the South after death.396 Conseqently, certain powerful tomb guardian forces were oriented to the South to ensure the safety of the departing souls on their last journey home.

The use of these excessive forces to safeguard a burial site can be traced back to the belief that a bureaucratic subterranean world actually existed.397 According to the Chunqiu zuochuan, Duke Zhuang of Zheng (757–701 B.C.) once had a dispute with his mother, Jiang, which prompted him to relocate her to Yin.398 The enraged duke swore that he never wanted to see her again until they both reached huangquan ႓ੈ (the Yellow Springs).399 The duke soon regretted his actions, however, and sought to redress the situation. The magistrate of Yin, Kaoshu, proposed that the duke tunnel into the earth to an underground spring (quan ੈ), connoting the subterranean bureaucracy huangquan of his oath.400 Kaoshu’s metaphorical use of the word quan (spring water) to change a substance into a spatial realm, and then transform this chumu de wenhua biaoxiang fenxi” (On the Superficial Cultural Analysis of the Tombs of Chu in Southern Henan Province), Anyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Anyang Normal University), 3 (2007), 59. 395 Geng, “Chu zhenmushou”, 94. 396 Ibid. 397 According to Yu Ying-shih, archaeological evidence shows that belief in an underworld bureaucracy taking care of departed souls was already widespread in China by the second century B.C. See Yu Ying- shih, “New Evidence on the Early Chinese Conception of Afterlife: A Review Article”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 41, No. 1 (1981), 82. For detailed descriptions of the bureaucracy of the subterranean world, see Lothar Ledderose, Ten Thousand Things: Module and Mass Production in Chinese Art (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 163–185. 398 Zuo, “Chunqiu zuochuan”, 55. Ibid. The original expression is “buji huangquan, wu xiangjian ye” լ֗႓ੈΔྤઌߠՈ. It is worth 399 noting that the use of “Yellow Springs” in historical and literary writings to denote the home of the dead began from about the eighth century B.C. prior to its transformation into a bureaucratic subterranean world. However, this is not to say that before this the Chinese did not have the idea of an “other world”. See Yu Ying-Shih, “O Soul, Come Back! A Study in the Changing Conceptions of the Soul and Afterlife in Pre-Buddhist China”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 47, No. 2 (1987), 381–382. 400 Zuo, “Chunqiu zuochuan”, 56. 120 conceptual space into a given location was readily appreciated by Duke Zhuang, who thus gained substantial incentive to meet his mother. It seems plausible, therefore, to infer that the concept of a subterranean world for the deceased, a world that was as corrupt as the human world above, was already current during the Spring and Autumn period.

In the subterranean bureaucracy, everything could be managed and arranged through certain means. Therefore, to secure fame and fortune and buy their way into the next chapter of their life, the Chinese nobility interred myriad extravagant goods in costly burials within their burial precinct.401 In addition, a tomb guardian beast would be assigned to the outer part of a coffin (guo ᑎ) near the head of the deceased to protect their personal belongings (Figure 5.2).402 The kind of spatial arrangement made the front of the guo the symbolic entrance to the subterranean world and the coffin the spatial unit where time and space were both perceived and restrained in a rectangular “box”.

401 For the officials entitled to manage or assist the dead, see Yu, “New Evidence”, 82. For the purchase of land from the subterranean bureaucracy during Han, see Wu Tianying, “Handai maidijuan kao” (Research on the Land Puchase Certificate of the Han Dynasty), Kaogu xuebao (Acta Archaeologica Sinica), 1 (1982), 15–34. 402 Only one zhenmushou needed to be located in a Chu burial ground from the Spring and Autumn period to the Warring States. See Chen and Yuan, “Zhenmushou lüekao”, 64–66. 121

After the concept of a subterranean world for departing souls was conceived, a new interpretation emerged regarding the abode of those souls. Only this time, there were two final destinations of the dead to meet the changing concept of the afterlife. Therefore, for the first time, we see in the Chuci (second century B.C.), the departing soul advised not to ascend to the world above, and not to go down to the “city” below.403 That is to say, there were two abodes for the departing soul, one a celestial world above and the other a terrestrial realm below. This generated the belief in two spiritual entities, one called hun Ꮢ, the other po ᕗ, residing in the human body.404 In this new version of the afterlife, the two spirits or souls departed separately once a person passed away; the hun-soul would “fly” to heaven, and the po-soul would remain with the body to be buried in the earth.405 This changing concept of the afterlife saw a pair of wings become standard on certain mythological animals in funerary settings.

Animals with airborne qualities had become one of the dominant motifs in Chinese mortuary art by the late Warring States period, when the idea of another world above was gradually being acknowleged. The decline of the political power of the Zou imperial house caused by families and individuals with substantial economic resources and military force further shifted people’s way of thinking towards the life hereafter.406 The changing concept of the afterlife and the shift of political power forged novel symbolic funerary settings and arts. Hence, we see the reconstruction of a subterranean world accessed through multiple tunnels and the remodelling of guardian animal statues with wings to go with the new ideas of the afterlife in order to ensure everything was in the hands of the new political power (Figure 5.3). When the state of Qin (778–207 B.C.) eventually came to dominate and unite China it took the new burial concepts to

403 The original expression for the underworld city was youdu ৩ຟ (City of Darkness). See Zhu, Chuci jizhu, 132. 404 For detailed information on how these two entities were constructed in the minds of the Chinese, see Yu, “O Soul, Come Back”, 363–395. 405 For discussion of the concept of hun and po, see De Groot, The Religious System of China, vol. 4, 714–754, and Yu, “O Soul, Come Back”, 363–395. It is worth noting that the hun and po dualism belonged to the scholarly realm and was not a general belief about death. See K. E. Brashier, “Han Thanatology and the Division of Souls”, Early China, 21 (1996), 125–158. 406 For the shift of political power during the late Warring States period, see Michael Loewe and Edward L. Shaughnessy, eds., The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 B.C. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 717. 122 the extreme by replacing tomb guardian beasts with life-sized terracotta soldiers ready to defend a “hyperrealistic” world.407

By constructing a necropolis that was a miniature cosmos, the First Emperor of the Qin (r. 221–210 B.C.) was surely converting his wealth and power into a conceptualised world of his own imagination, a world guarded by an elaborate defence system (Figure 5.4). The terracotta guardians were not merely protective sorcery, they were also a spatial construct specially installed to comply with the emperor’s idea of the immortal realm.408 Combining a protective mechanism with the attainment of immortality prompted the use of a maximum security system around the emperor’s ideological burial site in order to bridge the gap between this world and the other world. Thenceforth, the definition of a tomb changed and the focus of the ancestral temple (worship) shifted to the cemetery, an attempt that declared a temple represented a person’s clan

407 Life-sized terracotta soldiers were placed at the entry tunnels of the First Emperor’s “hyperrealistic” world. See Ladislav Kesner, “Likeness of No One: (Re)presenting the First Emperor’s Army”, The Art Bulletin, 77, No. 1 (1995), 115–132, and Jessica Rawson, “The Power of Images: The Model Universe of the First Emperor and its Legacy”, Historical Research, 75, No. 188 (2002), 123–154. 408 For detailed assemblages of the First Emperor’s subterranean universe, see Sima, Shi ji, 265. For the symbolic meaning and function of this mechanistic universe and its association with immortality, see Berger, “Body Doubles”, 46–49, and Ledderose, Ten Thousand Things, 51–61. It is noteworthy that combining the protective mechanism with the attainment of immortality can also be traced to a record in the Shi ji of a Daoist practitioner, Lu Sheng, encouraging the First Emperor to seek the means to “repel demonic spirits in order to secure the immortals” in 212 B.C. See Sima, Shi ji, 257. 123 heritage, and a tomb demonstrated a person’s accomplishments.409 As a result, certain protective mechanisms were gradually moved from the underground burial chamber to the above-ground burial site.

According to the Fengshi wenjian ji (ca. 790), the custom of placing stone guardian animals in front of tombs of the nobility began in Qin and Han times (221 B.C.–A.D. 220).410 Despite no actual archaeological evidence of stone guardian animals in front of imperial tombs prior to the Qin dynasty, the stone animals erected before the tomb of General Huo Qubing (140–117 B.C.) provide a good example of the early expansion of the protective mechanism from underground to overground (Figure 5.5). This was the first time the

409 In regard to the shift of focal point from ancestral temple to burial tomb during the Han dynasty, see Loewe and Shaughnessy, The Cambridge History, 717. In a recent article, Jeffrey Riegel argues that judging from the lack of weapons and armour of certain terracotta soldiers in the front row of certain pits, these terracotta armies might have been intended to impress viewers rather than protect, see Jeffrey Riegel, “The Archaeology of the First Emperor’s Tomb”, Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia, 38 (2006), 94. Shen Congwen, however, specifically points out that the stone lions in front of imperial tombs are there to impress people. See Shen Congwen, Yeren xianpu: shen congwen de wenwu shijie (Savage Exposition: The Cultural World of Shen Congwen), (Beijing: Beijing chuban she, 2005), 36. Ann Paludan has Emperor Ming of Han (r. A.D. 58–75) responsible for strengthening the the importance of the imperial tombs by using the burial site as a means to bestow honours, rewards and political ties. For further details, see Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 28. 410 Feng Yan, Fengshi wenjian ji (Miscellaneous Notes of Feng Yan), (Beijing: Xueyuan chuban she, 2001), 143. This record, however, is not specific as there is no clear distinction between the funeral systems of the Qin and the Han. See Li, Rushan yu chusai, 55–56, and Yang Kuan, Zhongguo gudai lingqin zhidu shi yanjiu (Ancient Chinese Mausoleums), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1985), 78. 124

Chinese tried to incorporate the Western concept of immortality and death by using different means to convey a sense of space and time, that is to say, the material used and the style adopted in making these stone guardian figures served as a language with which to communicate with those who saw them.411 It was also during this period, especially around the first and second centuries (stones that represent the living) سွف A.D., that these shixiangsheng appeared above ground, collaborating with the protective mechanism underneath the burial site to maximise the security of imperial tombs.412 With the Daoist concept of immortality in vogue during the reign of Emperor Wu and the introduction of Buddhism during the reign of Emperor Ming (r. A.D. 58–75), the Daoist notion of a celestial court above and an underworld below was assimilated with the Buddhist concept of heaven and hell where sanctioned violence and hierarchical jurisdiction became apparent and systematic.413 This apparent distinction between a heavenly world above and a subterranean realm below can be perceived through the symbolic pictorial structure of a stone sarcophagus from Baozishan, Sichuan, dating back to the Later Han era.

411 For the stone animals as a language to convey certain messages, see Wang Kuanyu and Wu Wei, “Huo qubing mu shidiao yishu fengge chengyinΫjianlun qinhan diaosu fengge chayi de genyuan” (In the Origin of the Artistic Style of Huo Qubing’s Tomb SculptureΫand the Basic Reason for the Difference in Styles of Sculpture between the Qin and Han Dynasties), Zhengzhou qing gongye xueyuan xuebao: shehui kexue ban (Journal of Zhengzhou University of Light Industry: Social Science Edition), 6 (2006), 16–19. For the classical compass points associated with the Eastern and Western concepts of immortality, see Wolfgang Bauer, China and the Search for Happiness (New York: The Seabury Press, 1976), 95–96, and Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion (London: Sheed and Ward, 1979), 288. For the symbolic valence of wood and stone, and their association with the Eastern and Western ideas of immortality, see Wu, Monumentality, 122–130. 412 The term shixiangsheng symbolises the living; it reflects the ancient Chinese ideology of an afterlife. See Tang Yuxian, “Chen zhengmu shixiangsheng yishu yanjiu” (The Stone Sculptures in front of the Tomb of Chen Zheng), Zhangzhou zhiye daxue xuebao (Journal of Zhangzhou Technical Institute), 4 the) س stone) and sheng) ف It is interesting to note that word xiang ွ comes between shi .68 ,(2004) living), that is, the dead and the living or the imagined and the real. This echoes my previous argument about the Chinese perception of the word xiang. 413 According to the Han shu, Emperor Wu craved immortality. See Ban, Han shu, 1061. Emperor Ming’s sending an envoy to seek information on Buddhist doctrine between A.D. 58 and 75 is traditionally accepted as marking the introduction of Buddhism to China. See Wu Hung, The Wu Liang Shrine: The Ideology of Early Chinese Pictorial Art (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989), 134. As for the Buddhist influence on the Chinese afterlife, Hu Shih believed that Buddhism was responsible for introducing the ideas of tens of heavens and many hells. See Hu Shih, “The Indianization of China: A Case Study in Cultural Borrowing”, in Independence, Convergence and Borrowing in Institutions, Thought, and Art, ed. Harvard Tercentenary Conference of Arts and Sciences (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1937), 225. Joseph Needham had a similar perspective. See Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 5 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1974), 98, note c. Albert Dien, however, proposes that the Buddhist system of hells and judgment of souls was an assimilation of the Daoist concept of an afterlife adapted to the needs of the Chinese. See Dien, “Chinese Beliefs”, 9. 125

The pictorial representations on the Baozishan stone sarcophagus readily separate the cubic unit into six spatial compartments, that is, the top, bottom, left, right, front and rear, with sequential interpretation embedded. The top or lid of the stone coffin with its association with the sun, the sky and the legend of Yi, the Archer, can be read as the symbolic representation of the celestial world above (Figure 5.6); the bottom or the space underneath the lid can be interpreted as the representation of the infernal world below; the front panel with the motif of the que ᠥ (pillar-gate), however, can be discerned as marking the entrance to the subterranean territory; the side panels with the procession scenes of chariots can be thought as the interpretations of the way to the eternal passage (Figure 5.7); and the rear panel with the depiction of Fuxi and Nüwa can be seen as the union of the two universal forces yin and yang marking the final destination of the deceased (Figure 5.8).414 Consequently, the sarcophagus of Baozishan, as a whole, can be read as a symbolic representation of a microcosm where the delineation of space and time shifting

414 For further details of the pictorial art and meaning of the sarcophagus of Baozishan, see Wu Hung, “Myths and Legends in Han Funerary Art: Their Pictorial Structure and Symbolic Meanings as Reflected in Carvings on Sichuan Sarcophagi”, in Stories from China’s Past: Han Dynasty Pictorial Tomb Reliefs and Archaeological Objects from Sichuan Province, People’s Republic of China, ed. Lucy Lim (San Francisco: Chinese Culture Foundation of San Francisco, 1987), 72–74. With the same interpretation, Wu Hung also examined the Wu Liang Shrine as symbolising a universe. See Wu, The Wu Liang Shrine, 220–221. Stephen Teiser, however, focuses on the function of these pictorial representations, suggesting that the illustrations were to assist the spirit of the deceased in its journey to the other world. See Stephen F. Teiser, “Having Once Died and Returned to Life: Representations of Hell in Medieval China”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 48, No. 2 (1988), 459. 126 between the real and the imagined realms is readily shown pictorially on these Han stone panels.415

Figure 5.7: The side panel of the coffin illustrating the procession to eternity. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 158.

Figure 5.8: The front and rear panels of the Baozishan stone sarcophagus of Later Han. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 156.

415 The idea of pictorial art as a microcosm has been elaborated by Roger Bissell, who claims that a fine artist is not a mere imitator of nature but a producer who imitates nature in the process of creating a world, an imagined world-in-itself, where differentiation and integration work harmoniously. See Roger E. Bissell, “Art as Microcosm: The Real Meaning of the Objectivist Concept of Art”, The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies, 5, No. 2 (2004), 307–363. 127

To further elaborate on the spatial construct, during this time certain mythological animals were purposely placed with human figures to facilitate the funeral deployment scheme in which the animals were embedded with directional indication and sequential composition to ensure access to the other world was restricted (Figure 5.9). A typical example is the sarcophagus of Wang Hui dating back to A.D. 221, where the “Four Spiritual Animals” with their directional implications guarded the four sides of the stone coffin. The front panel of the stone coffin has two anthropomorphic figures with feathers symbolising the zhuque (Red Bird) of the south and the bixie, the demon pacifiers, which can be read as a special installation to simultaneously welcome the expected and filter the unexpected; the rear panel, on the other hand, has a xuanwu (Black Warrior), which symbolises the north, to secure the final destination of the departing soul (Figure 5.10).416 The qinglong (Azure Dragon) of the east and the baihu (White Tiger) of the west are placed symmetrically on each side of the coffin to assist the tomb owner on the way to the eternal world (Figure 5.11 & 12).417 With the introduction of the lion during this period, we witness in the underground chamber of Liu Chong (d. A.D. 125) in Huaiyang County, Henan Province (Figure 5.13), for the first time an approximately realistic reproduction of a male lion and perhaps also a lioness and two lion cubs.418

Figure 5.9: Animals and human motifs marked the entrance of certain burial sites. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 126 and 128.

416 For the symbolic representation of these two mythological animals, see Wu, “Myths and Legends”, 75. 417 Ibid. Chen Hua, however, proposes that the four mythological animals were not related to the cardinal directions but to the tomb owner’s personal religious belief, an argument which needs more empirical evidence. See Chen Hua, “Cong wanghui shiguan tan wanghui shengqian de xinyang” (Wang Hui’s Sarcophagus and his Personal Beliefs), Sichuan wenwu, 6 (2003), 80–81. 418 Dittrich, “The Spread of the Lion”, 37. For details of these lion figurines, see Zhoukou and Huaiyang, “Henan huaiyang beiguan”, 34–46. 128

Figure 5.10: The rear and front panels of Wang Hui’s sarcophagus. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 178 and 179.

Figure 5.11: The side panel with the “Azure Dragon” from Wang Hui’s sarcophagus. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 180.

Figure 5.12: The side panel with the “White Tiger” from Wang Hui’s sarcophagus. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China’s Past, 181.

129

5.2 The Assimilation of the Lion Motif with the Tomb Guardian Beast

The backs of the lion figurines in this underground chamber of Liu Chong were contoured into an “L” shape to support other burial goods. Their short stylised manes indicate Indian influences.419 However, as part of the tomb burial furnishings, mingqi, these figurines were meant to facilitate both the burial chamber and the owner of the tomb. Given the symmetrical arrangement and immediate flanking sequence in which these ferocious beasts are positioned, it seems plausible that the Han Chinese purposely placed them in a similar position to the “Four Spiritual Animals” in order to establish the lion’s credibility in guarding the tomb and its supporting role of escorting the departing soul to its heavenly abode. That is, instead of four different kinds of guardian animals stationed at four different directions of hyperrealistic space, two lions standing in front of the entry point of the conceptual space were considered powerful enough to ensure the safety of tomb owners on their way to eternity. Not surprisingly, when the lions were “moved” above ground to communicate with their actual audiences, their size, scale and look needed to be redefined and rearranged.

419 For classification of the lion’s mane, see Dittrich, “The Spread of the Lion”, 35–37. 130

Some early examples of stone guardian animals associated with the lion and placed above ground near the entrance to noble tombs during the Later Han dynasty are those in front of the tombs of Wu Liang (A.D. 147), Gao Yi (ca. A.D. 209), and Yang Tong (second century A.D.). These tomb guardian lions were often erected symmetrically in front of the tombs as a protective vessel to assist the deceased to the world of eternity.420 The earliest example is the Wu Liang Shrine dating back to A.D. 147 (Figure 5.14).421 These stone beasts closely resemble real lions and are indeed lions, as the inscription on the western stone pillar-gate states they were made by a craftsman named Sun Zong (Figure 5.15).422 This not only indicates the popularity, skill, and authority of the craftsman, it also signifies certain expectations of these stone monuments, that is, the political intent and ideology of the Wu family.423

420 In Chinese mortuary settings, the entrance to the tomb represents the crucial threshold of the deceased’s way to the afterlife and the sacred centre. See Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 248. 421 Wu, The Wu Liang Shrine, 26. The inscription states that the shizi 㡑ؑ ՗(stone lions) produced by Sun cost 40,000 qian ᙒ. The term 422 shizi 㡑ؑ ՗ has been identified as equivalent to shizi ᅐ՗ (lion), see Yan Wenru, “Guanzhong hantang lingmu shike ticai jiqi fengge” (On the Subjects and Styles of Stone Inscriptions in Han and Tang Tombs and Mausoleums in the Guanzhong Area), Kaogu yu wenwu, 3 (1986), 95, Xu and Yang, Zhongguo shizi, 12, and Lin, Hantang xiyu, 93. 423 In Mieke Bal and Norman Bryson’s view, authorship is an elaborate work of framing, which not only designates an individual, but also implies a whole range of qualities, expectations and characteristics. See Mieke Bal and Norman Bryson, “Semiotics and Art History”, The Art Bulletin, 73, No. 2 (1991), 180. For the Wu family’s use of stone monumental reliefs to express their political ideology, see Wu, The Wu Liang Shrine, 218–230. 131

Figure 5.15: The stone inscription on the pillar-gate of the Wu Liang Shrine: Sui Zong, Jing Xing, and Kai Ming commissioned the masons Meng Fu and Li Mao to build the pillar-gate. The cost was 150,000 qian. Sun Zong (is the one who) made the (stone) lions, which cost 40,000 qian. Source: Lin Meicun, Hantang xiyu yu zhongguo wenming (The Western Regions of the Han- Tang Dynasties and Chinese Civilisation), (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1998), 93.

As a centre for social gatherings and an opportunity to demonstrate filial piety, during the Later Han period the shrine had dual characteristics.424 First, it was a place to instill moral and social values; second, it was a place to incur actual benefit for the family members of the deceased.425 Therefore, it is understandable that the Wu family would spend a considerable part of their fortune to build a family shrine and the enclosed monuments.426 These monumental structures—a pair of stone pillar-gates and a pair of stone lions— flanking both sides of the path approaching the burial site to the axis of the burial mound became the focal point of the family shrine (Figure 5.16). Despite the animal’s foreign origin, these stone lions with their massive neck, short legs and wings on their shoulders427 fronting those who approached the burial site

424 For the role of shrines during Later Han, see Wu, The Wu Liang Shrine, 227. 425 Ibid. 426 Not everyone could afford to build a family shrine. According to Wu Hung, during Later Han a family shrine would generally cost ten to thirty thousand qian. There was certainly a reason the Wu family spent 40,000 qian on the stone lions and another 150,000 qian on the pillar-gates. See Wu, The Wu Liang Shrine, 226–227. 427 Some scholars, however, cite archaeological evidence in arguing that wings were an indigenous feature of mythological animals dating to much earlier than the Han dynasty and should therefore not be attributed to western influence. See Thorp, Son of Heaven, 189, and Li, “Lun zhongguo”, 62–134, and Gu and Huang, “Zhongguo zaoqi”, 36–39. 132 seem to have dictated the fundamental style features of tomb guardian beasts for succeeding generations.428

Figure 5.16: The arrangement of the stone lions in relation to the shrine and the burial mound in the Wu Liang Shrine. Source: Wu Hung, The Wu Liang Shrine, 31.

During the Six Dynasties, regulations were drawn up for three distinct types of tomb guardian beast to be placed in front of the entrance to the imperial tombs to defend the imperial family’s property and escort their departing souls safely to the other world (Figure 5.17). These fabulous beasts incorporated the fundamental features of the Han guardian lion, yet in a more intricate and systematic way.429 Hence, they were often classified according to how elaborate the horn on their head was and the social status of the tomb owner.430 These mythological animals standing guard on imperial mausoleums with all the blessings of the celestial world were called tianlu or qilin. On the other hand, the fantastic creatures stationed before the tombs of the nobility were called bixie and were given the subordinate role of guarding the tombs of those lower in the

428 Osvald Sirén, Chinese Sculpture from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century (New York: Hacker Art Books, 1970), 32. 429Scholars such as Luo Zongzhen, Liu Fengjun, Xu Huadang, Yang Guchan and Shen Congwen agree that the lion was the prototype for these mythological zhenmushou. See Luo Zongzhen, “Nanjing xishan qiao youfang cun nanchao damu de fajue” (Excavation of a Large Southern Dynasty Tomb at Youfang Village, Xishanqiao, Nanjing), Kaogu (Archaeology), 82, No. 6 (1963), 300, Liu Fengjun, “Donghan nanchao lingmu qian shishou zaoxing chutan” (Inquiry into the Stones in the Shape of Animals at Eastern Han and Southern Dynasties Tombs and Mausoleums), Kaogu yu wenwu, 3 (1986), 87, Xu and Yang, Zhongguo shizi, 17, and Shen, Yeren xianpu, 28. Local people who live within the precinct of these imperial tombs are accustomed to referring to these monolithic animals as “dashizi” Օᅐ՗ (big lions) ᅐ՗ (stone lions), confirming their lion-like look. However, some scholars suggest thatف ”and “shishizi these tomb guardian animals are a different genre. See Yao and Gu, Liuchao yishu, 2–3, Yang, Zhongguo gudai, 151–153, Lin, Hantang xiyu, 96–101, and Lin, “Zhongguo shi wenhua”, 182–184. 430 The horns on the stone animals of the Six Dynasties period, however, have sometimes been interpreted as being the comb of a bird. See Osvald Sirén, “An Exhibition of Early Chinese Sculptures-II”, The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs, 53, No. 307 (1928), 184. 133 imperial heirarchy.431 However, it is interesting to note that the term bixie focuses not only on the animal’s ability to attack, bi ሌ, but also on the animal’s ability to defend, bi ᝩ.432 The deliberate emphasis on the power of the bixie instead of on the animal being given a mandate from the celestial world, as was the case with the auspicious tianlu and qilin tending the imperial tombs, and the special attention given to the bixie’s close association with the physical appearance of the lion in order to disconnect the animal from its heavenly counterparts might have contributed to the lion’s popularity in popular culture.

According to Zhu Xizu (1879–1945), the bixie began to be associated with the lion with the introduction of the lion during the Han dynasty.433 That is, people naturally associated the mystical quadruped with a shaggy mane covering its head down to its chest standing guard before the tombs of the nobility in the Six Dynasties with the lion that was often depicted as a fantastic animal with side-

431 Scholars are still debating the naming of these stone beasts. Zhu Xizu proposes that beasts with a single horn are tianlu, with double horns bixie, and the hornless are fuba ฤࢸ, see Zhu, “Tianlu bixie”, 183–199. Zhu Xie argues that those with one horn should be called qilin, with two horns tianlu, and with no horn bixie, see Zhu Xie, “Liuchao lingmu diaocha baogao” (An Investigation of the Tombs of the Six Dynasties), in Liuchao lingmu diaocha baogao, 98–99. Yao Qian and Gu Bing believe the single-horned creatures are qilin, the double-horned tianlu, and the hornless the lion, see Yao and Gu, Liuchao yishu, 3. Yang Kuan suggests that all stone beasts with horns should be called qilin and those without should be called bixie, see Yang, Zhongguo gudai, 94, note 65. I have here adopted Zhu Xie’s argument, which is the most quoted, that describes stone beasts with a single horn as qilin, with double horns as tianlu, and hornless animals resembling the lion as bixie. 432 According to He Peifu, the term bixie ሌߵ is equivalent to bixie ᝩߵ; however, the former is often associated with active resistance, whereas the latter has a more passive sense. See He Peifu, Taiwan de minsu bixie wu (The Exorcists of Evil in Taiwan), (Tainan: Tainan shizhengfu, 2001), 9. 433 Zhu, “Tianlu bixie”, 184. 134 whiskers and a bushy tail.434 The lion may have always been the “kingly beast” in the West, but in Chinese minds it was certainly associated with fabulous imperial creatures of much higher status and power.435 Although this might have had an impact on the stereotypical appearance of the tomb guardian lion in later periods, the arrangement and architectural setting of these lion-like beasts can also be seen as reflecting the fears and anxieties of the nobility of the Six Dynasties period about the afterlife.

The Six Dynasties was a time of political strife and social upheaval, when “white bones covered the countryside and no cocks crowed within a thousand li” was a common scene.436 The constant struggle between power and paralysis, life and death, and freedom and bondage therefore prompted people to pursue some certainty beyond this uncertain and shaky world. That is, by siting two lion guardians facing each other and giving them fantastic features from the celestial world and extraordinary proportions to differentiate them from the lion of the real world, the nobility were issuing further guarantees for their journey to the next life. This kind of guarantee revealed their general attitude, which was a willingness to compromise with whatever means it took to secure their path to the life hereafter. Therefore, the conceptual spiritual path of Han nobility, which they thought would safely direct them to the world beyond, was reconstructed during the Six Dynasties to cope with the changing social circumstances of this unstable time.

434 According to Meng Kang (third century A.D.), the commentator on the Han shu, the lion looked like a tiger, was yellowish in tone and had side-whiskers and a bushy tail. For Meng’s commentary, see Ban, Han shu, 3889. Rawson has compared the small lion on the celebrated column of the Six Dynasties period with Asoka’s and has also concluded that the stone animal, the bixie, is the lion. See Rawson, Chinese Ornament, 111. However, Lin Weigong has suggested that the bixie is not the lion. See Lin, “Zhongguo shi wenhua”, 182. 435 Helen E. Fernald, “Two Colossal Stone Chimeras from a Chinese Tomb”, The Museum Journal, 18, No. 2 (1927), 166. This can be reconfirmed by classical tales of the Ming dynasty, such as the Shuyuan zaji (ca. 1465–1487), Wu zazu (ca. 1618), and Yuzhitang tanhui (seventeenth century), which associate the lion with certain indigenous mythological creatures. For further details, see Lu, Shuyuan zaji, 17–18, Xie, Wu zazu, 238–240, and Xu, “Yuzhitang tanhui”, 370. 436 Quoted from a poem by Cao Cao (A.D. 155–220) in the Meide licheng. The original expression is baigu biyu ye, qianli wu jiming” ػ೎ᓈ࣍ມΔՏߺྤᠪᏓ. See Li Zehou, Meide licheng (The Path of“ Beauty), (Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chuban she, 2001), 150. 135

5.3 The “Spirit Road” from Han to the Six Dynasties

The noble families of Han liked to place stone lions symmetrically on both sides of tomb entry ways as protective devices to assist the deceased into eternity. These stone beasts with manes were arranged from the vantage point of the nobility to echo entry to the imperial palace via a pavement called the yudao ൗ ሐ (Imperial Path), a special processional path reserved for the emperor. This path was recognised as a symbol of political power and social status. The Han Chinese tried to re-create this arrangement, according the same honour to the occupant of the tomb by setting up a similar path called the shendao 壀ሐ (Spirit Road) and reconstructing the burial site as a mimesis of a palace.437 Three pairs of stone monuments were erected alongside the spirit path in front of the graves, where a pair of stone pillar-gates (que) were assigned to the frontmost place on the path followed by two stone guardian beasts and two memorial stelae (Figure 5.18). The sequence of this arrangement was a declaration of two different places in time: the pillars-gates, which formed an entry point for the living, were also a point of departure for the dead;438 the stone beasts, which faced each other, were the monitors of the living and the “ride” the dead took to the other world;439 and finally the stone stelae were there to honour the dead and enhance the reputation of the living according to Confucian morality.440 As

437 Paludan holds a similar view about the association of the spirit path with the imperial path. However, Paludan’s imperial path refers to the path to the sacrificial hall not the imperial palace. See Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 28–29. Her view might be valid because the path to the sacrificial hall often copied the path of the Big Dipper, which is irregular in shape. See Li Hongbin, “Ditan yudao zhi mi” (The Myth of the Temple of Earth and Imperial Path), Beijing difang zhi (Beijing Local Chronicles), 1 (2005), 26–27. It is worth noting that the spiritual path for the emperor used to be called the xiandao ᆡሐ (Admired Road) and the shendao (Spirit Road) was the path for the nobility before the terms merged during the Liang dynasty, see Zhu Xizu, “Shendao beijie kao” (Comprehensive Studies of the Stelae on the Spirit Road), in Liuchao lingmu diaocha baogao, 202–203. 438 For the symbolic indications of the pillar-gates, see Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 29–40. 439 For the stone beasts as the ride to the other world, see Zhang and Zhang, “Xuchang handai”, 75, Yoshimura Chisako, “Zhongguo muzang zhong dujiao lei zhenmushou de puxi” (Register of the Chinese One-Horned Tomb Guardian Beast), trans. Liu Zhendong, Kaogu yu wenwu, 2 (2007), 99–107, Yang, “Chushi zhenmushou”, 55, and Sun, “Nanyang handai”, 43. 440 For funerary art to display individual piety and conscience in order to enhance one’s reputation or secure official position, see Martin J. Powers, Art and Political Expression in Early China (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 42–43. For the association between filial piety and ancestral worship, see Dien, “Chinese Beliefs”, 1–2. Lydia Thompson, however, argues that the promotion of Confucian ideology in Chinese mortuary art might not have been a primary concern in the popular culture of Later Han times; it was the tomb’s function as a cosmic diagram that mattered. See Lydia Thompson, “Confucian Paragon or Popular Deity? Legendary Heroes in a Late-Eastern Han Tomb”, Asia Major, 12, No. 2 (1999), 1–38. 136 a result, the spatial and sequential significance of the Spirit Road merged with the Chinese concept of this world and the other world, where both the dead and the guardian animals served as the central pivot in the link between the two worlds.441 The idea of placing guardian beasts on a tomb approach spread rapidly throughout the imperial house and from the emperor downwards.442 Hence, we see certain pictorial and figurative represenations of mythological animals depending on and collaborating with each other in a symbolic structure to undertake for officials of a lower class the pictorial scheme of the spirit path to their ideological world.443

Grand Administrator) named Yang) ښ֜ For instance, in Later Han a Taishou Mengyuan had the entry to his burial chamber framed with guardian figures with horns and wings to ensure his safety on the way to the afterlife (Figure 5.19).444

441 For further details on the interaction between the Confucian concept of this world and the other world, and the roles of the dead and animals, see Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 29–40. 442 Ibid., 29. 443 In Wu Hung’s view, a pictorial motif did not exist independently in imperial times but was purposely composed with other motifs to decorate a funerary setting. See Wu, “Myths and Legends”, 73. 444 The translation of Taishou is borrowed from Wagner, see Wagner, A Classical Chinese Reader, 20. The inscription, juwen ⪨֮ or yunjuwen ճ⪨ె (inscribed pattern), on the doorway was a cloud and mythological animals. See Sun, “Jizhong handai”, 64. The term ju ⪨ originally referred to the poles of a rack for bells or musical instruments decorated with monstrous animals, see Wei, Sui shu, 198. However, it has also been used for certain ferocious animals. For the definition of ju, see Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 103. 137

Two more mythological horned beasts with their bushy tails flung high and the points of their horns in a combat position to discourage unlawful entry were set in relief on the door panels to guard the entry way. The door rings (pushou ᔮଈ) in the middle were decorated with the heads of imaginary monsters with gaping jaws. On top of these two monsters, the zhuque of the “Four Spiritual Animals” hinting at the cardinal direction of the entrance, that is, the south, were ready with their wings flapping wide to accompany the departing soul to the next stage of his life. However, social turmoil and class confrontation erupted throughout China following the fall of the Han dynasty. The stone monuments on the spirit path to the imperial tombs, which the nobility embraced with forlorn hope, increased in size with certain adjustments in the deployment of the guardian animals to accord with their quest for a better afterlife.

During the Six Dynasties, Confucian morality collapsed and the entire ideological realm—philosophy, religion, art and literature—assumed a more metaphysical stance due to the political turmoil and social upheaval.445 The spirit path, which marked out territory that was simultaneously inside and

For the ju as a ferocious animal, see Xijingfu ۫ࠇᓿ (Rhapsody on the Western Capital) by Zhang Heng (A.D. 78–139) in Zhou Qicheng et al. eds., Xinyi zhaoming wenxuan (New Interpretation on Selected Works from the Time of Prince Zhaoming), (Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1997), 60. 445 For information on the ideological realm of the Six Dynasties, see Li, Meide licheng, 121–142. 138 outside all places, also contested the existence of this unstable period, turning a square and fortified enclosure into an open landscape involving practical and conceptual complexities (Figure 5.20). Three changes can be observed. The first was that the pillar-gates became stone pillars and were shifted, along with the guardian beasts. The second was that the spirit path was extended from the guardian animals to the grave and became long and winding. The third was mirror-image inscriptions on the stone pillars to connote two different writings from two different worlds. I would argue that these changes were made to maximise the security of the imperial burial ground and reflect Daoist ideas in a futile attempt to secure wealth for the nobility and fulfil their dreams.

Figure 5.20: The different compositions of the “Spirit Road” in the Han and the Six Dynasties. Source: Ann Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 242.

139

The new stone pillars officially marked the physical boundary between this world and the world beyond, whereas the imaginary perimeter had previously been defined by the concrete “walled” pillar-gates. This change created a feeling of space and unity unknown to Han tombs. The visual effect extended to the guardian animals, which were brought to the foreground of the spirit path and dominated the panoramic scene of the burial site with their enlarged physical size and increased spiritual features (Figure 5.21). The powerful imagery of this new combination enhanced the animal’s sorcerous power, strengthened the burial site’s defence and inspired further social and political interpretations (Figure 5.22).446 We read from the dynasty’s official history that in 546 the mythological beasts in front of the mausoleum of Emperor Xiao Shunzhi (ca. 444-494) came to life and started to dance in response to a fangxiangshi ֱઌՓ (necromancer), who would enter a state of ecstacy prior to engaging with evil spirits.447 These guardian animals located a huge serpent within the burial precinct and started to fight with the evil reptile. Eventually, they managed to secure the imperial mausoleum, sustaining only minor injury.448 This dynastic “history” is also recorded in the Yuxin ji (compiled in 579), where it is called the fight of the qilin in front of the Eastern Mausoleum, connoting how mythical events were used to reflect the political situation, that is, the collapse of the Liang empire (502–557).449

446 For the stone beast’s awe-inspring nature, see Qian Wei, “Youmei de zhenshe zhe: nanchao diling shike shenshou ji yishu tese” (The Awe-inspiring Creature: The Artistic Characteristics of the Stone Animals on the Southern Dynasty’s Imperial Tomb), Meishu daguan (Art Panorama), 11 (2005), 80–81. For the animal as a political indicator, see Wu, Monumentality, 253. Hubert Delahaye, however, makes the interesting proposal that statues in China do not reflect a divine reality. See Hubert Delahaye, “Les Antécédents magiques des statues chinoises”, Revue d’esthétique, 5 (1983), 45–53 quoted from Faure, “The Buddhist Icon”, 780. 447 For the exorcisms and ritual processes of the necromancer, see Sun, “Zhouli zhengyi”, 2493–2495. For their association with dance, see Chen, “Shangdai de shenhua”, 568–570. 448 The record can be found in both the Sui shu and the Jiankang shilu (ca. 756). See Wei, Sui shu, 642– 643 and Xu Song, Jiankang shilu (Veritable Records of Jiankang), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 688. তᓿ (Lament for the South), this is recorded in the Yuxin ji of Yu XinۂTitled “Ai jiangnan fu” ঩ 449 (513–581). For the full poem, see Yu Xin, Yu zishan jizhu (The Collected Works of Yu Zishan), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), 94–176. 140

Figure 5.21: The colossal guardian lions in front of the tomb of Xiao Ji of the Liang dynasty (505–529). Source: Victor Segalen, The Great Statuary of China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 94.

Figure 5.22: The intricate patterns on Six Dynasties' tomb guardian lions bearing certain spiritual powers. Source: Ann Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 71.

Increasing the distance between the guardian animals and the burial mound met certain practical needs and religious beliefs. The underground chambers during this period were often located on a mountainous site for two practical reasons. First, the path from the entry way to the burial mound was intended to “hide” the tomb for security reasons, in which case the long and winding path was ambiguous and often led nowhere.450 Second, the purpose of extending the spirit path to a mountainous area was to keep the tomb from being

450 Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 60. This strategy seems to have worked well, as some burial tombs of the Six Dynasties have yet to be found or identified. 141 drained.451 Daoist ideas of flowing movement also had a certain impact on the increased distance and curving contour of the spirit path; the feeling of openness merged with the natural scenery and the way to the eternal can be associated with the Daoist practice of daoyin ᖄ֧ (guiding and pulling) that was believed to prevent aging and lead the body to a meditative state.452

The use of reversed inscriptions on the stone pillars to indicate the tomb owner marked the final way to the spirit world. The Chinese characters were chiseled into the stone pillars in two ways: one coherent and readable, and the other individual and illegible, that is, a reverse image of the readable one (Figure 5.23). This kind of real and imagined arrangement was, in Wu Hung’s view, to suit both the world of the dead and the world of the living, as the living would read the text in the “normal” position, that is, in front of the stone pillars, and the dead would read the text from the “other” side of the pillars, that is, from the “back” of the pillars looking at it as if the stone was transparent.453 In this sense, the stone pillars functioned as a gate signifying both the severing and the conjunction of two different worlds. Consequently, one imagines that only when the living in this world and the dead on the other side were reading the texts simultaneously would their real meaning become evident and the ultimate power of the stone pillars be revealed. However, not only did the lion’s efficacy reflect on the spirit path above ground, certain changes had been made to transform the burial chamber underground in comformity with this royal beast.

451 Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 60. 452 During the Han dynasty, certain Daoist gymnastic exercises called daoyin were believed to prevent aging and extend the lifespan. These practices involved flowing movements of the body coupled with the breath in order to purify the soul. This can be regarded as another example of how people in the Six Dynasties mixed the real and the imagined. See Catherine Despeux, “Gymnastics: The Ancient Tradition”, ed. Livia Kohn and Yoshinobu Sakade, Taoist Meditation and Logevity Techniques (Ann Arbor: Center For Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1989), 225–261. 453 Wu, Monumentality, 254–255. 142

5.4 Reconciling the Protective Forces of Daoism and Buddhism

Archaeological evidence has shown that the lion motif was already being used in underground chambers during the Six Dynasties period. The animal motif on brick reliefs of an anonymous tomb of the Qi dynasty (479–502) is a realistic representation of a male lion, with a long flowing mane, gaping jaws, and a tongue lolling down to its chest, that resonates with its monumental counterpart above ground, the bixie (Figure 5.24).454 The monolithic guardian bixie is striding, conveying a tension and agility like that of tomb-protecting beasts of the Han dynasty. The lion on the brick reliefs underground, on the other hand, has a slender body, narrow waist, and a tail held high, giving it a graceful and elegant look that was characteristic of the imperial family but lacking in the kingly beast’s predecessors. Furthermore, this royal guardian in relief on bricks

454 The tomb might have belonged to Xiao Baojuan (483–501) of the Qi dynasty, see Nanjing bowuguan, “Jiangsu danyangxian huqiao, jianshan liangzuo nanchao muzang” (Two Southern Dynasty Tombs at Huqiao and Jianshan, Danyang County, Jiangsu Province), Wen Wu, 285, No. 2 (1980), 9–10. 143 was often depicted at the entry way of the burial chamber with other guardian forces and Daoist philosophers such as the wushi ࣳՓ (warrior), feitian ଆ֚ ,(flying deity), yuren 壅Գ (feathered man), siling ؄ᨋ (Four Spiritual Animals) ࣥԮᔃ (seven sages of the bamboo grove) and Rong Qiqi, inێ zhulin qixian sequential order.455 The flanking position of the lions, their “iconic” represention, and their absolute foremost placement among the various escorting guardians of the imperial tombs not only amplify this ferocious beast’s leading role in tomb guardianship but also signify the growing interest in combining Daoist and Buddhist motifs in an afterlife scheme.456

455 Ibid., 4–6. The term feitian (apsaras in Sanskrit) appears as early as in the Luoyang jialan ji (ca. 547). See Fan, Luoyang jialan ji, 88. 456 The term “iconic” representation is borrowed from Wu Hung, who proposes that it was due to Indian Buddhist influences that Han Chinese of the first century A.D. began to use compositional symmetry and frontality of the central icon in pictorial art on the assumption there was a direct relationship between viewer and the icon. See Wu, The Wu Liang Shrine, 133. It is important to note that the merging of Buddhism and Daoism began during the reign of Emperor Huan of Han (r. A.D. 147–167), as a memorial presented to him in A.D. 166 depicted Buddha as part of the Daoist pantheon. See Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 178, and Fan, Houhan shu, 1082. 144

The increasing Buddhist influence on otherwordly constructs can be seen from the gradual intermingling of Buddhist and Daoist elements in imperial tombs between the Liu Song (420–479) and the Liang (502–557) dynasties. For instance, portrayals of flying immortals in underground chambers have the look of a Daoist immortal (yuren) but are dressed in a Buddhist costume, with no feathers.457 Furthermore, these flying figures have the likeness of a Buddhist deva (feitian) but the slim face of a Daoist practitioner, without the encircling aureole or halo.458 In addition, the symbolic representation of eternity in the ౻ (Heavenlyט hands of the flying immortals has changed from the xiancao Weeds) of Daoist origin to the Buddhist-influenced lotus iconography.459 Similar lotus ornaments also appear on the decorative patterns around the lion image on the brick reliefs, in combination with peony leaves and the animal’s flame- like tail in order to convey the celestial character of this royal beast.460 However, the half-palmette shape representing the lion’s mane is not meant simply to harmonise with the animal’s flame-like tail and the surrounding floreate patterns, it also reveals the prevailing Buddhist influence on Chinese mortuary art.

In Buddhist sutras, the lion depicted as the incarnation of Buddha is called the lion of the kyas, symbolising the power, teachings and preaching of Buddha.461 Hence, the lion’s physical appearance—the shape of its head, the size of its eyes and the length of its jaw and muzzle—is frequently taken as a symbolic representation of Buddha.462 The lion’s mane in particular, which is

457 Lu Yongze, “Dunhuang feitian tuxiang de yanhua” (The Evolution of Feitian Painting in Dunhuang), Anyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Anyang Normal University), 3 (2007), 145. 458 Ibid. ౻ (Red Weeds), see Sun, Sun Zuoyun wenji, 578. For the changeڹ Xiancao is also known as zhucao 459 of xiancao to lotus, see Lin Shuzhong, “Zaitan nanchaomu qixian yu Rong Qiqi zhuanyin bihua” (Rethinking the Brick Frescos of the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove and Rong Qiqi of the Southern Dynasties Period), Nanjing shizhi (Nanjing Local History), 19, No. 1 (2005), 17. According to Nancy Thompson, the lotus icon was associated with Buddhism as it was introduced to China during the Six Dynasties. See Thompson, “The Evolution of the T’ang”, 35. According to Lydia Thompson, the lotus flower is the Buddhist representation of heaven. See Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 182. 460 According to Rawson, the undulating scrolls of the peony leaves, lotus flowers and flame patterns can be associated with the clouds, which suggest an atmosphere of the heavens and immortality. See Rawson, Chinese Ornament, 63–88. 461 Rawson, Animals in Art, 56. Also Fotuo jiaoyu jijin hui, Dazheng xinxiu, 16: 222, 25: 111, 51: 205. 462 According to the Yuzhitang tanhui, the lion is one of the sanshier xiang ԿԼԲઌ (thirty-two images) of Buddha. See Xu, “Yuzhitang tanhui”, 99. For the analogy between the lion’s facial features and the Buddha’s, see Fotuo jiaoyu jijin hui, Dazheng xinxiu, 25: 244. 145 associated with Buddha’s hair,463 is not merely essential in identifying this royal beast, it is a prominent feature distinguishing it from other ferocious felines.464 In the hands of the Six Dynasties’ artist this particular feature of the lion was shaped into a half-palmette, which was imbued with fruitful Buddhist connotations.

In Buddhist art, the half-palmette shape is often used to to frame Buddhist deities or Bodhisattvas to enliven their image.465 The rounded contour was originally intended to express the notion of a halo of light, but in time the half- palmette leaf came to correspond with Buddhist motifs such as lotus petals, flamboyant clouds, and scrolled leaf patterns, which conjured up a heavenly realm or a world of immortality that people sought after death (Figure 5.25).466 It was easy to angle the plant forms and heavenly motifs from a frontal view of the tomb guardian lions of the Six Dynasties, where the shaggy mane encircling the head down to the chest formed a half-palmette shape with its scrolls and volutes radiating from the central bifurcation of the tongue right down to the chest (Figure 5.26). This radiating pattern established a continuum between the shape of the tongue and the mane or, better, the general frontal contour of the lion led to the conceptualisation of a path from the material world to the spiritual realm, whereby the tongue signified the opening of another world and the scrolled cloud patterns indicated the celestial world with all its heavenly blessings. The interest in Buddhist elements and motifs reached its zenith during the reign of Emperor Xuan of Chen (r. 569–582), when portrayals of tomb guardian forces and Daoist worthies such as the wushi, feitian, yuren and zhulin qixian were no longer in fashion.467 However, spiritual animals and the realistic lion continued to be the favourite motif throughout Sui and Tang.

463 Both Bai Huawen and Zhang Yongpan have claimed that the lion’s mane is associated with Buddha’s hair. See Bai, “Shizi yu shizi hou”, 39, and Zhang, “Shizi ruhua”, 64. 464 Anita Glass, Luo Zongzhen, Jessica Rawson, Edith Dittrich, and Zhang Xin all agree that the lion’s mane is its distinguishing feature. See Anita Glass, “A Medieval Bronze Lion”, Gesta, 1 (1963), 1, Luo, “Nanjing xishan”, 300, Rawson, Chinese Ornament, 111, Dittrich, “The Spread of the Lion”, 37, and Zhang Xin, “Tangdai lingmu shizi de yishu tese” (The Distinct Art of Tang Tomb Lions), in Qianling wenhua yanjiu (The Qianling Tomb Culture), ed. Fan Yingfeng (Xian: Sanqin chuban she, 2005), 153. 465 Rawson, Chinese Ornament, 65. 466 Ibid., 65–66. 467 Li Ruoqing, “Shifou wei nanchao zangzhi jiqi qizhi niandaiΫguanyu zhulin qixian yu rong qiqi huaxiangzhuan de liangge wenti” (A Start and End Date for a Southern Dynasties Burial System—Two Questions Raised by Bricks Decorated with the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove and Rong Qiqi), 146

Figure 5.25: Two Buddhist statues from Eastern Wei (534–550) with the half-palmette leaf indicating a halo or a heavenly world. Source: Osvald Sirén, Chinese Sculpture from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century (New York: Hacker Art Books, 1970), plates 186 and 198.

Figure 5.26: Tomb guardian lions of the Liang dynasty (502–557) in Nanjing, Jiangsu Province. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2005.

The lion motif first appeared on a series of cosmic bronze mirrors as part of funeral furnishings from the Sui dynasty (581–618) and extended to the Tang

Zhejiang yishu zhiye xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Zhejiang Vocational Academy of Art), 3, No. 4 (2005), 106–107. 147 dynasty.468 While lion-like mythological creatures had already appeared on bronze mirrors during the Three Kingdoms and Six Dynasties period (220–589), these Sui and Tang lions were less fantastic and more realistic (Figure 5.27). Furthermore, they were often in accordance or competition with the Four Spiritual Animals within the setting of the mirror’s four axial fields accompanied ֭چby the symbolic representation of the Chinese calendar, the shier dizhi ԼԲ (Twelve Earthly Branches), and textual inscriptions (Figure 5.28).469 This kind of arrangement not only declared the lion a “directional animal”, it also indicated its role as a messenger of time, which coordinated with the space clearly defined by the basic pattern of the mirror. With the introduction of the intriguing musical performance from Central Asia the “Dance of the Five Lions”, an additional celestial pole was added to the spatial pattern of the cosmic mirror to accommodate the “fifth” lion.

Figure 5.27: The realistic renderings of the lion motif on a bronze cosmic mirror of the Sui dynasty. Source: Alexander Coburn Soper, “The Jen Shou Mirrors”, Artibus Asiae, 29, No. 1 (1967), 64.

468 Cammann, “The Lion and Grape”, 270. Thompson further points out that the mirror decorated with the lion motif appeared before A.D. 611. See Thompson, “The Evolution of the T’ang”, 36. It is worth remembering that since the Han dynasty the cosmic bronze mirror itself had long been constructed according to the Chinese cosmography. See Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 158–162. 469 Cammann, “The Lion and Grape”, 270, and Soper, “The Jen Shou Mirrors”, 60. For the meanings of the inscriptions on some early bronze mirrors, see Bernhard Karlgren, “Chinese Mirror Inscriptions”, The Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 6 (1934), 9–79. 148

The concept of using five spiritual animal motifs (wuling նᨋ) to represent the five cardinal directions of the Chinese ideological universe had already gained popularity during the Han dynasty.470 This ideology was closely related to the Five Elements, which had assumed primacy in the later Warring States period, but it was the people of Han who systemised the theoretical framework of the Five Elements and extended their association to such things as legendary rulers, the cardinal directions, musical tones, time zones, organs, colours, the seasons, virtues, and spiritual animals that accorded with the Chinese cosmological scheme.471 The saying “(when) the sages make bronze mirrors; they make the mirrors with the spiritual energy induced from the Five Elements”472 was especially influential in providing legitimacy for the use of five spiritual animals to represent the five spatial constructs of the cosmic mirror. Consequently, when the dance of the five lions was introduced to China in A.D. 568 by a troupe of Guizi (Kuchan) court musicians, the five-part symbolism of the dance was ultimately changed and was put to use in the cosmic mirrors of Sui and

470 Sun, “Jizhong handai”, 65–66. 471 For these associations, see He, “Huainanzi jishi”, 183–195. However, the association of the five directions with five colours had its origin in the Shangshu (ca. 772–476 B.C.), which says that the legendary ruler associated the lands under heaven with five directions and five colours in order to assign them to the regional lords. See Kong, “Shangshu chengyi”, 143. ᢴօΔ࠷௛࣍ն۩. It was܂The original sentence is shengren zhi zuojing xi, quqi yu wuxing ᆣԳհ 472 an inscription from a Han bronze cosmic mirror. See Sun, “Jizhong handai”, 67. 149

Tang, with the central boss of the mirror moulded into a lion signifying the axis of the universe to echo the lions on the other four cardinal directions of the bronze work (Figure 5.29).473 It was more because of the lion’s political significance at this particular period, when China was again reunited and had regained its power and authority over all things under heaven, that this exotic beast was accepted to guard the five cardinal positions of this powerful kingdom instead of the “traditional” Chinese spiritual animals.

With the re-unification of the nation in the Sui dynasty and the stable economic development of early Tang, the Chinese had finally emerged from nearly four centuries of civil wars, foreign invasions, and political chaos.474 This was a time when depictions of the world at peace and a better future would be much appreciated and admired. Hence, taiping ֜ؓ (universal peace) was depicted symbolically through the interpretation of imported goods and things that were considered novel, strange and luxurious and that would be recognised only in times of prosperity. That is why imported birds, animals and fruit were depicted in mortuary art in an effort to convince both the living and the dead that the world they were living in or were about to enter belonged to a happy and

473 Kucha was an ancient Buddhist kingdom on a branch of the Silk Road. For the introduction of the Dance of the Five Lions and their association with wuxing, see Soper, “The Jen Shou Mirrors”, 60. For the Chinese perception of the central boss of the cosmic mirror as the symbolic of the axis of the universe linking heaven and earth, and the mirror’s association with wuxing or the five directions, see Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 162. 474 Cammann, “The Lion and Grape”, 274. 150 harmonious universe.475 Depictions of the Chinese empire “doing well” in Sui and Tang were reinforced by the use of five realistic lions standing guard at the five conceptual points of the burial cosmic mirror, reflecting the then-popular imperial banquet performance the “Dance of the Five Lions”, accompanied by the “Music of Universal Peace.”

Schuyler Cammann was the first to associate dance and music with the five lion motifs on Sui and Tang cosmic bronze mirrors.476 There is no doubt that Cammann’s interpretation of the lion motifs as being associated with the five cardinal directions was justified. However, in my opinion the realistic depictions of the lion motifs distanced the Sui and Tang, and especially the Tang, use of this particular animal from previous associations in two significant ways. First, the lion motif had since the Han dynasty been regarded as a symbol of the power and authority of the nobility, with the help of certain fantastic depictions combining all possible sources of power from the real and imagined worlds. Stripping it of its mystic “make-up” revealed the Tang people’s preference for realism and fidelity to naturalism, which are the most pervasive and rewarding influences of the art of Tang China.477 Second, the demystification of the lion motif, which changed this royal beast from a monstrous gatekeeper to a children’s plaything, further revealed the Tang people’s arrogant pride in their position in this “Middle Kingdom”, and demonstrated the extent of the imperial domain.478 It was this arrogance that made it acceptable for the Tang to strip the lion of the shamanic sorcerous and monstrous attributes of its imaginary precursors of the Six Dynasties, and it was precisely this strong feeling of self-

475 These included the oriole, parrot, hawk, grape, hound, horse and lion as symbolic of a prosperous world during Sui and Tang, see Cammann, “The Lion and Grape”, 275–280, Malcolm F. Farley, “Some Mirrors of Supposed Pre-Han Date”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 5, No. 1 (1940), 80–85, and Schafer, The Golden Peaches, 85. For the actual tributes of these luxurious goods and things during Tang, see Ouyang and Song, Xin tang shu, 6260–6262. For a description of the lion dance as a sign of the world at great peace under the Tang imperial house, see Liu, Jiu tang shu, 1059. 476 Cammann, “The Lion and Grape”, 272–274. 477 For the Tang people’s preference for naturalistic realism, see Edmund Capon and Werner Forman, Tang China: Vision and Splendour of a Golden Age (London: MacDonald Orbis, 1989), 107–111. Patricia Berger implies that the Tang sancai glaze was meant to mimic the whole of human and otherworldly society. See Berger, “Body Doubles”, 46. For foreign cultures in Tang society, see Xiang Da, Tangdai chang’an yu xiyu wenming (Chang’an and the Civilisation of the Western Regions in the Tang Dynasty), (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chuban she, 2001), 42–55. 478 For the use of animal motifs to delineate the extent of the domain of the Tang dynasty, see Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 99. 151 importance that allowed them to turn this foreign import from a spiritual guard to a domestic pet, replacing the celestial wings and shifting mane with an elongated sack and pointed coils bearing foreign influence (Figure 5.30).479 That is to say, the people of Tang were not afraid of admitting foreign influence on their culture.480 Consequently, the powerful gait of the Six Dynasties’ tomb guardian lion, which gave the impression of being the match of ten thousand men, was replaced by a tame animal in a stationary position no longer suggestive of unbridled strength but with the innocent look of an obedient dog serving its master at the funeral site (Figure 5.31).481

Figure 5.30: The lion in the Qian Mausoleum of Tang has a mane of pointed coils with compressed right- and left-handed volutes showing certain stylistic influences from stone statues of Central Asia. Source: Edmund Capon and Werner Forman, Tang China: Vision and Splendour of a Golden Age (London: MacDonald Orbis, 1989), 8. The image in the middle is a Buddhist statue of Tang (ca. 650–700), its hair rendered according to the Indian “peppercorn curl” convention. Source: William Willetts, Foundations of Chinese Art from Neolithic Pottery to Modern Architecture (London: Thames and Hudson, 1965), 228. In the image on the right, a statue of Emperor Hadrian from the second or third century A.D., the hair has pointed coils with right- and left-handed compressed volutes. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2008.

479 For sentimental descriptions of the Tang lion, see Segalen, The Great Statuary of China, 129–132. For stylistic influences of the lion, see Capon and Forman, Tang China, 8. 480 This kind of attitude is best exemplified by Lu Xun, who proposed that when the Han Chinese used foreign motifs in their art, they took them as their own and manipulated them at will without remorse. See Lu Xun, Luxun quanji (The Complete Works of Lu Xun), vol. 1 (Beijing: Remin wenxue chuban she, 1981), 198. It is, however, important to note that Tang was not the first Han Chinese culture to be heavily penetrated by foreign influences. Long before the Warring States, King Wuling of the Zhao (r. 326–298 B.C.) had reputedly been massively influenced by foreign cultures. See Xu Xing, “Lun tangdai shou huwenhua yingxiang de wu yu fu” (The Hu Dance and the Clothing of Tang), Jiangnan shehui xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Jangnan Social University), 3, No. 4 (2001), 58. 481 For the likeness of the Tang stone lion with the dog, see Segalen, The Great Statuary of China, 133, and Chapter six of my argument. In Paludan’s view, this change came about through Buddhist influence, in which the role of animals is to serve the will of man. See Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 101–115. 152

The preference for naturalistic realism and the transformation of a spiritual guardian into a domestic pet came about through the Tang Chinese taste for the exotic (huhua ઺֏), which was evident in every social class and permeated every aspect of daily life.482 Although scholars have attributed this new taste to the non-Han-Chinese origins of the Tang ruling family or to the open policies the imperial court had for attracting foreign investment,483 the fact remains that the people of Tang had no problem indulging in foreignness and a taste for the exotic. The Tang poet Yuan Zhen (779–831) described the vogue of the foreign or “western” in the Tang society:

Ֆ੡઺ഡᖂ઺݉Δ᪍ၞ઺ଃ೭઺ᑗΖ Women wear the makeup they have seen on western women; entertainers play the tunes they have heard western musicians play.484

482 Schafer, The Golden Peaches, 28. 483 According to Chen Yinke, the Tang ruling family, the Li clan, came from the nomadic Xianbei people of Mongolia and Manchuria called the Tuoba. See Chen Yinke, “Litang shizu zhi tuice” (The Origins of the Li Clan that Ruled the Tang Dynasty), Guoli zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan (Bulletin of the Institute for History and Philology Academia Sinica), 3, No. 1 (1931), 39–48. In Xiang Da’s view, foreign policy during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang was to comfort neighbouring “barbarians” and to attract foreign investment. See Xiang, Tangdai chang’an, 42. 484 Yuan Zhen, Yuanshi changqing ji liushi juan (Collected Works of Yuan Zhen during the Changqing Period, in Sixty Volumes), (Beijing: Wenxue guji kanxing she, 1956), 24: 6.

153

Foreign influences permeated almost every aspect of Tang people’s lives.485 The fashion for variety and the exotic was also reflected in the mortuary art of the imperial burial ground, where the placement of stone statuaries representing envoys from foreign countries and animals of tribute gave the feeling of a cosmopolitan city or, better yet, a universal world that a typical Tang Chinese would have witnessed in daily life. Despite the political purpose underlying this fashion in funerals,486 the grand and beautiful imperial burial ground of Tang prompted the remark that artistic genres and realistic architectural settings in the imperial world of the dead were no different from their counterparts in the world of the living (Figure 5.32).487

The realistic rendering in imperial tombs of the Tang, which was alien to what had gone before, came about through changes in and a transformation of the spatial arrangement. This “new” spatial arrangement changed the imperial tomb from an open landscape to a walled city, from a single point of entry to multiple access, and from a solitary burial tomb to a mass graveyard in which the entire

485 Schafer, The Golden Peaches, 28. 486 Some of these stone figures were of captives of the imperial house. See Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 117. 487 The remark was made by a Tang tomb raider, Wen Tao (ca. 885–926), see Ouyang Xiu, Xin wudai shi (The New History of the Five Dynasties), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 441. 154 imperial lineage was housed together as a “big happy family” in the life hereafter.488 The design of the imperial mausoleum as a walled city with underground palaces, above-ground temples, halls, altars, and living quarters for the tomb keepers rivalled the great palaces in the capital.489 Not only did its three enclosures—the neicheng փৄ (inner city), lingyuan ສႼ (mausoleum precinct) and waicheng ؆ৄ (outer city), which represented the gongcheng ୰ ৄ (imperial palace), huangcheng ઄ৄ (imperial precinct) and guocheng ພৄ (imperial outer wall)—provide multiple access to the burial site with four pillar- gates and guardian animals facing the cardinal directions echo the plan of Chang’an,490 it symbolised the power and virtue of the imperial house that attracted admirers from all directions.491 In addition, nineteen of the twenty-one imperial rulers of Tang (including Empress Wu Zetian) were buried in eighteen mausoleums (Emperor Gaozong and Empress Wu were buried together) on the north bank of the Wei River in Shaanxi Province, with groups of tombs for the prestigious officials, concubines and servants that accompanied them to maintain the luxurious lifestyle they had enjoyed in this world.492 What made the lion eminent in this “facsimile” walled city was that its position was changed and there were more lions, which accorded with the symmetrical layout and axial orientation of the “new” scheme that turned the animal into a guard of honour, placed it behind bars, and tied it to the four cardinal directions in a more decorative way.493

488 For the spatial arrangement and architectural setting of the imperial mausoleums, see Zhou Ming, “Shaanxi guanzhong tang shiba ling lingqin jianzhu xingzhi chutan” (Notes on the Architectural Settings of the Eighteen Imperial Mausoleums in Central Shaanxi), Wenbo (Relics and Museology), 1 (1994), 63– 77. However, I am in no way implying that before Tang there was no intention to imitate the mortal world in funeral settings, as the funeral setting of the Han imperial tombs was very influential in the Tang setting bearing certain resemblances to living architecture. See Thompson, “The Yi’nan Tomb”, 156, and Tonia Eckfeld, Imperial Tombs in Tang China, 618–907: The Politics of Paradise (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2005), 9–10. 489 Eckfeld, Imperial Tombs, 1, 6. 490 Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 86, and Xiao Mo, ed., Zhongguo jianzhu yishu shi (Chinese Architectural Art History), (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1999), 344. 491 The symbolism is explicit in Xin tang xhu (1061), which states tang tianzi youde, sifang gong chenzhi հ (The Son of Heaven of Tang has virtue; hence, people from all directions۝ᐚΕ؄ֱ٥ڶା֚՗ come to pay tribute). See Ouyang and Song, Xin tang shu, 6137. 492 Chen Anli, Tang shiba ling (The Eighteen Mausoleums of the Tang Dynasty), (Beijing: Zhongguo qingnian chuban she, 2001), 1–6. 493 For the symmetrical and axial layout of Chang’an during Tang, see Ronald G. Knapp, China’s Walled Cities (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 2000), 45. 155

The symmetrical and directional layout of the Tang imperial tomb complied with Chang’an’s city planning, which fashioned four openings with four pairs of pillar- gates and a variety of stone statues of the real and the imagined. Four pairs of stone lions then joined forces with ostriches, winged horses and imperial officials in a faithful depiction of the imperial procession.494 Hence, the spirit path (shendao) of the Six Dynasties was renamed the yudao in line with the “realistic” approach of Tang to the imperial palace and, with the addition of the quan 䵜 (dog) determiner, the character shi ஃ (lion or master) was changed to shi ᅐ (lion), transforming the beast from the imagined to the real.495 As a result, the front-line position of the guardian lion was changed: the lions were placed 壀॰ק behind the nanshenmen ত壀॰ (Gate of the South God), beishenmen (Gate of the North God), dongshenmen ࣟ壀॰ (Gate of the East God), and xishenmen ۫壀॰ (Gate of the West God), representing the four directional animals the zhuque, xuanwu, qinglong and baihu, whose decorative role was enhanced and functioning mechanism was decreased.496 In addition, the stylistic and realistic rendering of the lion further transformed this animal associated with the directions from a slender prowling feline to a rotund squatting canine. The change of the lion’s position as a defender and the transformation of its physical shape were a metaphorical and symbolic departure from the past.

The physical removal of the stone lions from the front of the spiritual procession to a secondary role, on the one hand, echoed the spiritual funeral procession of Han and placed this “most noble creature” back in its supporting role.497 This change of position hinted at the supreme self-confidence of Tang, a metaphorical confidence, which believed that the whole world was theirs and a

494 According to the Houhan shu, the first ostrich to reach China was brought by the Parthians. It was called Dajue Օᛤ during the Han dynasty. See Fan, Houhan shu, 189. The use of the ostrich and other realistical sculptures in Tang also served to assert their power and authority around the world. See Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 99, and Eckfeld, Imperial Tombs, 23. 495 For the change of name of the spirit path, see Xiao, Zhongguo jianzhu, 344. For adding the dog- determiner to the character shi ஃ (lion), see Chapter three: Its Names. 496 The names of these gateways were still being debated. See Chen, Tang shiba ling, 26. 497 According to Paludan, the Tang funeral plan was full use or a revised version of the Han system. See Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 84. Laurence Sickman and Alexander Soper use the expression “the most noble creature” to refer to the stone guardian lions in front of the Six Dynasties’ imperial tombs. See Sickman and Soper, The Pelican History of Art, 62. 156 man-made gate was superior to an allegorical beast. On the other hand, the rotund, almost globular, shape of the Tang guardian lion, which gave the impression (from a distance) of a “chubby” little dog that had been ordered to “sit tight”, reflected the artistic rendering and systematic use in Tang of the circular shape (yuan Ⴝ), a symbolic depiction of an animal that had been successfully rounded, polished and accommodated by traditional Chinese thought through a process of what I call “rounding” (Figure 5.33).

5.5 Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism and the “Rounding” of a Spiritual Animal into a Domestic Pet

The character yuan Ⴝ can be a noun, adjective or verb. Its essential meaning is something of a circular shape or globular form.498 However, it can also be used for an object that is round or a process that is making something rounded. Things that are rounded imply a sense of wholeness, a completeness and an openness, which in the Chinese mind creates a feeling of the divine.499 Thus my use of “rounding” is as a direct translation of the Chinese yuanhua Ⴝ֏,

498 For the formal definition of yuan, see Frank Ching, Architecture, Form, Space & Order (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1996), 38. 499 For yuan’s association with the meaning of wholeness and completeness, that is in Chinese word quan see Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 129. For yuan’s association with an open-minded heart, see Li, “Guanzi ,٤ jiaozhu”, 783. For yuan’s association with divinity, see Wang and Kong, “Zhouyi zhengyi”, 286. For the general meanings of yuan, see Taiwan shangwu yinshu guan, ed., Ci Yuan (Sources of Words), (Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshu guan, 1968), 327, and Zhang and Chen, Kangxi zidian, 152. 157 meaning making something more rounded during a long process of development, which involves the gradual narrowing of a large pre-defined periphery from the outer perimeter to the central axis in an orderly sequence. This narrowing involved a coalition of different minds, views and opinions that helped people feel, picture or experience the accomplishment of things in a pleasant or satisfactory way. That is, the “rounding” process not only involved the physical trimming of the Chinese lion motif to make it less angular and more rounded, it also allowed the “rounding” to be viewed in a more abstract and metaphorical way.

The stripping of its mythical features from the Chinese lion motif in Tang, turning this once-fantastic beast into a “chubby” pet, certainly serves as concrete proof of this “rounding” approach. On the one hand, the Tang disdain of supernatural power and their metaphorical mapping of their central position over all under heaven prompted them to believe they were the “chosen” ones; thus, they could do whatever they wanted. On the other hand, the spherical mass of the animal, which was wrapped in or rounded by circular elements such as the curly locks, round eyes and cylindrical legs further indicated the Tang ideology of the perfection of the circle or yuan. This, in turn, led to another metaphor signifying that by Tang the lion had fully combined the ideological powers of yuan, which, in my opinion, were influenced by Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, the three teachings or institutional religions, perfectly wrapped up in the Chinese perception xiang.500

500 For the use of institutional religions to depict the importance of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism, see Shahar and Weller, “Gods and Society in China”, 1-36. It is worth noting that Paludan has also proposed that the Tang lion is the Buddhist type, which had already been assimilated into traditional Chinese thought since the fifth century. See Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 101. For the definition of xiang and its associated meanings, values and powers, see Chapter four: The Chinese Way of Perceiving. In the field of Chinese religious studies, the integration of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism is ԫ (The Integration of the Three Teachings), which has itsٽpopularly known as “sanjiao heyi Կඒ origin during the Three Kingdoms times (220-280). However, it was during the Ming times that a Neo- Confucianist, Lin Zhaoen (1517-1598), combined the three into a syncretic religion calling it “sanyi jiao Կԫඒ (The Three Teachings). For the integration of the three teaching during the Three Kingdoms period, see Zhang Yupu, “Sui yangdi yu nanbei wenhua jiaorong” (Yangdi, Emperor of the Sui Dynasty and the Integration of the Southern and Northern Cultures), Beifang luncong (The Northern Forum), 173, No. 3 (2002), 21-26. For the merging of the three into a religious cult, see He Shanmeng, “Lin zhaoen sanjiao heyi de zongjiao sixiang qianxi” (A Preliminary Study on Lin Zhaoen’s Association of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism), Fengjia renwen shehui xuebao (Feng Chia Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences), 12 (2006), 203-216. 158

To Confucians, a circular shape (yuan) is not merely a curved line surrounding a central axis forming an equidistant plane curve;501 to them it implies a compass pointing to all cardinal directions and thus a system of rules and regularities.502 In Confucian doctrine this system serves the wholeness of the Chinese cosmological scheme, indicating the “all-round” power and authority of the Chinese sky.503 Consequently, this “Dome of Heaven” can be extended to encompass all the energy, power and disciplines in the Chinese universe, their relationship depending on the balance between them until completion brings another round of reversal.504 It thus seems permissible to assume that, in the Chinese mind, a circular shape is not and will not be confined or bounded by its periphery; instead, the focus of a circular shape is the centre, the radial centre which extends its power outwards from the nucleus in an attempt to embrace all possible sources to reach a harmonious and balanced whole. In Confucian doctrine, this excessive amount of energy circulating within the periphery of yuan is the symbolic representation of the ultimate power of the universe.505

This ultimate shape of yuan also corresponds to the Daoist notion of a powerful energy circulating around the Chinese sky. This immense energy, in the eyes of Daoists, represents the ultimate power and authority of the celestial world,

501 For this definition, see Ching, Architecture, 38. 502 For yuan’s association with the Chinese character gui ๵ (compass), see Guo Qingfan, “Zhuangzi jishi” (The Collections and Interpretations of Master Zhuang), in Xinbian zhuzi jicheng (New Compilations of Classical Chinese Texts), ed. Zhonghua shuju (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 321. For the term’s association with rules and regularities, see Yang, Mengzi yizhu, 162-165. 503 For yuan’s association with the wholeness of things, see Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 129. For the term’s indication of the Chinese Sky, see Dai, “Dadai liji”, 5: 7. For the different interpretations of the word yuan from the Western and Eastern standpoints, see David L.Hall and Roger T. Ames, “The Cosmological Setting of Chinese Gardens”, Studies in the History of Garden and Designed Landscapes, 18, No. 3 (1998), 175-177. 504 The term “Dome of Heaven” is borrowed from Alexander Soper, who used it to imply that the circular shape of the Chinese sky might have its origin from the celestial symbolism in Greco-Roman architectural decoration. See Alexander Coburn Soper, “The Dome of Heaven in Asia”, The Art Bulletin, 29, No. 4 (1947), 237–248. It is noteworthy that Soper’s use of the Dome of Heaven traces to Karl Lehmann’s use of the phrase. For Lehmann’s study, see Karl Lehmann, “The Dome of Heaven”, The Art Bulletin, 27, No. 1 (1945), 1-27. 505 For instance, one of the Confucian Classics, the Dadai liji (compiled after the second century A.D.), says: “The ultimate shape of the sky (heaven) is the shape of a circle”, “Heaven is a circular shape, and the Earth is square”, and “The shape of a circle represents brightness, and the word brightness indicates the release of energy.” For the original statements, see Dai, “Dadai liji”, 3: 9 and 5: 7. 159 which is divine and honourable and corresponds with the movements of the sun, moon and stars, distinguishing the realms of heaven and earth.506

The harmonious views of Confucianism and Daoism on the circular shape conform to Buddhist theory, in which the term or the shape of yuan is usually associated with the ultimate, perfection and brightness, a sign of auspiciousness and omnipotent power.507 The harmony of these omnipotent powers can best be illustrated by the aureola of a Buddha occupying the central position in the broad niche of a Tang stele (Figure 5.34). The Buddha, seated cross-legged on a lotus pedestal with other Bodhisattvas, monastic figures, and guardian lions, floats on top of mountain peaks indicated by the rim at the foot of the niche. The hemispherical recess that encompasses the divine figures forms a dome of heaven whose power radiates from the encircled aureole of Buddha in the central axis of this Chinese universe. This quintessential symbol aureola), in a circular shape justifiably) of Buddhism, the yuanguang Ⴝ٠ reflects the manners and erudition of Buddhism.

506 For instance, Zhouyi (third to second century B.C.) of the Daoist tradition has the following statements, “The shape of circle is a representation of movement, hence, it can be regarded as the shape of heaven; the shape of square is a representation of immobility, hence, it can be regarded as the shape of the earth”, and “Heaven is divine and honourable; the Earth is secular and despicable.” See Zhu, Zhouyi benyi, 5: 1, and prologue, 10. Zhuangzi (first compiled around fourth century B.C.) further states that the art of fencing is to regulate the sword with the revolutions of the heavenly sphere in order to cope with the movements of the sun, moon and stars. See Guo, “Zhuangzi jishi”, 1022. 507 According to the Chinese Buddhist canon, when a person can have his/her soul soar into the sky that means he/her has already achieved the ultimate enlightenment of Buddhism; when things are in a perfect harmonious circulation with no image stands still that means he/her is in the Dharma realm; and when the circular shape of Buddha’s aureola is radiating that means it is a radiance of ten billion lights embracing this flowery world. For these statements, see Fotuo jiaoyu jijin hui, Dazheng xinxiu, 46: 455, 46: 966, and 12: 343. 160

With the dual connotations of physical and metaphorical becoming in yuan, the “rounding” of the Tang lion motif, which changed the animal’s image from a supernal back to a secularised image, not only physically transformed the grotesque appearance of the lion into the rotund shape of comical poodles, it also mentally re-conjugated various aspects of Chinese religious beliefs, cosmological ideas, and social values that permeated their daily life. The result of this symbolic and metaphorical process was the gradual non-religious use of this type of lion motif in the northern part of China at this time.508 In addition, stripping the lion of its mythological powers and monstrous attributes did not mean that the people of Tang did not believe in supernatural power.509 On the contrary, it increased the decorative purpose of the Tang lion so that it became

508 For the use of the rounded lion motif in North China during the Tang, see Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 265, note 12. 509 This can be confirmed by the use of the horses with wings and creatures with horns in the Tang mortuary settings. However, Paludan has noted that when the confidence of the Tang dynasty waned in the later period, the fabulous nature of these fantastic beasts became more pronounced. See Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 99. 161 not merely a symbol of superiority fit only for the nobility, but a commodity with a price tag for those who could afford to patronise this guard of honour. This transformation of the lion from the imagined to the real boosted its popularity, or enabled it to be vulgarised, in Chinese space and society.

To conclude, although the lion as a guardian beast can be traced back to Later Han when it was associated with certain local officials’ mortuary settings, the place of this kingly beast in the imperial mausoleum was never clearly defined before the Six Dynasties. Once its image appeared on the brick reliefs of underground chambers of the imperial burial precincts of the Qi dynasty, the lion began to be associated with the ultimate power of the ruling class in their construction of the afterworld. With increasing Buddhist influence that upheld the concept of a heavenly world above, the power of the Six Dynasties’ lion was enhanced, yet it was still restricted to serving the welfare of the nobility only. The spiritual features of the lion were gradually withdrawn from the imagination of the nobility during Tang, when this fearless tomb guardian was turned into a realistic rotund pet with an immobile stance acting more like a guard of honour than a mighty force to be reckoned with. These changes and the transformation that followed acquired the physical and metaphorical powers of the term yuan from its association with Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. The association of the lion with these three teachings triggered its gradual use in the decorative arts of the popular culture, serving as a symbolic representation of auspiciousness and prosperity from the Tang to the Qing dynasties.

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Chapter 6 The Lion Motif in Chinese Social Life—the transformation from Tang to Qing

This chapter continues to examine the changes in the Chinese lion motif and its transformation between the real and the imagined. The focus, however, is on the Tang and Qing dynasties (618–1911), when the rotund image of the lion was closely associated with certain characteristics of the dog. This association favoured by the gentry and merchant class was heavily rendered in their decorative art as a symbol of their success and wealth. The prestige and value of a lion motif further prompted the people of Qing to come up with the idea of transforming a petite dog into a lion. Using textual and linguistic materials, the chapter seeks to resolve the integration of the lion with the Chinese ideology of the dog and Buddhism, in which case a lion was no longer a lion but a dog of Buddha tackling in a playful mood the sacred missions of protecting temples and granting prosperity to the mundane world.

6.1 A Lion and a Dog

The physical “rounding” of the lion and its metaphysical link to the three teachings further coloured the Tang imagination. Attributes of the dog were then applied to the lion motif on fancy and luxury items with skillful touches and precious stones linking the animal with goods that ordinary people could only dream of (Figure 6.1).510 The Tang court’s use of the rotund lion motif in conjunction with the paifang ྨܽ (Memorial Archway) to control the expanding urban population further popularised the playful attributes of the lion by association with the dog. The gentry and merchant class then picked up this association and elaborated it as a sign of prosperity and success despite the quite different original intention of the two memorial elements.

510 The piece of lion-motif burial furniture with the fanciful three-coloured glaze and the lion motif made of talc were excavated near Xi’an in 1972 and 1995, respectively. For more details, see Zhuang, “Zhongguo di shizi”, 9–27, and Wang, “Shixing xiangxun”, 66–83. 163

6.2 A Decorative Gateway and a Memorial Pillar-Gate

The Imperial Household Administration initiated the use of the paifang with a lion motif carved on both foundation pillars as the symbolic entrance to a built environment as a means of limiting the urban area occupied by commoners. A fang ܽ (ward) was a residential unit during Tang circumscribed by imperial authority within the precinct of the capital for easy access and control.511 Each of these residential units was assigned a name that was carved on a pai ྨ (plaque) placed on top of an architectural partition consisting of two pillars with a lintel across the top.512 This architectural element was called a paifang, meaning a residential unit with a name plaque.513 To secure the archway from falling, two giant stones with carvings of ferocious animals like the lion, qilin and haishou ௧ᡬ (sea monster) were installed on both sides of the pillars for

511 Cheng, “Yuandai shishi”, 49–51, and Jin Qizhen, “Lun paifang de yuanliu ji shehui gongneng” (The Origin and Social Function of the Archway), Zhonghua wenhua luntan (Forum on Chinese Culture), 1 (2003), 71–72. 512 Zhao Yusheng and Wang Faxin, “Woguo gudai jianzhu zhong de paifang” (Memorial Archways of Ancient Chinese Buildings), Shaanxi jianzhu (Shaanxi Architecture), 27, No. 2 (2001), 12–13, esp. note 2. 513 Ibid., 12–13. 164 decorative purposes and auspicious displays.514 This type of household registration system also served a defensive function when doors were attached at night by the imperial authorities.515 However, the memorial archway can be traced further back, to the que ᠥ (pillar-gate) of Han and biao ᑑ (stone pillar) of the Six Dynasties, when the archway was a landmark, a watchtower, then a symbolic representation of the celestial world imbued with an image of prosperity and success.516

The original archway during Han was a multi-storey structure called a que, which had no doors and was ascended for a better view; hence, it was also called a guanque ᨠᠥ (watchtower), indicating its defensive role (Figure 6.2).517 However, the archetype of this watchtower was a structure consisting of two posts and a lintel called a hengmen ᘝ॰ (lintelled gate or measuring gate), used as a landmark for reckoning different residential units during the Spring and Autumn period.518 During the reign of Emperor Gao of Han (r. 202–195 B.C.), the watchtower was elaborated with the intention that it would demonstrate the unsurpassable power and authority of the Han empire.519 The idea of using the watchtower as a frontality to speak about what lay behind it was further applied to burial sites in Later Han,520 and carried over to the Six

514 Cheng, “Yuandai shishi”, 49. 515 Jin, “Lun paifang”, 72. David Johnson has also proposed that the internal administrative units of urban wards (fang) were often equipped with gates during Tang that were locked at the night according to strict regulations. See Johnson, “The City-God Cults”, 413. 516 According to Liang Sicheng, the paifang was a popular architectural decorative element during Ming and Qing that had its origin in the que of Han and the biao of the Six Dynasties. See Liang Sicheng, “Zhongguo jianzhu shi” (The Architectural History of China), in Liang Sicheng quanji (The Complete Works of Liang Sicheng), ed. Liang Sicheng, vol. 4 (Beijing: Zhongguo jianzhu gongye chuban she, 2001), 205. The term biao was first used in the Houhan shu for the stone pillars on the “Spirit Road.” See ਪ (stone pillar) orف Fan, Houhan shu, 1450. However, it is often used interchangeably with shizhu huabiao ဎ। (ornamental column). 517 For the que as an observation structure without doors, see Gu Jiegang, Handai xueshu shilüe (Short History of Han Scholarship), (Shanghai: Dongfang shushe, 1948), 215. 518 Lan Ying, “Qianxi henan gu paifang, pailou” (Introduction to Ancient Memorial Archways in Henan), Jianzhu jiaoyu yanjiu (Research of Architecture and Education), 4, No. 2 (2005), 16–17, and Jin, “Lun paifang”, 71. The name hengmen might have been influenced by the structure’s function as a signpost (the two posts were often used to post rules and regulations) as the character heng ᘝ also connotes “measuring, judging and weighing.” See also Jin, “Lun paifang”, 71–72. 519 In a conversation between Emperor Gao of Han and his Prime Minister Xiao He (257–193 B.C.) recorded in the Shi ji the elaborateness of the que was described as setting up an unsurpassable model for future generations. See Sima, Shi ji, 385–386. 520 For the que in imperial burial sites of Han, see Chapter five: The “Spirit Road” from Han to the Six Dynasties. 165

Dynasties, when the structure was thought to be able to reach the celestial world.

Figure 6.2: A pictorial representation of a que showing the multi-storey structure’s relationship to its surroundings. Source: Lucy Lim, ed., Stories from China's Past, 105.

During the Six Dynasties, the idea of placing a watchtower in front of an imperial burial site to claim authority and power for the tomb owner was popularly rendered in Chinese mortuary art, yet in another form.521 That is, the watchtower-like structure was transformed into stone pillars called huabiao ဎ। (ornamental columns) that came with circular capitals and square pedestals, to Heaven) ֱچecho the prevailing cosmological scheme of tianyuan difang ֚Ⴝ is round and Earth is square), placed at the imperial burial site.522 As the circular capital symbolised the celestial world and the square base indicated the terrestrial realm, it seems plausible that the ornamental column was deemed to be a tool to help the tomb owner reach the heavenly world (Figure 6.3). That is why the column has also been called a tongtianzhu ຏ֚ਪ (heaven-spanning

521 See Chapter five: The “Spirit Road” from Han to the Six Dynasties for further discussion. 522 For the concept of “Heaven is round and Earth is square”, see Dai, “Dadai liji”, 5: 7. For further discussion, see also Chapter four: The Power of Images. 166

pillar) or qingtianzhu ᚯ֚ਪ (heaven-supporting pillar).523 Furthermore, the “heavenly pillar” often came in pairs with a flat panel inscribed with the name and title of the deceased beneath the capital of the pillar to claim ownership of the burial site. With their functional indication of ownership and their visual and physical configuration in front of a burial site, the paired pillars have also been referred to as biao ᑑ (to mark, or a landmark) forming an entry gate or monumental gateway for the imperial family in their conceptual search for a better afterlife (Figure 6.4).524

523 According to Wang Yitao, people living near the imperial burial site still call this kind of pillar a tongtianzhu. See Wang Yitao, “Huabiao de qiyuan yu yanbian” (The Origin and Development of the Ornamental Column), Wenbo (Relics and Museology), 6 (1997), 44. However, pillars as a tool for communicating between the celestial and terrestrial worlds was mentioned long ago in the Chuci and the Huainanzi. See Zhu, Chuci jizhu, 50, and He, “Huainanzi jishi”, 167 and 328–329. The use of the pillar to “mark” or identify something might have its origin in the biaomu ।ֵ 524 signifying pillar) or jiaowumu ֵٌ֑ (crisscrossing pillar) that the ruler set out so that people could) write their views on its shaft. This kind of pillar was also called a feibang zhimu ᓸᝏհֵ (criticising pillar). See Wang, “Huabiao de qiyuan”, 44. As for the pillar in front of Six Dynasties’ burial grounds being called a biao, see Liang, “Zhongguo jianzhu shi”, 205. However, we can not exclude Indian influence on the symbolic use of the pillar as a tower, a mountain or even a stupa, which were thought to possess the power to prevent calamities and access to the heavenly realm. See Wang, “Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery”, 35–36. 167

The imperial court of Sui and Tang, however, combined the form and function of the decorative columns and the watch-gate to figure a new type of structure called a wutoumen ௻ᙰ॰ (Raven Head Gate), lingxingmen ᥐਣ॰ (Lattice Star Gate) or chongtian paifang ᓢ֚ྨܽ (Heavenly Gate) to be placed in front of household units within the precinct of the capital city for easy access and control of the population (Figure 6.5).525 This kind of elaborate structure was further used by the court to commemorate people of merit and virtue, especially men with military achievements and women widowed at a young age. The commemoration sometimes went as far as granting the deceased the title of god or goddess. A typical example of the impact of this kind of celestial archway is the zhenjie paifang ૣᆏྨܽ (Archway of Chastity) granted to Zhao Zhenniang.

525 Cheng, “Yuandai shishi”, 49, and Jin, “Lun paifang”, 72. 168

According to popular legend, Zhao Zhenniang was a girl from Fujian Province whose fiancé died before their marriage.526 Zhao not only refrained from remarrying she also took on responsibility for the care of her fiancé’s family. After she died at the age of forty-five, she was praised and awarded the title of ୞୞ (Goddess of Fertility).527 The excessive fameسု Zhusheng niangniang and prestige the erection of these memorial archways brought soon inspired the gentry and merchants of Tang and Song (618–1279) to incorporate the structure into their entry configuration as a means of flaunting their success and wealth.528 Naturally, the stones carved with mythological animals on both sides of the pillars to secure the entry way and to ensure prosperity also needed to be elaborate to match the social status of the residents.

526 Zhan Zhenyu, “Tai-min qu guji zhiding yu jiechu jizhi zhi yanjiu” (A Study of the Registration and Dismissal Mechanism of Historic Buildings in Taiwan: Pei-Tou Den-An Temple as an Example), (Master’s diss., Chung Yuan Christian University, 2002), 154. 527 Ibid. 528 Jin, “Lun paifang”, 72. 169

6.3 A Decorative Animal and a Symbol of Power and Success

فThe supporting stones on either side of the archway called jiazhushi ݈ਪ (stones that sandwich and anchor the pillar) perform a similar function to the taiji ഗ (base) in architecture. In Chinese architecture, the taiji is also called the؀ tang ഘ, a fundamental architectural element bearing value and status according to its height.529 However, during the Six Dynasties, the formal attributes of the taiji were mingled with an Indian pedestal called the xumizuo ႊ ᚦஆ,530 which was in Buddhist cosmology a sacred mountain in the central axis of the universe (Figure 6.6).531 In its central position overlooking the four quarters of the universe, Mount Xumi ႊᚦ՞ (Sumeru) was thus associated by the Indians with the “King of All Gods”, Indra, and the sitianwang ؄֚׆ (guardian monarchs of the four quarters).532 The Indian guardian figures with the sacred mountain and directional settings were later incorporated into Chinese cosmology where the four Indian guardian monarchs were replaced by the “Four Spiritual Animals”, given similar roles stationed at the four quarters of the pedestal, symbol of the renowned “mountain” (Figure 6.7).533

529 Liang Sicheng, “Qingshi yingzao zeli tuban” (Illustrations of Constructions by the Qing Ministry of Works), in Liang Sicheng quanji, vol. 6, 238. 530 Ibid. 531 Seckel, “Buddhist Temple”, 361. 532 For the four guardian monarchs and their association with the four quarters of the universe in Buddhist legend, see Soper, “Literary Evidence”, 231–232, and Janet Baker, “Sui and Early Tang Period Images of the Heavenly King in Tombs and Temples”, Orientations, 30, No. 4 (1999), 54. For Mount Sumeru’s relationship with Indra, see Frank E. Reynolds and Mani B. Reynolds, trans., Three Worlds according to King Ruang: A Thai Buddhist Cosmology (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1982), 22. It is, however, interesting to note that, according to Liang Sicheng, Mount Sumeru actually refers to the Himalayas. See Liang, “Qingshi yingzao”, 238. 533 For the four spiritual animals in Chinese cosmology, see Chapter five: The Spatial Location of the Guardian Animal. 170

Figure 6.7: This xumizuo as the pedestal of a Ming archway dating to the reign of Emperor Yongle (r. 1402–1424) has lion motifs carved on the four sides symbolising the guardians of the four quarters of the universe. Source: V. W. F. Collier, Dogs of China & Japan in Nature and Art (London: William Heinemann, 1921), facing page 104.

According to the Liji, a renowned mountain can often be regarded as a spiritual entity standing at the central axis of the universe and possessing the means to 171 access the heavenly world.534 That is to say, the initial assimilation of the Indian Mount Sumeru with Chinese sacred mountains did not pose any difficulty, as the two empires shared similar cosmological schemes with regard to their ideological mountains. Naturally, the Indian idea of a pedestal symbolising a microcosm in association with a heavenly king on top and four guardian figures on the sides was well accommodated into the Chinese built environment, where a guardian lion with the deified name foquan ۵ׅ (dog of Buddha) was often rendered standing on top of the pedestal overlooking the four quarters of the universe and protecting the sacred building behind. The sacred building, which was often behind the guardian lion, was normally referred to as the Buddhist temple.

It is hard to establish the actual date when the lion was installed in front of Buddhist temples.535 It is speculated that in one Lamaist allegorical story Buddha ordered two of his lions to sit on the pedestals in front of a temple and await his return, so that by obediently sitting motionless the lions serve as a reminder of the Buddhist teaching of subduing the passions.536 Another suggestion attributes it to the accidental Japanese affiliation of the Chinese lion with the dog from the spiritual world, which had been associated with Buddhist .(period (784–1185 ڜؓ temples since the Heian

The Japanese call the mythological animals in front of temples or shrines komainu 㩹ׅ, a term composed of the characters koma 㩹 and inu ׅ. The word koma has its origin in the character mo 㽿, which was how Han people often referred to Korea; this was duly acknowledged by the Japanese during the Heian period when the dog-like animal statue was first introduced to the Japan from Koma ೏ᣝ (also known as Koryo or Goryeo, a Korean kingdom or dynasty

՞֒խ֚࣍, see Zheng, “Lijiټ The original sentence in the Liji is mingshan shengzhong yutian 534 zhengyi”, 752. However, guardian figures such as the luohan ᢅዧ (arhats in Sanskrit), tianwang ֚׆ (devarjas in 535 Sanskrit) and jingang ८ଶ (Vajra in Sanskrit) in front of the entry way to Buddhist temples can be traced back to the Tang dynasty. See Wang, “Quanzhou Kaiyuan Monastery”, 28. It is interesting to note that Tang was also when allegorical stories assocating the dog with the lion as the guardian of the gate were most often told. 536 Collier, Dogs of China, 112. 172 dated 918-1392) and placed in the imperial palace.537 However, another version of the association between Korea and the dog is that after the legendary Jingu Empress Consort Jingu) of Japan conquered Korea, she threw) ٿ઄פkogo 壀 a spear back to Japan and hit a stone, and this stone became a “Korean Dog” guarding Her Majesty’s palace.538 Using a dog as a symbol of a conquered nation can thus be seen as the Japanese mocking Koreans and enslaving them as their “loyal servants.”539 Surprisingly, however, this loyal dog did not originate from Korea.

The “Korean Dog” is actually descended from the Chinese lion of Tang, which it was often carved out of precious stone and placed near the throne or on the floor to hold down the carpet and keep malignant influences awayΫan arrangement that Empress Wu Zetian (r. 683–705) preferred.540 Because of the Chinese lion’s likeness to a dog, the Japanese interpreted this “exported” lion statue as kara shishi ାᅐ՗ (the lion of Tang); after the Nara ࡜ߜ period (710– 794), when the titles of the animal clearly indicated their different origins, the (Tang) kara shishi coexisted with the (Korean) komainu.541 In an effort to settle

537 The ancient Chinese would use characters with animal radicals, especially quan 䵜 (dog), for neighbouring countries, often with disgraceful results. Names such as di ߅, meng 䵺, dan ᳛, guo ෵ and jie ᫥ for ethnic groups from northern China all implied an uncivilised dog-like nature. The word koma 㩹 (Korea) also reveals racial prejudice and disdain for their barbarian neighbour Korea as the territory of dog-men. See Li Rongcong, “Benguan yuanqu chenlie zhanghua tangchang jindao biluo shenshe shishi jianjie” (Brief Introduction to the Stone Lion of Jindao Biluo Temple from Zhanghua Sugar Refinery in Taiwan Historica), Taiwan wenxian (Taiwan Historica), 54, No. 4 (2003), 386, and De Visser, “The Dog and the Cat”, 60–61. Li also proposed that when the lion statue was first introduced to Japan, it was painted white, so the character 㩹 further implies the combination of 䵜(dog) and ػ (white). See Li Rongcong, “Rizhi shiqi Taiwan de shenshe boquan jianzhi biange zhi tantao: shang” (Concerns about the Placement of the Japanese Komainu in Taiwan: Part I), Taiwan wenxian, 57, No. 2 (2006), 265. For the earliest use of komainu, see Nara bunkazai dokokai, Komainu no kenkyu (The Study of Komainu), (Nara: Nara bunkazai dokokai komainu no Kai, 1987), 77–78. 538 Kishigami Misao, ed., Onchi sosho: kinko bungei (Comprehensive Records of Knowledge: Medieval Literature), vol. 8 (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1891), 9. 539 William Griffis has proposed that the association of Korea with a dog symbolises Japan’s conquering of Korea. See William Elliot Griffis, Corea: The Hermit Nation (New York: Scribner, 1888), 52. De Visser has expressed a similar idea, providing another story in which, after Empress Jingu conquered Korea, the King of Korea swore that his descendants would be the servants and dogs of Japan, See De Visser, “The Dog and the Cat”, 62. 540 De Visser, “The Dog and the Cat”, 61. 541 Ibid., and Kishigami, Onchi sosho, 1–10. Although the use of kara shishi indicates the animal’s Tang origin, the initial idea at that time was that it came from China. See Takuki Yoshimitsu, Komainu kagami (A Complete Guide to Komainu), (Tokyo: Banana Books, 2006), 55–56, and Li Rongcong, “Dui shenshe boquan (tangshizi) ji longbian hubian huo longpan hupan yongyu de jianyan yu huiying” (Suggested Wording of the Position of the Komainu (or Tang Lion) in front of Shinto Shrines, and Some Responses), Taiwan wenxian, 57, No. 4 (2006), 480–483. Collier also borrowed from sacred Tibetan writings the 173 the dispute between the two mystic creatures, the Japanese came up with the name shishi koma inu ᅐ՗㩹ׅ (the lion-dog from Korea).542 This was the first time the names of the lion and the dog were put together as a means of exorcism, even though it did not gain much recognition in Japan. Others preferred to draw a clear line between the lion and the dog, calling the one on the left-hand side of the temple with its mouth open shishi ᅐ՗ (lion) or ah ॳ and the one on the right-hand side with a horn and its mouth closed komainu ઺ ຾(㩹)ׅ (the dog from Korea) or um ᬠ; the two syllables ah and um represent the beginning and the end of the universe (Figure 6.8).543 Be it a lion, a dog or a lion-dog, this dog-like creature is generally recognised by the Japanese as komainu or amainu ׅ֚ (celestial dog) and is placed before temples as shinshia no mae no ken 壀ष圸ছ圸ׅ (the dog before Shinto temples).544

example of a small pet dog of Mañjusri turning into a mighty lion to depict the relationship between the lion and the dog. See Collier, Dogs of China, 101–102. However, Collier proposes that the lion’s submission to Buddhism probably occurred during the time of Asoka, the third monarch of the Indian Mauryan dynasty. See Collier, Dogs of China, 95. 542 According to De Visser, it was Japanese court ladies who first coined the term shishi koma inu. See De Visser, “The Dog and the Cat”, 62. 543 Kishigami, Onchi sosho, 3, and Takuki, Komainu kagami, 18–19. However, De Visser uses komainu instead of shishi (ah), and dog instead of komainu (um), and Collier uses komainu and amainu to define the two, arguing that the two kinds of komainu are both descendants of the Chinese lion. See Collier, Dogs of China, 117, and De Visser, “The Dog and the Cat”, 62. Further, De Visser states conclusively that ah and um are both protectors of mankind, although ah is the one that guards imperial rulers, palaces and Shinto shrines with its mouth open, and um is the one that protects women, children and ordinary people with its mouth closed. For ah and um and the beginning and end of the universe and other interpretations, see Li, “Rizhi shiqi”, 266–270. 544 For the general association of komainu with amainu, see De Visser, “The Dog and the Cat”, 54. For its association with Shinto temples, see Kishigami, Onchi sosho, 6. Laufer however proposes that the Korean dog had its origin in India in the third century B.C., when people in Sanchi combined images of the dog and the lion in their sculptures. See Laufer, Chinese Pottery, 248–249. 174

Considerable surprise has been expressed in the past over what has been called the “curious mistake” of the Japanese in taking the Chinese lion for a dog.545 What is more interesting is that some Japanese historical records in which the dog is associated with supernatural powers and Buddhist temples are closely related to certain Chinese classical tales. These records serve as the link to the curious mistake of the Japanese confusing the Chinese versions of the lion and the dog, both of which were said to be able to perform miraculous deeds.

For instance, a fourteenth-century Japanese tale recorded during the reign of Emperor Kwammu ௄ࣳ (781–806) tells of the wife of a hunter in Harima Province who with her secret lover was planning to kill her husband.546 Fortunately, the hunter’s two dogs sensed the decoy and managed to save the hunter from the adulterous couple. The hunter sent his wife away and declared

545 Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 30. However, the first association in China between the lion and the ઺୮द (the۔ dog can be traced to the Liang dynasty (502–557), when the lion was called laohu jiagou dog of the barbarians). See Guo Maoqian, ed., Yuefu shiji (Collected Poems from the Music Bureau), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998), 746. It should be noted that in the Chinese case this association was intentional unlike the Japanese, which was a misreading. 546 The text is the Genko shakusho. See Kokan Siren, Genko shakusho (Annals of the Genko Years), (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 2004), 421. 175 the dogs to be his children and thus heirs to his property. After the dogs died he fulfilled his obligation and putting his words into action he built a Buddhist (the temple of the dogs) ڝtemple devoted to the dogs. He called it Inu dera ׅ and made the dogs the principal guardian-gods of the region.547

An eighteenth-century record also tells of a temple named after a life-saving dog who saved someone’s life, but the focus of this story is on the animal’s powerful bark. The story begins with a hunter of Izumi Province who was irritated by the continuous and annoying barking of his dog and eventually decapitated the animal with his sword.548 However, the head of the dog flew up and bit a big snake which was about to attack the hunter. Deeply moved by the animal’s loyalty, the hunter decided to seek redemption by becoming a monk in a neighbouring monastery dedicated to the Immutable Deity of Buddhism.549 Everyone was amazed and considered the dog the messenger of this particular the) ڝBodhisattva. They therefore named the monastery Kenmeizan ׅᏓ barking-dog temple).550

Another eighteenth-century classical tale linking these temple guardian dogs with Buddhism and exorcising evil has a Bodhisattva named Gyogi ۩ഗ, who carved two white komainu out of wood and placed them in front of the Chinjudo ഘ (Guardian Hall) of Hakusan Shinto shrine to protect the village.551 Theښ᠜ village came under heavy attack by wild wolves, and the people turned to these two temple dogs and asked for their help. After a long and noisy night, the villagers found that the wolves were gone and the legs of the temple dogs were covered with mud and their mouths were smeared with blood. Everyone was amazed and was convinced that the dog-like creature had supernatural powers.552

547 Ibid. ,ݳ (Gazetteers of Senshu), which is quoted in De Visserڠੈ The story is recorded in the Senshu shi 548 “The Dog and the Cat”, 23. The term Izumi is used in accordance with the Senshu, i.e. the south-western part of present-day Osaka. .Fudo Myoo լ೯ࣔ׆, see De Visser, “The Dog and the Cat”, 23 549 550 Ibid. ,࡛ᓫ (Strange Tales of Three Provinces). The story is also quoted in De VisserڠSanshu kidan Կ 551 “The Dog and the Cat”, 35. 552 Ibid. 176

Surprisingly, these pre-modern Japanese tales share similarities with Chinese texts where the interaction between humans and temple dogs or lions are told in more detail. For instance, a tenth-century Chinese classical text has a man named Yang Bao from Anhui Province who saved a dog from a relative.553 He was unfortunate enough to be in the same situation as the Japanese hunter in Harima whose wife had committed adultery and was planning to kill him. When Yang was about to be murdered by the adulterous couple, his dog broke the adulterer’s leg, wounded the wife, and brought the whole event to an end.554

Although, in this story the dog owner’s dedication did not extend to building a temple for the canine, there are Ming and Qing (1368–1911) records of people dedicating a ting ॼ (pavilion) to a loyal dog and naming the guardian dog ׅ (the temple dog). Take the records in the Qingxiڝ before a temple siquan xiabi (ca. 1368–1487) and Xianyi bian (ca. 1573–1620), for example. Both texts tell of a wealthy merchant who was robbed and buried alive by greedy monks in a monastery in Beijing during the reign of Emperor Xianzong of Ming (r. 1464– 1487).555 The merchant was eventually saved by the “temple dog”, which barked continuously at passing government officials and led them to the scene of the crime.556 A later record in the Wuxia yanlian (ca. 1820) depicts a wealthy merchant whose dog dedicated its life to protecting and securing his lost property. Moved by the loyalty of his dog, the merchant built a pavilion and called it Yiquan ting ᆠׅॼ (the pavilion of a loyal dog) to commemorate the dog.557

Moreover, a story in the Taiping guangji (978) has a lion painting in front of a house stained with blood after the lion exercised its magical power to ward off

553 See Li, Taiping guangji, 3554. 554 Ibid. 555 Yao Fu, “Qingxi xiabi” (Casual Writings of the Clear Stream), in Guochao diangu, 1450, and Liu Yuanqing, “Xianyi bian” (Allegorical Tales of the Good and the Virtuous), in Congshu jicheng xinbian, vol. 88, 527. 556 Yao, “Qingxi”, 1450, and Liu, “Xianyi”, 527. 557 Wang Youguang, Wuxia yanlian (Popular Sayings of Southern China), in Qingdai shiliao biji congkan (Series of Historical Materials and Notes of the Qing Dynasty), ed. Shi Jichang (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982), 83–84. 177 evil spirits, an exorcising ability just like that of its Japanese counterpart, the temple dog.558 This Chinese version with its powerful quadruped concerns an artist named Guangbao, whose friend Lu Gai in Nanjing had a strange disease that could not be cured in spite of numerous attempts. Gu therefore painted a lion and asked his friend Lu to place the painting in front of the house in order to keep malignant influences at bay. Lu had his family hang the lion portrait on the doorway and had them pay homage to the animal with incense. Night came and with it some disturbing sounds that lasted for a long time.559 The following morning, members of Lu’s family found blood stains on the mouth of the painted lion and on the front door, and Lu was miraculously cured. The story concludes with a similar ending to the Japanese story of the “temple dogs” of Hakusan Shinto shrine, with everyone amazed at the supernatural power of the lion.560

It is interesting to note that this kind of story about how a lion motif comes alive and exercises its magical power to help people regain their lives is still being told in Shangyu, Zhejiang Province, with the venue changed from a residential unit to a governmental building and the lion motif transformed from an ink-brush painting to two stone statues. According to Wang Bomin, people in Shangyu still tell the story of how a pair of stone lions came alive and warded off wild dogs that had been harassing the people of Wenling in Zhejiang Province.561 During the reign of Emperor Yongzheng (1678–1735), people were suffering from predatory raids of wild dogs and could find no way to stop them. Out of desperation, the people turned for help to the stone lions made by Fan Binshu in front of the magistrate’s office. Amazingly, the stone lions came alive and chased the wild dogs across the county boundary. As a result, the people of Wenling could again enjoy a peaceful life.

From the change in the Chinese lion and its transformation into the Japanese temple dog, we see that the name of this royal beast changed from komainu to

558 Li, Taiping guangji, 1609. The story is also recorded, with less detail, in the Gusu zhi (1502) and the Yuzhitang tanhui (seventeenth century). See Wang, Gusu zhi, 819, and Xu, “Yuzhitang tanhui”, 158. 559 Li, Taiping guangji, 1609. 560 Ibid. The original expression is shiren yizhi ழԳฆհ. 561 Wang Bomin, Zhongguo minjian meishu (The Chinese Popular Arts), (Fuzhou: Fujian meishu chuban she, 1994), 19. 178 amainu and then to the temple dog, and the physical appearance of this kingly animal was transformed from a “big cat” with a shaggy mane to a petite white dog, and then to a temple guardian beast with a single horn. Although there was often confusion whether the single-horned creature was a Chinese spiritual animal, the qilin, or the lion,562 this grotesque lion in front of Buddhist temples, the Dog of Buddha, is actually the Japanese Buddhist lion, which often has long ears, large eyes, a broad nose, wide mouth, curly mane and spiral tail.563

Curiously enough, during the reign of Emperor Khubilai Khan (r. 1271–1294) of the Yuan dynasty, the Japanese expression the lion-dog of Buddha came into use in China.564 A devout Buddhist, Khubilai kept both real lions and the lion- like Pekingese in the precincts of his palaces and temples.565 As a result, the lion-like dog acquired prestige from the lion and the royal beast’s association with Buddhism. It seems reasonable to infer that in transforming a ferocious lion into an adorable dog the Chinese meant to suggest that from a human perspective combining dominance and affection provided the inspiration for mastering the world of nature. That is, for the last fearless warrior of the Great Khans, transforming nature and making it beg for mercy and obey commands might have been far greater than just mastering nature itself.

Combining the image of the lion and the dog as the prestigious symbol of class was further elaborated during Ming and Qing, when the use of the dog-like lion guardian before the entry way of residential units was highly restricted. Although placing the lion motif in front of an entrance way was generally acknowledged by the court during Tang and Song as a means of flaunting one’s success, Ming and Qing authorities considered it a felony. Several regulations on the use of the lion motif were imposed in the highly stratified society of Ming and Qing to ensure imperial law and order was carried out to the letter. For instance, during the early Ming dynasty, the use of the lion motif was restricted to certain military

562 See Martin Feddersen, Chinese Decorative Art: A Handbook for Collectors and Connoisserus (London: Faber and Faber Limited, 1961), 235–236. 563 According to Annie Dixey, the Pekingese dog is a living prototype of the Buddhist lion which the Japanese later more realistically called the Dog of Fo, that is, the guardian beast in front of the Shinto temple. See Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 65. 564 Tuan, Dominance and Affection, 105. 565 Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 31. 179

(officials, such as sipin wupinguan ؄঴ն঴ࡴ (Fourth and Fifth-Rank officials during the first year of the reign of Emperor Hongwu (1368), and erpinguan Բ঴ ࡴ (Second-Rank officials) during the twenty-fourth year of the reign of Emperor Hongwu (1391).566 Therefore, using the lion motif as decoration and placing a lion statue at the portico of a commoner’s house was regarded as a criminal offense and could result in a capital sentence.567

The following dynasty, the Qing, went further and placed a “restraint order” on the use of the lion statue before officials’ residences, according to the number of curly tufts on the wig-like mane of the lion. A statue before the residence of a yipinguan ԫ঴ࡴ (First-Rank official) could have thirteen tufts on its head, the number of tufts reducing by one for each rank after that down to a qipinguan Ԯ ঴ࡴ (Seventh-Rank official), whose lion statue could have only seven tufts.568 Hence, officials below the seventh grade could not have a lion statue erected before their residence. These installations were the product of a highly stratified society that recognised no compromise.569

When the lion-dog (Pekingese) became a favourite pet of the Manchu rulers, as a symbol of the lion it acquired more prestige on account of the implied comparison between the dog and Buddha. For instance, the Dowager Empress, Cixi, who took her sobriquet “Old Buddha” seriously, strongly supported extreme inbreeding practices that altered the size and shape of the Pekingese in imitation of traits of the lion in order to create the image of a kingly beast from the petite species.570 Extreme methods, such as limiting puppies’ consumption

566 According to the Ming shi, only fourth and fifth-rank military officials were allowed to have the lion motif on their carriages in 1368, and only second-rank officials were allowed to have it on the buzi ᇖ՗ (Mandarin Square) of their surcoat in 1391. See Zhang, Ming shi, 1611 and 1638. 567 Ibid., 1638 and 1671. 568 Xu and Yang, Zhongguo shizi, 190. However, in popular culture the lion’s tufts are associated with the popular yingxi ᐙᚭ (shadow play) Feihumeng ଆॡኄ (The Dream of General Feihu) in which the protagonist’s official title is Shisan taibao ԼԿ֜অ (The Thirteenth Warrior). See Hu Hongbo, “Minchu yingci shiqi zhong xulu” (The Seventeen Kinds of Yingci of the Early Republic), Chengda zhongwen xuebao (Journal of Chinese Literature of National Cheng Kung University), 10 (2002), 70–71. 569 The use of different forms and images of the lion to differentiate class originated in the Six Dynasties when the number of horns on top of the lion corresponded to its owner’s social class. For further information, see Yao and Gu, Nanchao lingmu, 3–10. 570 While Dowager Empress Cixi discouraged cross-breeding, she quite actively promoted what it achieved. See Tuan, Dominance and Affection, 106. 180 of water to keep the little canines from growing, keeping the dogs in wire cages to stunt the development of their legs, and breaking the cartilage of puppies’ noses in order to widen the nasal bridge to look like the lion’s were often practised.571 This was all to model the Pekingese into a curly “little ball” echoing all the symbolic language the circular (yuan) could ever acquire.572 In addition, bells, tassels, silken ribbons, and even colours were put on the rotund pet to make it look like a lion.573 As a result, the dog had a white blaze on its forehead, wore a decorated collar, had a bushy tail like a wicked ogre, snored like roaring thunder, and had the swaying walk of a rolling ball.574 That is to say, the dog was no longer perceived as a dog but as a leonine dog, the image of the ferocious lion and the gracious dog become one under the playful auspices of the imperial ruler of Cathay.575 Thus the name of this compound creature is neither the dog nor the lion, but the lion-dog of Buddha, bridging the gap between the celestial and terrestrial worlds, transforming human fantasy into reality, and tackling in a playful mood the sacred mission of guarding the threshold of significant gateways.

The Chinese transformation of a dog into a quasi-lion is no less promising than the Japanese transformation of a Chinese lion into a Korean dog and then into a temple dog. As we can see, both involved turning a living animal into a “Frankenstein’s monster”, altering its name to better fit the new hybrid, and inventing “historical events” to claim power and authority for the novel breed. For the Chinese, the attainment of power and indicating personal status through placing lion statues in front of their entry way had always been the game of the rich and the powerful to which ordinary people had no access. The transformation of the lion into a dog, however, broke class barriers and made power and status attainable and affordable. Hence, getting a lion-dog became a

571 Collier, Dogs of China, 53–54. 572 For the symbolic implications of yuan, see Chapter five: Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism and the “Rounding” of a Spiritual Animal into a Domestic Pet. It was Dixey who coined the term “little ball” to describe the shape of the little Pekingese, see Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 68. 573 Ibid. 574 For the distinct characteristics of the Pekingese, see Collier, Dogs of China, 54, and Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 60–69. 575 Yi-Fu Tuan’s interpretation of the word “play” involves the quintessential activity of children, who learn to turn fantasy into reality, gain confidence from manipulating things, and taste power through the pleasure of inflicting pain and humiliation on their toys. See Tuan, Dominance and Affection, 164. 181 fashion, taming a dog represented a household’s well being, and domesticating the petite creature became part of popular culture.576 Although this kind of popular culture was merely symbolic with no legal or constitutional implications, it was powerful enough to weld together the images of the dog and the lion so that the feeling of a blend of dominance and affection created a bond between the powerful and the powerless and made the performing art of the lion motif, the lion dance, popular in Chinese communities around the world.

6.4 What the Dancing Lion Signified

The lion dance is a popular and familiar performance at Chinese festivals and religious events throughout the world.577 However, it was initiated under the bureaucratic metaphor of the ruling class. This can be traced back to the Three Kingdoms period (A.D. 220–280), when the lion dance was often performed to entertain the nobility at imperial banquets.578 During the Northern and Southern Dynasties (420–589), it was combined with Buddhist rituals and gradually became popular.579 In Tang, the popular Daoist concept of the Five Elements was injected into the performance,580 with five colours assigned to the dancing lions to differentiate them into five social classes, the yellow (or golden) lion in the middle the most prestigious as it symbolised the Son of Heaven.581 While the origin of the dance and its association with Chinese cosmology is still being

576 According to Dixey, in late imperial China it was common for visitors to ask the name of the family lion-dog as a courtesy and to acquire the status and value the dog stood for. See Dixey, The Lion Dog of Peking, 3. 577 Hu, Chinese Lion Dance, 5. 578 Wang Kefen, “Huashou wushi” (The Lion Dance), Wenshi zhishi, 117, No. 3 (1991), 64. 579 According to the Luoyang jialan ji, a Buddhist exorcism ritual similar to the lion dance was performed to start certain religious processions. See Fan, Luoyang jialan ji, 43. 580 The concepts of yin-yang and wuxing popular in Han were systematised during the later Warring States period (475–221 B.C.). See Yu Ying-shih, “Handai xunli yu wenhua chuanbo” (Han Officials and the Propagation of Culture), Jiuzhou xuekan (Chinese Culture Quarterly), 1, No. 1 (1986), 9–24, and Ban, “Baihu tongde lun”, 3: 9–19. 581 Ge Xiaoyin and Tokura Hidemi, “Riben wuyue shizi yu nanchao yuefu” (The Lion of Japan’s Kureno gaku and the Yuefu of the Southern Dynasties), Tang yanjiu (Journal of Tang Studies), 10 (2004), 126– 127. Yellow has always been the most valued colour in China. Legend has it that when Heaven and Earth came into being, there were no human beings. Nüwa created men by patting yellow earth together. She then made other men with other materials and colours to speed up the process. Therefore, the richest and the noblest are those “yellow men”. see Wang Liqi, Fengsu tongyi jiaozhu (Annotated Comprehensive Meaning of Popular Customs), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), 601. 182 debated,582 in imperial times these colourful and lavish performances that laypeople never had the pleasure of seeing were certainly reserved for the rich and powerful.

There is a popular legend, however, about an emperor having a dream in which the lion dance was made accessible to those he ruled. It is said that when Tang reunited China after four centuries of internal revolts and foreign invasions, Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–756) had a mystic dream. In this peculiar dream, he saw a celebration of his glorious reign that had men concealed under a glittering five-coloured monster—a lion—and he saw the people dancing with it. This spectacular performance delighted the emperor, who took his dream as a good omen. Without further hesitation, this Son of Heaven commanded craftsmen to make a reality of the colourful creature of his dream and ordered his people to perform the dance on imperial occasions.583 This Tang version of the dancing lion was later used to entertain frontier guards at the empire’s western borders; there was a nostalgic tone to these performances, however, as the performers had the animal wail, implying that was how the soldiers felt about the war and lost territory.584

The wailing lion was carried over to the Song dynasty, when people continued to have the animal roar powerfully, expressing anger and sorrow.585 In Ming this was turned into a spectacular show in which two shiman ᅐ᨟ (lion entertainers or trainers from abroad) embraced after seeing the dancing lion and wept

582 For instance, Cammann argues that the lion dance and its association with the five cardinal directions and the “Music of Universal Peace” came from Kucha in Western Turkistan via a Kuchan orchestra which arrived in China in the latter part of the sixth century. 583 Tang Meiwen and Chen Lijuan, “Dang miaohui shiwang yuejin juchang: hongsheng xingshi tuan” (The Promotion of the Lion Dance from Temple Fair to Theatrical Production: Hong-Sheng Lion Dancers), Beixian wenhua (Taipei County Cultural Quarterly), 88 (2006), 4. 584 The nostalgia of the lion dance comes from a poem by Bai Juyi (772–846) describing these feelings of the frontier guards. For the poem and its implications, see Chi Naipeng, “Bai Juyi xiliang ji zhi shiziwu fei wufang shiziwu” (The Lion Dance in Bai Juyi’s Poem: New Interpretations), Wenshi (Studia Sinica), 65, No. 4 (2003), 163–166. 585 For instance, a Buddhist sutra and a poem of Su Shi (1037–1101) both have the lion roar to express these mixed feelings. For the sutra, see Fotuo jiaoyu jijin hui, Dazheng xinxiu, 47: 628. For the poem, see Chi, “Bai Juyi”, 166. 183 because the animal reminded them of their home country.586 This homesickness brought on by the lion dance was then dramatised in the late seventeenth century, in the first few decades of the Manchu (Qing) conquest of China, when anti-Qing rebels painted the animal green, the colour of the military forces of Qing.587 The manipulation of the dancing lion was camouflaged as promoting traditional folk arts, the metaphorical intention being to weave the anti-Manchu slogan fanqing fuming ֘堚༚ࣔ (Overthrow the Qing and restore the Ming) into reality.588 Hence, the interaction between the lion and the performers became crucial, as each and every movement was a significant indicator of the Han people’s discomfort and their resentment of Manchu authority.

For instance, the dancing lion performed the caiqing ආॹ (Picking up the Green) rite by gradually approaching a red envelope filled with money tied up in a high place with a head of lettuce.589 It had to conquer certain barriers to achieve the green. Once it got the green, it bit it off, chewed it then spat it out to signify the arrival of good fortune. Because of the phonetic equivalence between qing ॹ (green) and qing 堚 (Qing), Anti-Qing forces saw this dance as yaoqing ন堚 (Biting off the Qing) and caiqing ᔐ堚 (Stepping on the Qing).590 Some regional lion dance performers even ended the dance with the dramatic slaughtering of the green lion at the hands of a Han Chinese warrior.591 To Qing officials, these interactions between the lion and the people might have appeared to be some kind of Chinese folk custom; for the Han Chinese, however, they were a means of regaining their self-esteem and consolidating rebellious forces around the country. That is to say, the manipulation of the green lion provided anti-Qing rebels an opportunity to express their feelings, overcome their fear, and gain

586 Gao Huajun, “Zhongguo wushi huodong qiyuan yu lishi fazhan zhi tanxi” (The Origins and Development of the Chinese Lion Dance), Chengda tiyu yanjiu jikan, (National Cheng Kung University Physical Education Research Bulletin), 7 (2002), 37. 587 Qingshi ॹᅐ (the green lion) is phonetically equivalent to qingshi 堚ஃ (the military forces of the Qing). For the anti-Qing rebels’ use of the green lion, see Lee, “Taiwan minjian wushi”, 41. 588 Ibid. 589 The term caiqing, according to Lee Yu-yen, is a Southern Chinese folk custom: the placing of qing ॹ ತ (prosperity). See Lee, “Taiwan minjianس လ (vegetable) indicates shengcaiس green) or shengcai) wushi”, 65. 590 The performance is called zhanqingshi ඛॹᅐ, see Lee, “Taiwan minjian wushi”, 65. 591 Ibid., 41. 184 control of a territory that was once their own. It seems that the various signifiers that could be attached to a dancing lion resolved different perceptions held by the élite and the popular culture, a method adopted long before by the ruling class of the Zhou dynasty (1027–221 B.C.).

6.5 Convergence of the Dominant and Popular Cultures

Ever since the Zhou dynasty the ruling élite has been accumulating, manipulating and transforming popular customs and habits as a political means to dominate and gain control over their subjects.592 Sometimes the popular practice or spiritual belief of a regional community was even turned into a national tradition.593 The manipulation of the image of the lion and its association with the divine to conceal power over their subjects was typical of this kind of invented tradition circulating between popular and élite culture. Consequently, wings were mounted on the lion so it could stand guard over imperial mausoleums;594 loyalty to Bodhisattvas whose images were a reflection of the imperial family was attributed to the lion;595 and a cosmological scheme was superimposed on the lion to declare the Son of Heaven’s mandate over it.596 These changes in the lion’s image and the transformations of its value

592 This is captured in the Chinese term yifeng yisu ฝଅ࣐ঋ (to change prevailing habits and customs). See Yu, “Handai xunli”, 9–24. Similar ideas were proposed in the 1950s by the American anthropologist Robert Redfield as the Great Tradition vs. the Little Tradition, from his field research on peasant society in Latin America. See Robert Redfield, Peasant Society and Culture: An Anthropological Approach to Civilization (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1956), esp. Chapter Three. 593 For how things can be unquestioningly accepted the custom or tradition of one particular region, see Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 1–14. This kind of collective acceptance of a particular thing or event with no verifiable sources can be regarded as one of the mythicising procedures of Chinese mythology. See Lewis, The Flood Myths, 1. Similar account scan be found in the Persian empire’s constant adaptation of non- verifiable sources as their history. See Allen, The Persian Empire, 161. 594 For the winged lion’s role in stone tomb statuary, see Paludan, The Chinese Spirit Road, 28–83, and my elaboration in Chapter five. 595 For the mandate for making a Buddhist sculpture as requested by the imperial family, see Li, Meide licheng, especially Chapter Six. The use of the lion image to represent the power of Buddhism is seen in the Nan shi, where Emperor Wu of Liang (r. 502–549) is described as a devout Buddhist who preferred to meditate and preach on a lion throne. See Li Yanshou, Nan shi (The History of the Southern Dynasties), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 219. 596 According to the Huainanzi, the ideal tou ᙰ (head or top) and zu ߩ (feet or bottom) represented the Heaven is round and Earth is square): the head should) ֱچcosmological ideology tianyuan difang ֚Ⴝ be circular, representing Heaven, and the feet square shape, reflecting Earth. See He, Huainanzi, 507. 185 stemmed from the ruling class, were adopted by and circulated among popular cults and then, reiterated by the rulers through language (in either textual or oral form), became a mechanism of the powerful to glorify their supreme authority over the powerless. The power of this kind of language manipulation, however, relied heavily on the continuity between the language of the élite class and that of the masses.

The formal or refined language used by élite society, yayan ႁߢ, originated in the state language, guoyu ഏ፿, which was the dialect of Western Zhou (1027– 771 B.C.) standardised by the literati and state officials.597 Unlike Latin, which gained wide currency among the élite in Europe with little involvement of the populace, the Chinese refined language was derived from the popular dialect, fangyan ֱߢ, and resonated with and responded to the people.598 The interweaving of the popular dialect and culture with their élite counterpart was part of the political process of uniting the whole country.599 Take the lion dance as an example: given that it was used to entertain the powerful and influential and served as a symbol of the subjugation of the west, it has become an essential ingredient in Chinese national festivals, representing one aspect of Chinese indigenous culture. The indigenousness, as this thesis argues, comes from the shifting of the lion’s image between real and imagined, strange and familiar, and dominant and popular cultures. In other words, what has perpetuated the lion’s image and activated its mechanism in China is the “Chineseness” of the lion, the Chineseness that unites the animal and its audience—the Chinese people. It is precisely because of this particular Chinese perception, or xiang, that the lion motif has been rendered into an appliance or plaything of the Chinese.

Consequently, a typical Chinese lion statue has a round head and a square base. For further on the lion and Chinese cosmology, see Min-Chia Young, “Rounding-up of the Chinese Lion: Transformation of the Guardian Beast from Hell to Heaven in Chinese Architecture”, in Consequentiality II: Mythology, Theology, Ontology, ed. Dena Hurst (Tallahassee: Expanding Human Consciousness Inc., 2006), 425–435. 597 Yu, Handai xunli, 10. 598 Ibid., 12–-13. 599 Ibid., 13. 186

The playful attributes of the Chinese lion motif are best exemplified by an imperial record of construction and architecture during the Qing, the Gongduan yingzao lu (1795), which categorises the making of a lion motif into three sections: the head, torso and limbs.600 The head, according to this text, should have threaded tufts, elephant eyes and canine fangs holding a ball; the torso should have on it embroidered ribbons, a collar bell and phoenix feathers; and the limbs should have zither-like hindlegs with its forelegs surrounded by dragon cubs standing on top of a pedestal.601 In the popular rendering of the animal as a stone lion its head must account for ninety percent of the animal’s overall weight.602 That is to say, the heavy reliance on the animal’s head was to make the animal “talk” as the focus of a stone lion (Figure 6.9).603

Figure 6.9: The popular rendering of a pair of stone lions with oversized heads, standing guard in front of Daming Temple (ca. 1644–1722). Source: Zhu Guorong, Zhongguo shizi diaosu yishu, 79.

In sum, the dog-like Chinese lion motif came into being between the Tang and Qing dynasties, when the playful attributes and spiritual powers of the dog were

600 See Li Dou, Yangzhou huafang lu (Huafang Records of Yangzhou), (Yangzhou: Jiangsu guangling guji keyin she, 1984), 387. 601 Ibid. ְ According to Xu Huadang and Yang Guchan, stone artisans generally make a head of nine jin 602 (catty) for a lion of ten jin, see Xu and Yang, Zhongguo shizi, 271. 603 According to Xu and Yang, people should be able to tell the gender, age, and geographical location of the lion from its facial expression as well as what it is trying to express. See Xu and Yang, Zhongguo shizi, 271–272. 187 superimposed on the lion through a mingling of the popular and the élite cultures. Not only did this integration of the dominant and popular perceptions physically model the lion into a dog, it also metaphysically gave the lion certain social, spatial and religious implications echoing social value and cultural identity. This is strongly felt in the coastal areas of South China, where harsh climatic conditions and man-made disasters prompted the people to combine their spiritual worship with the mechanism of the lion in a vernacular culture of their own. As a result, when these southerners were forced to leave their homeland, this “Southern Lion” culture accompanied them as a living heritage implying their acknowledgement of their place and their feelings about their society.

188

Chapter 7 The Lion Motif in the Vernacular Cultures of Southern China

The assimilation of the lion motif with the tomb guardian beast of the powerful and with the domestic pet of the powerless in China changed an unknown foreign import into a familiar element of the indigenous culture; it even transformed the animal from a vessel of divinity to a popular icon. This chapter continues to examine changing Chinese perceptions of the lion motif, its focus on how the lion’s efficacy became part of vernacular cultures of South China, in particular the religious and spiritual beliefs of southern Fujian. Two small case studies are provided as evidence of how this regional lion culture has become a living heritage deeply entrenched in the spatial constructs and social life of Chinese, especially those of southern origin. The first is an examination of the Wind Lion God, a popular deity patronised in Kinmen, most of whose inhabitants are immigrants from southern Fujian. The second is an assessment of the lion statues at the gates of Chinatown in Sydney, Australia, an ethnic enclave largely dominated by people from South China.

7.1 Differences between North and South

It is generally accepted that the dividing line between North and South China runs along the Huai River and Qinling Mountains.604 This division not only addresses regional variations in terms of geographic locations, climatic conditions, and population patterns, it also corresponds to cultural differences.605 Geographically, North China has a gently rolling topography with

604 Cai Fanghua, “Zhengduo nanbei fenjie biaozhi yuanyu chengshi wenhua pinji” (The Argument about the Emblems of Southern and Northern China Stems from the Poverty of City Culture), Beijing qingnian bao (Beijing Youth Daily), 3 September 2008. 605 Traditionally, it is believed that northern Chinese civilisation originated in the Yellow River Basin, and southern civilisation in the Yangtze River basin. The term “North China” is adopted from Wolfram Eberhard and includes Shaanxi, Shandong, Hebei, Henan, Liaoning and Shaanxi, while South China refers to Fujian, Guangdong, and Guangxi. For their geographic, climatic, physical and cultural variations, see Wolfram Eberhard, “Chinese Regional Stereotypes”, Asian Survey, 5, No. 12 (1965), 596–608, Liang Zhongxiao, “Hanshui huaihe zhongguo nanbei wenhua zhuanhuan de zhouxin” (The Hanjiang River and Huaihe River: Cultural Conversion Axis between North China and South China), Yunyang shifan 189 still water standing in large pools and lakes; South China, on the other hand, is full of wetlands with mountains separating different regions.606 Geographical differences are reflected in the climatic conditions, with the North extreme and variable, and the South wet and windy.607 These natural environments had an impact on population patterns: northerners were generally considered to be tough, strong and civilised Han Chinese who tended to live in dispersed communities, and the south was thought to be dominated by less cultured ethnic groups speaking their own distinct languages.608

Wet and windy South China, with its mingling of ethnic groups, thus became the birthplace of a colourful culture with a long tradition of belief in exotic things and spiritual power. This tradition dates back to the Spring and Autumn period (770– 476 B.C.) when southern China belonged to Chu, a regional state or kingdom that lasted for more than eight hundred years. This multi-cultural state of Chu was able to accommodate more than forty ethnic groups and still be a coherent and powerful whole.609 The assimilation of different local and regional cultures therefore contributed to the distinct characteristics of the Chu people, who saw the sun as an irrational and misty deity; the river as a singing beauty; and the mountains as a half-human half-beast official.610 The Chu people’s views that shifted between the real and the imagined were carried on to the Han and

gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao (Journal of Yunyang Teachers College), 24, No. 2 (2004),16–20, and Ma Ruiya, “Woguo chuantong minju de nanbei chayi” (Differences in Traditional Dwelling Houses in North and South China). Shaanxi jianzhu (Shaanxi Architecture), 34, No. 26 (2008), 40-41. 606 For the geography of China, see Robert W. McColl, “Understanding the Geographies of China: An Assemblage of Pieces”, Education about Asia, 4, No. 2 (1999), 4–11. 607 Ibid., 6–7, and Ma, “Woguo chuantong”, 40. 608 For living patterns, see McColl, “Understanding the Geographies”, 5–11. For personalities and ethnic variations, see Liang, “Hanshui huaihe”, 16–17, and Gu Xiangming and Wang Dajian, “Yanshi jiaxun zhong nanbei chao shizu fengsu wenhua xianxiang tanxi” (The Folk and Cultural Differences between Northern and Southern Elites in the Family Instructions for the Yen Clan), Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Journal of Zhengzhou University), 39, No. 4 (2006), 76–79. For regional and ethnic stereotypes, see Eberhard, “Chinese Regional”, 596–608. 609 Geng, “Chu zhenmushou”, 94. 610 For how the Chu perceived their world, see Gong Jianpeng, “Cong shijing zhousong yu chuci jiuge jisishi de jisi duixiang kan nanbei wenhua de chayi” (Differences between the Cultures of North and South in the Sacrificial Offering Poems Zhousong and Chuci jiuge in the Shijing), Zhengzhou hangkong gongye guanli xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Zhengzhou Institute of Aeronautical Industry Management: Social Science Edition), 24, No. 5 (2005), 23–24. Xia Zhifeng suggests that the Chu saw the world integrating the natural, spiritual and physical realms. See Xia, “Chuguo shenhua”, 585–596. 190 extended to the Six Dynasties when South China experiencedr constant civil wars and political chaos.611

During the Six Dynasties, the colourful nature of southerners was regarded as weird and mysterious and was believed to result from their often strange practices and odd beliefs.612 Their weird and strange behaviour included men putting on make-up and perfume and wearing high heels, floating along in imitation of a flying deity.613 The way they called a horse a tiger and used spiritual forces to ward off their own ancestral spirits further made the people of the South seem oddly unreal and otherworldly.614 Their belief in the supernatural and their practice of exorcism was also reflected in their afterlife scheme, where the path to the heavenly wonderland and immortality was full of real and imagined animals from different spiritual and religious beliefs.615 These real and imaginary animals were not just intermediaries to help people on their way to the heavenly realm, they were also intruders trying to interfere in the attainment of a better afterlife. Therefore, strange animals replete with real and imagined features were mixed with the good and the bad in the mortuary art of the South from the beginning of Chu and continued as a mechanism in the Sui and Tang, when the cultures of South and North China began to merge harmoniously, making the extraordinary beliefs and customs of the South more acceptable in popular culture.616

611 See Chapter five for my argument. In his study of the Chu silk paintings and Han stone carvings, Zhao Chengfu concurs that the Chu people’s view of the otherworldly had a direct influence on Han. See Zhao Chengfu, “Chuhua chusu dui nanyang han huaxiangshi de yingxiang” (The Influence of Chu Painting and Culture on the Stone Carvings of Nanyang during the Han Dynasty) in Chu wenhua yanjiu lunji (Chu Cultural Studies Collection), ed. Chu wenhua yanjiu hui, vol. 4 (Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chuban she, 1994), 543–551. 612 When comparing the people of North and South China during the Six Dynasties, Gu Xiangming and Wang Dajian makes the following comment: “Southerners were feminine, weird and irrational; northerners were masculine, bold and straightforward.” See Gu and Wang, “Yanshi jiaxun”, 76. 613 This is according to the description by Yan Zhitui (531–590) in his Yanshi jiaxun (compiled after A.D. 581). See Wang Liqi, Yanshi jiaxun jijie (Collected Interpretations of Family Instructions for the Yan Clan), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2002), 148. 614 Ibid., 98 and 322. For the strange folk beliefs of southerners, see Yanshi jiaxun, esp. Fengcao ଅᖙ (Customs and Manners), Mianxue ঠᖂ (Encourage Study), and Zhongzhi ึࠫ (Last Will). The English translations of these titles are from Teng Ssu-yu, Family Instructions for the Yen Clan (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968). 615 See my argument in Chapter five: Reconciling the Protective Forces of Daoism and Buddhism. 616 Zhang Yupu has attributed the harmonious assimilation of North and South to Emperor Yang of Sui (604–618), who adopted much southern culture and used many southern intellectuals and members of the élite. See Zhang, “Sui yangdi”, 21–26. 191

7.2 The Resisting Stone in Southern Fujian Culture

The poular belief in the supernatural among the people of South China, especially those living along the southeast coast of Fujian, where monsoons, floods, and drought were a constant threat,617 further contributed to a league of extraordinary guardian forces watching over the well-being of this coastal region. The fearless nature of southern Fujian culture, minnan wenhua Ꮈত֮֏, with its belief in heroic deeds and adulation of spirits was at the base of the conceptualisation of these supernatural powers.618 In this culture there was a tendency to think that every natural calamity was caused by evil spirits and the best way to solve any problem was to adore and worship that source of power. Therefore, deities of the sun, moon, wind, clouds, mountains and rivers were forged to restrain natural phenomena;619 homage was paid to the evil spirit of the plague to minimise its impact;620 and temples were built to honour ancient trees to seek blessings.621 One extreme of this kind of “pitiful response” was calling bald people Father, Mother or Master;622 considering themselves blessed by good spirits if they were fortunate enough to have survived terminal diseases;623 and bestowing on stone statues honourable titles, such as ye ᅍ (God or Master) and gong ֆ (Duke), in tribute to them.624

617 Gao Jianyun et al., “On the Relation between Asian Summer Monsoon and Flood/Drought Events during July-September in Fujian Province”, (paper presented at the International Geoscience and Remote Sensing Symposium 2006 in Denver, Colorado, 31 July–4 August 2006), and Jian Mao-qiu et al., “Interannual and Interdecadal Variations of Large-Scale Moisture Sinks over Guangdong”, Journal of Tropical Meteorology, 14, No. 1 (2008), 33–36. 618 According to Dai Guanqing, the southern Fujianese are strong believers in spiritual beings and fearless warriors. See Dai Guanqing, “Minjian xiangxiang zhongde wenhua shengyan: lun minnan minjian gushi zai goujian hexie shehui zhongde jiji zuoyong” (The Cultural Dimension of Separation: The Cultural Heritage of South Fujian in Southeast Asian Chinese Literature), Fujian luntan: renwen shehui kexue ban (Fujian Tribune: The Humanities and Social Sciences Bimonthly), 7 (2007), 98–102. 619 Gong, “Cong shijing”, 23. 620 Xie, Wu zazu, 178. 621 Zhou, Xiamen zhi, 650. 622 Ibid. Xie Zhaozhe (1567–1624) condemned the responses of the Southern Fujianese to natural ৿ (pathetic). See Xie, Wu zazu, 178. Zhou Kai (1779–1837) made a similarױ disasters as kehen comment, calling the south Fujianese cult yu ჟ (foolish). See Zhou, Xiamen zhi, 68. 623 Xie, Wu zazu, 178, and Zhou, Xiamen zhi, 68. 624 Zhou, Xiamen zhi, 650. 192

A tenth-century record says that during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms ف Գ (stone men) or shipianف the people of Wu would set up shiren ,(960–907) ཊᅝ (the stone thatف stone slabs) at street intersections with shigandang) ׂ dares to resist) inscribed on them in order to harness a strange phenomenon called qu ᨂ.625 That is, qu was a natural phenomenon that would sometimes affect the people of Wu, and it was believed that by worshipping the stone guardian the qu would be overpowered. According to the Shuowen jiezi (A.D. 121), qu means “something” that comes from and goes to (all) four directions.626 It also defines the wind as “something” coming from (all) eight directions.627 It is therefore justifiable to infer that this “something” is the wind, and qu in the minds of the people of Wu was phenomena or problems caused by the wind. Consequently, the stone statue or slab referred to the spirit, deity or guardian used to “resist” the wind.

It seems that this folk custom was still current during the Ming dynasty, when ല૨ (stone general) orف the people of South China would place a shijiangjun ᅾ (stone stela) on streets and bridges to exorcise the “alleged” evilف shibei spirits hidden in the wind.628 However, it is noteworthy that the stone figure had changed from an ordinary “man” to a “general”; an eminent title had been bestowed, and the protective mechanism had been transformed from harnessing the wind to exorcising evil spirits. The change in the stone guardian’s form and title and transformation of its power in the evolution of the tomb guardian beast in Chinese mortuary art did not stop here, as people in South China continued to place stone figures with other forms, titles and powers to resist the demonic forces of howling winds.

625 Wu was one of the ten kingdoms in South China; it was located in the area of present-day southern Anhui, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan and eastern Hubei from 902 to 937. Its people were considered barbarian by northerners. This is in the Jigu congbian (A Collection of Ancient Stories) (ca. 960–1127) quoted by Ye Tao, “Taishan shigandang yuanliu kao” (The Origin and Development of Shigandang on Mount Tai), Minsu yanjiu (Folklore Studies), 4 (2006), 164. However, the use of stone figures to ward off evil spirits can be dated to Former Han (206 B.C.–A.D. 8). See Liu, Shi yu shishen, 46–47. .The original explanation is sida weizhi qu ؄ሒᘯհᨂ. See Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 44 626 627 Ibid., 284. The original sentence is feng, bafeng ye ଅΔԶଅՈ. 628 See Tao, Chuogeng lu, 248. This text was written ca. 1360 when Tao moved to Songjiang to escape the political chaos in central China, hence the records are mostly about folk customs in southern China. 193

In the Xushi bijing (1632), the stone general took the name of the Han warrior ཊ from the dynastic history and became a real general named Shiف Shi Gan .ཊᅝ who died in the line of duty escorting Emperor Min of Jin (rف Gandang 313–316) from the capital during an internal revolt.629 This classical Chinese text further remarks of General Shi that he often turned adversity into good fortune and had thus been cast in stone to be placed at street intersections and on bridges to resist abuse and threats from malignant influences.630 Henceforth, this stone general has not only been regarded as a source for repelling evil, the stone statue has been considered a merciful guardian, who takes good care of people.

Several classical Chinese tales strengthened the mythical power of this daring stone man by linking his protective mechanism to the southern vernacular culture, where the military officer Shi became a stronger and more effective fortune teller, learned man, or woodsman.631 The general outline of these folk stories is that a strong young man named Shi Gandang, who happened to witness several evil spirits on their way to harass people, was kind enough to offer help. However, there were simply too many of these malignant influences for Shi to handle simultaneously. Hence, those who could not afford to wait managed to put Shi’s name on the stone and have it erected in front of their house, before the entry way of villages and at street intersections as a token of his presence. The association of a cold stone figure with a warm-blooded figure of flesh and blood and the blending of historical accounts with allegorical stories not only entrenched the legacy of the resisting stone, it also handed this protective mechanism of the ruling class over to ordinary people where its force became more flexible and accessible.

The belief in a stone figure coming alive and rescuing people from baleful influences developed further in the southernmost part of Guangdong in South

629 Xu Bo, “Xushi bijing” (Distillation of the Notes of Xu), in Congshu jicheng xubian, vol. 17, 540. A Han warrior named Shi Gan, who died in an internal revolt protecting Emperor Gaozu, is recorded in the Xin wudai shi (ca. 1053), see Ouyang, Xin wudai shi, 99. 630 Xu Bo, “Xushi bijing”, 540. 631 See Tao Yang, Taishan minjian gushi daguan (Popular Stories of Mount Tai), (Beijing: Wenhua yisu chuban she, 1984), 198–206. 194

China where the image of the dog comes in. As part of their totemic culture, the people of Leizhou have long had a tradition of worshipping the dog and consecrating it with red cloak, dating back to the Spring and Autumn period.632 When the people of southern Fujian migrated to Leizhou during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms, the legacy of the resisting stone was naturally assimilated into the existing dog-worshipping culture.633 This not only made the stone dog of Leizhou an omnipotent guardian combining the mystic powers of stone, thunder and the dragon,634 it also made the southern Fujianese aware that an “Exorcist of Evil” could have a physical appearance as cute as a chubby little dog (Figure 7.1).

Figure 7.1: The half-man half-beast stone guardian of Leizhou. Source: Luo Lang, “Leizhou shigou” (The Stone Dog of Leizhou), Minzu luntan (Nationalities Forum), 1 (2006), 28.

632 Li Rixing et al., “Lun leizhou shigou de wenhua jiazhi” (The Leizhou Stone Dog as Cultural Heritage), Wuyi daxue xuebao: shehui kexue ban (Journal of Wuyi University: Social Sciences Edition), 9, No. 2 (2007), 11 and 14. 633 Ibid., 13 and Chen Zhijian, “Leizhou shigou wenhua chutan” (An Initial Study of the Stone Dog Cuture of Lei Province), Lingnan wenshi (Lingnan Culture and History), 72, No. 3 (2004), 52. 634 For the Leizhou stone dog’s association with the powers of stone, thunder and the dragon, see Li, “Lun leizhou”, 11–15, and Chen, “Leizhou shigou”, 50–55. 195

The southern Fujianese preference for stone as an exorcism mechanism ೓टف extended to the stone being personalised and addressed as shiganba ᙰֆف ೓ა (Stone Godmother) and shitougongف Stone Godfather), shiganma) (Duke of Stone) to shorten the distance between the real and the imagined.635 Whenever a new-born baby arrived in a family, the parents would pray for the stone statue to adopt this child as its own in order to provide the child with life- long protection.636 These godfathers and godmothers were also said to be able to consume sweets and to grant fishermen a safe trip and a good catch if proper homage was paid.637 In addition, the stone’s protective sorcery has been maximised in the traditional vernacular culture of southern Fujian, where imaginary animals made of stone or earthenware are placed at street intersections or on top of roofs in association with the stone general to stop the howling winds,638 a tradition that has existed from time immemorial.

7.3 The Power and Image of the Wind

Many spiritual beings in Chinese mythology are credited with the power of the wind or have authority to exercise the power of the wind. What is more, these wind forces all have a semi-human appearance. For instance, in the Shanhai jing (ca. 290 B.C.), there are shanhui ՞䵜૨ and yubiao જᯀॡ, which are said to have the head of a human and the body of an animal, that are associated with the power of the wind.639 The hybrid creature with the power of the wind in the Chuci (second century B.C.) is called the feilian ଆკ, which is said to have a

635 The cult of personalising stone can also be found in Shandong, Jiangsu and Taiwan, see Liu, Shi yu shishen, 67–69. 636 Ibid., 68–69. 637 Ibid. “Feeding” stone statues with sweets can be decoded as both functional and indicial, as the act of feeding functions to tame a beast or deity in exchange for its loyality and service, and the act of placing sweets in the mouth indicates entering a prosperous realm, as gui ⩕ (sweets) is phonetically equivalent to gui ၆ (wealth). This indication of prosperity can be discerned from the chant accompanying the “Eye Dotting” ceremony. See Yang Tianhou and Lin Likuan, Jinmen fengshiye yu bixie xinyang (The Wind Lion God in Kinmen and Belief in Evils-Avoidance), (Taipei: Daotian chuban she, 2000), 33 638 Zhou Xing, “Fengshiye wuding shizi ji qita” (The Weather Lion, the Roof Lion and Others), Minsu yanjiu (Folklore Studies), 1 (2002), 112–113. 639 The Shanhui is a mythological guardian beast living in North Mountain that has the head of a human and the body of a dog and can run like the wind; it often causes windstorms around the world. Yubiao is the wind deity, with the head of a human and the body of a bird, living in the East Sea. See Yuan, Shanhai jing, 92 and 403–404. 196 the head of a bird and the torso of a deer.640 The spiritual wind being in the Jiaozhou ji (ca. 265–420) is portrayed as a female deity who has the appearance of an ape and will be resurrected by the wind if she dies.641 In -ᡬ (Windسaddition, a green leopard-like beast named the fengshengshou ଅ Borne Creature) is described in the Shizhouji (ca. 317–420) as an impenetrable wind spirit, which if killed would quickly respond once the wind touched its lips.642

Another powerful semi-human spiritual being that is capable of withstanding the wind is a legendary deity named Chiyou, who was alleged to be able to summon the powers of the wind and rain during his confrontation with the celebrated Chinese ancestor the Yellow Emperor, in Zhuolu.643 Due to his skilful military tactics, Chiyou is often regarded as the “God of War” and the inventor of five war implements, collectively known as the wubing ն܎ (Five Weapons).644 Therefore, Chiyou’s image was often honoured, revered and consecrated by imperial rulers before going to battle.645 In classical Chinese tales, Chiyou has been associated with the bear or the ox holding weapons in a position of combat (Figure 7.2).646 This ruthless warrior has also been described as having a “head as rough as copper and a brow as hard as iron” and being capable of harnessing anything from (all) eight directions.647 That is why the Yellow Emperor used Chiyou’s image to keep the malignant influences from harassing people when the world was in a state of chaos.648 In short, spiritual wind beings

640 Zhu, Chuci jizhu, 19. The beast’s ability to exercise the power of the wind is cited by the Han shu commentator Yin Shao (ca. 140–A.D. 204), who described this spiritual being as having the power to summon the wind. See Ban, Han shu, 193. For the feilian, see Chapter two: A Bridge between Real and Fictitious Chinese History. 641 Liu Xinqi, “Jiaozhou ji” (Notes in Jiaozhou), in Congshu jicheng xinbian, vol. 97, 475. 642 Wang, Hainei shizhou, 63. For a more complicated history and iconography of wind deities in China, see Susan Bush, “Thunder Monsters and Wind Spirits in Early Sixth Century China and the Epitaph Tablet of Lady Yuan”, Boston Museum Bulletin, 72, No. 367 (1974), 24-55, and her “Thunder Monsters, Auspicious Animals, and Floral Ornament in Early Sixth-Century China”, Ars Orientalis, 10 (1975), 19- 33. 643 For the battle of Zhuolu, see Sima, Shi ji, 3–4, and Yuan, Shanhai jing, 415. 644 Cheng Te-K’un, “Chih-yu: The God of War in Han Art”, Oriental Art, 4, No. 2 (1958), 48. For Chiyou’s association with the inventor of weapons, see Sima, Shi ji, 4. 645 Cheng, “Chih-yu”, 48. 646 Ibid., 52 quoted from Orvar Karlbeck, “Selected Objects from Ancient Shou-Chou”, Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 27 (1955), 96. 647 The physical appearance of Chiyou was described as tongtou tie’e Ꭽᙰᥳᠰ, see Sima, Shi ji, 4. 648 Ibid. 197 were often a combination of ferocious beasts and humans, capable of summoning the wind and creating problems. This powerful creature, if used properly, could also help to restrain any demonic attempts and achieve resurrection that was believed would lead people to a better life.

7.4 Consolidation of the Wind and the Lion

The initial use of the lion in China as a force to repel evil is uncertain;649 its first association with the power of the wind is even more so. The earliest record of a “big cat” that possessed the power of the wind is in the Chuci (second century B.C.), where a wind deity in the form of a leopard or tiger named the feilian ଆკ was said to be able to escort departing souls on their way to paradise.650 This can be confirmed by another record in the Yijing (third to second century B.C.) stating that the wind obeys the command of the tiger.651 It seems plausible to

649 See my argument in Chapter three: Its Origins. 650 See Zhu, Chuci jizhu, 19. For the feilian’s association with the wind deity, see Sun, Sun Zuoyun wenji, 455–481. For its association with the cat family, see Zhang, “Feilian yu shuangyi”, 26. It is noteworthy that the image of the feilian is not only associated only with the tiger or leopard, but also with the deer, bird and snake. See my argument in Chapter two: A Bridge between Real and Fictitious Chinese History. 651 The original is feng cong hu ଅൕॡ, see Wang and Kong, “Zhouyi zhengyi”, 17–18. 198 assume that the ancient Chinese perceived the tiger as an ideal image of the wind god. After the introduction of the lion during or before Han, the Chinese changed their perception and placed the power and image of the lion above the tiger, associating this kingly beast with the power of the wind and other supernatural powers.652 Although the earliest archaeological evidence of the lion as a force repelling evil in Fujian is the tomb guardian lion before a pagoda in Minhou County, dated back to the Six Dynasties,653 this southern region’s first encounter with a real lion was in Ming.654 It was also during Ming that vivid lion stories and colourful versions of the lion image first appeared among the people of this southern region who gradually assimilated it into their spiritual beliefs and transformed it into a particular style with a southern flavour, the nanshi তᅐ (Southern Lion).655

The “good” old fashions of southern culture, which were often viewed as weird and mystic, are evident in the southern-style lion motif. The sense of the weird comes from the real penetrating the imagined, each individual element of the lion requiring the others to support and facilitate the make-believe.656 The aura of mysticism, on the other hand, is derived from collecting everything possible from various religious and spiritual beliefs in order to form something of extraordinary power.657 Hence, the southern lion is vividly portrayed as a plump

652 Zhuang Bohe, “Zhongguo fengshiye yanjiu: jianlun zhongliu shizi zhi bijiao” (The Wind Lion God: A Comparison of the Lion Motifs of China and Okinawa), Guoli lishi bowuguan guankan: lishi wenwu (Bulletin of the National Museum of History, 2, No. 8 (1989), 21–24. 653 Qiu, “Fujian gu shidiao”, 56. 654 According to Lin Weigong, a lion was sent in tribute to Beijing via Fujian along the sea route during the Ming dynasty. See Lin, “Mintai shi”, 37. 655 For the lion’s stories, see Xie, “Nanshi yundong”, 77. 656 In his study of the symbolic meanings of Han funerary art, Wu Hung has proposed that a pictorial motif does not work independently but requires supports to facilitate its make-believe. See Wu, “Myths and Legends”, 73. In a study of the popular culture and folk beliefs of southern Fujian, Zhou Xing has also noticed the significance of collaboration between spiritual elements and exorcising devices. See Zhou, “Fengshiye”, 114. ԫ (ThreeٽGao Zhihua has proposed that the Chinese ruling class believed in the sanjiao heyi Կඒ 657 Teachings are One), whereas the religious belief of popular culture was in the wanjiao yijia ᆄඒԫ୮ (All in One) network in which deities or powers were selected from different cultures and religions and custom made. See Gao Zhihua, “Zhengtong yu yiduan: qiantan mingdai zhi yinci” (Orthodoxy and Heresy: A Tentative Approach to the Temple of Elemental Evil in the Ming Dynasty), (report for the Historical Research Interchange Association, Tokyo, Japan, 7 January 2002). Donald Sutton further proposes that the all-in-one religious network is the reason Chinese are likely to resort to various kinds of authority to solve their problems. See Sutton, “Transmission in Popular Religion”, 239. 199 and graceful beauty combining human and bestial attributes (Figure 7.3).658 The strange-looking southern lions were further endorsed by the performing art of xingshi ᙌᅐ (The Dance of the Awakening Lion), and were categorised as the ᅐ (the senior lion) and the shaoshi ֟ᅐ (the junior lion) according to۔ laoshi their physical appearance.659 Five colours—blue, white, yellow, red and black— were then applied to the senior performing lions turning them into five different types symbolising five different virtues and portraying five different heroes from time immemorial.660 The anti-Qing rebels of South China even wove these colourful lions into their patriotism, turning the lion into a political symbol and cultural icon of the then pressing issue of awakening the sleeping conscience of the nation.661

Figure 7.3: Qing stone lions from Jinjiang (left) and Tongan (right) in Fujian Province in the graceful style of the southern Lion. Source: Qiu Chengzhong, “Fujian gu shidiao yishu chutan zhi shishi zi” (An Initial Study of the Stone Lion in the Art of Fujian’s Ancient Stone Sculptures), Fujian wenbo (Fujian Relics and Museology, 55, No. 2 (2006), Figures 5 and 6.

The belief in a lion being able to inspire cultural identity and represent a nation was deeply entrenched in southern Fujian culture to the extent that when these

658 Qiu, “Fujian gu shidiao”, 56. For a comparison of the physical attributes of the southern and northern lion motifs, see Xu and Yang, Zhongguo shizi, 266–271. 659 Lee, “Taiwan minjian wushi”, 36. 660 Ibid. 661 See my argument in Chapter two: An Omnipresent Animal Motif. 200 southerners sought refuge overseas they took their lion culture with them. Traces of the southern-style lion can still be found outside mainland China where the ethnic enclave is largely dominated by people from South China.662 Given that Kinmen, a small island between Fujian and Taiwan, was once under the jurisdiction of Fujian663 and shares similar climatic conditions, popular beliefs and folk customs, a case study of the Wind Lion God in Kinmen is provided to demonstrate that the southern Fujian culture of worshipping the stone lion has extended to this particular island. The admiration of this particular wind guardian can be understood by comparing the way people worship supernatural spirits, imagine supernatural spirits, and name supernatural spirits in southern Fujian and Kinmen. Hence, the flavour of southern Fujian can be detected in the placing of sweets and rice cakes in the mouth of the guardian figure,664 conceiving of a wind-repelling deity as having semi-human appearance, and granting to the exorcist of the wind the title of gong ֆ or ye ᅍ in Kinmen.

7.5 The Wind Lion God of Kinmen

“Wind Lion God” is a direct translation of Fengshiye ଅᅐᅍ and has been adopted by the Kinmen county government.665 In Kinmenese space and social life this particular lion statue is regarded as having the powers of the celestial realm and the nature of the bestial will. The assessment of the Wind Lion God in this chapter begins with an examination of Kinmen’s geographical location and its strategic importance from the Yuan dynasty to the Republic (1912–1949), when the Kinmenese were sunk in pain and misery. It proceeds through a discussion of how their miserable life led them to implement certain physical

662 Typical examples can be found in the countries of Southeast Asia where the majority of Chinese immigrants are from South China. See Xie, “Nanshi yundong”, 79, and Lee, “Taiwan minjian wushi”, 69. 663 Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi (The Gazetteers of Kinmen County), (Jincheng: Jinmen xian wenhua ju, 1992), 1738. It is noteworthy that most Kinmenese are immigrants from the southeast coast of Fujian, especially Zhangzhou and Quanzhou. See Chen Bingrong, Jinmen fengshiye (Kinmen Wind Lion God), (Kinmen: Jinmen xianzhengfu, 1996), 51, and Yang and Lin, Jinmen fengshiye, 28. 664 See Chen, Jinmen fengshiye, 74, and Liu, Shi yu shishen, 68. In an interesting record in the Fengsu tongyi (ca. 198–204) a person in Henan accidentally drops a sweet in front of a stone statue. Hence, rumour had it that the stone statue was capable of curing diseases and the sweet was there as part of the worship. Consequently, people started to offer food to the stone statue. See Ying, “Fengsu tongyi”, 64–65. 665 This can be seen in the county government’s official website, brochures and publications. 201 and metaphysical protective schemes; how the Kinmenese conceive a supernatural force guarding against natural disasters and man-made calamities; and how this fabulous guardian came to be associated with the lion. The discussion concludes that the lion-like deity is a natural progressive extension of southern Fujian culture, which frequently intermingles real and imagined events and in which it is necessary to combine familiar and strange accounts.

7.5.1 The Geographical Position of Kinmen: natural disasters

Kinmen is a small island of approximately 134 sq. km situated off the coast of Fujian Province between Taiwan and Mainland China (Figure 7.4).666 At a longitude of 118º 24’E and a latitude of 24º 27’N, it is in a subtropical area with an average annual temperature of about 21ºC, a yearly rainfall of about 1,000 ml, and an annual average wind velocity of 3.6 meters per second.667 That is to say, this subtropical island is relatively dry and windy for most of the year. Oddly enough, this windy island was once a green paradise for those who wanted to escape from the mortal world.668 What changed this was excessive logging during the Yuan dynasty (1280–1368),669 brutal abuse of forest resources during Ming,670 and excessive consumption of timber during Qing,671 which diminished the island’s natural windbreak, the trees. Kinmen became an open

666 Tsai Huei-Min, “Island Biocultural Assemblages: The Case of Kinmen Island”, Geografiska Annaler, 85, No. 4 (2003), 210. 667 Xu Weimin, Fengshiye qianqiu (The Wind Lion God), (Jincheng: Jinmen xianzhengfu, 2005), 48, Tsai, “Island Biocultural”, 210, and Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 309–310. (੊ (Land of Immortalityט Kinmen was once called Wuzhou Ῐ੊ (The Fifth Land) and Xianzhou 668 under the jurisdiction of Fujian Province, hinting that it had been a green island ideal for living on. See Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 221–222. It was formally integrated into Quanzhou in Tang and was an administration unit, li ߺ, first during the reign of Emperor Shenzong of Song (1068–1085). See Chen Kaifeng, “Jinmen chuantong jianzhu xieyao” (Abstract of the Traditional Architecture of Jinmen), Xiaochengzhen jianshe (Development of Small Cities and Towns), 8 (2004), 88. 669 During the reign of Emperor Chengzong of Yuan (r. 1294–1307), Kinmen became the base for the empire’s salt industry that required an excessive number of trees to power the production line. See Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 104. 670 During Ming, Kinmen was constantly under threat from Japanese pirates, who brutally depleted the forest resources of the island. See Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 305. 671 During Qing, the anti-Manchu resistance organised by General Zheng Chenggong (1624–1662) also consumed an excessive number of trees from Kinmen to build battle ships. See Xu Ruzhong, Xin jinmen zhi (The New Gazetteers of Kinmen County), (Kinmen: Jinmen xianzhengfu, 1959), 615. However, Guo Zhichao proposes there is insufficient evidence to hold General Zheng responsible for the depletion of Kinmen’s forest resources. See Guo Zhichao, “Jinmen fengshiye xungen” (The Root of Kinmen’s Wind Lion God), Taisheng (Tai Sheng), 11 (2000), 45. 202 target for nature’s fury, with monsoon winds and sandstorms from the northeast constantly harassing the islanders.

Figure 7.4: The geographical position of Kinmen. Source: Tsai Huei-Min, “Island Biocultural Assemblages: The Case of Kinmen Island”, Geografiska Annaler, 85, No. 4 (2003), 210.

The constant winds and sandstorms on Kinmen were such that wind gusts from the northeast occurred in practically every season.672 The local people categorised these ravaging winds as ju ណ, tai Ꮘ and biao 㘑 according to their ferocity.673 Not only did they damage property and stop people working, they forced them to compete with garrisoned soldiers for food and shelter for a basic quality of life.674 That is to say, these natural disasters deprived the Kinmenese of a steady income and a stable life, placing them in a vulnerable position with no protection. What made it worse was the increasing strategic importance of

672 Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 305. Kinmen has also been called the place that ji shisan sheng xingfeng ႃԼԿઊ۩ଅ (gathers all the winds from the thirteen provinces), shisan sheng ԼԿઊ (thirteen provinces) indicating the thirteen administrative provinces of imperial China of Yuan and Ming (1280– 1644) and thus the world. See Chen Bingrong, “Cunluo shouhushen” (The Tutelary God of Villages: The Wind Lion God), Quanguo xinshu zixun yuekan (New Books Monthly), 56 (2003), 19. 673 Ju is the wind that sweeps through Kinmen from January to April; tai is the wind or typhoon that whips through from May to August; and biao is the wind that is accompanied by sandstorms. See Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 306–308. However, according to Xie Zhaozhe ju, which means ju sifang zhi feng ࠠ؄ֱհଅ (the wind from four directions), might have been mistaken from biao ଅߦ, a Fujianese dialect word meaning the shifting winds. See Xie, Wu zazu, 25. As for tai, it means the baofeng congxia shangzhe ᑊଅൕՀՂृ (strong wind blowing from bottom to top). See Fotuo jiaoyu jijin hui, Dazheng xinxiu, 54: 917. 674 For the varying degrees of damage the winds and sandstorms caused, see Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 306–308, Chen, Jinmen fengshiye, 49, Zhou, Xiamen zhi, 649, and Hu Lian, Jinmen yijiu (Reminiscences of Kinmen), (Taipei: Liming wenhua shiye gufen youxian gongsi, 1976), 1. 203

Kinmen, which became a primary target for foreign invasion and internal revolts that jeopardised the already precarious livelihood of the Kinmenese.

7.5.2 The Strategic Importance of Kinmen: man-made calamities

The strategic importance of Kinmen dates to the Ming dynasty when imperial military forces were stationed there and the island was dubbed Jinmen ८॰ (Golden Gate) to symbolise its impregnable position.675 However, this indestructible island suffered several savage raids in Ming and Qing because it stood on the threshold of the Taiwan Strait, less than two kilometres from Mainland China.676 The conflicts between the Chinese Nationalist Party (Guomindang) and the Chinese Communist Party from 1949 to 1958 made this isolated enclave a deadly no man’s land.

When the Chinese Nationalist Party was forced to retreat to Taiwan in 1949, they occupied Kinmen and made it part of their territory. Its sensitive geographical location, closer to Mainland China yet under the jurisdiction of the more distant authority of Taiwan, then placed it in a critical situation in which retaining this “Golden Gate” became a symbolic victory.677 Hence, the

ᗧՏ֪ࢬ (One Thousand Household Defenceښ During Ming, the court set up a Shouyu qianhusuo 675 Post) on the island to guard against Japanese and Dutch intrusions. The term Jinmen—literally “Golden Gate”—was to express the idea of guruo jintang xiongzhen haimen ࡐૉ८ྏΕႂ᠜௧॰, meaning an indestructible fortress guarding the gates of the surrounding seaways. See Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 222. 676 For instance, during the reign of Emperor Shizong of Ming (r. 1521–1567), Japanese pirates raided and held Kinmen hostage for fifty days, during which it was reported that men and children were stabbed and dumped into drains, women went hand in hand to throw themselves into the ocean, and dead bodies piled as high as the walls before rescue teams from the court arrived. The restraining order from the Qing court to resolve anti-Manchu resistance in 1679 relocated most of the immigrants from southern Fujian Province back to their original places, reinforced border security along the coast, and restrained further communication to this isolated island making it look like a deserted land. See Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 141, 1216–1217. 677 In a 1955 interview by a US journalist, the Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek (1887–1975) claimed that losing Kinmen equalled losing Taiwn and Penghu, and having Taiwan and Penghu equalled having Mainland China; therefore, Kinmen, Mazu, Taiwan and Penghu were crucial to the Republic of China and world peace. See Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 223. For Kinmen’s symbolic meaning from the Communist Party’s perspective, see Lu Wei, “Liangci paoji jinmen de lishi shenshi” (A Historical Examination of the Two Bombings of Jinmen Island), Hengyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Journal of Hengyang Normal University), 22, No. 2 (2001), 92–95, and Yu Zidao, “Diyici taihai weiji yu meitai guanxi zhongde waidao wenti” (The First Taiwan Crisis and the Other Islands Issue in Relations between the USA and Jiang), Junshi lishi yanjiu (Military Historical Research), 3 (2006), 67–69. 204

Nationalist Party regarded this as the final frontier against the Communist threat and the Communist Party claimed the island was the last barrier to “liberating” the Taiwanese people from the oppression of the Nationalist Party.678 Consequently, full-scale civil war was waged between 1949 and 1958 during which both parties claimed different results.679

This warfare and conflict in Kinmen, whether to do with the imperial court’s sovereignty, the liberation of Taiwan or Mainland China, or world peace,680 was a man-made calamity coupled with the acquisition of power and authority camouflaged by political slogans and agendas. However, these political issues did not minimise the miserable lives of the Kinmenese, which were already full of stress from natural disasters. On the contrary, they piled stress, fear and uncertainty on the Kinmenese as if the island had been cursed.681 The uneasiness and discomfort they suffered prompted the Kinmenese to conceive a scheme to physically and metaphysically counter these man-made and natural disasters.

678 Gong Pengcheng, “Jinmen: tiandi jiande qingyin” (Kinmen: The Sound of Silence between Heaven and Earth), in Jinmen fengshiye, vii, Zhai Zhirui and Li Yuzhuang, Jinmen jishi: wushi niandai taihai weiji shimo (Record of Actual Events in Kinmen: The Whole Story of the 1950s Taiwan Strait Crisis), (Beijing: Zhonggong zhongyang dangxiao chuban she, 1994), 23, and Lu, “Liangci paoji jinmen”, 92. 679 For instance, in the Battle of Kuningtou in 1949, the Nationalist Party claimed that 20,000 People’s Liberation Army (PLA) soldiers were killed and 7,000 were held hostage; the Communist Party, on the other hand, argued that they terminated more than 12,000 Nationalist troops and wounded tens of thousands of them. See Jinmen zhengwu weiyuanhui, Jiang zongtong yu jinmen (President Chiang Kai- shek and Kinmen), (Kinmen: Jinmen zhengwu weiyuanhui, 1974), 44, and Zhai and Li, Jinmen jishi, 54. Following the Kuningtou Battle and after a few landing operations, such as those on Tatan and Ertan islets in 1950, the Meizhou islet in 1951, Nanri islet in 1952, and Dongshan islet in 1953, PLA troops launched another full-scale military operation on Kinmen in 1954 with intense fire from the coastal area of Fujian, which unveiled the First Taiwan Strait Crisis. The severe bombing was followed by fire for the next twenty-four years before the US Government officially announced its transference of diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing in 1978. In the “823 Artillery War”, the prologue of the Second Taiwan Strait Crisis in 1958, a record high of 3,160 shells fell for every square meter and resulted in another ceasefire that did not last long. For the landing operations during 1950–1953, see Jinmen zhengwu weiyuanhui, Jiang zongtong, 46–47, Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 1248–1249, and Hu, Jinmen yijiu, 109–137. For the two different views of the First Taiwan Strait Crisis, see Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 1250, Jinmen zhengwu weiyuanhui, Jiang zongtong, 48, and Li Li, “Wo suo zhidao de diyici taihai weiji: fang yuan fuzhou junqu fusilingyuan shi yichen jiangjun” (My Understanding of the First Taiwan Strait Crisis: An Interview with Former Fuzhou District Deputy Commander ԫ General Chen), Liangan guanxi (Relations Across Taiwan Straits), 7 (2002), 44–47. For the two different views of the 823 Artillery War, see Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 1251–1252, and Zhai and Li, Jinmen jishi, 184–189. 680 See note 677 for Chiang Kai-shek’s comment on Kinmen’s strategic importance to the world. 681 In Loewe’s view, many existing popular cults rest on the fears and hopes of spirits of nature, which are believed to have great effect on daily life. See Loewe, Divination, Mythology, 18. 205

7.5.3 A Protection Scheme

The constant warfare and deforestation from the Yuan to the Ming dynasties not only turned Kinmen into a desolate land, it threatened the livelihood of the Kinmenese. As a result, several restoration schemes were put in place with the help of the military authorities. These restoration schemes were initiated from two different perspectives, which functioned together as protection. Firstly, there was a physical system consisting of an island-wide network of underground tunnels as a protective measure if there were bombings, and a forest belt around the coast to act as a windbreak against the cyclonic winds. Secondly, a psychological or a metaphysical defence mechanism combining omnipotent powers from different Kinmenese religious and spiritual beliefs was created as an impregnable force to keep invisible threats at bay.

The construction of underground tunnels to ensure the safety of the Kinmenese and communications began after the heavy artillery bombardment of 3 September 1954, when the Nationalists realised none of the constructions on the ground could escape Communist bombings.682 The reforestation protection from the northeast monsoons and sandstorms, however, began in 1949 with enormous plantations covering the southwestern part of the Twin Peaks forest district to the northeast of Mount Taiwu.683 The establishment of the Agriculture and Forestry Experiment Station in 1952 further guaranteed supplies and ensured the plantation around the island would form a solid buffer against the cyclonic winds and dust storms.684 There is no doubt these physical defences minimised casualities during the conflicts between the Nationalists and Communists and reduced the damage to Kinmenese property from natural disasters.685

682 Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 1239. 683 Hu, Jinmen yijiu, 1–4, and Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 905–910. The reforestation scheme included plantations of Australian pines and a few other windbreak trees to reduce wind erosion and the restoration of endemic broad-leaf plant species behind the Australian pines to increase the diversity and complexity of the windbreak system. See Tsai, “Island Biocultural”, 215. 684 Hu, Jinmen yijiu, 3–4. 685 Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 1239. According to A Survey on Nature Resources on Kinmen and an Analysis for Conservation Strategies, wooded land in Kinmen covers over 51% of the island, the sandy and barren lands have been transformed to arable land, and the numbers of reservoirs and ponds have increased to the degree that migratory birds have begun to come back. The human population has 206

The concept of a metaphysical defence sytem arose from the religious and spiritual beliefs of southern Fujian where most Kinmenese immigrated from, sharing a similar cultural background and beliefs.686 The Kinmenese are strong believers in courage and are fearless warriors.687 They also believe strongly in the cause and effect of ancestral worship, devote much effort to consecrating supernatural power, and worship spiritual beings by every possible means.688 That is to say, the Kinmenese follow idolatry and polytheism, tending to link unidentifiable causes with supernatural powers. Therefore, it was easy to align invasive windstorms that came and went unpredictably with evil spirits diffused in the airstream to jeopardise people’s lives. So animal and human figurines made of earthenware or stone that were stationed along the coast, in front of the entry way of villages, and on top of roofs to discourage the howling winds were part of southern Fujian culture (Figure 7.5).689 These hybrid guardian figures were also made part of the seasonal and annual pudu ཏ৫ (Universal Salvation Festival) held to comfort shattered souls who had died in war.690 That is why it is not surprising to see hundreds of Kinmenese guardian deities from different religions and sects on this 134 sq. km island, be they paranormal powers, superheroes or divine guardians.691

steadily increased as well. See Tsai, “Island Biocultural”, 211–213, quoted from Wang, S. et al., A Survey on Nature Resources on Kinmen and an Analysis for Conservation Strategies (Taipei: Department of National Parks, Ministry of Interior, 1994). 686 Chen Wei, “Minnan wenhua shiye xiade jinmen wenxue” (Current Status and Future Prospects of Literature in Kinmen), Fuzhou daxue xuebao (Journal of Fuzhou University), 74, No. 2 (2006), 10, and Yang Tianhou and Lin Likuan, “Jinmen fengshiye yu penghu shigandang shixi” (Feng Shih Yeh in Kin- men and Shih Kan Tang in Peng-hu Analytic Description of Kin-men’s Symbol), Laozhenshi: penghu xianli wenhua zhongxin jikan (Laozhen Stone: Penhu Hsien Cultural Quarterly), 12 (1998), 7. 687 Dai, “Minjian xiangxiang”, 99–100. 688 Ibid., 98–102. The south Fujianese obsession with supernatural power is mentioned in Xie Zhaozhe’s Wu zazu (ca. 1618) and a Qing record in the Xiamen zhi, both authors having a negative view of this kind of “superstition”. See Xie, Wu zazu, 178, and Zhou, Xiamen zhi, 644–651. This obsession is summed up in a record in the Jinmen zhi (Gazetteers of Kinmen) (first compiled in 1836) stating that Kinmenese լஔ (till death do them part). See Linڽ۟ believe in and worship supernatural forces zhisi buwu Kunhuang, Jinmen zhi (Gazetteers of Kinmen County), (Taipei: Taiwan yinhang jingji yanjiushi, 1960), 396. 689 For details of these wind-repelling exorcists, see Chen, Jinmen fengshiye, 100–149. 690 Yang Tianhou, “Jinmen chenghuang xinyang yanjiu” (Research on Beliefs in the City God Chenghuang in Kinmen), (Master’s diss., National Sun Yat-sen University, 2003), 140. The “Universal Salvation Festival” or “Feast of All Souls” is typically held in the seventh lunar month on behalf of lonely spirits and wandering souls who died a violent death. See Arthur F. Wright, “Buddhism and Chinese Culture: Phases of Interaction”, The Journal of Asian Studies, 17, No. 1 (1957), 32, and Stephen F. Teiser, The Ghost Festival in Medieval China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 8. 691 See Yang and Lin, “Jinmen fengshiye”, 14, and their Jinmen fengshiye, 22–23. 207

Figure 7.5: Wind-guarding statues around Kinmen. Source: Chen Bingrong, Jinmen fengshiye (Kinmen Wind Lion God), (Kinmen: Jinmen xianzhengfu, 1996), 113, 129 and 156.

7.5.4 The Wind Lion God

In the super protection scheme in which myriads of powerful deities from different sects joined forces, a half-man half-lion guardian statue named the Wind Lion God stands out as the most prominent defence “counsellor” on the island. That is, when the monsoon winds began to stir, the Wind Lion God would be consulted and invited to join in the battle with the evil spirits hidden in the winds;692 when an intrusive force was approaching, the Wind Lion God would be able to tell;693 and when a newly married couple had not yet produced a son to continue the family lineage, the Wind Lion God could also help.694 In other words, this mighty lion was and has always been deemed an “All in One” supernatural force combining the mechanisms of a wind deity and the resisting stone that were inseparable from southern Fujian vernacular culture. As a result,

692 Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 405. 693 The Wind Lion God in Anqi was said to be able to detect foreign invasions. See Chen, Jinmen fengshiye, 95. 694 Jinmen ouyangshi zongqinhui, Jinmen ouyangshi zupu (Register of the Ouyang Family), (Jincheng: Jinmen ouyangshi zongqinhui, 1986), 401. 208 there are approximately ninety Wind Lion Gods scattered around Kinmen to help the islanders achieve a better life (Figure 7.6).695

Figure 7.6: Distribution of the Wind Lion Gods and the monsoon winds in Kinmen. Source: modified after Chen Bingrong, Kinmen fengshiye, 52.

A close examination of where these powerful guardians were distributed reveals that most have been located on the northeast part of the island, the direction the monsoon winds and sandstorms mostly come from. That is why in Jinsha Town alone there are fifty Wind Lion Gods either in front of the entry way of villages or

695 These Wind Lion Gods are distributed as follows: 50 in Jinsha, 16 in Jinhu, 13 in Jinning, 8 in Jincheng and 3 in Lieyu. See Yang and Lin, “Jinmen fengshiye”, 9 and 17. However, Yang Tianhou, Lin Lijuan, and Chen Bingron argue that there would have been more of them in earlier times that might have been destroyed, degraded or disposed of in civil wars. See Yang and Lin, Jinmen fengshiye, 14, and Chen, “Cunluo shouhushen”, 20. I assume this number is based on lion guardians deemed to possess certain spiritual powers and individually made for and owned by a particular village. This is because in a later publication of Yang Tianhou and Lin Likuan, the number of Wind Lion God is over 100 when they account for decorative ones. See Yang and Lin, Jinmen fengshiye, 38–40. In an interview with Chen Bingron on 12 January 2006, Chen disagreed with Yang and Lin’s figures, arguing that since some of the gods did not undergo certain ritual ceremonies to be activated they should only be accredited as decorative figurines. 209 along the coas to ensure the safety of the villagers.696 Take the village Yangzhai, for example: three Wind Lion Gods are positioned to the northeast facing the coast and one is located in front of the entry way of the village, the two forming a joint force to interfere with any attempt by the wind to jeopardise the villagers’s lives and livelihoods (Figure 7.7). Evidently, this kind of “wind- repelling system” was targeting the monsoon winds and sandstorms from the northeast, which had been devastating the island.

Figure 7.7: The deployment of the four Wind Lion Gods in Yangzhai, indicated by black dots. Source: modified after http://www.jhes.km.edu.tw.

The Wind Lion God was clearly conceived as a wind-repelling system to overpower the evil spirits hidden in the wind. This is fundamentally a southern Fujian cult forged in harsh climatic conditions and geographic disadvantage. However, as part of the southern Fujian vernacular culture, the worship of strange creatures carved out of stone is also believed to be effective against howling winds and baleful spirits in Kinmen. Hence, records in the gazetteers of

696 Yang and Lin, “Jinmen fengshiye”, 17. However, Chen Bingrong gives the number of Wind Lion God in Jinsha as only 44. See Chen, “Cunluo shouhushen”, 20. 210

Kinmen have strange stone creatures looking like a cross between an ape and a tiger with gaping mouths and standing upright like human beings.697 This grotesque tutelary god is also depicted in the island’s family registers as a spiritual being having the spiritual power to harness the wind and the strength to guard the safety and comfort of the village.698 Therefore, there is little doubt that the initial placement of this metaphysical protecting force was a direct descendant from the vernacular culture of southern Fujian. Be the force in animal or human form, in the early Kinmen settlers’ minds, this protecting deity symbolised the divine or the auspiciousness capable of withstanding the wind and bringing hope to their devastated lives (Figure 7.8).

Figure 7.8: The half-man half-beast Wind Lion God of Houhu, Huxia and Dongzhou (from left to right) in Kinmen with pastries placed in their mouths. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006.

The influence of southern Fujian culture on the Kinmenese can also be found in the titles granted to the Wind Lion God where the shadow of the South is reflected in their calling this bewildered-looking deity ye ᅍ (Master), gong ֆ (Duke) and bo ܄ (Baron). That is why this likeness of none, combining the physical appearance of the ape (Figure 7.9), the dog (Figure 7.10) and humans ᅐᅍ (Stoneف Figure 7.11), has been addressed, respectively, as Shishi-ye) ܄ᅐᅍف ᅐֆ (Stone Lion Duke) and Shishi-ye-boف Lion Master), Shishi-gong

697 These records are in the Jinmen xianzhi (first compiled in 1921) and Xin jinmen zhi (first compiled in 1959). The original expression for this strange-looking deity is yuansuan zhangkou renli zhuang ᅑ‐് .ण. See Jinmen xianzhengfu, Jinmen xianzhi, 405, and Shu, Xin jinmen zhi, 297مՑԳ These records are in the Jinmen ouyangshi zupu ८॰ᑛၺּගᢜ and Jinmen chenkeng zhubei 698 ࣟႨԶ૴ֆࡲ੔ຫּගᢜ. See Jinmenקێdongshi balanggong zongpai chenshi zupu ८॰ຫܾ ouyangshi zongqinhui, Jinmen ouyangshi, 401, and Chen Jinxing, Jinmen chenkeng zhubei dongshi balanggong zongpai chenshi zupu (Register of the Chen Family of the Chenkeng Zhubei Dongshi Balanggong Clan, Kinmen), (Yonghe: Guomin wenhua, 1986), 180. It is interesting to note that until now, newly erected Wind Lion Gods were often addressed as fengbo ଅ܄ (Wind God) to indicate its role as a guardian of the wind. See Yang and Lin, Jinmen fengshiye, 30. 211

(Stone Lion Baron).699 However, judging from the wind deity’s varying looks and titles, it seems plausible to infer that the lion had no role in the initial making of the Wind Lion God, in particular, the title Fengshi-ye ଅᅐᅍ. According to historical records, a traditional deity’s title should consist of a fenghao ৞ᇆ (title) and a juehao ᛤᇆ (rank), with the title having at least two characters followed by the rank.700 That is to say, feng and shi should be the title, and ye the rank. Since it is unlikely an animal’s name would be in an official title, fengshi ଅᅐ (wind lion) must be a misuse of fengshi ଅஃ (master of wind).701 The ambiguous titles and the changing look of the Wind Lion God seem to confirm that the Kinmenese have never achieved a conclusive or comforting identification of their deity who protects them against the wind.

Figure 7.9: The ape-like Wind Lion God of Qionglin (ca. Ming–Qing). Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006.

699 See Chen, Jinmen fengshiye, 63, Zhou, “Fengshiye”, 108, and Qiu, “Fujian gu shidiao”, 57. 700 This can be found in the Song shi (ca. 1345), where in the chapter on the rites an official named Wang The Court of Imperial Sacrifices) for) ڝGu presents a title-granting system to Taichangsi ֜ൄ standardising the various confusing titles of deities during the Song dynasty. In his proposal, a title should have a fenghao granted to the deity followed by a juehao of the deity. Wang further suggests that a deity’s title should contain two characters, to which can be added four more if the deity needs to be promoted. This proposal was adopted by the imperial court in 1080. See Tuo Tuo et al., Song shi (The History of Song), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977), 2561. This record can also be found in the Song huiyao (compiled after 1242). See Xu Song, ed., Songhui yaogao (Collection of Important Documents of the Song Dynasty), (Shanghai: Dadong shuju, 1935), 20: 6–7. 701 Scholars such as Chen Bingrong, Zhou Xing, Zhuang Bohe, Yang Tianhou, and Lin Likuan have all proposed that due to their phonetic equivalence, shi ஃ and shi ᅐ were sometimes used interchangeably. See Chen, Jinmen fengshiye, 28–30, Zhou, “Fengshiye”, 106–114, Zhuang, “Zhongguo fengshiye”, 21, and Yang and Lin, Jinmen fengshiye, 27–28. For the mingling of these two characters before Tang, see Collier, Dogs of China, 103–104. 212

Figure 7.10: The dog-like Wind Lion God of Lucou (Ming). Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006.

Figure 7.11: The clown-like Wind Lion God of Houpan (ca. Qing). Source: Photograph by Min- Chia Young, 2008.

It is still unclear at which point and from what perspective the lion’s image started to have an impact on the making of the Wind Lion God. However, the transformation of the Wind Lion God of Dongzhou from a likeness of none to a leonine guardian can be traced (Figure 7.12). This traceable tutelary guardian in conjunction with other newly erected Wind Lion Gods is critical proof that the Kinmenese have already adopted the image of the lion as their popular wind deity (Figure 7.13). According to textual records, the adoption of the lion’s image in the making of the Wind Lion God might have originated during or before the Qing dynasty, as a family register depicts this popular guardian as a wind-repelling “spiritual being” possessing the “look” of a lion.702

702 For this record, which dates back to the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of Qing (r. 1820–1850), see Jinmen ouyangshi zongqinhui, Jinmen ouyangshi, 401. 213

Figure 7.12: The transformation of the Wind Lion God of Dongzhou from a likeness of none to a leonine deity before and after 1995. Source: http://blog.roodo.com/wind_lion.

Figure 7.13: The Wind Lion God of Housa (2007), Shangyi (1998), and Jincheng (2006) all share the likeness of a Chinese lion. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2008.

This historical record not only acknowledges the Wind Lion God as a leonine stone guardian, it also associates the guardian figure with a shenwu 壀ढ (spiritual being), which incidentally was affiliated with the lion motifs shenshou 壀ᡬ (spiritual animal), yishou ฆᡬ (extraordinary animal) and ruishou ᅗᡬ (auspicious animal) widely circulated in both popular and élite culture.703 The acknowledgement of the Wind Lion God as a lion with its spiritual powers justifiably reflects the ideographic processing of southern Fujian culture, which seems to have no problem with accommodating everything into one. That is why the Wind Lion God can be as wildly extreme as a superhero wearing a red cloak with equipment handy in the name of “justice and salvation” to fulfil the

703 For the use of these terms, see Chapter one: A Review on the Significance of the Lion in China. 214 social needs of the Kinmenese (Figure 7.14);704 and interaction with the Wind Lion God can be as weird as dotting its eyes with cinnabar and feeding it sweets (Figure 7.15).705 These crime-detecting and consecrating methods have turned the Kinmenese scheme of protection from mere passive resistance to an active stance, where the rules of engagement have changed from bi ᝩ (avoiding) to bi ሌ (confronting) and evil spirits are tackled directly just like the lion, in the Chinese mind, would do.706

704 For instance, the Wind Lion God of Dongzhou was said to specialise in finding lost treasures, locating thieves and arresting criminals; the Wind Lion God of Anqi is alleged to have emitted flashing light from its eyes to guide three fishermen home; and the Wind Lion Gods of Beishan and Housa are said to have helped stop an invasion of the PLA. The elaboration of Wind Lion God’s efficacy and its interaction with the Kinmenese was such that every change in this super-lion, like scratches on the head, heads at different angles and their disappearance, could all be referenced to “historical” events. See Yang and Lin, Jinmen fengshiye, 62–63 and 87–89, and Chen, Jinmen fengshiye, 91–95 and 130. The Kinmenese would put a red cloak on the Wind Lion God once it had fulfilled their wishes; this is also a southern Fujian folk custom. See Yang Zhiwen, Jinmenxian hufeng xiangtuzhi (Local Annals of Hufeng in Kinmen), (Hufeng: Jinmenxian hufengshe shiliao bianzuan weiyuanhui, 1995), 100 and note 632. and involves symbolic blood or red ink-cinnabar. This Dotting the lion’s eyes is called kaiguang ၲ٠ 705 is a Daoist ritual that sets the spirit or soul within an icon or statue free; in other words, the ceremony gives life to the statue. These activating ceremonies were before the Northern Song dynasty (960–1127). See Chou Yi-liang, “Tantrism in China”, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 8, No. 3/4 (1945), 276–277, Faure, “The Buddhist Icon”, 770, Xie Zongrong, “Taiwan bixie jianshi yanjiu” (A Study of Taiwan Charm Motif Composed of Sword and Lion), (Master’s diss., Taipei National University of Arts, 2000), 26, and Zhang Xuesong and Wu Yan, “Da xiang wuxing: wuda zongjiao dui ouxiang chongbai de taidu” (An Intangible Image: Five Great Religions’ Attitudes towards Idolatry), Zhongguo minzu bao (Chinese Ethnic News), 14 February 2006. For details of these ritual ceremonies, see Yang and Lin, Jinmen fengshiye, 32–34, and Chen, Jinmen fengshiye, 74–75. An indication of the Wind Lion God’s ability after having its eyes dotted can be gained from the chanting accompanying the ceremony. See Yang and Lin, Jinmen fengshiye, 32. This conforms to Roland Barthes’ proposition that some narratives, including myths, legends, fables, tales, and history, are heavily functional or indicial, but a whole series of intermediary forms lie between these two poles. See Barthes, Image, Music, Text, 93. The eye-dotting ceremony of the Wind Lion God of Anqi on 26 April 2008 has been filmed and posted on YouTube at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OpBRZYkC-1s. 706 Hsieh Chung-jung has an interesting idea about the differences between the use of bi ᝩ and bi ሌ, which will eventually turn the passive resisting mechanism of a yanshengwu ቧ໏ढ (exorcist of evil) into an active battling force. For further details, see Xie, “Taiwan bixie jianshi”, 5–6. 215

Figure 7.14: The third generation of the Wind Lion God of Dongzhou (resculptured in 1995) has the look of a superhero ready to fly. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006.

Figure 7.15: The Wind Lion God of Shamei with sweet rice in its mouth. Source: Chen Bingrong, Jinmen fengshiye, 62.

The Kinmenese consolidation of the lion with wind-repelling forces has gradually become a unique culture of its own in which a wind lion without a red cloak draped across its shoulders, sweets in its mouth and exorcising tools at hand is not considered a “traditional” Wind Lion God and will not work

216 properly.707 These kinds of unique readings have seen the wind lion merchandised and promoted as part of the indigeneous culture of Kinmen to take advantage of the island’s growing tourism industry after martial law was lifted in 1992.708 Hence, we see Wind Lion Gods from 10-centimetre tall souvenirs in a gift shop to the monumental 1200-centimetre tall landmark at Shangyi Airport exercising their charm (Figure 7.16).709 We also see Wind Lion God holiday packages heavily promoted by the Kinmen county government, tour operators and online travel agencies. Additionally, we see increasing interest from travellers and backpackers, who share information, collaborate and compete in tracking down and finding these images.710 The Wind Lion God of Kinmen has thus become good publicity, a celebrity and a spokesman of Kinmen which has been called the homeland of the Wind Lion God in a documentary film promoting the culture and arts of Kinmen.711 That is to say, the changing titles, forms and functions of the Wind Lion God have become enmeshed with the Kinmenese, every aspect of it a true reflection of the Kinmenese embrace of their place of origin and social attitudes.

707 For the collective acceptance of a particular thing or event as a consequence of a long tradition, see Chapter six: Convergence of the Dominant and Popular Cultures. 708 As Stuart Hall has reminded us, the interpretation of culture is actually a mixture of feelings, attachments and emotions, which depend heavily on the participants trying to make sense of what is happening around them. See Stuart Hall, ed., Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices (London: Sage Publications, 1997), 2. 709 The construction of the 12-metre tall Wind Lion God cost roughly A$72,000, and has been a landmark in Kinmen ever since. See Yang and Lin, “Jinmen fengshiye”, 17. 710 These Wind Lion God “fans” are mainly Taiwanese and Kinmenese who often have their own websites to facilitate information sharing and exchange. Jinmen xunshi ji ८॰༈ᅐಖ (The Search for the Wind Lion in Kinmen) (http://blog.roodo.com/wind_lion/), Jinmen xunshi ke ८॰༈ᅐড় (The Pathfinder of the Wind Lion God in Kinmen) (http://blog.pixnet.net/BusTravelClub/), and Jinmen buluo ८॰ຝᆵ (Kinmen Blog) (http://blog.sina.com.tw/a1823145/) are just three of them. ٤ഏ֮ᢌࡱ (National Festival of The 24-minute documentary made specially for Quanguo wenyi ji 711 Culture and Arts) in 1997 shows 52 Wind Lion Gods scattered around Kinmen. It was directed by Dong Cheng-liang (a Kinmenese) and distributed by Firefly Image Company under the title Fengzhong chuanqi: fengshiye de guxiang ଅխႚ࡛: ଅᅐᅍऱਚၢ (The Legend of the Wind: The Homeland of the Wind Lion God). This film is regularly shown in Kinmen National Park. 217

Figure 7.16: The Wind Lion Gods from a gift shop (left) and the monumental landmark at Shangyi Airport (right): Source: Chen Bingrong, Jinmen fengshiye, 81, and Yang Tianhou and Lin Likuan, Jinmen fengshiye yu bixie xinyang (The Wind Lion God in Kinmen and Belief in Evils-Avoidance), (Taipei: Daotian chuban she, 2000), 83.

To sum up, the creation of the Wind Lion God was a collective reflection of Kinmenese fears about their island, where natural disasters and man-made calamities were frequent. However, this was an extension of various vernacular cults of southern Fujian, where the Kinmenese came from. The change in the concept of the Wind Lion God from a wind deity to a leonine guardian and then to a symbol of Kinmen can thus be regarded as a consolidation of the Kinmenese acknowledgement of their place, their history and their culture as they embrace the past and see a promising future. The lion’s role in shaping the past and the future is further elaborated in the development of the Chinese enclave in Sydney, Australia, where the placement of a pair of lion statues in front of a memorial archway is not merely an ideology asserting colonial oppression, but a Chinese interpretation mediating their culture with the West.

218

7.6 The Lion Statues at the Gates of Sydney’s Chinatown

The vernacular lion culture of southern China continues to exert power and influence over Chinese space and society and this time the focus is on the lion motif of an ethnic enclave outside the jurisdiction of China—Chinatown in Sydney, Australia, where the idea of “Chineseness” is captured by a decorative archway graced by a pair of stone lions. Although the pairing of the archway and the lion statues is a common feature of typical Chinatowns, this installation in Sydney is particularly relevant to the vernacular culture of South China as that is where most of the early immigrants were from. This case study starts with an examination of the City of Sydney Council’s scheme in 1980 to upgrade Chinatown, which was intended to create in the area around Dixon Street a “Chinese identity” through oriental embellishments. The erection of memorial archways at both ends of Dixon Street Mall and the installation of a pair of stone lions before these memorial structures became the major focus, providing an ideological framework for the Chinese and Australians to construct an “ideal” Chinese image. This study argues that, for Anglo-Saxon Australians, injecting an archaic archway with temple dogs met the “international” standard of a perfect Chinatown that would attract tourist attention and business investment. However, for the Chinese, these strange but familiar cultural constructs were an extension of their origins embracing their past and a displacement unravelling their future.

7.6.1 A Chinese Enclave: the Chinatown of Sydney

Chinese immigrants first arrived in Australia during the gold rush era of the nineteenth century with the sole imperative of accumulating enough wealth to return to China to support their families.712 These Chinese were mostly illiterate

712 James Jupp, Immigration (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1998), 70. The same concept has been suggested by Shirley Fitzgerald, who provides further details about the comings and goings of Sydney’s Chinese people. See Shirley Fitzgerald, Red Tape, Gold Scissors: The Story of Sydney’s Chinese (Sydney: State Library of New South Wales Press, 1997), 11–62. 219 male labourers who were often tricked or sold off by brokers under a credit- pig-selling).713 In an unfamiliar and) גticket system known as maizhuzai ᔄᓼ hostile atmosphere resulting from cultural and linguistic differences as well as laws that discriminated against ethnic groups, in the 1870s the Chinese labourers started to form small communities between Sydney’s Central Business District (CBD) and the substantial warehousing area along the foreshores of Darling Harbour.714 As the gold began to peter out, the Chinese gradually moved towards the city markets of Campbell Street, taking jobs that Australians found less desirable.715 When Paddy’s Markets and the major wholesale markets were built in the late 1930s, these Chinese settlements shifted to Dixon, Hay and Lackey Streets, gradually shaping the present map of Chinatown.716

Early Chinese immigrants around Dixon Street area were often regarded by the Australians as frugal, thrifty and industrious; however, they were also thought to be “clannish” and non-assimilable.717 With clannish ties mostly to Cantonese- speaking regions of South China, certain dominant dialect groups started up businesses and built up a commerce system from 1856 on. The result was the establishment of the Siyi huiguan ؄߳ᄎ塢 (Sydney See Yap Society).718 This not only helped promote individual interests and development, it also provided

713 Li Chengji, Dier guxiang (My Second Home), (Hong Kong: Huizhen wenhua shiye gongsi, 1997), 1–2. 714 I. H. Burnley, The Impact of Immigration on Australia: A Demographic Approach (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2001), 272. For the cultural and linguistic differences that produced the fear and prejudice of racist Australian legislation, see Dharmasoka Laksiri Jayasuriya and Kee PooKong, The Asianisation of Australia? Some Facts about the Myths (Carlton: Melbourne University Press, 1999), viii–xii, 7–13, and Fitzgerald, Red Tape, 40–51. 715 Australians did not particularly like jobs such as gardening and fishing, see Fitzgerald, Red Tape, 69, and Anna-Lisa Mak, “Negotiating Identity: Ethnicity, Tourism and Chinatown”, Journal of Australian Studies, 77 (2003), 93. Unless otherwise specified, the term “Australians” used in this case study refers in most cases to the early European settlers in Australia. 716 Chinatown has shifted twice since it first came into being. The first one was in the north part of George Street and Lower George Street, the second was bounded by Goulburn Street, Campbell Street and Wentworth Avenue, and the present Chinatown is centred on Dixon Street. See Yuen Kum Cheong, “Cultural Responsiveness of Public Open Space in Ethnic Enclaves in Sydney: Sydney Chinatown and Cabramatta” (Bachelor’s diss., University of New South Wales, 1993), 54–55. 717 Choi Ching Yan, Chinese Migration and Settlement in Australia (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 1975), 14. These dichotomous variables, however, resulted in the usual portrayal of Chinatown as an exotic and mysterious place that was also sinister and criminal. See Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 98. Jan Lin, using a case study of New York’s Chinatown, also deomonstrates that Chinatown has often been associated with depravity. See Lin Jan, Reconstructing Chinatown: Ethnic Enclave, Global Change (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), 174–175. The term Siyi ؄߳ (See Yap, meaning four districts) refers to Taishan, Kaiping, Enping, and Xinhui in 718 Guangdong Province. See Choi, Chinese Migration, 78. 220 social welfare for communities which were the usual target of anti-Chinese agitation derived from the White Australia Policy. It was only during the early 1960s when the Australian government needed to consolidate international relations in the Asia-Pacific region that the White Australia Policy began to disintegrate.719 Following redevelopment schemes undertaken by city planners, politicians, and local Chinese communities in 1980, the area around Dixon Street was injected with an oriental landscape to redefine the district’s heritage and demarcate its cultural differences. The renovation schemes initiated the building of Memorial Archways, and “temple dogs” (stone lions) placed at both ends of Dixon Street Mall in conformity with other oriental embellishments to infuse the district with a distinct Chinese ambience (Figure 7.17).720 Although this Australian Chinese vision of a splendid oriental entry way might have been framed by a colonial imagination, it was boldly embraced by some, if not all, Chinese in this district, who took it to be a good investment and a beneficial strategy for retaining their cultural identity.721

719 Jupp, Immigration, 117. 720 The term “temple dog” was used for the Chinese-style stone lion in correspondence between the architect, contractors and City of Sydney Council in the 1980s Chinatown upgrading program. For instance, City of Sydney Archives (COSA): Town Clerk’s File: Minute Paper No. 39-09-0026 (22/07/1980), Dixon Street Progress Report (21/04/1980), and Lockyer Construction Company Pty Ltd (25/08/1980). 721 According to Kay Anderson, the forging of Sydney’s Chinatown (and Melbourne’s) was tied to the racial ideology of Australians. However, being fully aware of this, some Chinese merchants were still keen to invest in this concept for their own benefit. See Kay J. Anderson, “Chinatown Re-oriented: A Critical Analysis of Recent Redevelopment Schemes in a Melbourne and Sydney Enclave”, Australian Geographical Studies, 28, No. 2 (1990), 152. 221

Figure 7.17: The Monumental Archway and “temple dogs” in front of Dixon Street Mall were meant to create a distinct Chinese ambience. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2006.

7.6.2 The Symbolism of the Memorial Archways and Temple Dogs

The design objective of the proposal for the renovation of Dixon Street pedestrian plaza approved by the City of Sydney Council in 1979 was to give Dixon Street a distinctive Chinese character.722 The full impact, however, was to be made by the Memorial Archways and temple dogs, proposed by the Chinese architect Henry Tsang,723 stationed at both ends of Dixon Street Mall serving as an archaic and exotic cultural signpost for visitors, tourists and local citizens. The paired temple dogs were the southern-style lion imported from Taiwan,724

722 Anderson, “Chinatown Re-oriented”, 150. 723 Henry Tsang was enlisted by the Dixon Street Chinese Committee and the City of Sydney Council because he understood the community, spoke its language, and would do it for nothing. See Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 95. 724 The temple dogs were ordered from Taiwan by Henry Tsang, see COSA, No. 39-09-0026: Lockyer Construction Company Pty Ltd (25/08/1980). For the Taiwanese lion motif and the direct influence of the southern Fujian style one on it, see Xu and Yang, Zhongguo shizi, 267–269. 222 representing the harmony of negative and positive forces, yin and yang.725 The concrete and steel Memorial Archways, with most of the material also coming from Taiwan, signified the multi-cultural nature of Australia by announcing “Within the Four Seas, All Men are Brothers” at one end, and “Understand Virtue and Trust” at the other.726 Ironically, these flowery expressions and constructions demarcating a romantic oriental wonderland conceptualised by the City of Sydney Council and certain interest groups727 reflected eternal cultural immobility—the static nature of China that was superimposed with antiquity, changelessness, and immobility.728 However, by making Chinatown archaic, decayed and available to antiquaries, these “colonial processes” also require a much deeper interpretation to single out the social and cultural issues penetrating “the deep veins of racial prejudice.”729

Turning Sydney’s Chinatown into a series of views and scenes, a “voyeuristic object”, and an opposite of the West through antiquated archways and temple dogs might have legitimated the authority and dominance of the West;730 however, this legitimation happened to be affiliated with changes in imperial

725 According to Elsie Mitchell, the male lion with a ball under its front paw situated in the east is yang, the positive energy or force, while the female with a baby under its paw in the west is yin, the negative force. See Elsie P. Mitchell, The Lion-Dog of Buddhist Asia (New York: Fugaisha, 1991), 45. 726 For the resolution to construct a concrete and steel archway, see COSA: Town Clerk’s File: Minute Paper No. 39-09-0026 (22/07/1980). The English translation is directly copied from the inscriptions on the Memorial Archways. The originals are sihai yijia ؄௧ԫ୮, and tongde lüxin ຏᐚᐌॾ. A more appropriate translation for sihai yijia is “The world must come together as one”. Accordingly, tongde luxin should be “Being able to understand virtue and fulfill commitments.” For the Australian ideal of multi-culturalism, see Anderson, “Chinatown Re-oriented”, 145. 727 For this comment, see Anderson, “Chinatown Re-oriented”, 152, and Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 98. A survey conducted by the Australian Chinatown Community Association in 1982 also showed that the concept of Chinatown as a showpiece was merely part of the normal commercial “ecology” by which more profitable commercial embellishments were preferred, and the district’s prior function as an area for aged residents was eliminated. See Australian Chinatown Community Association, Chinatown in the 1980s: Impacts of Plans and Projects (Sydney: Australian Chinatown Community Association, 1982), 78. 728 Kay J. Anderson, “The Idea of Chinatown: The Power of Place and Institutional Practice in the Making of a Racial Category”, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 77, No. 4 (1987), 591. However, there were other voices, including that of the project architect Henry Tsang, that claimed these “traditional” Chinese embellishments had been influenced by other Chinatowns which had installed them for non-Chinese people to easily identify this particular ethnic enclave as a “Chinatown”, disregarding Chinatown’s cultural significance. See Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 96. 729 For the complexity of colonialism’s culture, see Nicholas Thomas, Colonialism’s Culture: Anthropology, Travel and Government (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994), 66–104. “The deep veins of racial prejudice” is borrowed from Kay Anderson’s study of Chinatown in Sydney and Melbourne. See Anderson, “Chinatown Re-oriented”, 152. 730 See Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 98. The stigmatisation of particular ethnic groups, making them into a series of views and scenes, however, is widely recognised in colonial situations. See Thomas, Colonialism’s Culture, 54. 223 times in the values and meaning of those two decorative arts, when their power and mechanisms were transformed and gradually passed from those who ruled to those who were ruled. This affiliation, I would argue, is due to the human capacity to apprehend reality as both continuous and discontinuous, or real and imagined. For example, the Memorial Archways and the temple dogs live in the present, yet their alleged power is based on the past. It is the archways and the temple dogs providing a link between the present and the past that sews this Chinese enclave to an everlasting kingdom that has existed from time immemorial. It is also the archways and the temple dogs that provide a path between the real and the imagined that bridges these southern Chinese social practices with their spiritual beliefs. That is to say, through the practice of certain rituals and festive ceremonies the archways and the temple dogs have combined these polarised views in a continuous framework (whether Western or Eastern) that serves as a reminder of their Chinese origin.

7.6.3 Reminiscent of Chinese Rituals and Festival Ceremonies

When the decorative archways and temple dogs were installed in Dixon Street Mall in 1980, a casket containing some soil, some ancient coins from China and a Chinese golden tortoise was buried under the foundations of the archway.731 This was proposed by the architect, Henry Tsang, whose intention was to locate the true meaning of the gate in its traditional symbolism: the soil was a symbol of the Chinese people’s origins; the ancient coins symbolised wealth and prosperity; and the tortoise symbolised good luck and long life.732 Consequently, burying and sealing the casket were interpreted as a symbolic declaration by the Chinese that they were settling down in Sydney, optimistic and prosperous.733 Following the burying and sealing of the casket, there was a parade of Chinese deities and a patrol by the Chinese lion to oversee the blessings, making sure everything within this Chinese community was properly protected. These activities performed during the opening ceremony were to gain

731 David George Druce Yencken and Debra Wilkinson, Chinatown: A Study for the City of Sydney (Sydney: Sydney Council, 1997), 3. 732 Ibid., and Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 96–97. 733 Yencken and Wilkinson, Chinatown, 3, and Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 96–97. 224 a cultural currency identified by the City of Sydney Council. This cultural currency, however, had its origin in the blessings of an imaginary world.

Take the burial and sealing of the casket as an example. The overall performance could be seen as a reflection of the ancient ritual paradigm fengshan ৞᛽, conceptualised by the imperial ruling class to claim power and authority from the celestial realm. According to the Baihu tong (ca. A.D. 79), feng ৞ means “to seal up” and refers to the casket containing a secret text written by the ritual performer and sealed and buried in the ground by that person as a symbol of formal communication with the celestial world during a ritual sacrifice.734 Other opinions, however, hold the character feng to be the piling up of soil to form a mound and mark a border to resemble an altar.735 This interpretation pairs neatly with the character shan ᛽, which indicates “levelling down”, forming “up” (Heaven) and “down” (Earth) coordinate modes for preparing an all-encompassing pair of sacrifices to appropriate the Chinese collective universal polity.736 Although in the Shuowen jiezi (A.D. 121) the word feng means the lands of a feudal baron or lord and the character shan is explained as a sacrifice to heaven,737 which is the reverse order from the previous interpretation, the general intent of these interpretations remains the same, that is, the sacrifice was made to communicate between this material world and the celestial realm above. The ultimate goal of this communication, however, was to mark territory and to claim from heaven ownership of the land.

The procession that was a part of fengshan, on the other hand, can be regarded as a re-enactment of the Yellow Emperor’s imperial inspection tour, the purpose of which was to survey his dominion in this world as well as to communicate

734 Lewis, “The feng and shan”, 54. For the original text in the Baihu tongyi, see Ban, “Baihu tongde lun”, 5: 1. The term feng can also be interpreted as “to enfeoff”, especially in appointing and promoting Chinese deities, implying recognition of the power of foreign, external or spiritual forces—an attempt to internalise every possible source of power. See Sutton, “Transmission in Popular Religion”, 239. 735 This reading can be confirmed by early forms of fengon the Shang (1600–1027 B.C.) oracle bones and Western Zhou (1027–771 B.C.) bronzes. See Lewis, “The feng and shan”, 54. Bernard Faure also proposes that the altar is an architectural double, symbolising the image of a funerary tumulus. See Faure, “The Buddhist Icon”, 808. 736 For the interpretation of shan, see Lewis, “The feng and shan”, 54. 737 For interpretations of feng and shan in the Shuowen jiezi, see Xu, Shuowen jiezi, 9 and 287. 225 with the spiritual world above.738 According to the Shi ji (ca. 110–86 B.C.), this imperial inspection journey involved the Yellow Emperor travelling constantly to the boundaries of his territory, that is, the four cardinal points: east—Mount Wan and Mount Tai; south—Mount Xiong and Mount Xiang; west—Mount Kongtong and Mount Jitou; and north—Mount Fu.739 This continuous patrolling within the four boundaries of a legendary reign by which the Yellow Emperor demonstrated his power by travelling and hunting along the pathways of his territory as he inspected them was actually symbolic of the celebrated sovereign giving and receiving power at each holy place, and thus renewing the religious and kin ties that bound the state together.740 This giving and receiving of imaginary power, which affiliates religious beliefs with kinship ties, can also be discerned in the parading of Chinese deities following the fengshan ritual.

The idea of a troupe of “minor gods” making periodic processions for the renewal and purification of this-worldly territory, like imperial officials, was intended to enhance the image of these gods serving as place-gods responsible for the protection of this ethnic enclave as being properly grounded.741 This symbolic act of the renewal of power is a religious and spiritual belief from South China that has been used to strengthen social networks and kinship relations in a community.742 That is to say, the deities’ parade becomes a

738 Julius Nanting Tsai, “In the Steps of Emperors and Immortals: Imperial Mountain Journeys and Daoist Meditation and Ritual” (PhD diss., Stanford University, 2003), 89–92. 739 For the Yellow Emperor’s inspection journey, see Sima, Shi ji, 3–6. 740 David N. Keightley, “The Late Shang State: When, Where, and What?” in The Origins of Chinese Civilization, ed. David N. Keightley and Noel Barnard (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 552. 741 The term “minor gods” is borrowed from Donald Sutton, who uses it to describe beings that are not fully gods but by nature move between the categories of god, ghost, and human performer. For minor gods parading a district serving as place-gods, see Sutton, “Transmission in Popular Religion”, 212. In her study of the parade and pilgrim of the Chinese Goddess of the Sea Mazu, Chang Hsun has proposed that the parade of deities during a Chinese ritual or festival ceremony is a symbolic act of reconciliation aiming to gather all possible means from the celestial world. See Chang Hsun, Wenhua Mazu: Taiwan Mazu xinyang yanjiu lunwen ji (Constructing Mazu: Selected Papers in Mazu Cult), (Taipei: Institute of Ethnology Academia Sinica, 2004), 46. 742 This southern Chinese spiritual belief conceptualises an imaginary circle, jisiquan ผसഎ, to enhance communitiy bonds. For jisiquan and its functions, see Qian Hang, “Zhongyi chuanshuo, jisiquan yu jisi zuzhi” (Loyalty and Righteousness, Sacrificial Circles and Sacrificial Organisations), Shiling (Historical Review), 1 (2002), 35–42, and Lin Jinlong, “Meixue, quanli yu xiaofei: yi dajia mazu raojing jinxiang huodong weili zhi yanjiu” (Aesthetics, Power and Consumption: Worship Activities during the Annual Festival of Dajia Mazu), (Master’s diss., Nanhua University, 2005), 44. In his study of the Jiajiang festival troupe of southern Taiwan, Sutton has also demonstrated that the cult is from South China, especially Fujian, where the practice is still prevalent. See Sutton, “Transmission in Popular Religion”, 212–249. 226 means to mediate the boundaries between the sacred and the profane, where the designated routes are supposed to be the places the deities demonstrate their miraculous deeds. By travelling and inspecting these regulated routes in their territory, the deities are performing the symbolic gesture of giving and receiving powers at each designated place, and thus renewing the power and authority that binds them with the demarcated territory. This kind of power- binding has a similar effect on the patrolling of the imperial guardian beast, the lion dance.

The lion dance is a popular and familiar performance at joyous Chinese festivals and religious ceremonies.743 However, the dance performed by five colourful lions in conjunction with other acrobatic stunts is a southern-style dance called the nanshi তᅐ (Southern Lion) or xingshi ᙌᅐ (Awakening Lion), which is physically dramatically different than the northern lion (Figure 7.18).744 This southern-style performance often involves assigning five colourful lions to the five cardinal points, reflecting the Chinese ideology of spatial constructs and their associated powers.745 Maximum power is then given to the central performing lion, the yellow or golden one, which serves as a symbol of the Chinese people, performing various stunts regarded by the Chinese as summoning auspiciousness and prosperity.746 Although it is now impossible to recreate what took place during the opening ceremony of Sydney’s Chinatown in 1980, the performing lions welcoming the Year of the Pig in Hurstville, Sydney, in 2007 should provide some hints on how the ceremony was

743 Hu, Chinese Lion Dance, 5. It is, however, noteworthy that the lion dance performed during the opening of Chinatown in the 1980s was not the dancing lion’s first public performance. According to the Guangyi huabao (Chinese Australian Herald), a lion dance was performed under the patronage of local organisations at a Chinese festival on 25 September 1897. See Liu Weiping, Aozhou huaqiao shi (History of the Chinese in Australia), (Taipei: Xingdao chuban she, 1989), 137. 744 For the differences in appearance and performing style between the northern and southern lions, see Lee, “Taiwan minjian wushi”, 58–73, and Xie, “Nanshi yundong”, 76–79. The term xingshi was originally ruishi ᅗᅐ (auspicious lion). A popular story circulating in Guangdong Province has a lion leading Emperor Qianlong of Qing (r. 1736–1796) and his attendants out of a deeply forested area. The grateful emperor named the lion ruishi symbolising good omens, luck and fortune. See Hu, Chinese Lion Dance, 141. 745 For the lion in the Chinese ideology of spatial constructs, see Chapter two: Animals in Chinese Spatial Concepts. 746 This kind of symbolism could still be seen at least until 1490, when Emperor Xiaozong of Ming (r. 1487–1505) summoned envoys from neighbouring countries to court to witness the splendour of the imperial lion dance. See Gao, “Zhongguo wushi”, 37. 227 conducted, who the principal participants were, and what effects this activity had on the Chinatown upgrade sheme of 1980.

Figure 7.18: The heads of southern (left) and northern (right) dancing lions show the distinct differences in their mouths, ears and manes. Source: Lee Yuyan, “Taiwan minjian wushi zongjiao yishi yu biaoyan yishu zhi yanjiu: yi taiwanshi yu xingshi weili” (Research on the Ritual and Performance of the Lion Dance in Taiwanese Folk Arts: The Taiwanese Lion and the Cantonese Lion), (Master’s diss., National Taipei University, 2004), 33 and 37.

7.6.4 Summoning Cultural Assimilation between East and West

The 2007 welcoming ceremony started with the activation of the lion, a ritual Dotting the Eyes) involving using a calligraphy brush) known as kaiguang ၲ٠ dipped in cinnabar to dot the eyes of the lion.747 This ritual is to summon and awaken the spirit residing in the beast and is thus regarded as risky.748 That is to say, the dotting has to be done by a special someone, someone who is notable, powerful or has status in the community.749 Thus Mayor Clr Vince Badalati and representatives of the Premier of New South Wales, the Chinese Consul, the Bank of China and Hurstville Police were assigned to activate and

747 For the eye-dotting ceremony, see note 705. 748 The Chinese do not regard a religious image as a god until the eyes are formed and activated. This is not unusual in certain primitive societies as the eyes are often regarded as most indicative of life and most intimately associated with the quality of being lifelike. For further details, see Richard Gombrich, “The Consecration of a Buddhist Image”, The Journal of Asian Studies, 26, No. 1 (1966), 23–36, and Freedberg, The Power of Images, 85–86. Renowned Chinese literati and painters such as Wei Xie (ca. 265–316), Gu Kaizhi (ca. 345–406), and Zhang Sengyao would refrain from painting the eyes in their artworks to avoid activating the images. See Bushell, Chinese Art, 122, Fang Xuanling, Jin shu (The Book of Jin), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 2405, and Zhang Yanyuan, Lidai minghua ji (Record of Famous Painters), (Beijing: Remin meishu chuban she, 1963), 147–148. 749 The reason for this is to make sure they will be able to take full control of the spiritual lion, the bringer of good fortune in the Chinese conceptual world. See Hu, Chinese Lion Dance, 161. 228 awaken the lions, a meritorious deed for this Chinese community that officially inaugurated the Year of the Pig (Figure 7.19).

Figure 7.19: The dye-dotting ceremony at the lion dance in Hurstville, Sydney, 2007, was performed by government officials and community representatives. Source: Photograph by Min- Chia Young, 2007.

The awakened lions, performed by the Australian Yau Kung Mun, then started the wufang shiziwu նֱஃ՗ፘ (Lion Dance from the Five Directions) with caiqing, a unique stunt of southern origin, in which the lions picked up a some greens, chewed them, and spat them out to signify the arrival of good fortune.750 The leading lionΫthe yellow one, symbolising the Chinese and their cosmological scheme—then jumped onto a pole, one of a pile of staggered poles called meihua zhuang මक़ᑏ (The Plum Blossom Poles), and managed to climb all the way to the top, signifying prosperity in the coming year.751 The other four lions went in four different directions performing the kaisimen ၲ؄॰ (Opening the Gates of the Four Quadrates) rite and started to collect cash gift

॰, is a southern-style martial artsפThe Australian Yau Kung Mun, aozhou rougongmen ᖾ੊ਫ 750 association based in Sydney that regularly performs lion dances at cultural events and festivals around Australia. The performance of caiqing is part of the southern-style lion dance, see Xie, “Nanshi yundong”, 76. For the symbology of this performance, see Lee, “Taiwan minjian wushi”, 65. ೏֒, meaning “Each stepޡޡ The symbolic gesture of climbing up high is called Bubu gaosheng 751 higher”. It is often used to wish people good luck in their career. 229

Red Packets) from the audience, which represented) ץcalled hongbao દ fortune and wealth pouring in from every corner.752

The blessings of the lions extended to non-Chinese communities in Westfield shopping centre, where the animals stopped and danced before certain stores to bring them good fortune (Figure 7.21). Despite the sonorous sounds of the cymbals and drums accompanying the dance, the store owners were apparently accustomed to and comfortable with this spiritual blessing and exotic service.753 While the dancing lions were busy providing their services to the public regardless of race, colour or ethnic origin, a particular kind of social cohesiveness and integration was generated. That is, although the symbolic summoning of wealth and luck were coloured with the vernacular cultures of South China, the involvement and communication of these representations was

752 In the Taiwanese tradition, kaisimen is performed only by the golden (yellow) lion. See Xie, “Taiwan bixie”, 47. The “Red Packet”, on the other hand, is a monetary gift given by married people to the unmarried or an employer to an employee at Chinese New Year. To the Chinese, the red of the envelope is a symbol of good luck able to ward off evil spirits. By putting money in a red envelope and giving it to people, giver and receiver are supposed to receive good luck. It is worth noting that in Cammann’s view, the lion dance performed at Chinese New Year does not contain any implications of the Chinese cosmic scheme. See Cammann, “The Lion and Grape”, 283. 753 Most of the staff and store owners came out to greet the lions with joyful laughter; some even bowed and provided drinks for the performers in the 2007 welcoming to the Chinese New Year. 230 through a common language, a language that had been transformed from the past to better fit the familiar New World.754

Figure 7.21: The blessings of the dancing lion extended to stores of the non-Chinese community at Westfield shopping centre in Hurstville, Sydney, 2007. Source: Photograph by Min-Chia Young, 2007.

This was not the first time the Chinese had tried to convey their sense of space and time through languages that were commonly acknowledged by East and West. Long before the first century A.D., the Han people had begun to use the stone as a language to communicate their concept of immortality with the west.755 It seems plausible to assume that the entire opening ceremony in Sydney’s Chinatown in 1980 was a series of symbolic gestures by this ethnic enclave to communicate between the real and the imagined, the past and the present and, most of all, East and West. Therefore, the archways, the temple dogs and the performing lions were the “language” bridging the real and the imagined with their hypothetical powers of the terrestrial and celestial realms. They were also the “dialogue” to connect the past to the present with their reminders of the vernacular cultures of southern Chinese origin. In addition,

754 My use of the term “New World” is borrowed from David Hamer, and includes Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States. See David Allan Hamer, New Towns in the New World: Images and Perceptions of the Nineteenth-century Urban Frontier (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990). 755 For this argument, see Chapter five: The Spatial Location of the Guardian Animal. 231 they were the “conversation” to increase understanding between East and West with the material of which the archway was made changed from timber to concrete and steel, the protagonist of the burying ritual changed from a Chinese sovereign to the Lord Mayor of Sydney, Alderman Nelson Meers,756 and the change in the dancing lion’s “diet” from Chinese sweets to international monetary notes, cash. This kind of summoning of cultural assimilation, be it intentional or not, is and has always been a unique Chinese perception having no difficulty accommodating their own “universal” world.757 This fabricated universe is thus a reflection of Sydney’s Chinatown.

The original idea of the Sydney City Council’s redevelopment scheme was purely business-oriented, intended to change a once-undesirable ethnic enclave and transform it into an internationally identifiable Chinatown, attracting dollars to the city.758 Therefore, Sydney’s Chinatown was created in the image of endless reproductions of Chinatown around the world identified by non-Chinese communities and formulated under the Western construct of tourism.759 As a commercial venture, this new image of Sydney’s Chinatown has proved to be successful.760 This commercial success, however, also accorded well with the hypothetical mechanism of the ritual performances on the opening day of the

756 Roger Collier, “Quiet Nod of Approval for Chinatown”, Sydney Morning Herald, 16 August 1980. 757 For my interpretation of this, see Chapter four: The Chinese Way of Perceiving. 758 Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 94. Fitzgerald has further proposed that the upgrade scheme was largely motivated, on the one hand, by the undoubted attraction to Australians of controlling a greater portion of the world’s economic wealth, and, on the other hand, by Australians’ unquestioned right to control would-be settlers, see Fitzgerald, Red Tape, 4. In addition, according to the Bulletin, Australians thought highly enough of being of British and Irish descent and thus did not doubt their right to set up restrictive immigration policies to keep the race pure. See Bulletin, 22 June 1901, quoted in Alexander Turnbull Yarwood, ed., Attitudes to Non-European Immigration (Melbourne: Cassell Australia, 1968), 98. Given that the upgrade scheme was initiated and conducted by Gus Homeming’s Chinatown Development Co Pty Ltd, an Australian-based company with few Chinese involved, the intention was apparent. This could be read from a letter from the Dixon Street Chinese Committee, which emphatically stated that the Chinese Committee “has no connection or relationship with the company named Chinatown Development Co Pty Ltd” that was heavily involved with the scheme. See COSA: Town Clerk’s File, No. 2808/72- Dixon Street Area: Design for Creation of Chinatown Atmosphere-Question without Notice-Ald. L. Port, in a letter dated 14 March 1973. A minute paper from the Dixon Street Chinese Committee to the City of Sydney Council also advised that the Chinese Committee could see no value in erecting an arch in front of the Dixon Street Mall. See COSA: Town Clerk’s File, No. 2808/72, in a minute paper dated 7 November 1975, subject: Dixon Street-Proposed Decorated Arch. 759 According to Mak, the use of antiquated traditional Chinese symbols such as memorial archways, lion statues and pagoda-style shopfronts to represent the Chinese community is commonly acknowledged by non-Chinese communities in making a typical Chinatown. Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 96. 760 After the upgrade the visitation rate and property values in Sydney’s Chinatown began to soar. See Mak, “Negotiating Identity”, 95, and Fitzgerald, Red Tape, 153. 232 new Chinatown harmonising with this southern Chinese enclave’s quest for a better life. This kind of accidental affiliation has not only turned a regional cult into a national tradition, providing a link between the vernacular cultures of South China and their national identity, it has also transformed the City of Sydney Council’s practical applications into a Chinese ideological construct, creating a consistent and unitary reading between West and East.

In sum, the southern Chinese combination of the lion mechanism with their vernacular cultures has become a unique regional culture of its own. This unique lion culture has not only remained an indigenous culture deeply entrenched in the spatial construct and social life of the southern Chinese, it has become a legacy, a living heritage, and a common language among overseas Chinese whether they are of southern origin or not. The case studies of the Wind Lion God of Kinmen and the lion statues at the gates of Sydney’s Chinatown justifiably demonstrate the power and promise of this particular lion culture. Despite the ambiguous role this particular lion motif has played in shaping the spatial and social constructs of Kinmen and Sydney’s Chinatown, the fact remains that the dynamic history of Kinmen would not be the same without the activation of the Wind Lion God, and a Chinatown without the memorial archways and lion statues would not feel quite like Chinatown.

233

Chapter 8 Conclusion

The thesis is a systematic examination of the rich and diverse forms and social life of the lion motif in Chinese history. Drawing on textual, linguistic and archaeological references, it has addressed the fundamental problems inherent in the study of the lion motif in China, that is, why a foreign import has been adopted, transformed and assimilated into an existing culture heavily rendered as an indigenous one. It has argued that the indigenousness comes from the lion’s image shifting between the real and the imagined, deeming it to be an intermediary between the celestial and terrestrial worlds capable of bringing people good fortune and luck. In other words, what has perpetuated the lion’s image and mechanism in Chinese space and society is its unique “look” and its allegorical power.

Previous scholarship and current hypotheses have often attributed the grotesque look and omnipotence of the Chinese lion motif to the animal’s rarity and the motif being used predominantly by the ruling class in imperial times. That is to say, the ruling class had the exclusive right to use the lion motif and the depiction of the lion’s image and power belonged solely to a powerful few. As a result, the lion was often invested with imaginary attributes and the power of the animal was often replete with the religious and spiritual beliefs of the ruling class who used it as a means to claim absolute authority in the celestial and the terrestrial world. This general assumption that attributes the portrayal of a likeness of none to the dominant society exerting its power and authority over the powerless is problematic, as textual and archaeological evidence suggests that the lion might have first appeared in China earlier than imperial times.

My textual enquiry began with literary works of imperial times, which resulted in a first-ever list of all tributary records of the lion during the dynastic years of China (Appendix A). Among these, a Tokharian state’s presenting of a real lion in A.D. 87 is the first and the most frequently cited one in studies of the Chinese lion motif. However, this record does not exclude the possibility of discovering

234 from other sources when the lion first arrived in China, as further enquiry through linguistic analysis has indicated that it might have had more than one name. That is, the Chinese terms associated with the lion might not have been limited to shi ஃ and shi ᅐ. In addition, certain archaeological evidence has also suggested that the lion may initially have arrived prior to the first century A.D.

Through an examination of literary works dated earlier than the imperial period, I found that several fantastic terms used to describe certain ferocious animals turn out to have had a close relationship with the Chinese interpretation of a lion. This has further suggested that the ancient Chinese might have combined the physical forms and ideological powers of a series of animals to re-construct a then unfamiliar lion to a known lion. This kind of suggestion, however, associates the lion’s image and power with two groups of animals: the real and the imagined. Having specified these two categories, the thesis proceeds to assess the formation of the real and the imagined lions in Chinese history to see if in the Chinese perception a distinction was drawn between the two.

Two chapters were then assigned to commonly held notions of Chinese perceptions about a real lion and an imagined one. The common assertion about a real lion is that it was not native to China; it had a grotesque look and was given different names highly valued by the ruling class. The general assumption about an imagined lion is that the animal was a divine creature, which had multiple appearances and was omnipotent. It is not possible with these kinds of generalisations, however, to draw a clear line between the Chinese perception of a real and an imagined lion. This prompts the conclusion that the Chinese had difficulty in distinguishing the real lion from the imagined one because they created a convergence of the two in order to approximate a reasonable solution to their endless quest for a better life. A systematic examination of Chinese history from the Warring States period to the Qing dynasty has confirmed this hypothesis.

By examining historical and archaeological records of the lion motif in mortuary settings, the thesis has revealed that the the origin of the Chinese combining

235 the real and the imagined animals as a path to success and fortune dated back to the Shang and Zhou dynasties. This kind of symbolic depiction was often animal statues with strange names and a grotesque “look” to portray protective sorcery within certain spatial constructs. Consequently, a special category of tomb guardian figurines named zhenmushou was constructed andthey were deemed to be intermediaries between this material world and the spiritual realm. From the Han on, this special guardian force gradually incorporated the lion’s image and power as it was rendered as an almighty protective mechanism. With the injection of a xiang, the cosmology of the dominant culture, which fashioned the celestial world as circular and the terrestrial realm as square, these tomb guardian figurines came to symbolise power and authority that was not intended to be shared.

The dominant culture’s use of the circular and square combined in their depiction of a harmonious universe began to have an impact on the making of the lion motif during the Tang dynasty. This was when the rotund attributes of the lion began to be recognised through the interpretation of the character yuan, which bridged the gap between popular and institutional religions. This was also when the playful characteristics of the dog were associated with a tameable lion, which originated in the popular culture. The transformation of a ferocious beast into a domestic pet went further in the hands of the people of Qing, who cruelly bred the Pekingese into a “lion-dog” in order to assert their dominance and authority over all under heaven.

The changing Chinese perception of the image and role of the lion motif was taken into account in formatting vernacular cultures of South China, where in the coastal regions a particular stone that was thought to be able to resist natural and man-made disasters was worshipped. Accordingly, a southern-style lion was created of a particular stone guardian imbued with human characteristics standing at street intersections and in front of entry ways to protect the lives and livelihood of the people. This particular style of lion was carried over into Chinese communities around the world, so that it became common to see a pair of stone lions in front of entry ways and essential that the

236 lion dance be performed during Chinese celebrations. That is, the use of the lion motif became an enduring legacy of the Chinese community. Case studies of the lion motif in Kinmen and Sydney have proven this to be worthwhile, as use of the “Wind Lion God” and “temple dogs” has brought greater commercial success to the residents of these two places.

While previous scholarship has been very aware of the lion motif’s spatial and social importance in China, there remains a need for a more structured approach to identifying and constructing a meaningful narrative out of this familiar topic. This thesis has attempted to demonstrate that the changing form and shifting role of the lion motif has been a gradual process of the Chinese perception, integrating the real and the imagined animals, strange and unfamiliar phenomena, and the dominant and popular cultures. The context and framing of this integration might have been significantly influenced by the bureaucratic metaphor of the ruling class. The present meaning and interpretation of the metaphor, however, are susceptible to the vision and determination of those who are ruled, who are as much prone as those who rule to seeking a better life. Although one might argue that the possession of a better life is no longer the sole prerogative of the powerful few, the search for a comfortable space and the promise of a good life are still entwined in the blessings of this celebrated Chinese beast, the lion.

237

Appendix A: Historical Records of the Tribute of the Lion

1. A lion from Yuezhi (a Central Asian Tokharian state) in A.D. 87.761 2. A lion from Anxi (Parthia) in A.D. 88.762 3. A lion from Anxi in A.D. 101.763 4. A lion from Shule (Kashgar) in A.D. 127.764 5. A lion from Shule in A.D. 133.765 6. A lion from Erdun (an Indo-European origin state) in 450.766 7. A lion from Sute (Sogdiana) between 457 and 464.767 8. A lion from Hua (a Hephithalites tribe in what is now north Afghanistan) in 520.768 9. A lion from Persia in 525.769 10. A lion from Yeda (a Hephithalites tribe with the same origin of Hua ᄶ) in 528.770 11. A lion from Kang (Samarkand) in 635.771 12. A lion fromTuhuoluo (Turfan) in 657.772 13. A lion from Dashi (Tashkent) in 696.773 14. Two lions from Tuhuoluo in 719.774 15. A lion from Persia in A.D. 722.775

761 Fan, Houhan shu, 158, and Wang Qinruo, ed., Songben cefu yuangui (Song Version of the Outstanding Models from the Storehouse of Literature), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989), 3831. 762 Fan, Houhan shu, 168, and Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3831. 763 Fan, Houhan shu, 189, and Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3831 764 Fan, Houhan shu, 2927. 765 Fan, Houhan shu, 263, and Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3831. 766 Wei Shou, Wei Shu, (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 104, and Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3837. 767 Shen, Song shu, 2358. 768 Yao Silian, Liang shu (The Book of Liang), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973), 812, and Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3835. 769 Li Yanshou, Bei shi (The History of the Northern Dynasties), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 3231, and Wei, Wei Shu, 2279. 770 Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3840, and Fan, Luoyang jialan ji, 172-173. It is important to note that, according to Fan Xiangyong’s commentary, this tribute is the same as the 525 one. 771 Liu, Jiu tang shu, 2568, and Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3844. 772 Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3846. 773 This lion was rejected. See Ouyang and Song, Xin tang shu, 3980, and Liu, Jiu tang shu, 2903. My translation of Dashi is borrowed from Valerie Hansen in her “The Impact of the Silk Road Trade on a Local Community: The Turfan Oasis, 500-800”, in Les Sogdiens en Chine, ed. Etienne de la Vaissiere and Eric Trombert (Paris: Ecole Francaise d’Extreme Orient, 2005), 287. However, according to Xu Xin’s translation, Dashi is Arabia. See Xu Xin, The Jews of Kaifeng, China: History, Culture, and Religion (Jersey City: KTAV Publishing House, 2003), 13. 774 Ouyang and Song, Xin tang shu, 6261, and Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3848. 775 Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3849. 238

16. A lion from Foshi (Vijaya) in 727.776 17. A lion from Mi (Maymurgh) in 729.777 18. A lion from Yutian (Khotan) in 1085.778 19. A lion from Hainan in 1284.779 20. A lion from Junan (Kulam-mali) in 1291.780 21. A lion from Huihe (the Uyghur Empire) in 1296.781 22. A lion from Sangwu and Baoheding (two tribal groups originated from the Yi people of the South) in 1309.782 23. A lion from Yilihan (Ilkhanate) in 1327.783 24. A lion from Tiemuer (Timurid) in 1413.784 25. A lion from Xiyu (Western Regions) in September, 1415.785 26. A lion from Tiemuer from in October, 1415.786 27. A lion from Shi lasi (Shiraz) and Yisi fuhan (Esfahan) in 1419.787 28. A lion from Hulu mosi (Hormuz) in 1430.788 29. A lion from Xiyi (Western Barbarians) in 1478.789 30. Two lions from Sama erhan (Samarkand) in 1481.790 31. A lion from Sama erhan and Yisi fuhan in April, 1483.791 32. A lion from Sama erhan in October, 1483.792 33. A lion from Shi lasi, Halie (Hert) and Sama erhan in December, 1483.793

776 Ibid., 3850. 777 Ouyang and Song, Xin tang shu, 6247, and Wang, Songben cefu yuangui, 3850. 778 Emperor Zhezong of the (1076–1100) did not accept this lion from the kingdom of Khotan. See Tou, Song shi, 320. 779 Song Lian, Yuan shi (The History of Yuan), (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1976), 269. 780 Ibid., 350. 781 Ibid., 402. 782 Ibid., 511. 783 Ibid., 678. 784 Huang Zhangjian, ed, “Ming taizong shilu” (Memoirs of Emperor Taizong of Ming), in Ming shilu, 1690. 785 This record is listed in the Ming shilu ࣔኔᙕ (Memoirs of the Ming Dynasty) with no indication of who the tributary party was. See Huang, “Ming taizong shilu”, 1871. 786 This lion was brought back by Chen Cheng ຫᇨ (1365–1457) during his 1413–1415 expedition to Central Asia. For further details, see Chen, Xiyu xingcheng, 118–119. 787 Zhang, Ming shi, 8615. 788 Ibid., 8453. .with no indication of who the tributary party was ؤThis record is listed in the Liuqing rizha ఎॹֲ 789 See Tian Yiheng, Liuqing rizha (Miscellanea of Precious Craftwork), (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chuban she, 1985), 932. 790 Lu, Shuyuan zaji, 69. 791 Huang, “Ming xianzong shilu”, 4055, and Zhang, Ming shi, 8600. 792 Huang, “Ming xianzong shilu”, 4155-4156, and Zhang, Ming shi, 8600. 793 Huang, “Ming xianzong shilu”, 4182, and Zhang, Ming shi, 178. 239

34. Two lions from Sama erhan in 1483.794 35. A lion from Sama erhan in 1489.795 36. A lion from Sama erhan and Tulufan (Turfan) in 1490.796 37. A lion from Tulufan in 1490.797 38. A lion from Tulufan in 1491.798 39. A lion from Sama erhan in 1507.799 40. A lion from Lumi (Rum) in 1524.800 41. A lion from Lumi in 1526.801 42. A lion from Lumi in 1527.802 43. A lion from Xiyi in 1563.803 44. A lion from Lumi in 1564.804 45. A lion from Portugal in 1675.805 46. A lion from Portugal in 1678.806

794 Zhang, Ming shi, 8600. 795 Huang Zhangjian, ed., “Ming xiaozong shilu” (Memoirs of Emperor Xiaozong of Ming), in Ming shilu, 717, and Zhang, Ming shi, 185. 796 Huang, “Ming xiaozong shilu”, 811, and Zhang, Ming shi, 8531. 797 This lion was brought to China by the sea route but was returned by the Chinese court. See Zhang, Ming shi, 8532. 798 Ibid. 799 Huang, “Ming wuzong shilu”, 764. 800 Zhang, Ming shi, 219. 801 Ibid., 8627. 802 Huang Zhangjian, ed., “Ming shizong shilu” (Memoirs of Emperor Shizong of Ming), in Ming shilu, 1641. 803 This record is listed in the Liuqing rizha, which gives no indication of who the tributary party was. However, judging from the content, it is possible the lion was from Lumi ᕙಮ (Rum). See Tian, Liuqing rizha, 932 804 Zhang, Ming shi, 249. 805 Xu, Qingbai leichao, 415. This record is a possible misread of the tribute of 1678. See Jiang, “Aomen yu kangxi”, 142–143. 806 Zhonghua shuju, “Shengzu ren huangdi shilu”, 971. 240

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