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This Electronic Thesis Or Dissertation Has Been Downloaded from Explore Bristol Research This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Blenkinsop, Thomas S Title: What Safeguards are Necessary to Guarantee Political Liberty as Non-Domination? General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. What Safeguards are Necessary to Guarantee Political Liberty as Non-Domination? Thomas Stewart Blenkinsop A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirements for award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Philosophy School of Arts Wordcount: 80844 Abstract Liberty has traditionally been conceived of as an important and social good, and indeed the prime moral good, by liberal and libertarian thinkers. This thesis argues that the traditional conception of political liberty in the negative sense – freedom from interference – is insufficient as an explanation, and political liberty should instead be conceived of as freedom from domination, as espoused by republican thinkers, especially Philip Pettit. However, it is further argued that non-domination requires additional conceptual and practical support, by the republicans’ own logic, than has traditionally been extended. Most critically, a critique is advanced based on the additions of alienation and structural domination as key republican concepts. This critique argues that corporate power, and the concentration of economic power in the hands of a few, drastically undermines republican freedom, and must be combated via regulation and economic reform, which the thesis refers to as “strict material equality”, in contrast to Pettit’s “loose material equality” and “expressive egalitarianism”. The form this regulation and reform might take is considered in detail before the thesis presents a potential solution based on a form of democratic socialism which makes use of social recognition, socialisation, and controlled voluntary exchange in the model Joseph Carens presents in his book “Equality, Moral Incentives, and the Market”. The remainder of the thesis is devoted to explicating and defending a republican take on his “egalitarian system”, and defending his socialisation process, explicit utopianism, and the socialist elements which the thesis invokes to explain problems of alienation and corporate power. Dedication and Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisors, Dr Seiriol Morgan & Dr Chris Bertram, for their enormous assistance, advice and contributions. I would also like to thank Dr Megan Blomfeld, Dr Joanna Burch-Brown, and Professor Havi Carel for their assistance, advice, and constructive criticism. I would like to thank my examiners, Dr Alan Wilson and Dr Cillian McBride, for their many insightful criticisms and the opportunity to improve and extensively adjust my work. I would also like to thank the library staff of the Arts and Social Sciences library, primarily for their enormous patience. I would also like to thank friends and family for their support and general patience. For Gil Barrow, who always deserved more than he was given. Author’s Declaration I declare that the work in this dissertation was carried out in accordance with the requirements of the University's Regulations and Code of Practice for Research Degree Programmes and that it has not been submitted for any other academic award. Except where indicated by specific reference in the text, the work is the candidate's own work. Work done in collaboration with, or with the assistance of, others, is indicated as such. Any views expressed in the dissertation are those of the author. SIGNED: T S Blenkinsop DATE: 30/09/2019 Contents 10 24 24 34 48 60 60 72 78 103 110 110 119 128 140 152 152 166 169 185 194 194 208 230 238 238 252 263 276 278 Introduction to the Thesis The goal of this thesis is to question the safeguards necessary for the protection of political liberty (as opposed to liberty of metaphysical will, for example), arguing that those commonly envisaged are insufficient. It will undertake this via two methods. First, it will be argued that the conceptions of liberty commonly adopted by modern libertarians, liberals, and egalitarians – frequently drawing upon what Berlin calls the “negative” conception of liberty, freedom from obstruction – are inadequate. The most important reasons are both articulated neatly by the neo-republican philosophy of Philip Pettit, Quentin Skinner, and others (Dagger 2011, 708-709). Traditional arguments of this conception of liberty generally rely upon direct imposition, obstruction or the plausible presence thereof. Republican theorists, however, assign greater importance to the unequal social positioning that allows for such impositions. In plainer terms, the republican conception of freedom argues that one is unfree when one is in a position to be interfered with, even if no interference actually takes place (Pettit 2012, 66). An individual is therefore un-free whenever they are subservient to another. If subservient, they will not be able to defend themselves properly, nor achieve recourse, from potential interference. Freedom consists in the absence of domination, not merely interference. The second major argument of the thesis is that many republican theorists underestimate the resources required for protection, although they1 claim that their theories allow for a more robust justification than that of their rivals. Further, drawing on the work of Schuppert, the thesis argues that absent a strict material equality, to be supported by social recognition responsive to republican- 1 Primarily Pettit, but Lovett and Maynor also cite the justification of common resources and narrow distributions of wealth on reference to freedom alone. Pettit cites this as a philosophical strength of his theory, as negative libertarians must bring in concepts like equality and (distributive) justice. aligned social norms, irreparable socio-economic inequalities will create a society where the vast majority are dominated, despite the presence of institutional, democratic safeguards and personal security, insurance and insulation, as Pettit outlines in Just Freedom. While Pettit’s requirements, if properly implemented, would aid in delaying or mitigating the harms involved, they would be equally affected by these inequalities, and there would be no guarantee of preventing the society from lapsing into one closely resembling modern day capitalism. This would be problematic, as despite the great economic good capitalism offers, it provides numerous opportunities for socio- economic inequality – thus feeding the cycle anew. Having established this, the thesis will examine potential solutions. The thesis’ preferred solution is a form of socialism which still makes use of markets and voluntary exchange, yet maintains strict material equality and a norm-friendly pattern of social recognition, based on the work of Joseph Carens. It bears repeating that this is not the only viable solution; a form of Rawlsian property- owning democracy merits serious consideration, especially supported by a universal basic income. A needs-based socialism which did not require the market to function might be superior, but the thesis could not find a viable way to outline such. The thesis will devote the rest of the introduction to explaining both the terms used and its rationale for marking some of its philosophical divides, before outlining the content of its chapters. Berlin’s dichotomy of positive and negative liberty is explained in chapter one; suffice to say here that the “liberal schools of thinking” (Pettit 2014, 23) mostly adhere to it. Of greater concern may be the patchwork coalition of opponents; a libertarian who demands the restriction of government, and an egalitarian who supports a generous welfare state, might be viewed as having diametrically opposed interests. And in many ways, this is true. Where the two converge, along with the classical liberalism of the 19th century – Mill, Spencer, and so on – and the left wing of modern American political thought, commonly called liberal2 is upon Berlin’s great summary: ‘What is the area within which the subject – a person or group of persons – is or should be left to do or be what he is able to do or be, without interference by other persons?' The answer is exceedingly different within these traditions, let alone between them, but they all attend to this basic question.
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