Italian and Arabic

Wolfgang Schweickard Italian and Arabic

1 Introduction 5 Editorial philology: performance 2 Arabic in Southern Italy and limits 3 Arabic elements in historical 6 Lexicological and lexicographical sources research 3.1 Pilgrimages 7 Conclusions 3.2 Trade, politics, diplomacy 8 Bibliography 3.3 Scientific texts 8.1 Abbreviations 3.4 Translations of religious texts 8.2 Primary sources 3.5 Individual voyagers 8.3 Studies, corpora and dictionaries 4 Special features of the Arabic- 9 Index verborum Italian language contact 9.1 Arabic 4.1 Arabic as the mediating language 9.2 Catalan 4.2 Borrowing routes of the Arabic 9.3 Greek elements 9.4 Italian 4.3 Number and status of the 9.5 (Medieval) Latin borrowings 9.6 Persian 4.4 Language skills 9.7 Portuguese 4.5 Modalities of adaptation 9.8 Sicilian 4.6 Excursus: Italian elements in 9.9 Spanish Arabic 9.10 Turkish

Abstract: This article focuses on Italian and Arabic language contact in the Medi- terranean until early modern times. Particular emphasis will be placed on lexical exchange with Italian as the recipient language. The most important contact zone between Arabic and Italian was southern Italy. Numerous Arabic elements also appear in texts and documents of pilgrims, merchants and diplomats who traveled to Arabia as well as in translations from Arabic. Special features of those contacts are dealt with in separate chapters: Arabic as the intermediate language for borrowings with a different remote etymology (Greek, Persian), the various channels of transmission of genuine Arabic elements, the number and status of the borrowings, the degree of familiarity of the travelers with Arabic, basic patterns of formal adaptation and corrupt spellings, and finally, in a brief excursus, Italian elements in Arabic. Additional chapters deal with the strengths and weaknesses of editorial philology, the lexicological and lexicographical treatment of Arabisms and remaining desiderata.

Wolfgang Schweickard, FR Romanistik, Universität des Saarlandes, Campus A5 3, 1 OG., Zi. 1.11, Saarbrücken, Germany, e-mail: [email protected] https://doi.org/10.1515/lexi–2017-0009 122 Wolfgang Schweickard

Keywords: Language contact, Italian, Arabic, loanwords, Borrowings, Mediterra- nean languages

1 Introduction

This article focuses on Italian and Arabic language contact in the Mediterranean until early modern times. Particular emphasis will be placed on lexical exchange with Italian as the recipient language. The most important contact zone between Arabic and Italian was southern Italy. Numerous Arabic elements also appear in texts and documents of pilgrims, merchants and diplomats who traveled to Arabia as well as in translations from Arabic. Special features of those contacts are dealt with in separate chapters: Arabic as the intermediate language for borrowings with a different remote etymology (Greek, Persian), the various channels of transmission of genuine Arabic elements, the number and the status of the borrowings, the degree of familiarity of the travelers with Arabic, basic patterns of formal adaptation and corrupt variants, and finally, in a brief excursus, Italian elements in Arabic. Addition- al chapters deal with the strengths and weaknesses of editorial philology, the lexicological and lexicographical treatment of Arabisms and remaining desiderata.1

2 Arabic in Southern Italy

As the language of Islam, Arabic had played a leading role since the seventh century.2 The Arab expansion towards Southern Europe was initially centered on the Iberian Peninsula (→ Ruhstaller/Gordón in this volume), which was conquered between 711 and 716. Between 827 (the invasion of Asad ibn al-Furāt and the conquest of Marsala) and 878, Sicily and parts of southern Italy came under Arab rule. In 831, Palermo, which at that time had about 100,000 inhabitants, was taken after a long siege and became the metropolis of Arab Sicily. In the following years Messina (842), Modica (845), Ragusa (849), and finally Siracusa (878) were conquered. The Arab domination lasted until the 11th century. After that, first the Normans (1061–1189) and then the Hohenstaufen dynasty (13th century) gained control over the island. The cultural influence of the Arabs, however, remained vital far beyond this time.3 It is in the nature of things that during the period of Arab rule there were intense contacts between the conquerors and the indigenous population. Linguistically, this

1 I would like to thank Farid Benfeghoul, Francesco Crifò, Martin Gleßgen and Max Pfister † for their helpful comments. 2 Steiger (1948/1949: 3 ff.); Tietze (1958); Versteegh (2010: 634 f.); Abdel Haleem (2011); Gazsi (2011); Selmani (2017: 133 ff.); for the spread of the Arabic alphabet, cf. Banti (2000: 19 ff.). 3 Amari (1933–1939); Steiger (1948/1949: 25 ff.); Gabrieli (1993: 35 ff.); Backman (1995: 34 ff.); Scholz (1996: 169 ff.); Ineichen (1997: 32 ff.); Kontzi (1998: 341 ff.); Herbers (2016). Italian and Arabic 123 situation is mirrored by a large number of borrowings, especially in Sicily, but also in parts of the southern mainland (although no permanent occupation of these territories had ever taken place).4 In his fundamental study on the Arabic borrowings in Medieval Sicily, Caracausi (1983) lists 298 main entries with documentation from Latin and vernacular sources.5 Via Sicily, some Arabisms were also introduced into early Tusco-Florentine literature, as for example acanino in Boccaccio’s Decamerone: “[…] tu m’hai miso lo foco all’arma, toscano acanino” (VIII, 10) < Sic. haninu ‘dear, beloved’ < Ar. ḥanīn (Pellegrini 1972: 75 f.).6 The strong presence of Arabic in southern Italy is also reflected by a considerable number of place names of Arabic origin: Favara < Ar. fawwāra ‘source’, Gisira

3 Arabic elements in historical sources

Lexical borrowings from Arabic appear since the earliest times, also in many Italian sources which are not directly related to the Arab supremacy in Sicily. These words have partially passed into Italian via Medieval Latin; partially they are the result of direct contacts of travelers with the Arab world. Among the different categories of sources, travel accounts of pilgrims to the Holy Land as well as commercial,

4 Varvaro (1981); Manzelli (1986); Gabrieli (1993: 109 ff.); Fanciullo (1996: 113 ff.); Agius (1991); Ineichen (1997: 35). 5 For an onomasiological overview on the borrowings, see Ineichen (1997: 39 f.); Kontzi (1998: 341 ff.). 6 The transliteration of the Arabic script follows the rules of the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesell- schaft (German Oriental Society, DIN 31635). 7 Caracausi (1994 s. v.); Ineichen (1997: 37 ff.); Kontzi (1998: 342); Mancini (2010: 2.2.). 8 Precisely in 1282 in Restoro d’Arezzo (ed. Morino 1976: 172; cf. DI 3,319 f.). 9 Pellegrini (1972: 227 ff., 1989: 153 ff.); Caracausi (1994); Ineichen (1997: 39); Kontzi (1998: 342); Mancini (2010: 2.2.). 124 Wolfgang Schweickard political and diplomatic texts are particularly important.10 The status of the Arabic elements in these texts is fundamentally different from those in southern Italy. Arabic elements in Italian historical sources are normally less deeply rooted. They usually do not have a direct relation to the Italian reality of life, but primarily refer to specificities of the Arab world which are particularly striking from the individual point of view of the travelers.

3.1 Pilgrimages

The Terra santa was at all times a center of attraction for Christian Europeans. Besides the crusaders’ attempts to reconquer the Holy Land,11 the Christian pilgrimages were the peaceful variant of cultivating cross-border religious traditions. The voyages typically began in Venice and continued along the eastern coast of the Adriatic and, via Cyprus, to Jaffa, Alexandria or Beirut. From there the pilgrims took the land route to the biblical sites in Palestine.12 Sometimes the Christian places of commemoration in Egypt were on the agenda, as well.13 The distance from Venice to Jaffa via Cyprus is nearly 2,600 km, from Venice to Alexandria nearly 2,800 km. Depending on the weather, the pilgrims traveled 40 to 50 days, on average. The religious antagonism between the different faiths – especially between Christians and Muslims – usually did not lead to serious problems. The cooperation between the organizers of the pilgrimages and the regional authorities made it possible – despite some imponderables14 – to respect the planned schedule and to guarantee a relatively high degree of security.15 The expenses for the individual pilgrim were considerable (an approximate calculation reveals that more than one year’s salary of a senior Venetian official was necessary to cover them16):

“E voi, lettori, che andate in Ierusalem per la via d’Alesandria e del Caero e per terra insino alla Terra Santa come abbiamo fatto noi, è una grande ispesa” (ZL 258).

The earliest Italian pilgrim’s account, the anonymous Itinerario per la Terra Santa, dates from the 13th century (ed. Dardano 1966). Until the 17th century, the number of such texts grew steadily. For the period from the 13th to the 17th century, about

10 The series Christian-Muslim Relations (CMR) offers a helpful overview on relevant texts (for a review of volume 6 see Schweickard 2015c: 1230 ff.). 11 For a survey on the Crusades see Cardini (2002: 43 ff.); Phillips (2009); Bull (2011). 12 Hartmann (1910); Rostagno (1998: 66 ff.); Saletti (2016b: 428 ff.). 13 Abbas (2013). 14 Cardini (2002: 357 ff.). 15 For the logistical conditions and the travel program, see Rossebastiano (1989: 19 ff.); Rostagno (1998: 69 ff.); Longo (2010: 41 ff.); Saletti (2016b). In the absence of an index rerum, the highly instructive study of Cardini (2002) is difficult to use. 16 Rostagno (1998: 79); Saletti (2016b: 433 ff.). Italian and Arabic 125

30 reports of pilgrimages to the Holy Land written in Italian have been edited. This number is, of course, vanishingly small compared to the actual number of travelers. To give an example, Giovanni Paolo Pesenti in his Pellegrinaggio di Gierusalem- me speaks of 4,000 pilgrims in Jerusalem alone for Easter 1613.17 The following chronological overview gathers some of the accounts which are of interest in the given context: –14th century: Niccolò da Poggibonsi, Libro d’Oltremare (c1350, ed. Lanza/Tron- carelli 1991),18 Leonardo Frescobaldi, Viaggio in Oriente19 / Simone Sigoli, Vi- aggio al monte Sinai / Giorgio Gucci, Viaggio ai luoghi santi (c1385, ed. Lanza/ Troncarelli 1991);20 –15th century: Luchino Dal Campo, Viaggio del marchese Nicolò D’Este al Santo Sepolcro (c1413, ed. Brandoli 2011),21 Domenico Messore, Viagio del Sancto Se- polcro (c1441, ed. Saletti 2009), Anonymous, Itinerario de andare in Hyerusalem (1469, ed. Cornagliotti 2002), Roberto da Sanseverino, Viaggio in Terra Santa (c1459, ed. Cavaglià/Rossebastiano 1999), Alessandro di Filippo Rinuccini, Sanctissimo Peregrinaggio del Sancto Sepolcro (1474, ed. Calamai 1993), Gabrie- le Capodilista, Itinerario in Terra Santa (c1475, ed. Momigliano Lepschy 1966, 159–241), Santo Brasca, Viaggio in Terrasanta (1481, ed. Momigliano Lepschy 1966, 43–158), Antonio da Crema, Itinerario al Santo Sepolcro (1486, ed. Nori 1996), ser Michele, Viaggio (c1490, ed. Montesano 2010), Girolamo Castiglione, Fior de terra sancta (c1491),22 Bernardino di Nali, Jerosolomitana peregrinatione (c1492, ed. Sabbatini 2009), Pietro Casola, Viaggio a Gerusalemme (c1494, ed. Paoletti 2001); –16th century: Giovanni Zuallardo, Devotissimo viaggio di Gerusalemme (1587),23 Giovanni Francesco Alcarotti, Viaggio di Terra Santa (1596),24 Girolamo Dandi- ni, Missione apostolica al patriarca, e maroniti del Monte Libano e sua pellegrinazione a Gerusalemme (c1597, ed. 1656), Bernardo Brancaleoni, Diario di viaggio in Terrasanta (1598, ed. Biagetti 1999); –17th century: Giovanni Paolo Pesenti, Pellegrinaggio di Gierusalemme (1615, ed. De Carli 2013), Steffano Mantegazza, Relatione tripartita del viaggio di Gierusa- lemme (1616), Francesco Cavazzoni, Trattato del santo viaggio di Gierusalemme (1616, ed. Pigozzi 2000), Aquilante Rocchetta, Peregrinatione di Terra Santa (1630, ed. Roma 1996), Faostino da Toscolano, Itinerario di Terra santa (1654,

17 Rostagno (1998: 66); for further information on the number of pilgrims cf. ibid. 86 ff. 18 Cf. Gensini (2013). 19 Cf. Bartolini (1998). 20 Frescobaldi, Sigoli and Gucci undertook the voyage together. 21 Cf. Nori (1985). 22 Cf. Palma (1979). 23 The author was Flemish by birth, his real name being Johann Schwallart. The original travel account, however, was written in Italian. 24 Cf. Schweickard (2017c). 126 Wolfgang Schweickard

ed. Bianchini 1992),25 Ambrosio Bembo, Viaggio e giornale per parte dell’Asia (c1680, ed. Invernizzi 2005),26 Domenico Laffi, Viaggio in Levante al Santo Se- polcro (1683).

In most cases, such accounts provide information on the circumstances of the voyage as well as details on the various locations. The descriptions are not seldom mo- notonous and repetitive, but some authors (Frescobaldi, Domenico Messore, etc.) give lively impressions of the country and its people and of particular occurrences. Since the territories “de là da mar” were largely Arabic-speaking, the pilgrims came into contact with Arabic in many ways. As a consequence, numerous indigenous words and names found their way into their reports. There is a wide range of spelling variation, since at that time no standards existed. Of course, there were prototypes of travel guides, which offered information about organizing and carrying out the journey. Those kind of texts can be traced back to the early days of Christian pilgrimages. The earliest example is the Itinerarium Burdigalense, which dates back to the fourth century after Christ.27 Even if, over time, these guides became increasingly detailed,28 they did not offer any kind of linguistic support until the 16th century. The first printed book to contain a glossary29 was the Viaggio di Terra Santa of Giovanni Francesco Alcarotti – an amalgam of travel guide and travel account – which appeared at the end of the 16th century: “Alcuni vocabuli più importanti al Peregrino, per sapere dimandare frà li Infideli le cose necessarie al vivere humano, i quali per non haverli saputo io, quando ero là, hò patito molto, & serviranno ancora per in- tendere il presente Libro” (Alcarotti 1596, p. P30). According to the historical situation (the whole area was then under Ottoman rule), Alcarotti, however, mentions mainly Turkish words.31 In the following we will give some examples of Arabic elements in the pilgrims’ accounts in onomasiological order (the original spellings are preserved; for the abbreviations used and the dates of composition/publication of the individual texts see 8.1.):32 – itinerary and logistics of the journey: It. boabo m. ‘doorkeeper’ (AB 33: “Questo campo la sera si chiude, e le chiavi le tiene un boabo, ch’è il portinaro”) < Ar.

25 Cf. Milani (2008). 26 Cf. Tucci (1966). 27 Cf. Herzog (1989: 97–99). 28 Cf. Pernoud (1940: 5 ff.); Rostagno (1998: 95); Cornagliotti (2002: 311). 29 Separate handwritten word lists for travelers, of course, already existed prior to the 16th century (cf. below 5.). 30 The first part of the book is called Ricordi utilissimi and presents a separate page numbering from A to Q. 31 Cf. Schweickard (2017c). 32 A similar overview on the Arabic elements in French based on FEW 19 is offered by Baldinger (1972). Italian and Arabic 127

bawwāb (Badawī/Hinds 110), It. cane m. ‘hostel, caravansary’ (NP 39: “Come altri si parte da Rama, e, andando verso lerusalem, sì vai infra levante e mezzo- dì per piano infino ad uno albergo che si chiama il cane”) < Ar. ḫān (Wehr 261), It. felucca f. ‘sloop, felucca’ (GA 202: “fece ligare quella Felucca (la qual era grossa quasi come una Galeotta) dietro la poppa di detta Galera” < Ar. falūka (Wehr 851), It. giarma ‘barge, lighter’ (LF 137: “giarma saracinesca”) < Ar. ǧarm (Wehr 144), It. cafferi m.pl. ‘guards, escorts’ (RS 197: “trovarono molti cafferi per la via”) < Ar. ḫafar (Wehr 290), It. mucari m.pl. ‘donkey driver, muleteer’ (LC 154: “li mucari, cioè asenari”) < Ar. mukār (Wehr 965), It. turcimanno m. ‘translator, interpreter’ (LF 139: “Giungemo al Cairo e a Babillonia ch’è quasi una medesima cosa a dì 11 d’ottobre e là quel turcimanno a cui fumo assegnati in Allessandria ci menò al gran turcimanno del soldano il quale è sopra tutti e turcimanni del soldano”) < Ar. turǧumān / tarǧumān (Wehr 112); – flora and fauna: It. basall m.pl. ‘onions’ (FT 103: “De cipolle, che in lor lingua dicono basall, n’è tanta quantità, grandeza e qualità, che senz’altro si man- giano liberamente come pane”) < Ar. baṣal (Wehr 61), It. carubi m.pl. ‘carobs, locusts’ (LF 137: “limoni, aranci, cassia, carubi”) < Ar. ḫarrūb (Wehr 269), It. foguss m.pl. ‘a kind of cucumber’ (FT 142: “li cedroncelli, da essi detti foguss”) < Ar. faqqūs (Wehr 846), It. hamam m. ‘pigeon’ (DM 123: “ove cote dure, hamam, da cocere”) < Ar. ḥamām (Wehr 238), It. muse f.pl. ‘bananas’ (LF 137: “Evvi una generazione di frutte, che le chiamano muse, che sono come cetriuo- li, e sono più dolci che zucchero”) < Ar. mūza (Wehr 1093), It. pateghe f.pl. ‘melon, water-melon’ (FT 142: “De meloni, cocomeri e cedroncelli da loro chiamati chaun, pateghe et fogus son di quella bontà, grandezza et abondanza di sopra descritti”) < Ar. baṭṭīḫ (Wehr 77), It. zibibo m. ‘dried grapes, raisins’ (DM 48: “sì se ritrova fructe in grandissima quantitade, e meloni et angurie et coco- mari de diverse maniere e fichi e uva et maxime di quela de cui si fa il zibibo”) < Ar. (Egypt) zibīb (Badawī/Hinds 364) < Ar. zabīb (Wehr 432), It. maymoni m.pl. ‘monkeys’ (RS 100: “simie o maymoni”) < Ar. maimūn (Wehr 1299); – dignitaries, authorities, officers: It. cadì m. ‘official invested with the power of jurisdiction’ (LF 141: “tutti i cadì, cioè i vescovi”) < Ar. qāḍī (Wehr 904), It. mofti m. ‘scholar who interprets Islamic law’ (GA 231: “[…] inteso dal mofti, & Cadileschieri”) < Ar. muftī (Wehr 816), It. machemà m. ‘court of justice’ (FT 316: “Serrò poi e sigillò il machemà, cioè la cancellaria o giustitia”) < Ar. maḥkama < ḥakama ‘to pass judgement’ (Wehr 228), It. mamaluchi m.pl. ‘Muslim rulers of slave origin’ (DM 42: “Et va acompagnato dal soi armiralgi che sonno 16, et ha mamaluchi che sonno 300 et soi schiavi che sonno 60 o più”) < Ar. mamlūk (Wehr 1083), It. rayse m. ‘head, chief, principal’ (RS 194: “[…] figliolo del rayse de Iericho”) < Ar. ra’īs (Wehr 367), It. soldano m. ‘ruler’ (LF 139: “ci menò al gran turcimanno del soldano”) < Ar. sulṭān (Wehr 493); – religion: It. alchorano ‘Quran, central religious text of Islam’ (FR 161: “alchuno capitolo dello Alchorano”) < Ar. Qur’ān (Wehr 882), It. alla ‘God’ (NP 131: “non 128 Wolfgang Schweickard

favellano niente, se non che dicono solamente questo: ‹Alla›, che viene a dire ‘Idio’”) < Ar. Allāh (Wehr 30), It. imani m.pl. ‘prayers, religious community leaders’ (GA 255: “[…] altri Imani, che servano in dire l’officio nelle Moschee”) < Ar. imām (Wehr 32), It. moschete f.pl. ‘mosques’ (LF 136: “se ne vanno nelle loro moschete a fare le loro orazioni le quali durano circa a due ore”) < Ar. masǧid (Wehr 463), It. chassisi m.pl. ‘Christian priests’ (MV 130: “per li passi de’ Chassisi in quatro luoghi, grossi 4”) < Ar. qasīs (Dozy 2,343), It. ramatana f. ‘ramadan’ (RS 165: “Quella loro ramatana dura uno mese”) < Ar. ramaḍān (Wehr 417).

Sometimes the authors reproduce particular religious formulas, which are widely used in the Muslim world:33 “Gli uomini dell’Egitto sono vilissimi e vanno sanza nulla armadura e alcuna volta fanno quistione che a noi parrebbe si dovessino tutti tagliare a pezzi e come uno grida: stafurla subito sono pacificati, sta furla tanto è a dire in nostra lingua: ‘pace per Dio’” (LF 143), “[…] dicendo con essi Staforlà, che vuol dire Signore perdonaci” (AR 48) < Ar. astaġfiru 'llāh ‘I ask God’s forgiveness!’ (Pellegrini 1972: 621), “Ai Là i lan Là Memet Basul à Là, che suonano in nostra lingua: O Dio e Dio grande” (VF 192) < Ar. lā ’ilāha ’illā-llāh, Muḥammadun rasūlu- llāh ‘there is no god but God, Muhammad is the messenger of God’ (EI2 9,201), “Molti per le strade vanno vendendo acqua con un utre in spalla che ha una can- nella per la quale versano l’acqua in certi bicchieri d’ottone per un folero l’uno, gridando: Alacheri Alacheri, che vuol dire Iddio misericordioso” (VF 195), “Tutti li mezzani, & altri, che vanno per la Città vendendo robbe, vanno gridando sempre queste parole, Anacharim, che vuol dire, sia lodato il nome del grande Iddio” (AR 48) < Ar. Allāh karīm ‘God is gracious’ (Wehr 30, 962). Place names are spelt in rather different ways (see below 3.4.). Standardized spellings existed only for larger cities such as Damascus, Cairo or Jerusalem, which, by reason of their plurisecular tradition, were well known beyond their borders. Overall, however, there is a wide range of variation, since, as a rule, the authors transcribed the names according to their individual acoustical perception: It. Bochari (DM 149: “Et la sera ad hora uno di nocte azonsimo ad uno loco che si chiama Bochari”) < Ar. Abū Qīr, on the Mediterranean coast of Egypt (Wehr 3), It. Bettenuble (ID 164: “Apresso de l’uomo andare da Remes in Bettenuble ché v’à tre lege”) < Ar. Bayt Nūbā, between Jerusalem and al-Ramla (Pringle 1,102), It. Birlab (GP 358: “si fermassimo ad un luogo chiamato Birlab, ove sono alcuni pozzi d’acqua, che parimente ha del salso”) < Ar. Bīr el-‘Abd, on the Mediterranean coast of the Sinai Peninsula (Köpf 1843, 545), It. Ems (GP 270: “seguitando il viaggio in altre cinque hore si ritrovassimo ad Ems”) < Ar. Ḥimṣ / Ḥumṣ, in Syria (Hartmann 1910, 666), It. Laris (GP 357: “Levati avanti giorno, cavalcando al solito pel deserto altre otto hore di camino, arrivassimo a Laris, Castello, distante poco più di due miglia

33 Cf. anche Milani (2008: 290 ff.); Minervini (2009: 117 f.). Italian and Arabic 129 dalla Marina”) < Ar. el-‘Arīš, on the Sinai Peninsula (Abel 2,218), It. Medintenebi ‘Medina’ (DM 52: “La citade dove è la sepoltura de Maumeto si è longi da Damascho zornate 18. E chiamavisi Medintenebi, che è a dire ‘citade del propheta’”) < Ar.

Madīnat an-Nabī, on the Arabian Peninsula, lit. ‘city of the Prophet’ (EI2 5,994), It. Ottochiar (VF 250: “e noi, non perdendo la vista di detto Monte, per tre miglia arivammo al Cane, Villaggio chiamato Ottochiar”) < Ar. ‘Uyūn al-Tuǧǧār, near Ṣafad (Rostagno 1998, 134 f.), It. Pertegnenth (GC 182) < Ar. Bayt Daǧan, southeast of Jaffa (Abel 2,27), etc. In some texts also the Arabic name of Jerusalem appears: It. Coz / Cuzumobarech / Codsbarich (GA 172: “i quali Barbari sogliono addimandare quella Santa Città, in loro lingua Cuzumobarech, overo Codsbarich, cioè Città Santa, è vero, ch’io non gli hò mai sentito dire altro nome, che Coz”) < Ar. (al-)Quds al- mubārak / (al-)Quds mubārak < (al-)Quds ʽJerusalem’ + mubārak ʽblessed’ (partici- ple of bāraka ʽto bless’) (Wehr 67, 875). After the Ottomans had brought the territories from Syria to the Maghreb under their control in the course of the 16th century, Turkish, alongside Arabic, also played an important role in those regions. As a result, the travel accounts increasingly contained Turkish elements, mainly referring to local authorities: It. bassà m. ‘highest title of civil and military officials in the Ottoman empire’ (GP 266: “Portano in testa sempre il turbante, fatto di tele di bombace bianchissimo, & quanto sono più di grado lo portano più grande, come il Bassà, & il Cadì, che l’hanno di tanta grandezza, che un huomo no ’l può abracciare, se ben fatto di cottone, & tela si sottile che pesa pochissimo”) < Tk. paşa / başa (Redhouse 920), It. sangiaccho m. ‘governor of a province’ (GP 308: “e seguendo il camino a man destra sotto il porti- co vedessimo intagliati nella rupe tre sepolcri voti, i quali fumo fatti fare da Nico- demo, & da Giosefo Abarimatia,34 ove stanno ad officiar i Cossiti in una Capella edificata da loro con licenza del Sangiaccho congiunta al Santissimo Sepolcro dalla parte verso ponente”) < Tk. sancak (beyi) (Redhouse 983), It. gianiceri m.pl. ‘janis- saries’ (GP 259: “& il Viceconsole ne fece gratia di farne ritrovar Cavalli, & Mule per andar verso Aleppo, & ancho ne diede doi Gianiceri per guida”) < Tk. yeniçeri (Redhouse 1253), etc.

3.2 Trade, politics, diplomacy

Besides religious motivations, it was commercial interests which prompted Italians to look beyond their own borders. Since the 10th century, Pisa, Florence, Genoa, and, above all, Venice had built a close network of contacts in the Mediterranean.35 From this area many important historical sources have survived to this day, as for

34 I.e. Josephus ab Arimathea. 35 For more information see Ashtor (1983); Mancini (1992: 87 ff.; 1994: 853 ff.; 2010: 2.4.); Ineichen (1997: 43 ff.); Brincat (2011); Christ (2012); Schweickard (2018). 130 Wolfgang Schweickard example the Zibaldone da Canal (c1330) (ed. Stussi 1967), the Pratica della mercatura (c1347) of Francesco Balducci Pegolotti (ed. Evans 1936) and the letters (1553– 1556) of Andrea Berengo (ed. Tucci 1957). Relevant documents are also contained in the Diplomi arabi (ed. Amari 186336) and in the Diarii of Marin Sanuto (ed. Fulin et al. 1879–190337). Commercial interests were not pursued without related measures on the political and diplomatic levels. Often it was the merchants themselves who were ap- pointed ambassadors with the idea of providing, on the basis of their special knowledge and their contacts, a peaceful framework for commercial activities. This is the case, for example, with Felice Brancacci, who negotiated a trade contract with the Sultan of Egypt (al-Ašraf Saif ad-Dīn Barsbāy) on behalf of Florence in 1422. In his Diario (ed. Catellacci, 1881) he describes the details of his mission. The same is true for Zanobi di Antonio del Lavacchio, who in 1488 accompanied the Ambassador of Florence on his journey to Egypt, then ruled by Sultan Qāyit-Bey aẓ-Ẓāhirī. His travel account (Relazione di un viaggio al Soldano d’Egitto e in Terra Santa) was published in 1958 by Gino Corti. Another interesting source is the travel account of Pietro Diedo (ed. Rossi 1988) who was sent to Qāyit-Bey in the years 1489/1490. All these texts contain numerous borrowings from Arabic concerning above all the following areas: – organization and practice of trade: It. bachsis m. ‘gift, present’ (AT 75: “Et si à fatto boni a messer Francesco Bon, giustto el voler vostro, lo amontar de ditta tratta, che son ducati 27 grossi 30 del tagio che quello dovea esser bachsis, ma del tutto me contento et mi doglio che la non sia sttatta de mazor importanzia”) < Ar. baḫšīš/baqšīš (Wehr 55, 84), It. fondaco ‘warehouse’, ‘commercial settle- ment’ (BP 17: “Mercato in Toscana, e Piazza in più lingue. Bazarra e raba in genovesco. Fondaco in più lingue”) < Ar. funduq (Wehr 853), It. magazzino m. ‘warehouse’ (BP 17: “Fondaco e bottega in Toscana. Volta in genovesco. Stazio- ne in francesco. Magazzino in più linguaggi. Celliere in fiammingo”) < Ar. maḫāzin (pl. of maḫzān) (Wehr 276), It. marsurmi m.pl. ‘decree, ordinance’ (ZL 258: “Dissonci che per amore de’ marsurmi, cioè patente, non volevano pagas- simo molte mangierie che vi sono”) < Ar. marsūm (Wehr 393), It. ochil m. ‘agent, representative’ (AT 301: “El bazaro del Bon non ve lo dicho, perché voi sette suo ochil, ett alttro non è stta fatto dopo, che io sapia”) < Ar. wakīl (Wehr 1284); It. osera f. ‘tax, duty’ (AT 22: “l’osera, zoè el dazio”) < Ar. ‘ūšr, lit. ‘tenth part’ (Wehr 618); It. sugo m. ‘market’ (BP 17: “Mercato in Toscana, e Piazza in più lingue. Bazarra e raba in genovesco. Fondaco in più lingue. Fonda in Cipri. Alla in fiammingo. Sugo in saracinesco”) < Ar. sūq (Wehr 517);38

36 Cf. Petrucci (1996). 37 Cf. Crifò (2016). 38 Cf. Schweickard (2010). Italian and Arabic 131

– merchandise: It. abe f.pl. ‘stout coarse woolen clothes’ (AT 196: “bellete […] le qual sono involgiate con le sue abe et lli soi libeti”) < Ar. ‘aba’a (Wehr 685), It. ablach ‘multicolored silk fabric’ (AB 292: “Per nostri sono stta’ levatto seda canari a veneziani 5.1/4 el rottolo, mamodea, lezi, rasbar, ardasina, ablach, chusechul a veneziani 6 el rottolo”) < Ar. ablaq ‘piebald, multicolored’ (Wehr 90), It. goton m. ‘cotton’ (ZC 69: “chanella, goton, savon, ladano, arçento vivo”) < Ar. quṭun (Wehr 911), It. fistuchi m.pl. ‘pistachio nut(s)’ (BP 34: “zettoa- ro e fistuchi”) < Ar. fistiq / fustuq (Wehr 833), It. fotta f. ‘serviette; towel’ (AT 131: “le qual due peze le ò invogiatte in una fotta”) < Ar. fūṭa (Wehr 858), It. schibe f.pl. ‘sacks, bags’ (MS 3,737 [1500]: “Come per le ultime, di 21 mazo, scrisse le molestie havevano, per più comandamenti dil soldam, che li fusse dà il piper di la voze per forza; e fo principià ultimate a gitar nel fontego da- schibe 13 piper”) < Ar. zakība (Wehr 440), It. tachie f.pl. ‘cotton skullcap’ (MS 1,879 [1498]: “il bazaro di le Tachie e il bazaro del Picho”) < Ar. ṭāqīya (Wehr 643), It. tuzia f. ‘zinc’ (BP 138: “[…] caffera, ribarbero, tuzia”) < Ar. tūtiyā (Wehr 119), It. zibetto m. ‘civet’ (FB 180: “un ampolletta di balsamo per uno, e due bossolini di stagno d’un’uncia l’uno per uno, l’uno zibetto e l’altro atriacha”) < Ar. zabād (Wehr 432); – measures, weights and currencies: It. cafessi m.pl. ‘dry measure’ (ZC 44: “a mexura de cafessi”) < Ar. qafīz (Wehr 914), It. deremi m.pl. ‘dirhem, drachma’, ‘measure of weight’ (ZC 62: “In lLaiaça se fa li pagamenti de deremi e de tachol- lini”) < Ar. dirham (Wehr 323), It. fanecche f.pl. ‘measure of weight’ (BP 270: “Falacche 12 o vero fanecche di Portogallo sono 1 cafisso di biado in Portogal- lo”) < Ar. fanīqa (Dozy 2,292), It. men m. ‘measure of weight’ (AT 189: “t àno vendutto le mosttre veneziani 7.1/2 el men”) < Ar. mann (Wehr 1085), It. maidi m.pl. ‘silver coins’ (ZL 257: “pagamo di cafarno maidi 10 per uno”) < Ar. mu’ay- yadī / māyidī / maidī (Dozy 1,46, 2,687),39 It. occhia f. ‘measure of mass’ (BP 59: “Sete e tutte spezie sottile vi si vendono a occhia d’occhie per uno ruotolo, e chiamasi l’occhia della piazza”) < Ar. ūqīya (Wehr 43), It. ribeba f. ‘dry measure’ (BP 71: “A ribeba si vendono: Grano, orzo, fave, e tutte altre biade e legu- mi”) < Ar. irdabb / ardabb (Wehr 15),40 It. seraffi m.pl. ‘gold coins’ (PD 98: “seraffi 30”) < Ar. šarīfī (Dozy 1,750); – local authorities: It. anatarchass m. ‘chief tax collector’ (FB 168: “[…] ci conve- niva donare al Dindar e a Chatibissere e Anatarchass”) < Ar. nāẓir al-ḫāṣ (Wehr 280, 1146), It. chatibisser m. ‘private secretary’ (FB 169: “Chatibisser, cioè Can- celliere”) < Ar. kātib as-sirr (Wehr 471, 952),41 It. cheseph m.pl. ‘district chief’ (MS 2,1076 [1499]: “ha mandà a chiamar tutti li cheseph”) < Ar. kāšif (Wehr 971), It. matasebo m. ‘supervisor of markets and trade’ (MS 1,914 [1498]: “À fato

39 Cf. Schweickard (2014a). 40 Cf. Schweickard (2015b). 41 Cf. Schweickard (2015a: 229, 231). 132 Wolfgang Schweickard

uno matasebo nel Cajaro terribile, che tutti quelli che trovano che abbi facto el pan meno del peso, li fa forar le narixe del naxo et apicharli el pan, et mandalo poi cussì per la terra […]”) < Ar. muḥtasib (Quatremère 1/1,114 fn. 143), It. merchider m. ‘commander-in-chief’ (MS 2,1042 [1499]: “Come in quelli zorni al Cajero erano morti do signori di 1000 lanze, l’uno chiamato Isbech el casan- dar, l’altro qual era armirajo grando Isbech el merchider havea gran thesoro

inextimabele […]”) < Ar. amīr kabīr (EI2 1,444), It. mirsala m. ‘grand master of the armor’ (MS 3,1031 [1500]: “ha ’uto la vesta di diodar e d’uno altro oficio, si chiama mirsala”) < Ar. amīr silāḥ (Wehr 33, 490), It. mualem m. ‘a person responsible for the conduct or transportation of merchandise’ (MS 56,402 [1532]: “fortissimo fu un mualem”) < Ar. mu‘allim (Wehr 745), It. velli m. ‘gover- nor of an administrative division’ (FB 330: “Al Velli e ’l Machedemo del Velli D. 1”) < Ar. wālī (Wehr 1290).42

Via the Silk Road, the activities of Italian traders extended to India and China, where the Arabs, too, had been doing business for centuries. As a consequence, many direct and indirect Italian-Arabic language contacts took place in these areas, as well.43 Borrowings from Arabic can already be found in the seminal Milio- ne of Marco Polo: It. embraci m.pl. ‘emblic, myrobalan (Phyllanthus emblica L.)’ (MP 277: “Qui nasce i merobolani embraci e pepe in grande abondanza”) < Ar. amlaǧ (Freytag 1,60), It. naccaro m. ‘a drum with a rounded back and a hide head’ (MP 118: “ll’usanza de’ Tartari è cotale, che ’nfino che ’l naccaro non suona, ch’è uno istormento del capitano, mai non combatterebboro”) < Ar. naqqāra (Wehr 1162), It. sagri m.pl. ‘sakers, falcons’ (MP 143: “e porta bene .vc. gerfalchi, e falconi pellegrini e falconi sagri in grande abondanza”) < Ar. ṣaqr (Wehr 607),44 It. tuzia

42 Cf. Schweickard (2015d). 43 Cf. Versteegh (2010: 642 ff.). 44 It is unlikely that the Arabic term goes back to Lat. sacer (as supposed by Diez 1887, Pellegrini 1972, TLF and others): “Un primo forte elemento di debolezza della teoria resta l’evanescenza dell’antecedente latino: le attestazioni antiche si limitano essenzialmente ai passi citati, che non garantiscono l’esistenza della voce al di fuori dal registro poetico e tanto meno nel linguaggio tecnico della falconeria. Ai problemi posti dalla natura del significante si somma l’implausibilità di un prestito latino animale designante una specie di origine orientale (cf. la trafila proposta in Gleßgen 2,490). L’uso attributivo nei sintagmi falcone sacro (dall’inizio del XIV sec., PoloBertolucci, OVI: “falconi sagri” pl.), fr. faucon sacre (1601, FouillouxVenerie 107), sp. e occ. ant. falcon sacre (DCECH 5,123) e simili sono sviluppi secondari che non supportano la teoria dell’origine latina. Anche gli analoghi usi in latino medievale sono tardivi (XIII sec., Du Cange 7,254)” (Crifò 2011: 410 f.); furthermore, the presumed connection between Gr. ἱέραξ and ἱερός – which Pellegrini (1972: 117) and DCECH (5,123) consider as an analogous development – is, in reality, based on a pseudo- etymological reinterpretation (cf. Frisk 1,712). Substantial objections to the Latin hypothesis had already been raised in the 19th century by orientalists: “M. Diez donne à ce mot une origine latine; il le considère comme la traduction du grec ἱέραξ, tandis que les Arabes auraient emprunté leur çagr aux langues romanes; mais comme il est de fait que çaqr, loin d’être un mot moderne et Italian and Arabic 133 f. ‘zinc’ (MP 52: “Quivi si fa la tuzia e lo spodio, e dirovi come. Egli ànno una vena di terra la quale è buona a·cciò, e pongolla nella fornace ardente, e ’n su la fornace pongono graticole di ferro, e ’l furno di quella terra va suso a le graticole: e quello che quivi rimane apiccato è tuzia, e quello che rimane nel fuoco è spodio”) < Ar. tūtiyā (Wehr 119). After the discovery of the sea route to India by Vasco da Gama in 1498, the Portuguese took over the leading role in the Far East trade, which had previously been dominated by the Serenissima.45 The news now arrived in Europe mainly through Portuguese reports and chronicles (see below 3.2.1.), but there are also some Italian sources which provide information about these regions. The Viaggio dell’Indie orientali of Gasparo Balbi, who traveled to India between 1580 and 1588, appeared in print in 1590 (an excellent edition was prepared by Pinto in 1962). Balbi’s route led via Cyprus to Aleppo, then across the Euphrates to Basra, and finally to Hormuz which at that time was held by the Portuguese. From Hormuz he traveled on Portuguese merchant ships to Diu, Goa, Cochin and Cananor and finally to Ceylan, Pegù, Martaban and the Isole Nicobare.46 Since the entire territory from Cyprus (Lala Kara Mustafa Pasha 1571) to Basra (1553–1555) at that time was under Ottoman rule, Balbi’s Viaggio, apart from a few Arabisms,47 mainly presents borrowings from Turkish.

3.3 Scientific texts

Between the 11th and the 13th centuries, the scientific knowledge of the Arabs was eagerly received by the learned circles of Europe.48 In the fields of mathematics, astronomy, optics, medicine, pharmacognosy, botany and geography, the Arabs were far ahead of Medieval Europe.49 This is also due to the fact that since the 8th century numerous scientific and philosophical texts of Greek provenance had been translated into Arabic, as for example the works of Hippocrates of Kos (Ἱπποκράτης) (c460– c370 BC), the Elements (Στοιχεῖα) of Euclid (Εὐκλείδης) (3rd c. BC), the Materia Medica (Περὶ ὕλης ἰατρικῆς) of Pedanius Dioscorides (Πεδάνιος Διοσκουρίδης) (c40–c90), the Almagest (μαθηματική σύνταξις / μεγιστή σύνταξις /

particulier au dialecte vulgaire, était déjà en usage parmi les anciens Arabes du désert […], cette opinion est tout-à-fait erronée” (Dozy/Engelmann 338). 45 Pearson (2001); Newitt (2005). 46 Cf. Tucci (1963). 47 E.g. It. boabo m. ‘doorkeeper’ (BV 98: “Al toaffo poi, al boabo e allo scrivan maedini 6 per capo o balla”), It. metteccali m.pl. ‘measure of weight’ (BV 126: “Muschio metteccali 7 fanno oncie 1 sottili venetiane”), etc. 48 For the concept of science in Medieval times cf. Gleßgen (1995). 49 Cf. Nallino, Carlo Alfonso (1944); Steinschneider (1960); Ullmann (1970 and 1972); Kunitzsch (1974). 134 Wolfgang Schweickard

Ar. al-Maǧisṭī) of Claudius Ptolemy (ΚλαύδιοςΠτολεμαῖος)(c100–c160), and the writings of Claudius Galenus (ΚλαύδιοςΓαληνός)(129–c216). 50 The main “hub” for the Arab cultural tradition in Europe was Spain, which had been influenced by the Arabs more intensely than all other European nations (→ Ruhstaller/Gordón Peral in this volume). Between the 12th and the 14th centuries, numerous mathematical, medical, philosophical and literary texts were translated from Arabic into Latin. As a rule, several translators proficient in Arabic and, respectively, in Latin worked together (the so-called “collaborative translation”51). One of the most prominent figures in this tradition is Gerard of Cremona (c1114– 1187), who is known to have worked together with a Mozarab named Ghāleb (Galip- pus). Among other texts, he is the author of the Latin translation of the Kitāb at- Taṣrīf of Abulcasis (Abū al-Qāsim Ḫalaf ibn al-‘Abbās al-Zahrāwī, 936–1013).52 The translation of the Canon medicinae (al-Qānūn fī 'ṭ-Ṭibb) of Avicenna (Abū Alī al- Husain ibn Abdullāh ibn Sīnā, c980–1037), traditionally ascribed to Gerard,53 was possibly performed by a different Gerard who lived in the 13th century.54 In Italy, too, but to a much lesser extent than in Spain, several centers developed where the cultural tradition of the Arabs was particularly appreciated. The most out- standing example is the Scuola medica of Salerno, where in the 11th century the physician Constantinus Africanus (c1020–1087), born in Carthage, was active. Among other texts, he translated the Kitāb-al-malikī (Liber Regius)of‘Alī ibn al-‘Ab- bās and the Zād al-musafīr wa-qūt al-ḥaḍīr (Viaticum) of Ibn al-Ǧazzār (898–980).55 In Sicily, during the Norman period, the Arab geographer Idrīsī (Abū ‘Abdallāh Muḥammad ibn ‘Abdallāh ibn Idrīs, c1099–1164) worked at the court of Roger II. He is the author of the geographic compendium Kitāb Ruǧār (Roger’s Book), completed in 1154, which derives from the Ptolemaic tradition, but also contains information on hitherto unknown areas.56 In the Staufer period, Michael Scotus (1175–c1232), among others, was active at the court of Frederick II. A passage in Scotus’s translations of Avicenna (ms. Biblioteca Vaticana Vat. Chigi E.VIII.251,57 fol. 184r) mirrors the culture of multilingualism in southern Italy: “Felix elmelic dober Friderich sale-

50 Dubler (1953); Endress (1987: 400 ff.; 1992: 3 ff.); Ineichen (1997: 61 ff.); Manni (2001: 127 ff.); Speer/Wegener (2006); Daiber (2007: 1208 f.); Ullmann (2002–2007, 2016); Nicoud (2009: 17 ff.). Ad- ditional information can be obtained from the CMG-project (Corpus Medicorum Graecorum) and the sections Sources and Authors of the Glossarium Græco-Arabicum. 51 For some caveats, see Bistué (2016: 57 ff.). 52 Monneret de Villard (1944: 2 ff., 51 ff.); Bossong (1979); Mancini (1992: 68 ff.); Toomer (1996: 9 ff.); Ineichen (1997: 58 ff.); Schiavetto (2000); Jankowski (2001: 1184 f.); Watt (2004: 103 ff.); Bur- nett (2007: 1232); Versteegh (2010: 644 f.). 53 Steinschneider (1957: 21). 54 Touwaide (2013: X). 55 Sezgin (1996). 56 Toomer (1996: 23); Kalati (2004: 279). 57 [last access: September 05, 2017]. Italian and Arabic 135 melich”: the phrase is composed of Lat. felix ‘lucky’, Ar. elmelic = al-malik ‘the king’, Slav. dober ‘good’, Germ. Friderich = Frederick II and Ar. salemelich = salām ‘alaik ‘peace be upon you’ (thus: ‘lucky king, good king, peace be upon you’). Last but not least, Maestro Teodoro translated into Latin the falcon book known as Moamin (De scientia venandi per aves) on behalf of Frederick II, in 1250.58 An early Italian translation of a text of Materia medica of Arab provenance is the so-called Almansore, which derives from the Al-Manṣūrī fī 'ṭ-ṭibb, which was written in Arabic by the Persian physician and philosopher Rhazes (Abū Bakr Muh- ammad ibn Zakariyyā ar-Rāzī, c865–925). A first version of the translation is com- monly attributed to Zucchero Bencivenni,59 whose authorship, however, remains unverified.60 The text has survived in a several-times interpolated version which dates back to the first half of the 14th century (ms. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Plut. LXXIII. Ms. 43 = Lp.61). It was edited in 2012 by Rosa Piro (unfortunately without comments on the lexicon).62 Another edition of the same manuscript was published in 2016 by Mahmoud Salem Elsheikh, who did not take into consideration the preceding edition by Rosa Piro.63 Elsheikh’s edition is less authentic than Piro’s because he modernized the spelling of the text, depriving it this way of its typical historical patina. On the other hand, Elsheikh furnishes a more precise transcription of the Arabic elements than does Piro and succeeds in emending a lot of corrupted passages of Lp. Furthermore, Elsheikh’s edition contains a detailed glossary, which explains many as yet unidentified Arabisms: It. adememil / adennemil ‘pustules’ < Ar. ad-dimmil / ad-damāmil (AE 2,76), It. adesia / adesfia / adesya / adesian ‘lentil soup’ < Ar. ‘adsiyah (AE 2,76), It. alluchisat ‘pudding’ < Ar. al- aḫbiṣah, pl. of ḫabīṣ / ḫabīṣah (AE 2,83), It. alsafasa ‘lucerne (Medicago sativa)’ < Pers./Ar. faṣfaṣah (AE 2,84), It. almezera ‘Menispermum cocculus’ < Ar. al-māhīzah- rah (AE 2,84), It. almososi / kalmosos ‘dish made of boiled meats’ < Ar. al-maṣūṣ (AE 2,85), It. almathicha ‘a continued or unintermitting fever, synocha’ < Ar. al- muṭabbaqah (AE 2,157), It. feluzaaragi ‘Christ’s thorn’ < Ar. faylazharǧ (AE 2,158), It. zimar ‘fruit of the pomegranate tree’ < Ar./Pers. ǧilnār (AE 2,340), etc. Many of the Arabisms in the Almansore are first attestations: It. alkera / alkery ‘wallflower (Erysimum cheiri)’ < Ar. al-ḫīrī (AE 2,82), It. aluthel ‘chemical tool’ < Ar. al-aṯāl (AE 2,85), It. felenge ‘kind of wheat’ < Ar. falanǧah (AE 2,158), It. phanez ‘fennec’ < Ar. fanak, volg. fenek (AE 2,242), etc.

58 D’Alverny (1957: 32 ff.); Kristeller (1986); Gabrieli (1993: 188 ff.); Gleßgen (1996a, vol. 1: 26 ff., and 1996b: 191 ff.); Ineichen (1997: 41); Kalati (2004: 279 ff.); Burnett (2007: 1231 ff.); Mancini (2010: 2.3.). 59 Segre (1966). 60 Piro (2012: xxiiiff., xxxivf.); Elsheikh (2016, vol.1: 39 ff.). 61 [last access: September 05, 2017]. 62 Cf. Schweickard (2013a). 63 On this issue and others, see the controversy between Wolfgang Schweickard and Mahmoud Salem Elsheikh (Schweickard 2017b; Elsheikh 2017; Schweickard 2017d). 136 Wolfgang Schweickard

Numerous Arabic terms are also found in the Volgarizzamenti of the Serapione (c1390), which is based on a Latin translation from Arabic (ed. Ineichen 1962/1966), and of the Moamin,64 which has been translated directly from Arabic (ed. Gleßgen 1996a): It. chool m. ‘a preparation of pulverized antimony’ (SI 1,441: “E forsi che ’l se mescea cum questo algun chool, çoè polvere subtillissimo, per fortificatiom de l’oyo”) < Ar. kuḥl (Wehr 956), It. almuri m. ‘brine’, ‘barley meal cooked with salt and water’ (SI 1,183) < Ar. al-murrī (Siggel 1950, 68), It. dulb m. ‘plane tree, syca- more’ (SI 1,142: “De uno arbore, el qualle fi dito in arabico dulb. E in latim ven dito scotanum. E segondo alguni altri ven chiamò platanus”) < Ar. dulb (Wehr 335), It. embrici m.pl. ‘emblic, myrobalan’ (MG 1,202 [1472]: “mirabolani, embrici, chebuli”) < Ar. amlaǧ (Meyerhof 1940, n° 374), etc. Both editions provide profound commen- taries on the cultural and linguistic characteristics of the texts. Several terms of scientific Arabic had also found their way into 13th/14th-century literary Italian (the examples are taken from the Corpus OVI and from the TLIO): It. alchimia f. ‘alchemy’ (Chiaro Davanzati) < Ar. al-ḫīmiyā’ / al-kīmiyā’, It. auge ‘culmination, climax’ (Boccaccio) < Ar. auǧ, It. nuca f. ‘spinal marrow’ (Dante) < Ar. nuḫā‘, It. zenit m. ‘zenith’ (Dante) < Ar. samt (ar-ra’s), etc.65 As far as the medical nomenclature is concerned, the influence of the Greco- Arabic tradition was definitely coming to its end in the 16th century.66 Until then, reflexes of the Arabic terminology were omnipresent, even in authors and texts which were not directly involved in this particular tradition. Here are some examples: – Ricettari (13th c., ed. Zamuner/Ruzza 2017): It. sepestene ‘Cordia myxa’ (RZ 7: “di ricoliçia, di draganti, di sepestene”) < Ar. sibistān (Dozy 1,625) < Pers. sipis- tān (Steingass 652),67 It. cuscate ‘Cuscuta epilinum’ (RZ 7: “[…] e di pittima timo, di cuscate”) < Ar. kušūṯ/kušūṯā (Kazimirski 2,901), It. masslo ‘whey’ (RZ 46: “masslo, millefollie, artemisie”) < Ar. maṣl (Wehr 1070); – Guglielmo da Saliceto, Chirurgia (mid 14th c.,68 ed Altieri Biagi 1976): It. albaras ‘leprosy’ (GS 45: “morphea biancha e rossa e negra e albaras”) < Ar. al-baraṣ (Wehr 66), It. assafatti pl. ‘skin disease’ (GS 50: “Apellasse questa infirmitade assafatti; è de due maniere e signifficha la levra de flema arida over de collera adusta. E molte volte sie de malinconia arida”) < Ar. as-sa‘fa (Elsheikh 2016, vol. 2, 272), It. botor ‘pimple, pustule’ (GS 56: “Ireos è caldo e secho; la sua radixe lessa molifica le dureze e le postieme frede e le scrovolle e lo botor e zova ale piaghe sordide e cavernose”) < Ar. buṯūr, pl. of baṯr (Dozy 1,51), It. guideze / guidez ‘jugular vein’ (GS 86: “in la parte destra e la parte senestra dela cana del polmone sono doe vene grose chiamate guideze”, “in la quale

64 The text has survived in a Tuscan (1472) and a Neapolitan (c1489) version. 65 Pellegrini (1970 and 1972: 77); Mancini (1992: 81); Gabrieli (1993: 227 ff.). 66 Altieri Biagi (1970: 11); Aprile (2001); Coluccia (2001); Gualdo (2001); Serianni (2005: 87 ff.). 67 The first instance is found in a Medieval Latin source from about 1240: “fiat decoctio […] parum de sebesten” (Gilbertus Anglicus, DMLBS s. v.). 68 The Latin original dates back to the 13th century. Italian and Arabic 137

gola sono manifeste […] doi vene le quale ha nome guidez che sono dala parte destra e da la sinestra de quela cana de lo polmon”) < Ar. widāǧ (Wehr 1240); – Libro de conservar sanitate, written by a certain “Maestro Gregorio medicofisi- co” (14th c., ed. Tomasin 2010): It. carambia ‘carob, locust (Ceratonia siliqua)’ (MT 11: “verçe et altre erbe le qual à cavo, ale q[ua]l in medesina ven decto carambia, et in todesco ven decto cabuç”) < Ar. ḫarrūb/ḫarnūb coll., ḫarrūba n.un. (Wehr 269),69 It. fen f. ‘term applied to the larger divisions of Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine’ (MT 8: “in la terça fen del primo libro d’Avicenna”) < Ar. fann, properly ‘scientific discipline, field of work’ (Wehr 852),70 It. turbit ‘ca- thartic drug made from root of jalap plant (Ipomea turpetum)’ (MT 27: “polipo- dio, repontico, turbit”) < Ar. turbid (Elsheikh 2016, vol. 2, 322); – Bruno da Longobucco, Chirurgia Magna (mid 15th c.,71 ed. Ventura 2017: It. colcotar ‘kind of vitriol’ (BL 172: “R[ecipe] colcotar [dramme] xx”) < Ar. qulquṭār (Dozy/Engelmann 257), It. redalgar ‘arsenic disulfide, realgar’ (BL 231: “R[ecipe] calcina viva, [once] ij; arsenico citrino, [once] ij; redalgar [once] .ʃ.”) < Ar. rahǧal-ġār (DozySuppl 1,562),72 It. siphac ‘dermis, underskin; peritoneum’ (BL 148: “e de la piaga ch[e] ven[n]e i[n] lo budello e siphac – zoè uno paniculo d[e] de[n]tro”) < Ar. ṣifāq (Wehr 605); – Mondino de’ Liuzzi, Hanothomya del corpo humano (late 15th c.,73 ed. D’Anzi 2012): It. adores ‘cranial suture’ (ML 153: “Et le predicte coniuntioni sono da’ medici chiamate adores, che tanto importa quanto serrature strectissime”) < Ar. ad-darz (Wehr 320), It. chaib ‘ankle, anklebone’ (ML 193: “Doppo questo osso seguita l’osso chiamato chaib, col quale ai preditti focili si congiungono, et questo è il loco che vulgarmente si chiama la caviglia del piede”) < Ar. ka‘b (Wehr 973); etc.

3.4 Translations of religious texts

Apart from the interest in scientific texts, the intellectual debate on the religious traditions and customs of Islam played an important role throughout Europe. The Latin writings of Ramón Llull (c1235–c1316) (Petitio pro conversione infidelium, etc.),74 Fra Riccoldo da Monte di Croce (c1243–1320) (Contra legem Saracenorum, etc.),75 and others, are of vital importance in this regard. The first Latin translation of the Quran

69 Cf. Tomasin (2009: 117). 70 The first European appearance is in Medieval Latin (c1294): “dicit in 4° canone in fen vij decora- cionis” (Roger Bacon, DMLBS s. v.). 71 The Latin original dates back to 1252. 72 The popular variant risalghallo already appears at the beginning of the 14th c. (c1301): “[…] co[n]pero[n]de risalghallo” (Testi Pistoiesi, ed. Manni 1990: 211). 73 The Latin original dates back to 1316. 74 Hames (2012). 75 Burman (2012b). 138 Wolfgang Schweickard dates back to 1143.76 In the 15th century, a certain Nicolaio di Berto prepared the first (partial) translation into Italian, which was based on the Latin version prepared in 1210 or 1211 by Mark of Toledo (Liber Alchorani).77 The first complete Italian translation of the Quran by Andrea Arrivabene was printed in 1547.78

3.5 Individual voyagers

3.5.1 Ludovico di Varthema Little is known about Ludovico di Varthema (c. 1470 – 1517). From the text of his Itinerario dallo Egypto alla India, which was printed for the first time in 1510 (ed. Musacchio 1991), it derives that he had traveled from Italy to Alexandria in Egypt and from there to Cairo, Mecca and Yemen. He is considered the first European to have visited the holy sites of Islam in Mecca.79 Subsequently, he went to Beirut, Tripoli, Aleppo and Damascus, where he stayed for a longer period in 1502, devot- ing himself to the study of Arabic:

“Veramente non se poteria dire la belleza, & bontà de questo Damasco. In el quale dimorai alcuni mesi per imparare la lingua Moresca: perché questa cità è habitata tutta da Mori & Mamaluchi” (LV 21).

Finally, his journey brought him to Persia, India, Ceylon and Siam. On his return he arrived in Lisbon in 1508. His good knowledge of Arabic is reflected by numerous quotations which he inserted into the print version of the Itinerario:

“Et lui mi dimandò dove io voleva andare da poi che io havesse cavati li ferri. Io li resposi: ‹Iasidi habu mafis, una mafis, meret mafis, uuellet mafis, ochu mafis, octa mafis alla al naby, Inte bes sidi inte iati iacul ane abdec›,zoè‹O signore io non ho padre, non ho madre, non ho mogliere, non ho figlioli, non ho fratelli, ne sorelle, non ho senon Dio, el Propheta & tu Signore; piace a te di darme da mangiare e che io voglio essere tuo schiavo in vita mia?›” (LV 67).80

The text also contains a series of lexical Arabisms: It. enna f. ‘henna’ f. (LV 138: “uno certo oglio el quale se chiama Enna”) < Ar. ḥinnā’ (Wehr 244), It. dora f. ‘durra, a variety of sorghum’ (LV 53: “miglio bia[n]cho, el qual chiama[n]o Dora”) < Ar. ḏura (Wehr 357), It. mesuek m. ‘a small stick used for cleaning and polishing the teeth’

76 Burman (1998). 77 Monneret de Villard (1944: 35 ff., 59 ff.); Fück (1955: 3 ff., 10 ff.); Toomer (1996: 11 f.); Ineichen (1997: 71 ff.); Kappler (1997: 10 ff.); Jankowski (2001: 1184 f.); Formisano (2006: 32); Cecini (2012: 96 ff.); Burman (2012a). 78 Formisano (2006: 31 f., 267 ff., 357 ff.); Tommasino (2014: 508 ff.); for the French translations, see Gerstenberg (2012). 79 For this episode see Musacchio (1991: 7 ff., 47 ff.); Fuess (2014: 405 ff.). 80 For an overview on similar passages in Varthema with linguistic comments see Soravia (1991); Mancini (1992: 129 ff.); Contini (1996). Similar cases in other authors are mentioned by Minervini (2009: 117). Italian and Arabic 139

(LV 61: “un legnetto longo un palmo, el qual se chiama Mesuek”) < Ar. miswāk (Wehr 518). Some records from the Indian area show Portuguese mediation, for example It. almadia f. ‘small river-boat’ (LV 124: “un altra sorte de barchette piccoline chiamate Almadia”) < Port. almadia (15th c., DELP 1,204) < Ar. al-ma‘diya (Wehr 701).

3.5.2 Pietro Della Valle Originating from the Roman aristocracy, Pietro Della Valle (1586–1652) traveled large parts of the Orient in the early 17th century, from Turkey to Egypt and Arabia, then from Jerusalem through Syria and Persia to India. Similar to Varthema, Della Valle was driven more by curiosity than by religious motives. During the entire journey he kept a diary, in which he briefly jotted down the most important events. On the basis of these notes he elaborated – still during the journey – more detailed texts in the form of letters, which between 1614 and 1626, he sent to his friend, the Neapolitan physician and naturalist Mario Schipano. The manuscripts of both the travel notes and the letters have survived. The collection is owned by the Società geografica italiana (not including however the first 18 letters). Facsimiles of the letters were published in 2011 by Carla Masetti. The travel notes are kept in the Biblioteca Vaticana (codice Ottoboniano Latino 338281). A synoptic edition of selected passages by Anto- nio Invernizzi (2001, 99 ff.) provides a good idea of the relationship between the notes and the letters based on them. The first 18 letters (from Constantinople, Cairo, Aleppo, and Baghdad), which are missing in the compilation of the Società geografica italiana, had already appeared in print in 1650, still during Della Valle’s lifetime. After his death, three further volumes followed which contained the letters from Persia (1658) and from India (1663). A reprint of the edition 1650–1663 with quite a lot of uncertainties and mistakes appeared in 1843. A philologically irrelevant partial edition (with seven letters from Cairo, Aleppo and Baghdad) by Luigi Bianconi was published in 1942. The edition of Severina Parodi (1987), which offers a selection of 18 letters from all areas visited, accompanied by competent historical and linguistic comments, is clearly better, even if the spelling of the text has been modernized. Five of the overall 18 letters from Persia were published by Franco Gaeta and Lau- rence Lockhart (1972) in an excellent edition, which is based on the original manuscript and provides detailed philological, historical and linguistic information. Un- fortunately, the publication ceased after the first volume.82 Della Valle was particularly well acquainted with Turkish:

“Sono stato più di due mesi molto di mala voglia, perchè il mio maestro di lingua Turca […] mi aveva abbandonato perchè stava occupato in suoi negotij particolari, ma adesso è tornato a darmi lettione, con molto mio gusto, e studio come un cane arrabbiato, non senza qualche profitto” (ed. 1650–1663, vol. 1: 172), “Io nella Turca hò fatto un poco di profitto, ma nell’Araba

81 [last access: September 05, 2017]. 82 Cf. Micocci (1989); Invernizzi (2001: 11 f.). 140 Wolfgang Schweickard

quasi niente, perchè senza ordine, e grammatica ò Maestro buono, non è possibile. Vado ben’imparando qualche vocabolo, & in particolare hò imparato a cantar, nella loro musica, alcune canzonette, che a sentirle non son ingrate” (ibid. 458).

As a consequence, borrowings from Turkish are particularly frequent in the Viaggi, but besides this, Della Valle also cites numerous Arabic words which he incidental- ly picked up during his journey: It. cafila f. ‘caravan, convoy’ (DV 3,399 [1625]: “la Cafila grande partita da Bassorà” < Ar. qāfila (Wehr 915), It. fellah m.pl. ‘peasants, farmers’ (DV [1616] 1,678: “I cultori della terra poi, sono chiamati Fellàh”) < Ar. falāḥ (Wehr 850), It. insciallàh ‘if God wills’ (DV 1,399 [1616]: “[…] come non meno le piacerà di vederle, quando, insciallàh, le mostrerò in Napoli le mie Mumie, che già verso Italia ho inviate per la strada di Sicilia” < Ar. in šā’ allāh (EI2 3,1196), It. mumie f.pl. ‘mummies’ (DV 1,371 [1615]: “Usciti che fummo da questa Piramide, era tanto tardi, che non vi era più tempo di andare a veder le Mumie”) < Ar. mūmiyā’ (Wehr 1094), It. nebc ‘nabk, a Christ’s thorn (Zizyphus spinachristi); lotus fruit; lotus blossom’ (DV 1,317 [1622]: “[…] eleggemmo di prender riposo sotto un grande albero, di certa spetie, che a me pareva di non havere ancor mai più veduta. Gli Arabi in lingua loro, lo chiamano Nebc, & i Persiani Konar. Produce un frutto piccolo, con osso dentro, come le nostre ciriegie, ma di fuori, simile più tosto ad una mela”) < Ar. nabaq (nabq, niqb) (Wehr 1103), It. ochel m. ‘caravansary, resthouse, khan’ (DV 1,440 [1616]: “Arrivai a Suès a buon’ora, & andai ad alloggiare in un’Ochel, overo albergo, che vi è grandissimo per gli forestieri”) < Ar. wakāla (Wehr 1284).

3.5.3 Leo Africanus Leo Africanus was of Arab origin, his real name being Al-Ḥasan ibn Muḥammed al-Wazzān. In 1518, he was captured by corsairs and brought to Rome where he was imprisoned in Castel Sant’Angelo. In 1520 he was baptized by Pope Leo X and given the name Ioannes Leo de Medicis.83 His Cosmographia & geographia dell’Afri- ca (later simply Descrittione dell’Africa) is one of the most important historical sources of the early exploration of Africa. The original Italian manuscript dates back to 1526 (ms. VE 953 of the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Vittorio Emanuele II di Roma). The original text can now be easily accessed thanks to Gabriele Amadori (2014), who furnishes a complete and authentic transcription. Previously, only a selection of single passages was available, which Dietrich Rauchenberger had published in the appendix of his important study of 1999. The Cosmographia was first published in 1550 in the first volume of the Navigationi et viaggi of Giovanni Batti- sta Ramusio, who, however, as in other cases, had modified the text to a considerable extent.84

83 Rauchenberger (1999: 27 ff.); Starczewska (2014: 439 ff.). 84 Cf. Romanini (2007 and 2013); a comprehensive overview of the modifications is provided by Amadori (2014: 77–106). Italian and Arabic 141

The vocabulary of the text is extraordinarily rich, also with regard to borrowings from Arabic: It. amircabir m. ‘commander-in-chief’ (LA 422 r: “Amircabir. Qui- sto è il terzo Ministro del Regno lo quale è como uno capetano generale”) < Ar. amīr ‘commander’ + kabīr ‘great’ (EI2 1,444 s. v. al-amīr al-kabīr), It. amiralf m.‘commander of a thousand (horsemen)’ (LA 422 v: “Amiralf. Questo è lo septimo grado che tengono certi Mamalocchi grandj lj quali sonno como lj colonnellj in la Euro- pa & ciascuno de loro è capitano de uno miliaro de mamalucchi”) < Ar. amīr + alf ‘thousand’ (Wehr 28, 33), It. amiriachor m. ‘high equerry, master of the horse’ (LA 422 v: “Amiriachor. Quisto è el sexto officio el quale ha la cura de fornire la corte del soldano de cavalli & camelli per caregiare & loro Fornimenti & le Victualie”) <

Ar. amīr + āḫūr ‘stable’ (EI2 1,442), It. amir elcheggi m. ‘leader of the pilgrims to Mecca’ (LA 425 v: “De Amir elcheggi. Questo è uno officio el quale se muta ma è de grande Dignita & importantia”) < Ar. amīru 'l-ḥāǧǧ / amīr al-ḥāǧǧ(i) (EI2 1,443), It. amirmia m. ‘commander of a hundred (horsemen)’ (LA 423 r: “Amirmia. Quisti officiali sonno in lo otavo grado come verbi gratia connestabeli & ciascaduno de loro è capitano de cento Mamalocchi che vanno inturno del soldano quando caval- cha & simelmenti quando se fa facto d’arme”) < Ar. < amīr + mi’a ‘hundred’ (Wehr 33, 1043), It. amirsileh m. ‘grand master of the armor’ (LA 423 r: “Amirsileh. Questo è un grande officiale nel decimo grado el quale ha la cura de le Arme del soldano”) < Ar. amīr + silāḥ ‘arms, weapons; armor’ (Wehr 33, 490), It. el-becheti m.pl. ‘type of camel’ (LA 444 v: “l’altra spetie de camellj sonno chiamati el Becheti, lj qualj hanno doi Gobbe & sonno bonj per somegiare anchi per cavalcare”) < Ar. baḫātī

(EI2 3,665 s. v. ibil), It. chetebe esserre m. ‘private secretary’ (LA 425 r: “De chetebe esserre. Quisto è lo secretario del soldano el quale tene la cura de respondere alle lettere & fa brevi da parte delo soldano”) < Ar. kātib ‘secretary’ + sirr ‘secret’ (Wehr 471, 952), It. guaral m. ‘varan, monitor lizard’ (LA 457 v: “El Guaral è uno Animale simile al soprad[ect]o ma più grande & ha il veneno nel capo & in la coda”) < Ar. waral / waran (Wehr 1245, 1246), It. hugiun m.pl. ‘dromedaries, riding camels’ (LA 444 r: “sono chiamati camelli Hugiun”) < Ar. huǧun, plural of haǧīn (Wehr 1196), It. mesuare m. ‘chief policeman’ (LA 325 r: “& il secundo officiale in Grado et Digni- ta uno chiamato el Mesuare el quale è como uno capetano generale”) < Ar. mezwar (Dozy 1,613), It. muachih m. ‘signer, signatory; secretary’ (LA 425 r: “El Muachih. Quisto era un altro secretario de minore condictione del soprad[ect]o ma piu fidele al soldano el quale tene el cunto de revedere lj brevi se sonno convenienti ala co[m]missione del soldano”) < Ar. muwaqqi‘ (Wehr 1278), It. el muhtesib m. ‘supervisor of markets and trade’ (LA 45 v: “Questo è uno grande officiale, è como uno consolo dj la Piaza lo quale tene auctorita & guberno sopra lj pretij de le Vivanze & li Pesi”) < Ar. al-muḥtasib (EI2 3,485 s. v. ḥisba), It. naibessan m. ‘lieutenant of the sultan at Damascus’ (LA 422 r/422 v: “Naibessan. Questo è il quarto ministro che è lo vice soldano in suria lo quale governa tutto quillo stato como se fusse la Persona del soldano […]”) < Ar. nā’ib aš-šām (Wehr 525, 1181), It. el raguahil m.pl. ‘type of camels’ (LA 444 v: “l’altra spetia sonno chiamati el Raguahil lj qualj sonno piu 142 Wolfgang Schweickard piccolj de le Persone & piu sobtilj de lj membrj & e non sonno boni se non per cavalcare & hanno grande velocita in loro caminare”) < Ar. rawāḥil, pl. of rāḥil (Wehr 383), It. zerapha f. ‘giraffe’ (LA 442 v: “De Zerapha. Questo Animale è molto salvatico in modo che non se pò vedere se non rare volte”) < Ar. zurāfa / zarāfa (Wehr 437). There are also single borrowings from Berber: It. el lamt ‘Saharan oryx’ (LA 101 r: “600 cora de uno animal qual se chiama el lamt”), ellamth (LA 350 v: “usano assai la cacia con le trappule con le quale pigliano qualche Animale salvatico de quillj paesi como el lamth e strozi”), lamth (LA 446 v: “la Fiera chiamata lamth”) < Berber (el-)lamṭ (Ritter 2,38).

4 Special features of the Arabic-Italian language contact

4.1 Arabic as the mediating language

4.1.1 Greek > Arabic > Italian Many words which have been borrowed from Arabic, originally are derived from other languages. This is especially true for terms of Greek (and, indirectly, also of Latin) origin: Gr. κάστρον (Lat. castrum) > Ar. qaṣr ‘castle’ > It. cassero (cf. Gutas 2007). For scientific terms (see above 2.3.), the sequence is often Greek > Arabic > Medieval Latin > Italian. Some of them have found a firm place in Italian: Gr. ἄμβιξ > Ar. al-anbīq ‘alchemical still’ > MLat. alambicum > It. alambicco, Gr. ξήριον ‘medicinal powder’ (ξηρός ‘dry’) > Ar. al-iksīr ‘externally applied desiccative powder or sprinkling-powder used in medicine’, ‘philosopher’s stone’ > MLat. iksir > It. elisir. In most cases, however, their use is confined to particular historical epochs and texts: Gr. πάγκρεας > Ar. bānqarās ‘pancreas’ > MLat. albencharus (Avicenna 1562: 304 v) > It. ancharas (ML 66: “et sono chosì colligati mediante uno membro chiama- to ancharas o vero mesenterio”85), etc. The words of Greek origin pass into the European languages in part directly from Greek and in part through Arabic; as a consequence, there are quite a lot of doublets: Gr. κιθάρα passes via Ar. qiṯāra into Sp. guitarra and into It. chitarra ‘guitar’, whereas on its way westwards via Lat. cithara it becomes It. cetra with the meaning ‘zither’. The same applies to Gr. δραχμή ‘drachma’, which via Ar. dirham appears in Italian as dirham, whereas the direct path from Greek leads to It. dracma. Gr. οὐγκία via Arabic ūqīya becomes It. occhia, whereas via Lat. ūncia it leads to It. oncia, etc.

4.1.2 Persian > Arabic > Italian Prior to early modern times, Persian elements entered Italian almost exclusively via Arabic: Pers. bāḏāward > Ar. bāḏāward > It. bedeguar ‘thistle; common haw-

85 The passage in Mondino (ML) contains a formal and semantic misunderstanding (cf. Hyrtl 1879: 117 f.). Italian and Arabic 143 thorn’; Pers. bādrang > Ar. bāḏ(a)rūǧ > It. bendarag m. ‘basil’; Pers. dawāt-dār > Ar. dawādār > It. diodarro m. ‘secretary of state’; Pers. pingān > Ar. finǧān > It. fingian ‘coffee cup, tea cup’; Pers. pūpal > Ar. fawfal > It. faufel ‘areca’.86

4.2 Borrowing routes of the Arabic elements

The genuinely Arabic borrowings do not always arrive directly in Italian, either. The path frequently leads via Iberoromance, but Turkish plays an equally important role in the transfer of Arabic elements into Italian.

4.2.1 Arabic > Iberoromance > Italian The major part of the Iberoromance Arabisms has been transmitted into Italian via Spanish (through direct contacts, reception of written texts or translations): It. alferes m.pl. ‘standard-bearers’ (MS 44,102 [1527]: “Restorno morti circa 304 alferes, morti et toltoli le bandiere et in la fuga svizari lavoravano in elle spalle de lanzine- chi con alabardate”) < Sp. alférez < Ar. al-fāris (Wehr 825), It. ginecta f. ‘javelin’ (IP 119: “unu guarnimento novu annyillato di argento per lo cavalcari dila ginecta cum li soi guarnitioni di jummi di sita […], piu selli per cavalcari alla guisa et una per la ginecta”) < Sp. jinete < Ar. zanātī (Dozy/Engelmann 277), etc. Catalonia, too, plays a significant role. Since the end of the 13th century, under the Crown of Aragón, there was a close political relationship not only with Aragón, but also with the Catalan-speaking areas of eastern Spain and large parts of southern Italy. The linguistic influence on Italian, however, is comparatively low.87 This is essentially due to the fact that – with some exceptions88 – Castilian sources dominated by far. Moreover, due to the geolinguistic and formal superpositions between Castilian and Catalan, it is difficult to clearly separate castilianisms from catalanisms. Of course there are some cases of sufficiently secured Catalanisms, as for example the complementary variants of the above-mentioned Sp. jinete, namely the type It. giannetta / giannetto, which in Sicily appears as early as the 13th century:

86 The earliest relevant source for direct borrowings from Persian into Italian is the Relazione di Persia of Michele Membré (Cardona 1969). Examples: It. agiachi / argiachi m.pl. ‘watering places, cisterns, reservoirs’ (MM 31: “Lui andò in certe montagne de ditta Maraga, in cima delle quali ave- ano agiachi de aqua dolze, e in ditti argiachi si ritrovava pesce assai”) < Pers. ābgah (Steingass 9), It. bogra ‘a kind of food (made of boiled meat, flour, etc.)’ (MM 38: “risi, bogra, cavurman, gaglia pilaf, cavurma pilaf, galia, turchisim, saripilaf, capap giachia, chiorvan”) < Pers. būġrā / būġrāq (Steingass 207), It. carcanà m. ‘stable (especially for asses)’ (MM 49: “chiach Tecmes mandò il suo carcanà”) < Pers. ḫarḫāna (Steingass 453), etc. 87 Varvaro (1974); D’Agostino (1994). 88 Cf. for example Lupis/Panunzio (1985). 144 Wolfgang Schweickard

“diversis iannettis sarracenis tunc venientibus de Catalonia in Siciliam ad nostra servitia, pro expensis eorum a Trapano usque Messinam ad nostram presentiam, quorum […] iannettorum nomina et cognomina, et quantitas pecunie cuilibet eorum proinde soluta, in eodem quaterno distincte notantur […]” (Messina 1288, Caracausi 1983 n° 144),

“Par unum ocrearum rubrarum ad usum jannectorum, […] coyraciam unam de ere ad exercitium janette, […] sellam unam jannettarum, […] sellam unam magnam ad exercitium jannectar- um” (Messina 1367, ibid.).

The same is true for Ar. wazīr ‘vizier, minister, state functionary’, which entered Italian via Sp. alguacil and via Cat. algutzir.89 Portuguese Arabisms mainly passed into Italian via translations of travel accounts and chronicles from the time of the “Carreira da Índia” (Afonso de Albu- querque, Duarte Barbosa, João de Barros, Diogo do Couto, Fernão Lopes de Casta- nheda, Gaspar Correia, etc.). Giovan Battista Ramusio translated the Livro of Duarte Barbosa, written in 1517/1518, for the first volume of his Navigationi et Viaggi (1550). The Historia do descobrimento et conquista da India (1551–1561) of Fernando Lopes de Castanheda was translated into Italian by Alfonso de Ulloa in 1577. Both works contain quite a lot of borrowings from Arabic: It. alaqueque ‘carnelian (a brownish- red mineral used as a gemstone)’ (FL 1,20 v: “[…] oro, ambra, cera, auorio, & alaqueque, gran quantita di tela bambascina grossa, & sottile […]”) < Ar. al-‘aqīq (Dozy/Engelmann 56), It. maticani m.pl. ‘unit of weight’ (FL 1,10 v: “trenta maticani”) < Ar. miṯqāl (Wehr 125 f.), It. zeruban m. ‘rhizome of Amomum zerumbet’ (DB 1,335 r: “mirabolani, cassia fistola, & Zeruban, zedoaria […]”) < Ar. zurunbād (Mey- erhof 1940, n° 145), etc. Similar terms were widespread in the areas of Portuguese commercial activities. In fact, in the course of Islamization, the influence of the Arab culture extended all the way to India (where more than 133 million90 muslims still live today).91 The Arabic language, however, did not replace the native languages at any time, especially because the Arabs did not succeed in establishing their own political and administrative infrastructure. Furthermore, the process of Islamization was carried out not only by the Arabs, but – especially during the Mogul empire – also by the Persians.

4.2.2 Arabic > Turkish > Italian Contacts between Italy and the Ottomans were already established in the 14th century. The first envoy of the Turkish sultan arrived in Venice in 1384. Conversely, Daniele Corner and Alvise Dandolo were nominated emissaries at the court of Murad I in 1387 and 1388, respectively. Since 1454, the Serenissima maintained permanent diplomatic representations at the Sublime Porte.92 The earliest surviving texts from

89 Varvaro (1974: 94). 90 The number of 13,19 million given by Qutbuddin (2007: 316) is wrong. 91 Schimmel (1980); Wink (1990–2004); Qutbuddin (2007). 92 Preto (1975: 25 f.); Pedani Fabris (1994: 14, 109, 203); Viallon (1995: 89 ff.); Schweickard (2011b: 9). Italian and Arabic 145 the fields of Italian-Ottoman commerce and diplomacy date back to the 15th century. Since the 16th century the number of texts grew rapidly. As Turkish had been strongly influenced by Arabic for centuries,93 quite a lot of Arabic terms passed into Italian via Turkish: It. ferega f. ‘cloak, dustcoat’ (DR 318 [1564]: “una ferega, 20 ture, uno zubone, carigia mavi”) < Tk. ferece (Redhouse 365) < Ar. faraǧiyya (Dozy 1845: 327 ff.),94 It. antippi m.pl. ‘preachers’ (Menavino 1519: h VI r°: “li Antippi che van[n]o co[n] la spada ignuda sopra la scala per leggere i Capituli de la Mahumethanea fede”) < Tk. hatib / hatip (Redhouse 462) < Ar. ḫaṭīb (Wehr 286),95 etc.

4.3 Number and status of the borrowings

The intensity of the lexical influence of Arabic on Italian is rather different in individual historical periods and in individual sources. In the early times, when most of the Arabic terms were still completely new, the European travelers often used their own words (chiesa for moschea, campanile for minareto, etc.). The number of mere citation words, which were explained by an Italian equivalent or periphrasis, was comparatively high:

“ivi sta lo cadì, cioè il loro vescovo” (NP 106 < Ar. qāḍī ‘official invested with the power of jurisdiction’), “Havi prima molti ulivi e favisi olio assai; poi v’ha molte vigne e gran quantità d’uve vi si fa, delle quali di gran parte si fa uve secche, che si chiama zabibo” (GG 303 < Ar. zabīb / zibīb ‘dried grapes, raisins’), “il cameliero, che si dice mucar” (FB 228 < Ar. mukār ‘donkey driver, muleteer’), etc.96

The more relevant borrowings found a wider distribution and a more stable place in Italian in the course of time. This process was promoted mainly by the steadily intensifying contacts and by the increasing familiarity of Italian merchants and diplomats with the Arab world. Arabic elements were also used for stylistic reasons, as they contributed to an increase of the authenticity of the texts (“argumentum veritatis”97). The situation is quite different in the field of scientific terminology, which, by reason of its specificity and its scholarly character, was maintained in its original form from the very beginning of its reception. Ultimately, in different spheres of life, a considerable number of Arabisms have found a stable place in the Italian vocabulary: a modern dictionary of common usage like the GRADIT lists more than 800 entries of Arabic provenance (as for example algebra, ammiraglio, arancia, arse-

93 For an overview see Stachowski (1975–1986). 94 Cf. Schweickard (2013b). 95 Cf. Schweickard (2016). 96 Cf. Cardona (1986: 702 ff.); Minervini (2009: 109 ff.). 97 Cardona (1986: 705 f.); Bertolucci Pizzorusso (2011 [1990]: 9 ff.); Minervini (2009: 117). 146 Wolfgang Schweickard nale, bazar, carovana, cassero, cotone, dogana, fennec, fondaco, gabella, giraffa, henna, magazzino, moschea, nenufero, ragazzo, sensale, tamburo, etc.).98

4.4 Language skills

The Arabic language constituted a special challenge for Europeans. Due to its typo- logical particularities and the foreign alphabet, it was difficult for ordinary travelers to acquire linguistic competences. As a consequence, pilgrims usually did not have specific knowledge of Arabic:

“Lequel leur demanda se je savois parler arabich, ne turc, ne hebrieu vulgaire, ne grec. Je dis que non” (LB 59).

In practice, the communication between Arabs and Europeans took place with the help of professional interpreters (It. turcimanni < Ar. tarǧumān):99

“E io domandai uno interpetro quello che voleva dire questi degli ulivi; e que’ rispuose che no·gli intendeva, però che quegli dello olivo gridavano in lingua arabia, e quelli dell’altro olivo in lingua etiopica: ‹e io sono interpetro di lingua ebrea e saracina›” (NP 55).

“Per me, & per il mio compagno, accordassimo un Christiano del paese, che ne servisse per servitore, & interprete; che pur vi sono molti i quali hanno tutte le lingue necessarie per il paese, & attendono a questo particolare” (GP 24).

Local Christian residents, of course, conveyed information to the pilgrims in the latters’ mother tongue:100

“[…] visitando ad uno ad uno tuti quelli sanctissimi misterii, li quali con suma diligentia da’ religiosi del monte Sion ci furono mostri e dichiarati in lingua italiana, francesce e todescha, aziò che tuti [e] peregrini intendesino, essendovene assai di queste oltramontane nationi” (BD 87).

Travelers who stayed for a longer period of time in Arabic-speaking areas often had the opportunity to study the language more intensely. An explicit statement on this point can be found, for example, in the Latin Liber Peregrinationis (c1320) of Fra Riccoldo da Monte di Croce:

“Et convocato clero et magno populo in Ninive civitate grandi in platea propter multitudinem populi predicavimus fidem catholicam arabice” (ed. Kappler 1997, 130).

98 Schweickard (2008: 4.6.). 99 Cf. Bosselmann-Cyran (1997); Rostagno (1998: 82). 100 For the organizational structures that the Franciscans had built in the Holy Land (Custodia di Terra Santa), see Rivali (2016); Saletti (2016a). Italian and Arabic 147

Filippo Pigafetta, too, had an excellent command of Arabic. He was one of the first travelers who referred explicitly to the differences between classical and colloquial Arabic:

“A gran pena, ora, intendono alcuni in Egitto la lingua buona araba scritta da Avicenna, da Averroè e dagli altri, la quale imparano fanciulli da’ maestri, essendovi quella differenza dell’araba che si parla a quella che si scriveva al tempo delli sudetti autori come della italiana alla latina. Onde in Cairo molto pochi sono quelli che intendono la lingua buona araba e la scrivono, sì medici come sacerdoti, massimamente essendo il loro Alcorano scritto in arabo elegante e purgato” (FP 202).

A case sui generis is, of course, Leo Africanus who was Arab by birth and thus had a first-hand knowledge of the linguistic situation:

“Ben che in tutte le ciptadj de Affrica cio è in quelle che sonno maritime sul Mare mediterraneo fine al Monte atlante tuttj loro habitatorj parlano in la lengua arabica corrupta excepto le terre de lo Regno de Marrocos se parla la vera lengua barbaresca ne piu ne mino per le terre dj Numidia cio è quillj che sonno vicinj di Mauritania & di Cesaria ma quillj che sonno vicinj del Regno di Tunis & del Regno di Tripulj tuttj parlano in lengua arabica corrupta” (LA 9r/9v).

4.5 Modalities of adaptation

The graphic adaptation of the Arabic sounds follows quite regular patterns: Ar. ḍ > d or z; Ar. ‘ain mostly > Ø (but there are many special cases); Ar. ḥ > h or Ø; Ar. ḫ > ch, ck, c, k, kh; Ar. q > q, k, ch; Ar. -w->b, v (but also -gw-), etc.101 Sometimes further inner-Italian morphological adaptation can be observed, especially in the case of the nisba ending -ī, which often turns to -ino:It.allepini adj.m.pl. (AT 87: “li ò promesso alquantte carixee chussi onestte a rotoli 25 allepini”) < Ar. ḥalabī ‘of or pertaining to Aleppo’ (Wehr 234), It. fistichino adj. (BP 55: “E ragionasi che i panni che si volgono ad Altoluogo per quello paese vogliono essere panni di Nerbona e pirpignani e tolo- sani e nerbonesi,eipiùcolorati, e compartiti per balla cilestrini e turchini e vermigli e fistichini e alcuno smeraldino”) < Ar. fistiqī ‘pistachio green, light green’ (McCarthy/ Raffouli 1964/1965, vol. 1: 194), It. maidino m. (AC 96: “uno maidino per testa”) < Ar. mu’ayyadī ‘ancient silver coin’ (Dozy 1,46; 2,687), etc. Direct borrowings from Arabic often appear in Italian without the Arabic article al-, whereas in Iberoromance it is frequently maintained:102 It. zucchero ‘sugar’ vs. Sp. azúcar < Ar. (as-)sukkar; It. cotone vs. Sp. algodón < Ar. (al-)quṭun; It. cadì vs. Sp. alcalde < Ar. (al-)qādī. This feature, however, is not suitable to serve as a general criterion for determining the borrowing channels, since there are numerous exceptions. Above all in the case of the Arabisms from scientific texts, the articles

101 For more detailed information, see Steiger (1932: 293 ff.); Caracausi (1983: 56 ff.). 102 Cf. Noll (1996). 148 Wolfgang Schweickard are often preserved also in Italian (alambicco, albaras, algebra, etc.). Consequently, there are numerous doublets, as for example It. alçegi (AP 308), alchache (AP 503), azegi (AP 655), açeçi (AP 841) vs. zegi (AP 757), çegi (AP 744) < Ar. (az-)zāǧ ‘vitriol’ (Wehr 432) or It. rosbotto m. (GS 118) vs. alrosboth m. (DC 26: “quel legamento dell’ossa, detto da Greci poro sarcoide, da Arabi alrosboth, & da Latini callo”) < Ar. (al-)dušbuṯ ‘callus’ (Dozy 1,443). Typical features of spoken Arabic include the transition from a to [e]/[ε] (Imāla) and the assimilation of the definite article in the case of the so-called sun letters (both phenomena can be observed in It. eddaguadare < Ar. ad-dawādār). In addition to the above-mentioned examples, the process of adaptation presents numerous other specificities which derive from individual options of the authors: – assimilation: It. abochelli m.pl. ‘Arabic name of the Dutch “leeuwendaalder” (i.e. ‘lion dollar’)’ (BB 105: “le spagnuole tanto vagliano quanto le altre et i taleri Siori che loro chiamano abochelli si cambiano per doi maidini manco”) < Ar. abū kalb (Hinz 1991, 20 f.), It. alacche f.pl. ‘multicolored silk fabric’ (GP 413: “conducendo molte migliaia di Balle di Seta, Endico, Alacche, Reubarbaro, Canelle, Tele di Cottone in quantita, Muschio, Gioie di piu sorte, & mille altre mercantie”) < Ar. ablaq ‘piebald, multicolored’ (Wehr 90); – dissimilation (or lambdacism): It. iscilopo m. ‘syrup’ (GG 308: “zuchero rosato e iscilopo di limoni e confetto”) < Ar. šarab (Wehr 540); – rhotacism: It. archalyffo m. ‘caliph’ (FR 154: “Et quivi dal loro archalyffo, o vero sacerdote, è loro dichiarato alchuno capitolo dello Alchorano, cioè della ispurcissima [legge] dello scelerato Machometto”) < Ar. al-ḫalīfa (Wehr 298); – anaptyxis: It. chebero ‘coarse cloak’ (DM 54: “Vero è ch’elgi uxanno molti zan- belloti, ma diexe braze gli fa una malota, o vero chebero, che sonno lor veste che fano falda niuna”) < Ar. kibr (Dozy 2,437); It. Bagadet ‘Baghdad’ (GP 262: “Caravane d’Armenia, di Persia, d’India, di Bagadet, & Ormus, e d’altri infiniti paesi”) < Ar. Baġdād (cf. DI 1,173 ff.); – epenthesis: It. armitraglio m. ‘admiral’ (GC 183: “lo armitraglio de Ierusalem”) < Ar. amīr al- ‘commander of’ (Pellegrini 1972, 94 f.); – metathesis: It. magarbini m.pl. ‘North Africans, Maghribis’ (FB 44: “certi popoli che chiamano Magarbini”) < Ar. maġribī (Wehr 783); – agglutination of the (Italian) definite article: It. lisaro m. ‘a long cotton outer garment’ (BD 72 “una gasacca di lisaro compitamente fina”) < Ar. izār (Dozy 1845: 24 ff.; Wehr 17); It. lemino m. ‘superintendent; head of a department’ (GZ 51: “Il Lemino, mastro o superiore della Dogana, è in gran riputatione”) < Ar. amīn (Wehr 36); – apheresis: It. miriachur m. ‘high equerry, master of the horse’ (PD 107: “miria-

chur, catibiser et nadrachas”) < Ar. amīr āḫūr (EI2 1,442); – interferences: It. ramantana f. ‘Ramadan’ (RS 165: “la Ramantana loro, cioè la sua Quadragesima”) for Ar. ramaḍān (Wehr 417), modeled on It. quarantana ‘Lent’; Italian and Arabic 149

– analogy: It. campo (DL 118: “il campo de’ Franchi, dove abitano li Francesi”, “Sopra la porta di detto Campo vi è l’habitatione dell’Agà, che vuol dire Luogo- tenente del Bassà, il quale la notte fà serrare la porta di detto Campo dalle guardie, che vi stanno giorno, e notte”) for Ar. ḫān ‘hostel, caravansary’ (Wehr 261), with the influence of campo ‘camp’.

In addition, as a consequence of the frequently complex historical tradition of the texts, numerous corrupt spellings occur: It. calì m. ‘speaker; preacher’ (AC 92, 111: “uno calì, che intende la sporcina regula e leze di Macometto”) < Ar. ḫaṭīb (Wehr 286), It. Ebendir (PM 62: “uno scoglio che si chiama Ebendier”) < Ar. Abū Qīr (Wehr 3), It. gerina [i.e. germa] ‘barge, lighter’ (PM 66: “Havevano molti pappaghalli et ghatti mammoni et così el nostro mamalucho patteggi una gerina”) < Ar. ǧarm (Wehr 144), It. kibeba f. ‘a dry measure’ (MS 1,751 [1497]: “al Cajero valeva il for- mento ducati 2 la kibeba”) < Ar. irdabb / ardabb (Wehr 15),103 It. melcario ‘donkey driver, muleteer’ (IH 352: “pur cridando fon socorsi dal melcario e no patino niuno detrimento”) < Ar. mukār (Wehr 965), It. Melce Nafar (AR 54: “il Soldano d’Egitto chiamato Melce Nafar”) instead of Ar. (Al-)Malik an-Nāṣir ‘ninth Mamluk sultan of Egypt (1285–1341)’.104 Similar corrupt spellings are also frequently found in Medieval Latin translations of scientific texts, which in many cases are not available in modern editions. We must therefore rely on the old prints of the 15th and 16th centuries, which contain numerous misunderstandings, contaminations and falsifying interventions (the examples are taken from Pagel 1892): MLat. kamad for Ar. ramād ‘ash’ (623), MLat. human for Ar. rummān ‘pomegranate’ (617), MLat. pothab for Ar. ruṭab ‘ripe dates’ (617), MLat. radeb and aseleb for Ar. saḏāb ‘rue, herb of grace’ (620), MLat. xaha and sceam for Ar. samn ‘fat, grease, suet, lard’ (610), MLat. zaleca for Ar. salīḫah ‘Cinnamomum cassia’ (613).105 Similar errors appear in the volgarizzamenti: It. hameb araleb for Ar. ‘inab aṯ-ṯa‘lab ‘black nightshade’ (SI 2,59), It. anseli for Ar. ‘unṣal ‘scilla’ (SI 2,62), It. baclurug (MG 1,188 [1472]) for Ar. bāḏrūǧ / bāḏarūǧ ‘basil’, It. sufel (MG 1,158 [c1489]) for Ar. fawfal ‘areca’, It. mesur (MG 1,132 [c1489]) for Ar. nīlūfar / nēnūfar / nūfar ‘lotus, water-lily’, etc.106

103 Cf. Schweickard (2015b). 104 The original version of Aquilante Rocchetta’s Peregrinatione di Terra Santa (1630) presents “il Soldano d’Egitto chiamato Melec Nasar” (75). This is not the only mistake in the edition of Giuseppe Roma (i.e. AR) who also transcribes cassari instead of caffari (21, 22, 51, 154). Elsewhere (49) he opts for “vi è la Lephtar, da Lephtariare, ch’è come il Thesauriero Gener[ale]” instead of the equally corrupted passage “vi è la Lephtarda, ò Lephtariare […]” of the original version (1630: 75); the underlying term is Tk. defterdar ‘director of the financial administration of a province’ (Redhouse 278) < Pers. daftardār < daftar ‘register’ + the agent noun suffix -dār (Steingass 529). 105 Cf. Mancini (1992: 76 f.). 106 Cf. Mancini (1992: 83 f.). 150 Wolfgang Schweickard

4.6 Excursus: Italian elements in Arabic

For centuries, Italian has played a major role in the Mediterranean as the lingua franca of trade, politics and diplomacy.107 It does not come as a surprise that numerous words of Italian provenance have entered Arabic. This topic has not yet been fully explored, but there are a number of important preliminary studies, nota- bly Spiro (1937 [1904]) and Cifoletti (1975, 1983 and 2003) for Egypt, Cifoletti (1998; 2004: 64 ff.) and Lakhdhar (2006) for North Africa and Tomasin (2010: 180 ff.) for single borrowings from the maritime vocabulary. An informative survey arranged in onomasiological order is provided by the three volumes (2011–2014) of the out- standing Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte by Peter Behnstedt and Manfred Woid- ich. The Italian borrowings can easily be retraced with the help of the indexes (cf. vol. 1: 661, vol. 2: 622, vol. 3: 861 f., with information on arco, articioc(co), barbiere, beccaio, bisi, broccolo, carciofo, cavolfiore, ciumara, compagno, coniglio, cramba, dozzina, duràcine, famiglia, farmacia, fica, figura, fiori, fiume, fragola, and many others).

5 Editorial philology: performance and limits

Italian philology has a long tradition of modernizing the spelling of historical texts, especially in the field of literature. There may be constellations which justify, to a certain extent, such an approach. In any case, however, modernizing the texts equals depriving them of their historical patina. In this way, elements which point out latinizing, relatinizing or innovating trends, formal characteristics which help to corroborate chronological or geolinguistic assumptions as well as graphic specificities which contribute to clarifying details of the historical tradition of single words may be lost.108 Furthermore, the modernization of the spelling leads to an imbalance between the various linguistic levels of the texts, so that its appearance becomes not only anachronistic, but also heterogeneous. Especially from the side of historical linguistics, continuous attempts have been made to overcome this special tradition of Italian editorial philology. Already in 1983, Max Pfister, in his review of Giuseppe Porta’s edition of the Cronica of Anonimo Romano – which triggered the subsequent controversy Pfister/Porta109 – pointed out that

107 For an overview, see Folena (1968–1970); Minervini (1996); Bruni (1999); Cifoletti (2004); Bruni (2007); Dakhlia (2008); Toso (2008); Baglioni (2010 and 2016: 133 ff., as well as Baglioni in this volume); Tomasin (2017). 108 Schweickard (2012: 231 ff.). 109 Cf. Stussi (1993: 225 ff.); Varvaro (1997: 39). Italian and Arabic 151

“Die italienische Philologie braucht eine methodologische Neubesinnung; erforderlich sind Publikation und philologische Auswertung von repräsentativen Handschriften in ihrer unver- fälschten Graphie” (Pfister 1983: 529).

Doubts about the traditional approach are also expressed by some theoreticians of editorial philology:

“A questa posizione [scil. di adottare una veste grafica corrispondente alle attuali convenzioni alfabetiche] si muovono oggi consistenti obiezioni dal punto di vista storico-linguistico: in primo luogo, si rivendica con sempre maggiore forza il rilievo e il contenuto culturale che è insito nella grafia antica (e non solo quando si ha a che fare con i massimi autori), secondo un atteggiamento di maggiore considerazione del testo nella sua valenza storica; quindi, il progredire degli studi, con l’ampliamento delle conoscenze in senso diacronico, diatopico e diastratico, e l’allargamento ad aree e tipologie non limitate ai testi antichi toscani di carattere letterario [...], ha generato una nuova consapevolezza della difficoltà e dell’incertezza insite nell’interpretazione fonetica dei fatti grafici” (Frosini 2016: 625).

A comparison of a passage from Mondino de’ Liuzzi in the editions of Sighinolfi (1930) and of D’Anzi (2012) shows how extreme the changes applied to the texts can be:

“Scrive Ghalieno in nel settimo libro della Terrapeuticha per autorità del divino Platone tre esser le cagione in ogni arte, o vero scientia, che promuovano gli homini ad alchuna nova editione di quella: l’una delle quale è acciò che l’homo satisfaccia alli amici da’ quali è alchuna volta pregato; l’altra si è per fuggire di non thorpescere in otio vilissimo, ma più presto exerci- tarsi in exercitio sommamente hutile, sì chome è exercitio de intellecto. La tertia chagione si è per reparare alla oblivione che procede in noi mediante la senectu” (D’Anzi 2012: 35).

“Scrive Galeno, nel settimo libro della Terapeutica per autorità del divino Platone, tre esser le cagioni in ogni arte, ovvero scienza che promuovono gli uomini ad alcuna nova edizione di quella: l’una delle quali è acciò che l’uomo satisfaccia agli amici, da’ quali è alcuna volta pregato; l’altra si è per fuggire di non torpescere in ozio vilissimo, ma più presto esercitarsi in esercizio sommamente utile, siccome è esercizio d’intelletto; la terza cagione si è per riparare alla oblivione che procede in noi mediante la senectu” (Sighinolfi 1930: 23).

In scholarly editions, the trend towards modernization, however, has clearly weak- ened over time. In the given context, this is particularly true for the editions of the Serapiom by Gustav Ineichen (1962/1966) and of the Moamin by Martin Gleßgen (1996a). Also, almost all the editions published in more recent times (Artale/ Panichella 2010, Piro 2012, D’Anzi 2012, Zamuner 2012, Ventura 2017, Zamuner/Ruz- za 2017) furnish an authentic transcription. One can only hope that this clearly visible trend towards more authenticity will be continued in the future. Unfortunately, in a relevant number of cases, modern editions are still missing at all. This is true, for example, for the Italian translations of Guglielmo da Salice- to’s Chirurgia (ms. Landiano n. 57 of the Biblioteca Passerini-Landi di Picenza; ed. princeps Venice, 1474) and Guy de Chauliac’s Chirurgia magna (ed. princeps Ven- 152 Wolfgang Schweickard ice, 1493).110 As far as the original Arabic sources and the Medieval Latin translations from Arabic are concerned, the situation is even more problematic. For quite a lot of fundamental texts, no modern editions and linguistic analyses are available, in spite of meritorious initiatives like the Avicenna Latinus (1968 ff.) or the recent compendium on the Arabic-European mathematical terminology by Roshdi Rashed (2017), which is based on original Arabic sources. As far as the Italian accounts on pilgrimages to the Holy Land are concerned, the situation is much better. Modern editions are available for many relevant sources (especially thanks to the activities of individual researchers such as Franco Cardini, who over the years has inspired a considerable number of editorial initiatives).111 They usually offer an authentic transcription. Only in few cases have the texts been modernized. As a consequence, their value for linguistic research is considerably diminished. This applies for Bartolini/Cardini (1991), Pigozzi (2000) and Paoletti (2001). The changes are particularly far-reaching in the case of Bartolini/Cardini:

“Per i nomi propri e i toponimi, usati in forme diverse e in modo incostante anche in uno stesso manoscritto, si è scelta la grafia più vicina a quella moderna, purché largamente attesta- ta (Paolo in presenza anche di Pagolo, Pavolo, Paulo; Allessandria in presenza anche di Allex- andria, Allesandria ecc.)” (122 f.).

Individual manuscripts are still waiting to be edited, as for example the Relatione del viaggio di Gierusalem et altri luoghi di Terra Santa (1596–1599) of Alessandro Giuliani, which is kept in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana at Milan (G 50) (cf. Longo 2010, 271). Modern editions are also missing for several other old prints, as for example Castiglione (1499), Noè Bianco (1566), Zuallardo (1587), Alcarotti (1596), Mantegazza (1616), Dandini (1656) and Laffi (1683). Some problems of modern editorial philology can be illustrated by the example of the Viagio del Sancto Sepolcro facto per lo illustro misere Milliaduxe estense (c1441) of Domenico Messore, one of the illegitimate sons of the Count of Ferrara, Niccolò III. The text has survived in a single manuscript (Biblioteca Estense di Mo- dena, shelfmark α. U. 6. 34.), which was edited in 2005 by Alda Rossebastiano and Simona Fenoglio. The editorial criteria are unsuitable from a linguistic point of view. By reason of a consistent modernization of the spelling, the text is completely deprived of its historical patina: “y viene resa con i”, “x viene resa con s”, “viene soppressa h latineggiante […]”, “altrettanto vale per h diacritica”, “k, usata piutto- sto raramente, viene trascritta c”, “-mpt- → -nt-”, “-np-, -nb- vengono resi con mp, mb-” (44 ff.). Furthermore, the transcription contains more than just a few misunderstandings and errors: misso in the passage “el vescovo de là misso” (66) is translated as “misso ‘mandato’ latinismo” (137), whereas in reality the passage refers to the Bishop of Limassol (ant. Limisso, Lamisso); del giasim (92) is explained in the

110 Cf. Altieri Biagi (1970: 37, 41). 111 Cf. Trovato (2016). Italian and Arabic 153 glossary as “arabismo non individuato; potrebbe trattarsi di una approssimativa trascrizione della voce araba gizya(h), di origine aramaica, che significò ‘tributo personale’” (137): the correct transcription, however, is simply delgi axini; the ex- planation of mumache (76) as “tentativo di adattamento della voce araba mishmish, ‘albicocca’” (137) is not correct, either: in reality the spelling is muniache (< Lat. (pomum) Armeniacum, LEI III/1,1294, 1302); cam de Vines (106) is in reality cam de Iunes (the modern Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip); suniux / sunniux (138) is a misreading of sumux (Ar. sumūk, pl. of samak, ‘fish’); million (115) is not an “insulto arabo” (137), but the number milione, which in the given passage is incom- prehensible because the text presents a gap; melma is to be read melina (137), which derives from the toponym Malines (DI 3,93 f.); gerbul (115) is not an “adattamento dell’ar. giurbus ‘imbroglione’” (137),112 but derives from Ar. zarbūl ‘shoe’; machadi (71, 82) does not derive from the name of the Persian town Mašhad (137: “la voce, che rappresenta un sinonimo di ‘tappeto’, con funzione di cuscino, risulta di fatto essere un toponimo, con riferimento alla città persiana di Mashad”), but from Ar. maq‘ad ‘chair, bench, sofa’; ysaro (78) is not a “tentativo di adattamento dell’arabo sitar ‘velo femminile’” (138), but Ar. izār. The text contains some other interesting Arabisms which, however, remain unexplained: It. malota (78) < Ar. mallūṭa ‘kind of cloak’, It. hamam (108) < Ar. ḥamām ‘pigeon’, It. marab (115) < Ar. ma‘arras ‘crook’, It. chebero (136) < Ar. kibr ‘coarse cloak’. It must be emphasized that the limited quality of this edition is in no way typical of the editors who have published a great number of excellent studies (e.g. Cavaglià/Rossebastiano 1998 as well as numerous other studies of Alda Rossebastiano). It is to be assumed that the publication was prepared under great pressure of time. The volume was released by the UTET as a “strenna” (‘New Year’s Gift’) for the year 2005 and therefore categorically had to be completed in time. The divulgative edition criteria might also be due to this particular type of publication, which targets a non-expert read- ership. In 2009, Beatrice Saletti published a new edition of the manuscript, which can be said to meet the highest demands. Almost all the mistakes of the edition Rosse- bastiano/Fenoglio have been corrected (lxxvii f.). Only in the case of cadi nadra, Saletti, who proposes Ar. (qāḍī) nazīr al-ǧayš (157), is wrong, too. In reality the form corresponds to Ar. qāḍī nāẓir el-ḫāṣ < qāḍī + naẓir ‘minister; superintendent’, ‘guard, warden’ + ḫāṣ ‘private’.113 Furthermore, the attribution of melma (i.e. melina < Malines) to the Arabic elements (54 f., 205) needs to be corrected. In the case of the corrupt nachal, Rossebastiano/Fenoglio are more precise. Whereas Saletti indicates only kalb (2009, 140 f.), Rossebastiano/Fenoglio (2005: 115) specify cor- rectly: “Errore di copia dell’espressione ya kalb, dove kalb significa ‘cane’” (ya is the Arabic interjection yā ‘oh’).114

112 The error is also in Minervini (2009: 118). 113 Schweickard (2015a: 221). 114 Lazzerini (1991: 526). 154 Wolfgang Schweickard

6 Lexicological and lexicographical research

The earliest known European glossaries containing Arabic originated in Spain: the Glossarium Latino-Arabicum (ed. Seybold 1900)115 probably dates back to the 12th century, and the (equally Latin-Arabic) Vocabulista in Arabico (ed. Schiaparelli 1871) was compiled in the 13th century. An Arabic-Castilian glossary (“Glossary of St. Petersburg”), containing 411 entries in Hebrew letters, followed in c1430 (ed. Sheynin 1982).116 In 1505, the first major Spanish-Arabic dictionary was published, the Vocabulista aravigo en letra castellana of Pedro de Alcalá.117 Another Arabic- Hebrew-Latin word-list is the still unpublished Vocabularium trilingue (ms. Escuri- al, cod. arabo 598), written in Bologna in 1524 in Arabic letters by Leo Africanus.118 The earliest Italian-Arabic glossary dates back to the 15th century (Vocabula morisca, ed. Teza 1893). The text includes 217 entries, which are arranged onoma- siologically: Elementa, Pianeti, Salibus, Metalla, Culures, Mesure, Li Sciecze, Li Mi- embre Humane and Jorne. A new edition would be welcome, because Teza’s editorial work is tarnished by puristic considerations: “Non ricopio l’italiano che ha una voce non usata da chi parla con decenza” (ibid. 79 f., n° 58). Moreover, there is a small Bible glossary with Hebrew-Neapolitan-Arabic entries, the so-called “Maqré Dardeqé”, which was compiled in 1488.119 The Vocabolario Italiano e Arabesco, con alcuni Dialoghi in Turchesco e in Greco Moderno, already mentioned by Manlio Cortelazzo (1979, 134), is from the 16th century. The manuscript is preserved in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze (coll. Ashb. 1547). Luciano Rocchi re- cently edited the Turkish part (Rocchi 2016). It is to be hoped that the Arabic part, which seems to be of key importance, will follow soon: “In definitiva, siamo dell’opinione che questo codice laurenziano rappresenti una testimonianza di ec- cezionale valore per la lessicografia e dialettologia storica araba, in virtù sia della sua antichità sia della resa in alfabeto latino sia del copioso materiale fornito” (ibid. 1052). Similar word-lists certainly existed before the 15th century. They were copied and recopied to be sold to travelers. Being intended for purely practical purposes, those lists did not enjoy much prestige, and it is therefore logical that only a few specimens have been preserved. A separate area is the so-called Synonyma-literature, i.e. collections of pharma- cognostic terms with explanations in the tradition of the Šarḥ asmāʾ al-ʿuqqār of the Sephardic Jewish philosopher Mōšeh bēn-Maymōn (c1138–1204) (ed. Meyerhof 1940). Such lists for the language pair Arabic-Latin have been known since the

115 Koningsveld (1976); Burman (2011). 116 Cf. Ineichen (1997: 29). 117 Fück (1955: 10 ff., 22 ff., 29 ff.); Corriente (1991); Toomer (1996: 11 ff., 17 f.); Ineichen (1997: 27). 118 Milanesi (1978–1988, vol. 1: 17); Rauchenberger (1999: 453, with reproduction of the colo- phone). 119 Cuomo (1988); Coseriu (2003: 220, 235). Italian and Arabic 155

Middle Ages: an anonymous Sinonimario from about 1270 (ed. Fontanella 2000, 62–100), the Synonyma medicinae sive Clavis sanationis (c1290) of Simon of Genoa (ed. princeps 1473),120 an anonymous Arabic-Latin glossary from the end of the 14th century (cf. Lampitelli 2006), the Libro dei semplici (c1450) of Benedetto Rinio (ed. De Toni 1919–1925), etc. After the invention of the printing press, Italian publishers were leading in the field of books printed with Arabic characters.121 Besides, quite a lot of books on Arab themes and translations from Arabic were published. The metalanguage was Latin throughout. The first printed Arabic-Latin glossary was the extensive Inter- pretatio arabicorum nominum of Andrea Alpago,122 which introduced the 1527 edition of Avicenna’s Canon medicinae, comprising 21 pages with three columns each. In 1632, the Thesaurus linguae Arabicae by Antonius Giggeius in four volumes followed. The first grammar was the Breves arabicae linguae institutiones by Philippus Guadagnoli (1642). The first printed Italian-Arabic dictionary was the Fabrica overo Dittionario della lingua volgare arabica, et italiana by Domenico Germano (1636). In the 17th century, knowledge had advanced so far that Italian borrowings from Arabic could be etymologized for the first time in a systematic way. Above all, the seminal etymological dictionaries of Gilles Ménage (Egidio Menagio) need to be mentioned, first for French (Les origines de la langue françoise, 1650), and then also for Italian (Le origini della lingua italiana, 1669, 21685).123 Ménage covers among others terms, alchimia, assassino, bene, canfora, chermisì, dragomanno/turcimanno, fondaco, meschita, muschio, sciroppo and tabì. The ratio of correct ety- mologies is high.124 The entry zenit in the Origini gives an idea of his method:

“Zenit. Termine Astrologico; altrimenti detto Punto verticale. È voce Araba, siccome nadir, suo contrario. Giunta del Padre Bertet: È cosa da notare, che in Arabo si doverebbe dire zemt, dalla radice zamata: ma le Scuole pigliarono la terza gamba della M per una I: dicendo zenit per zemt, cioè vertice. E così della medesima radice si dice pur per verticale,Azimuth. Ed a questo proposito è da notare, che non sono più di 200 anni che si mette un punto sopra la lettera I: come l’osservò verissimamente il Padre Giovan Mabillone de Re Diplomatica a carte 53. Vedi l’Istoria nostra Saboliense libro 3, capitolo 9” (1685, 500).

In more recent times, numerous studies have been published that deal with the Arabic influence on Italian. The most important contribution was the Arabismi nelle lingue neolatine con speciale riguardo all’Italia by Giovan Battista Pellegrini (1972). It is true that the systematic structure of this book is not very elaborated. To a large extent it contains previously published material, which was newly compiled for

120 Cf. Zipser (2013); interesting data is also provided by the “Simon Online” project. 121 Fück (1955: 53 ff.); Barbieri (1991); Toomer (1996: 20 ff.); Ineichen (1997: 59); Vercellin (2001); Kalati (2003: 305); Nuovo (2013); Trentini (2015: 18 ff.). 122 Cf. Vercellin (1991). 123 Cf. Schweickard (2004). 124 Zehnder (1938: 52 ff.). 156 Wolfgang Schweickard this comprehensive version. The extremely rich documentation and the lucidity of the analyses, however, make the work a paradigm shift in the historical research on the Arabic influence on Italian. The systematic deficiencies are fully compensat- ed by detailed and exhaustive word indexes which allow easy access to the overall work. Further studies on the Arabic influence on Italian with relevant lexicological and lexicographical information are Cardona (1969a and 1969b), Pellegrini (1986), Mancini (1992, 1994, 2006, 2010), Kontzi (1998), Lupis (2011), Gardani (2013: 260 ff.), Schweickard (2015a), Arrawi (2016). For Sicily and southern Italy, the benchmark is the monograph of Caracausi (1983), which takes all previous research into consideration. The same author also wrote the authoritative work for the field of toponymy (Caracausi 1994). A further overall presentation with a focus on Sicily was produced by Giovan Battista Pelle- grini (1989). Alberto Varvaro in his VSES (2014) lists only a few Arabisms, but for these he offers a profound etymological discussion. Further noteworthy studies on the southern Italian area include Sgroi (1986, 1990), Mancini (1994: 830 f.), and Fanciullo (1996: 113 ff.). In the relevant historical and common language dictionaries (GDLI, GRADIT), borrowings from Arabic are only briefly discussed. DELI and EVLI in some cases offer a substantial etymological discussion. Among the older dictionaries, the DEI by Carlo Battisti and Giovanni Alessio (1950–1957) – which also contains a large part of the materials of Zaccaria (1919)125 – has not yet been replaced. The specialized foreign-language dictionaries are not very satisfactory. The most important publication in this field remains Kiesler (1994), who, however, considers only a limited number of Arabisms which are documented in both Italian and Spanish (357 entries). De Mauro/Mancini (2001) do not go beyond the documentation of GRADIT. Lanteri’s dictionary (1991) does not meet scholarly requirements. Impor- tant information is given by Cardona (1975) for the lexicon of Marco Polo and by Baglioni (2010) for the documents of the Cancellerie tunisine. Some of the dictionaries and glossaries of other languages, above all Raja Tazi for German (1998), Ray- mond Arveiller (1999) and Minervini (2012) for French, and Federico Corriente (2003 and 2008) for Iberoromance, are also very helpful. For the scientific lexicon, and especially the Materia medica, Hyrtl (1879), Guigues (1905/1906), Fonahn (1922), Siggel (1950) are still useful. The glossaries in the study of Altieri Biagi (1967, 1968, 1970) and in the editions of Ineichen (1962/1966), Gleßgen (1996a) and El- sheikh (2016) contain important lexical information, too. From a comparative point of view, interesting evidence is provided by Dubler (1953), Vázquez de Benito/Her- rera (1989) and DETMA (1996) for Spanish and by Norri (2016) for English. The most important general dictionary of Arabic is the Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic of Hans Wehr, which has been translated into English by J. Milton Cowan (to be used in the fourth edition of 1979). In addition, the monumental

125 For the latter, see Schweickard (2017a). Italian and Arabic 157 project of the Wörterbuch der klassischen arabischen Sprache (Ullmann 1970–2009) must be mentioned (however, before publication ceased in 2009, only the letters kāf and parts of lam could be finished). Among the older dictionaries, the Supplé- ment aux dictionnaires arabes (1881/1927) of Reinhart Pieter Anne Dozy (for comments on the first volume see Fleischer 1888 [1881–1887]) and the Handwörterbuch der deutschen und neu-arabischen Sprache (21887) of Adolf Wahrmund rank first. Regional varieties of Arabic are covered by Badawī/Hinds (1986) for Egypt, Piamen- ta (1991) for Yemen, Clarity (2003) for Iraq, Harrell (1966) and Prémare (1993–1999) for Morocco as well as Beaussier (1958) and Lentin (1959) for Algeria and Tunisia.

7 Conclusions

This article highlights the depth and variety of Italian-Arabic cultural and linguistic contacts, which, basically, are relatively well known (this becomes particularly evident when we compare the situation with the studies on Italian-Turkish contacts, cf. Schweickard 2011a, 2011b, 2014b). The focus of research on Italian-Arabic linguistic exchange up to now was mainly on the Middle Ages, which undoubtedly is the most important epoch. Especially the direct contacts with the Arab conquerors of Sicily as well as the numerous translations from Arabic into Italian (often via Medieval Latin) traditionally met with great interest. As for more recent times, linguistic research is less advanced. Despite important preparatory work, much remains to be done for the period from the 16th century onwards. Of course, it is obvious that linguistic and cultural contacts were less intense and less relevant in early modern and modern times than they were in the Middle Ages. However, a great number of historical texts (accounts of pilgrims, merchants, diplomats, etc.) has not yet been taken into consideration by historical linguistics. It is certainly true that those texts contain significantly fewer and often ephemeral borrowings (or rather: citation words) from Arabic. From a philological point of view, it is nevertheless imperative to also pay attention to such peripheral phenomena in order to guarantee a complete understanding of those texts. The central basis for historical research in linguistics is obviously furnished by editorial philology. The existing modern editions of medieval Arabic, Latin or vernacular texts of Arabic tradition are – with only few exceptions – excellent. However, it must be emphasized that countless manuscripts of utmost importance still remain unedited or only accessible through 15th- and 16th-century prints, which are philologically unreliable for obvious reasons. Given this situation, it is evident that one of the major tasks for the future will consist in editing or re-editing ancient manuscripts and prints. The situation is similar for the editions of texts of early modern and modern times. There are a lot of excellent editions. From the point of view of historical linguistics, however, it is regrettable that linguistic comments and analyses often only play a secondary role and that still today the spelling of individual 158 Wolfgang Schweickard texts is not infrequently unnecessarily modernized. Apart from philological disputes over methodology, there are also some pragmatic problems that are difficult to overcome. First of all, the number of persons who are able to move competently in the complex field of Arabic-Latin-Romance cultural and linguistic traditions is very limited. Furthermore – by reason of insufficient language skills, weaknesses of the aca- demic infrastructure and ideological barriers (Lubbadeh 2007) – the mutual perception and cooperation between Arab and European researchers are, quite in contrast to the situation in medieval times, not well developed. From the point of view of lexicography, the most important remaining desider- atum is a specialized historical-etymological dictionary of Arabic and Oriental elements in Italian. Besides enlarging the historical documentation and deepening the etymological analyses, a central challenge is represented by the identification of the often complex and multiple channels of transmission of the borrowings. Originally it was planned that Antonio Lupis – analogous to the Orientalia of von Wartburg’s FEW (vol. 19) – should prepare a separate volume of Orientalismi for the Lessico Etimologico Italiano (LEI). Owing to his premature death, he only suc- ceeded in publishing preparatory studies and in preparing sample articles of the letters A and B (Lupis 2011, 2013). As matters presently stand, the original planning of a separate volume of Orientalismi in the framework of the Lessico Etimologico Italiano will not be maintained. There are two main reasons for this. On the one hand, a further subdivision of the LEI into different tranches does not seem reason- able. The focus must be on the vocabulary of Latin origin and on the parts already in the process of publication (especially the Germanismi). On the other hand, the methodological setting of the LEI does not seem perfectly suitable for the special case of the borrowings from Oriental languages. This is particularly true with regard to the high proportion of dialect forms as well as secondary derivatives and compounds included in the file-card boxes of the LEI, which in the given context are of minor relevance. In addition, in contrast to the usual practice of the LEI, it seems helpful for the understanding of the Oriental evidence to provide citations of the original contexts. I therefore intend to expand my original plan for the lexicographical coverage of Turkish elements in European languages (Schweickard 2011a) to the whole range of Orientalisms (Arabic, Persian, Turkish) and at the same time to concentrate exclusively on Italian as the recipient language. The title of this new project is Italo-Orientalia. A Historical and Etymological Dictionary of Arabic, Turkish and Persian Elements in Italian (from the beginning until 1900). The metalanguage of Italo-Orientalia will be English, in order to facilitate easy reception also outside of Italy. This decision is based on the fact that many of the aspects dealt with are equally relevant for other languages. The dictionary will comprise about 1,500 articles in total. Italian and Arabic 159

8 Bibliography

8.1 Abbreviations

AB = Ambrosio Bembo (c1680) → Invernizzi 2005. AC = Antonio da Crema (1486) → Nori 1996. AE = Almansore (c1330) → Elsheikh 2016. AP = Almansore (c1330) → Piro 2012. AR = Aquilante Rocchetta (1630) → Roma 1996. AT = Andrea Berengo → Tucci 1957. BB = Bernardo Brancaleoni (1598) → Biagetti 1999. BD = Bernardino Di Nali (c1492) → Sabbatini 2009. BL = Bruno da Longobucco (mid 15th c.) → Ventura 2017. BP = Francesco Balducci Pegolotti (c1347) → Evans 1936. BV = Gasparo Balbi (1590) → Pinto 1962. DB = Duarte Barbosa (1550) → Barbosa 1550. DC = Giovanni Andrea Dalla Croce → Della Croce 1574. DL = Domenico Laffi → Laffi 1683. DM = Domenico Messore (c1441) → Saletti 2009. DR = Documenti ragusei (15th–17th c.) → Jašar-Nasteva 1971–1973. DV = Pietro della Valle (1614–1626) → Della Valle 1650–1658. FB = Felice Brancacci (1422) → Catellacci 1881. FL = Fernando Lopes de Castanheda (1577) → Lopes de Castanheda 1577. FP = Filippo Pigafetta (1579) → Da Schio 1984. FR = Alessandro di Filippo Rinuccini (1474) → Calamai 1993. FT = Faostino da Toscolano (1654) → Bianchini 1992. GA = Giovanni Francesco Alcarotti → Alcarotti 1596. GC = Gabriele Capodilista (c1475) → Momigliano Lepschy 1966. GG = Giorgio Gucci (c1385) → Lanza/Troncarelli 1991. GP = Giovanni Paolo Pesenti (1615) → De Carli 2013. GS = Guglielmo da Saliceto (c1350) → Altieri Biagi 1976. GZ = Giovanni Zuallardo → Zuallardo 1587. ID = Itinerario per la Terra Santa (13th c.) → Dardano 1966. IH = Questo sì è lo itinerario de andare in Hyerusalem (15th c.) → Cornagliotti 2002. IP = L’inventario e il testamento di Alvaro Paternò (1511) → Paternò di Caraci 1930. LA = Leone Africano → Leone Africano 1526. LB = Bertrandon de la Broquière (c1457) → Schefer 1892. LC = Luchino Dal Campo (c1413) → Brandoli 2011. LF = Leonardo Frescobaldi (c1385) → Bartolini/Cardini 1991. LV = Ludovico Varthema (1510) → Musacchio 1991. MG = Moamin (1472/c1489) → Gleßgen 1996a. ML = Mondino de’ Liuzzi (15th c.) → D’Anzi 2012. MM = Michele Membré (1542) → Cardona 1969. MP = Marco Polo (c1309) → Bertolucci Pizzorusso 1975. MS = Marin Sanuto (1496–1523) → Fulin et al. 1879–1903. MT = Maestro Gregorio (14th c.) → Tomasin 2010. MV = Mariano Da Siena (c1431) → Pirillo 1991. NP = Niccolò da Poggibonsi (c1385) → Lanza/Troncarelli 1991. PD = Pietro Diedo (c1489) → Rossi 1988. PM = Prete Michele (c1490) → Montesano 2010. 160 Wolfgang Schweickard

RS = Roberto da Sanseverino (c1459) → Cavaglià/Rossebastiano 1999. RZ = Ricettari (13th c.) → Zamuner/Ruzza 2017. SI = Serapione (c1390) → Ineichen 1962. SS = Simone Sigoli (c1385) → Lanza/Troncarelli 1991. VF = Vincenzo Fani (c1616) → Longo 2010. ZC = Zibaldone da Canal (c1330) → Stussi 1967. ZL = Zanobi di Antonio del Lavacchio (c1488) → Corti 1958.

8.2 Primary sources

Alcarotti, Giovanni Francesco (1596): Del viaggio di Terra Santa. Da Venetia, à Tripoli, di Soria per mare, & di là per terra à Gierusale[m]me, p[er] la città di Damasco, & p[er] le Provintie dell’Iturea, Galilea superiore, & inferiore, Samaria, & Giudea, co’l ritorno in Christianità, p[er] via di Costa[n]tinopoli. Novara: appresso gli heredi di Fr. Sesalli. Amadori, Gabriele (2014): Giovanni Leone Africano: Cosmographia de l’Affrica (Ms. V.E. 953 – Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma – 1526). Roma: Aracne Editrice. Amari, Michele (1863): I diplomi arabi del R. archivio fiorentino. Testo originale con la traduzione letterale e illustrazioni. Firenze: dalla Tipografia di Felice Le Monnier. Arrivabene, Andrea (1547): L’Alcorano di Macometto nel qual si contiene la dottrina, la vita, i costumi et le leggi sue: nel qual si contiene la dottrina, la vita, i costumi, et le leggi sue. Tradotto nuouamente dall’Arabo in lingua Italiana. Venezia: s. e. Artale, Elena/Panichella, Miriam (2010): Un volgarizzamento toscano della Chirurgia di Ruggero Frugardo. In: Bollettino dell’Opera del Vocabolario Italiano 15, 227–298. Avicenna (1562): Avicennae Liber Canonis / De medicinis cordialibus / Cantica / De removendis nocumentis in regimine sanitatis / De syrupo acetoso […]. Venetiis: apud Iuntas. Avicenna Latinus (1968 ff.) = Van Riet, Simone/Verbeke, Gérard (eds.), Avicenna Latinus. Louvain et al.: Peeters et al. Baglioni, Daniele (2010): L’italiano delle cancellerie tunisine (1590–1703). Edizione e commento linguistico delle “Carte Cremona”. Roma: Scienze e Lettere. Balbi, Gasparo (1590): Viaggio dell’Indie orientali. Venetia: appresso Camillo Borgominieri. Barbosa (1550): Libro di Odoardo Barbessa portoghese. In: Ramusio, Giovanni Battista (ed.): Delle navigationi et viaggi, vol. 1. Venetia: appresso gli Heredi di Lucantonio Giunti, 310r–348v. Barducci, Roberto (1985) (ed.): Benedetto Dei: La Cronica. Firenze: Francesco Papafava. Bartolini, Gabriella/Cardini, Franco (1991) (eds.): Nel nome di Dio facemmo vela. Viaggio in Oriente di un pellegrino medievale. Roma/Bari: Laterza. Bertolucci Pizzorusso, Valeria (1975) (ed.): Marco Polo: Milione. Milano: Adelphi. Biagetti, Francesco (1999) (ed.): Verso Gerusalemme. Diario di viaggio di Bernardo Brancaleoni in Terrasanta (1593). Fermignano: Centro Studi G. Mazzini. Bianchini, Walter (1992): Faostino da Toscolano: Itinerario di Terra santa. Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo. Bianconi, Luigi (1942) (ed.): Pietro Della Valle: Viaggio in Levante. Firenze: Sansoni. Brandoli, Caterina (2011) (ed.): Viaggio del marchese Nicolò D’Este al Santo Sepolcro (1413). Firenze: Olschki. Calamai, Andrea (1993) (ed.): Alessandro di Filippo Rinuccini: Sanctissimo Peregrinaggio del Sancto Sepolcro 1474. Pisa: Pacini. Cardona, Giorgio Raimondo (1969) (ed.): Michele Membré: Relazione di Persia (1542). Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale. Castiglione, Girolamo (c1491): Fior de terra sancta. Messane: Georgius Richer Allamanus. Italian and Arabic 161

Catellacci, Dante (1881): Diario di Felice Brancacci ambasciatore con Carlo Federighi al Cairo. In: Archivio storico italiano IV/8, 157–188, 326–334. Cavaglià, Mario/Rossebastiano, Alda (1999) (eds.): Felice et divoto ad Terrasancta viagio facto per Roberto de Sancto Severino (1458–1459). Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso. Cornagliotti, Anna (2002): “Questo sì è lo itinerario de andare in Hyerusalem”. Testimonianza quattrocentesca dal ms. G. 10 del Seminario Vescovile di Casale. In: La parola del testo 6, 309–357. Corbo, Virgilio (1951): La peregrinazione a Gerusalemme di Bernardino di Nali (1492). In: id. (ed.): Custodia di Terra Santa 1342–1942. Gerusalemme: Tipografia dei Padri Francescani, 207–257. Corti, Gino (1958): Relazione di un viaggio al Soldano d’Egitto e in Terra Santa. In: Archivio storico italiano 116, 247–266. Dandini (1656): Missione apostolica al patriarca, e maroniti del Monte Libano del p. Girolamo Dandini […] e sua pellegrinazione a Gerusalemme. Cesena: per il Neri. D’Anzi, Maria Rosaria (2012) (ed.): Hanothomya del corpo humano. Volgarizzamento da Mondino de’ Liuzz. Edizione critica e studio lessicale. Roma: Aracne. Dardano, Maurizio (1966): Un itinerario dugentesco per la Terra Santa. In: Studi medievali, terza serie, 7, 154–196. Da Schio, Alvise (1984) (ed.): Filippo Pigafetta: Viaggio da Creta in Egitto ed al Sinai 1576–1577. Vicenza: Fondo Alvise Da Schio per lo studio della vita e dell’opera di Filippo Pigafetta/ Biblioteca civica Bertoliana. De Carli, Ottavio (2013) (ed.): Il pellegrinaggio di Gierusalemme di Giovanni Paolo Pesenti. Diario di viaggio di un gentiluomo bergamasco in Terrasanta ed Egitto (4 settembre 1612 – 31 agosto 1613). Bergamo: Officina dell’Ateneo. Della Croce (1574): Della cirugia di Giovanni Andrea Dalla Croce libri sette ne’ quali si contiene la theorica et la vera prattica, & si vedono à si suoi luoghi moltissime figure di stromenti necessarij in questa professione […]. Vinegia: appresso Giordano Ziletti. Della Valle (1650–1663): Viaggi di Pietro della Valle il Pellegrino, con minuto ragguaglio di tutte le cose osservate in essi, descritti da lui in 54 lettere familiari, mandate in Napoli all’erudito, e fra’ più cari, di molti anni suo amico Mario Schipano, divisi in tre parti, cioè la Turchia, la Persia, e l’India, le quali havran per Aggiunta, se Dio gli darà vita, la quarta Parte, che conterrà le figure di molte cose memorabili, sparse per tutta l’Opera, e la loro esplicatione, vol. 1: La Turchia (1650), vol. 2/1: La Persia, parte prima (1658), vol. 2/2: La Persia, parte seconda (1658), vol. 3: L’India col ritorno alla patria (1663). Roma: a spese di Biagio Deversin. Della Valle (1843): Viaggi di Pietro della Valle il pellegrino descritti da lui medesimo in lettere familiari all’erudito suo amico Mario Schipano, divisi in tre parti, cioè la Turchia, la Persia e l’India, 2 vol. Torino: G. Gancia Foreign Bookseller/Stabilimento Tipografico di A. Fontana. De Toni, Ettore (1919–1925): Il Libro dei semplici di Benedetto Rinio. In: Memorie della Accademia Reale dei Lincei. Classe di Scienze Morali, Filologiche e Storici II/5, 171–279; II/7, 274–398; II/8, 123–264. Elsheikh, Mahmoud Salem (2016) (ed.): Al-Manṣūrī fī 'ṭ-ṭibb / Liber medicinalis Almansoris. Edizione critica del volgarizzamento laurenziano (Plut. LXXIII. Ms.43) confrontato con la tradizione manoscritta araba e latina, 2 vol. Roma: Aracne Editrice. Evans, Allan (1936) (ed.): Francesco Balducci Pegolotti: La pratica della mercatura. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Mediaeval Academy of America. Federici (1587): Viaggio di M. Cesare de i Fedrici, nell’India orientale, et oltra l’India, nel quale si contengono cose dilettevoli de i riti, & de i costumi di quei paesi, et insieme si descriveno le spetiarie, droghe, gioie, & perle, che d’essi si cavano. Con alcuni avertimenti utilissimi a quelli, che tal viaggio volessero fare. Venetia: appresso Andrea Muschio. 162 Wolfgang Schweickard

Fontanella, Lucia (2000) (ed.): Un volgarizzamento tardo duecentesco fiorentino dell’“Antidotarium Nicolai” (Montreal, McGill University, Osler Library 7628). Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso. Fulin, Rinaldo et al. (1879–1903) (eds.): I Diarii di Marino Sanuto (MCCCXCVI-MDXXXIII), dall’autografo Marciano Ital. A. VII Codd. CDXIX-CDLXXVII, 58 vol. Venezia: Tipografia del commercio di Marco Visentini. Gaeta, Franco/Lockhart, Laurence (1972) (eds.): I viaggi di Pietro Della Valle. Lettere dalla Persia, vol. 1. Roma: Istituto poligrafico dello Stato. Gleßgen, Martin-Dietrich (1996a): Die Falkenheilkunde des “Moamin” im Spiegel ihrer volgarizzamenti. Studien zur Romania Arabica, 2 vol. Tübingen: Niemeyer [for Gleßgen 1996b see 8.3.]. Ineichen, Gustav (1962/1966) (ed.): El libro agregà de Serapiom. Volgarizzamento di frater Jacobus Philippus de Padua, 2 vol. Venezia/Roma: Istituto per la collaborazione culturale. Invernizzi, Antonio (2001) (ed.): In viaggio per l’Oriente. Le mummie, Babilonia, Persepoli. Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso. Invernizzi, Antonio (2005) (ed.): Viaggio e giornale per parte dell’Asia di quattro anni incirca fatto da me Ambrosio Bembo nobile Veneto. Torino: Cesmeo. Jašar-Nasteva, Olivera (1971–1973): Turchismi nei documenti ragusei redatti in lingua italiana (dal sec. XV al sec. XVII). In: Bollettino dell’Atlante linguistico mediterraneo 13–15, 315–334. Kappler, René (1997) (ed.): Riccoldo de Monte Croce: Pérégrination en Terre Sainte et au Proche Orient. Texte latin et traduction / Lettres sur la chute de Saint-Jean d’Acre. Traduction. Paris: Champion. Laffi, Domenico (1983): Viaggio in Levante al Santo Sepolcro di n. s. G. Christo, et altri luoghi di Terra Santa. Bologna: per gl’eredi d’Antonio Pisarri. Lanza, Antonio/Troncarelli, Marcellina (1990) (eds.): Pellegrini scrittori. Viaggiatori toscani del Trecento in Terrasanta. Firenze: Ponte alle Grazie. Lazzerini, Lucia (1991) (ed.): Gigio Artemio Giancarli: Commedie. La capraria – La zingana. Padova: Antenore. Leone Africano, Giovanni (1526): Cosmographia & geographia de Affrica, ms. VE 953 della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Vittorio Emanuele II di Roma. Leone Africano, Giovanni (1550): Della descrittione dell’Africa et delle cose notabili che ivi sono. In: Ramusio, Giovanni Battista (ed.): Delle navigationi et viaggi, vol. 1. Venetia: appresso gli Heredi di Lucantonio Giunti, 1r–103v. Longo, Pier Giorgio (2010): Memorie di Gerusalemme e Sacri Monti in epoca barocca: Vincenzo Fani, devoti “misteri” e “magnanime imprese” nella sua “Relatione del viaggio in Terrasanta” dedicata a Carlo Emanuele I di Savoia (1615–1616). Ponzano Monferrato: ATLAS, Centro di documentazione dei sacri monti, calvari e complessi devozionali europei. Lopes de Castanheda, Fernando (1577): Historia dell’Indie orientali […], et nuovamente di lingua Portoghese in Italiana tradotti dal Signor’Alfonso Ulloa. Venetia: appresso Giordano Ziletti. Manni, Paola (1990) (ed.): Testi pistoiesi della fine del Dugento e dei primi del Trecento. Firenze: presso l’Accademia della Crusca. Mantegazza, Steffano (1616): Relatione tripartita del viaggio di Gierusalemme, nella quale si racontano gli avvenimenti dell’autore, l’origini, & cose insigni de’ luoghi di passaggio visitati, con una sommaria raccolta delle indulgenze, e preci solite acquistarsi, et farsi nella visita di ciascun loco. Milano: per l’her. di Pacifico Pontio & Gio. Battista Piccaglia. Masetti, Carla (2011) (ed.): De’ viaggi di Pietro Della Valle il Pellegrino. Riproduzione in facsimile dei sette volumi manoscritti conservati presso la Società geografica italiana, 7 vol. Roma: Società geografica italiana. Menavino (1519) = Johannis Antonij Menavini de Vultri Genuensis Liber “De rebus et moribus Turcarum”, anno Domini MDXVIIII [ms. Rome, Biblioteca Corsiniana (Accademia dei Lincei), Fondo Niccolò Rossi 35 E 18 (Corsin. 389)]. Italian and Arabic 163

Meyerhof, Max (1940) (ed.): Šarḥ asmā’ al-‘uqqār. Un glossaire de matière médicale composé par Maïmonide. Texte publié pour la première fois d’après le manuscrit unique avec traduction, commentaires et index. Le Caire: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. Milanesi, Marica (1978) (ed.): Giovanni Battista Ramusio: Navigazioni e viaggi, vol. 1. Torino: Einaudi. Momigliano Lepschy, Anna Laura (1966) (ed.): Viaggio in Terrasanta di Santo Brasca 1480 con l’Itinerario di Gabriele Capodilista 1458. Milano: Longanesi. Montesano, Marina (2010) (ed.): Da Figline a Gerusalemme. Viaggio del prete Michele in Egitto e in Terrasanta (1489–1490). Con il testo originale del viaggio di ser Michele. Roma: Viella. Musacchio, Enrico (1991) (ed.): Ludovico Varthema: Itinerario dallo Egypto alla India. Bologna: Fusconi. Noè Bianco (1566): Viaggio del rever. p. f. Noe Bianco Vinitiano della congregation de’ Servi, fatto in Terra Santa, & descritto per benificio de’ pellegrini, & di chi desidera havere intera cognition di quei santi luoghi. Vinetia: presso Giorgio de’ Caualli, a instantia di Francesco Portinari da Trino. Nori, Gabriele (1996) (ed.): Antonio da Crema: Itinerario al Santo Sepolcro 1486. Pisa: Pacini. Pagel, Julius Leopold (1892): Die Chirurgie des Heinrich von Mondeville (Hermondaville) nach Berliner, Erfurter und Pariser Codices. Berlin: August Hirschwald. Paoletti, Anna (2001) (ed.): Viaggio a Gerusalemme di Pietro Casola. Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso. Pigozzi, Marinella (2000) (ed.): Francesco Cavazzoni: Trattato del santo viaggio di Gierusalemme. Bologna: Costa. Pinto, Olga (1962) (ed.): Viaggi di C. Federici e G. Balbi alle Indie orientali. Roma: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato. Pirillo, Paolo (1991) (ed.): Mariano Da Siena: Viaggio fatto al Santo Sepolcro 1431. Pisa: Pacini. Piro, Rosa (2012) (ed.): L’“Almansore”. Volgarizzamento fiorentino del XIV secolo. Edizione critica. Firenze: Edizioni del Galluzzo. Porta, Giuseppe (1979) (ed.): Anonimo Romano: Cronica. Milano, Adelphi. Quatremère (1837–1845): Histoire des sultans Mamlouks de l’Égypte, écrite en arabe par Taki- eddin-Ahmed-Makrizi. Traduite en français, et accompagnée de notes philologiques, historiques, géographiques par M. [Étienne] Quatremère, vol. 1/1 (1837), vol. 1/2 (1840), vol. 2/1 (1842), vol. 2/2 (1845). Paris: Oriental Translation Fund. Rauchenberger, Dietrich (1999): Johannes Leo der Afrikaner. Seine Beschreibung des Raumes zwischen Nil und Niger nach dem Urtext. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Rocchetta (1630): Peregrinatione di Terra Santa e d’altre provincie di Don Aquilante Rocchetta Cavaliere del Santissimo Sepolcro. Nella quale si descrive distintamente quella di Christo secondo gli Evangelisti. Palermo: Alfonzo Dell’Isola. Roma, Giuseppe (1996) (ed.): Don Aquilante Rocchetta, Cavaliero del Santissimo Sepolcro: Peregrinatione di Terra Santa e d’altre Provincie. Ospedaletto: Pacini. Rossebastiano, Alda/Fenoglio, Simona (2005) (eds.): Viaggio in Oriente di un nobile del Quattrocento. Il pellegrinaggio di Milliaduse d’Este. Torino: UTET. Rossi, Franco (1988) (ed.): Ambasciata straordinaria al sultano d’Egitto (1489–1490). Venezia: Il Comitato Editore. Sabbatini, Ilaria (2009) (ed.): La Jerosolomitana peregrinatione del mercante milanese Bernardino Dinali (1492). Dal codice della Biblioteca statale di Lucca ms. 1301, cc. 1r-37v. Lucca: Pacini Fazzi. Saletti, Beatrice (2009) (ed.): Domenico Messore: Viagio del Sancto Sepolcro facto per lo illustro misere Milliaduxe estense. Roma: Istituto Storico per il Medio Evo. Schefer, Charles Henri Auguste (1892) (ed.): Le voyage d’Outremer de Bertrandon de la Broquière, premier écuyer tranchant et conseiller de Philippe le Bon, duc de Bourgogne. Paris: Ernest Leroux. 164 Wolfgang Schweickard

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8.3 Studies, corpora and dictionaries

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9 Index verborum

9.1 Arabic

‘aba’a 3.2 az-zāǧ 4.5 ablaq 3.2, 4.5 bāḏarūǧ 4.5 abū kalb 4.5 bāḏāward 4.1.2 Abū Qīr 3.1, 4.5 bāḏrūǧ 4.5 ad-damāmil 3.3 Baġdād 4.5 ad-darz 3.3 baḫātī 3.5.3 ad-dawādār 4.5 baḫšīš 3.2 adennemil 3.3 bānqarās 4.1.1 ‘adsiyah 3.3 baqšīš 3.2 al-‘aqīq 4.2.1 baṣal 3.1 al-aḫbiṣah 3.3 baṯr 3.3 al-anbīq 4.1.1 baṭṭīḫ 3.1 al-aṯāl 3.3 bawwāb v. 3.1, 3.2 al-baraṣ 3.3 Bayt Daǧan 3.1 al-dušbuṯ 4.5 Bayt Nūbā 3.1 alf 3.5.3 Bīr el-‘Abd 3.1 al-fāris 4.2.1 buṯūr 3.3 al-ḫīmiyā’ 3.3 dawādār 4.1.2 al-ḫīrī 4.3 dirham 3.2, 4.1.1 al-iksīr 3.1.1 ḏura 3.5.1 al-kīmiyā’ 3.3 dušbuṯ 4.5 Allāh 3.1 el-‘Arīš 3.1 Allāh karīm 3.1 falāḥ 3.5.2 al-ma‘diya 3.5.1 falanǧah 3.3 al-māhīzahrah 3.3 falūka 3.1 Al-Malik an-Nāṣir 4.5 fanak 3.3 al-maṣūṣ 3.3 fanīqa 3.2 al-muḥtasib 3.5.3 fann v. 3.3 al-muṭabbaqah 3.3 faqqūs 3.1 al-qādī 4.5 faraǧiyya 4.2.2 al-quṭun 4.5 faṣfaṣah 3.3 amīn 4.5 fawfal 4.1.2, 4.5 amīr 3.5.3 fawwāra 2 amīr āḫūr 3.5.3, 4.5 faylazharǧ 3.3 amīr al- 4.5 fenek 3.3 amīr al-ḥāǧǧ(i) 3.5.3 finǧān 4.1.2 amīr kabīr 3.2 fistiq 3.2 amīr silāḥ 3.2 fistiqī 4.5 amīru 'l-ḥāǧǧ 3.5.3 funduq 3.2 amlaǧ 3.2, 3.3 fustuq 3.2 ardabb 3.2, 4.5 fūṭa 3.2 as-sa‘fa 3.3 ǧabal 2 as-sukkar 4.5 ǧarm 3.1, 4.5 astaġfar allāh 3.1 ǧazīra 2 attābī 2 ǧibāl 2 auǧ 3.3 ǧilnār 3.3 Italian and Arabic 179

ḫabīṣ 3.3 maṣl 3.3 ḫabīṣah 3.3 māyidī 3.2 ḫafar 3.1 mezwar 3.5.3 haǧīn 3.5.3 mi’a 3.5.3 ḥakama 3.1 miswāk 3.5.1 ḥalabī 4.5 miṯqāl 3.2, 4.2.1 ḫalīfa 2, 4.5 mu‘allim 3.2 ḥamām 3.1, 5 mu’ayyadī 3.2, 4.5 ḫān 3.1, 4.5 muftī 3.1 ḥanīn 2 muḥtasib 3.2 ḫarnūb v. 3.3 mukār 3.1, 4.3, 4.5 ḫarrūb v. 3.1, 4.3 mūmiyā’ 3.5.2 ḫarrūba v. 3.3 muwaqqi‘ 3.5.3 ḫaṭīb 4.2.2, 4.5 mūza 3.1 Ḥimṣ 3.1 nā’ib aš-šām 3.5.3 ḥinnā’ 3.5.1 nabaq 3.5.2 huǧun 3.5.3 nabq 3.5.2 Ḥumṣ 3.1 naqqāra 3.2 imām 3.1 nazīr al-ǧayš 5 ‘inab aṯ-ṯa‘lab 4.5 nāẓir al-ḫāṣ 3.2 in šā’ allāh 3.5.2 nāẓir el-ḫāṣ 5 irdabb 3.2, 4.5 nēnūfar 4.5 izār 4.5, 5 nibq 3.5.2 ka‘b 3.3 nīlūfar 4.5 kabīr 3.5.3 nūfar 4.5 kāfir 2 nuḫā‘ 3.3 kalb 5 qādī 4.5 kāšif 3.2 qāḍī 3.1, 4.3 kātib 3.5.3 qāfila 3.5.2 kātib as-sirr 3.2 qafīz 3.2 kibr 4.5, 5 qal‘a 2 kuḥl 3.3 qasīs 3.1 kušūṯ 3.3 qaṣr 4.1.1 kušūṯā 3.3 qiṯāra 4.1.1 ma‘arras 5 qulquṭār 3.3 Madīnat an-Nabī 3.1 Qur’ān 3.1 maġribī 4.5 quṭun 3.2, 4.5 maḫāzin 3.2 rahǧ al-ġār 3.3 maḥkama 3.1 rāḥil 3.5.3 maḫlūṣ 2 raḥl 2 maidī 3.2 ra’īs 3.1 maimūn 3.1 ramād 4.5 mallūṭa 5 ramaḍān 3.1, 4.5 mamlūk 3.1 rawāḥil 3.5.3 mann 3.2 rummān 4.5 maq‘ad 5 ruṭab 4.5 marsā 2 saḏāb 4.5 marsūm 3.2 salīḫah 4.5 masǧid 3.1 samak 5 Mašhad 5 samn 4.5 180 Wolfgang Schweickard samt (ar-ra’s) 3.3 ‘ūšr 3.2 ṣaqr 3 ‘Uyūn al-Tuǧǧār 3.1 šarab 4.5 wakāla 3.5.2 šarīfī 3.2 wakīl 3.2 sibistān 3.3 wālī 3.2 ṣifāq 3.3 waral 3.5.3 silāḥ 3.5.3 waran 3.5.3 sirr 3.5.3 wazīr 4.2.1 sukkar 4.5 widāǧ 3.3 sulb 3.3 ya kalb 5 sulṭān 3.1 zabād 3.2 sumūk 5 zabīb 3.1, 4.3 sūq 3.2 zāǧ 4.5 ṭāqīya 3.2 tarǧumān 3.1, 4.4 zakība 3.2 ṭayfūrīya 2 zanātī 4.2.1 turbid 3.3 zarāfa 3.5.3 turǧumān 3.1 zarbūl 5 tūtiyā 3, 3.2 zibīb 3.1, 4.3 ‘unṣal 4.5 zurāfa 3.5.3 ūqīya 3.2, 4.1.1 zurunbād 4.2.1

9.2 Catalan algutzir 4.2.1

9.3 Greek

ἄμβιξ 4.1.1 κιθάρα 4.1.1 δραχμή 4.1.1 ξήριον 4.1.1 ἱέραξ 3 οὐγκία 4.1.1 ἱερός 3 πάγκρεας 4.1.1 κάστρον 4.1.1

9.4 Italian abe 3.2 agiachi 4.1.2 ablach 3.2 alacche 4.5 abochelli 4.5 alacheri 3.1 açeçi 4.5 alambicco 4.1.1, 4.5 adememil 3.3 alaqueque 4.2.1 adennemil 3.3 albaras 4.5, 3.3 adesfia 3.3 alçegi 4.5 adesia 3.3 alchache 4.5 adesian 3.3 alchimia 3.3, 6 adesya 3.3 alchorano 3.1 adores 3.3 alferes 4.2.1 Italian and Arabic 181 algebra 4.3, 4.5 cadi nadra 5 alkera 3.3 Cafari 2 alkery 3.3 Cafaro 2 alla 3.1 cafessi 3.2 allepini 4.5 cafferi 3.1 alluchisat 3.3 cafila 3.5.2 almadia 3.5.1 Calatafimi 2 almathicha 3.3 calì 4.5 almezera 3.3 Caltanissetta 2 almososi 3.3 Caltavuturo 2 alrosboth 4.5 cam de Iunes 5 alsafasa 3.3 cam de Vines 5 aluthel 3.3 campo 4.5 amir elcheggi 3.5.3 cane 3.1 amiralf 3.5.3 canfora 6 amircabir 3.5.3 carambia 3.3 amiriachor 3.5.3 carcanà 4.1.2 amirsileh 3.5.3 carovana 4.3 ammiraglio 4.3 carubi 3.1 anacharim 3.1 cassero 4.1.1, 4.3 anatarchass 3.2 çegi 4.5 ancharas 4.1.1 cetra 4.1.1 anseli 4.5 chaib 3.3 antippi 4.2.2 chassisi 3.1 araleb 4.5 chatibisser 3.2 arancia 4.3 chebero 4.5, 5 archalyffo 4.5 chermisì 6 argiachi 4.1.2 cheseph 3.2 armitraglio 4.5 chetebe esserre 3.5.3 arsenale 4.3 chitarra 4.1.1 assafatti 3.3 chool 3.3 assassino 6 Codsbarich 3.1 auge 3.3 colcotar 3.3 azegi 4.5 cotone 4.3, 4.5 bachsis 3.2 Coz 3.1 baclurug 4.5 Cuzumobarech 3.1 Bagadet 4.5 deremi 3.2 basall 3.1 diodarro 4.1.2 bassà 3.1 dirham 4.1.1 bazaro 4.3 dogana 4.3 bedeguar 4.1.2 dora 3.5.1 bendarag 4.1.2 dracma 4.1.1 bene 6 dragomanno 6 Bettenuble 3.1 dulb 3.3 Birlab 3.1 Ebendir 4.5 boabo v. 3.1, 3.2 eddaguadare 4.5 Bochari 3.1 el lamt 3.5.3 bogra 4.1.2 el muhtesib 3.5.3 botor 3.3 el raguahil 3.5.3 cadì 3.1, 4.3, 4.5 el-becheti 3.5.3 182 Wolfgang Schweickard elisir 4.1.1 iscilopo 4.5 el-lamṭ 3.5.3 kalmosos 3.3 ellamth 3.5.3 kibeba 4.5 embraci 3.2 Lamisso 5 embrici 3.3 lamṭ 3.5.3 Ems 3.1 lamth 3.5.3 enna 3.5.1 Laris 3.1 fanecche 3.2 lemino 4.5 faufel 4.1.2 Limassol 5 Favara 2 Limisso 5 felenge 3.3 lisaro 4.5 fellah 3.5.2 Macaluso 2 felucca 3.1 machadi 5 feluzaaragi 3.3 machemà 3.1 fen 3.3 magarbini 4.5 fennec 4.3 magazzino 3.2, 4.3 ferega 4.2.2 maidi 3.2 fingian 4.1.2 maidino 4.5 fistichino 4.5 malota 5 fistuchi 3.2 mamaluchi 3.1 foguss 3.1 marab 5 fondaco 3.2, 4.3, 6 Marsala 2 fotta 3.2 marsurmi 3.2 gabella 4.3 Marzamemi 2 Galiffa 2 masslo 3.3 Galifi 2 matasebo 3.2 gerbul 6 maticani 4.2.1 gerina 4.5 maymoni 2.1 germa 4.5 Medintenebi 2.1 gianiceri 3.1 melcario 3.5 giannetta 4.2.1 Melce Nafar 3.5 giannetto 4.2.1 melina 5 giarma 3.1 melma 5 giasim 5 men 3.2 Gibellina 2 merchider 3.2 Gibilmanna 2 meschita 6 Gibilmesi 2 mesuare 3.5.3 ginecta 4.2.1 mesuek 3.5.1 giraffa 4.3 mesur 3.5 Gisira 2 metteccali v. 3.2 goton 3.2 million 5 guaral 3.5.3 miriachur 4.5 guidez 3.3 mirmi 3.5.3 guideze 3.3 mirsala 3.2 hamam 3.1, 5 misso 5 hameb 4.5 mofti 3.1 henna 4.3 Mongibello 2 hugiun 3.5.3 monte de Mongibello 2 imani 3.1 moschea 4.3 insciallàh 3.5.2 moschete 3.1 Italian and Arabic 183 muachih 3.5.3 schibe 3.2 mualem 3.2 sciroppo 6 mucar 4.3 sensale 4.3 mucari 3.1 sepestene 3.3 mumache 5 seraffi 3.2 mumie 3.5.2 siphac 3.3 muniache 5 soldano 3.1 muschio 6 sta furla 3.1 muse 3.1 sufel 4.5 naccaro 3.2 sugo 3.2 nachal 5 sumux 5 naibessan 3.5.3 suniux 5 nebc 3.5.2 sunniux 5 nenufero 4.3 Tabbi 2 nuca 3.3 Tabbì 2 occhia 3.2, 4.1.1 tabì 6 ochel 3.5.2 tachie 3.2 ochil 3.2 Tàffara 2 oncia 4.1.1 Tàffari 2 osera 3.2 tamburo 4.3 Ottochiar 3.1 turbit 3.3 pateghe 3.1 turcimanni 4.4 Pertegnenth 3.1 turcimanno 3.1, 6 phanez 3.3 tuzia 3.2 quarantana 4.5 velli 3.2 Quds mubārak 3.1 ysaro 5 Racalmuto 2 zabibo 4.3 ragazzo 4.3 zegi 4.5 ramantana 4.5 zenit 3.3 ramatana 3.1 zerapha 3.5.3 rayse 3.1 zeruban 4.2.1 redalgar 3.3 zibetto 3.2 ribeba 3.2 zibibo 3.1 risalghallo 3.3 zimar 3.3 rosbotto 4.5 zucchero 4.5 sangiaccho 3.1

9.5 (Medieval) Latin alambicum 4.1.1 pothab 4.5 albencharus 4.1.1 radeb 4.5 aseleb 4.5 sacer 3 castrum 4.1.1 sceam 4.5 cithara 4.1.1 ūncia 4.1.1 human 4.5 xaha 4.5 iksir 4.1.1 zaleca 4.5 kamad 4.5 184 Wolfgang Schweickard

9.6 Persian

ābgah 4.1.2 faṣfaṣah 3.3 bāḏāward 4.1.2 ǧilnār 3.3 bādrang 4.1.2 ḫarḫāna 4.1.2 būġrā 4.1.2 pingān 4.1.2 būġrāq 4.1.2 pūpal 4.1.2 dawāt-dār 4.1.2 sipistān 3.3

9.7 Portuguese almadia 3.5.1

9.8 Sicilian haninu 2

9.9 Spanish alcalde 4.5 azúcar 4.5 alférez 4.2.1 guitarra 4.1.1 algodón 4.5 jinete 4.2.1 alguacil 4.2.1

9.10 Turkish başa 3.1 paşa 3.1 ferece 4.2.2 sancak (beyi) 3.1 hatib 4.2.2 yeniçeri 3.1 hatip 4.2.2