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Uni International 300 N. Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Ml 48106 8311776
Mason, Phillip Lindsay
CULTURAL INFLUENCES ON THE ART AND CRAFTS OF EARLY BLACK AMERICAN ARTISANS (1649-1865) TOWARDS IMPLICATIONS FOR ART EDUCATION
The Ohio State University PhD. 1983
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University Microfilms International CULTURAL INFLUENCES ON THE ART AND CRAFTS OF
EARLY BLACK AMERICAN ARTISANS (1649-1865)
TOWARDS IMPLICATIONS FOR ART EDUCATION
• DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate
School of The Ohio State University
By
Phillip Lindsay Mason, B.F.A., M.F.A.
*****
The Ohio State University
1982
Reading Committee: Approved by Dr, Arthur Efland Dr. Barbara Boyer Dr. Nancy MacGregor Dr. Robert Sutton
Department of Art Education Dedicated to those early Black American artists
(known and unkown) who pioneered the way for me!
ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express my sincere thanks to members of my committee who have been helpful and encouraging in the course of this study.
First of all, I am most appreciative of the counsel and support of my
advisor, Dr. Arthur Efland, at various stages of this project and for
his guidance throughout my graduate study. I am also especially grate
ful to Dr. Barbara Boyer for her helpful insights and invaluable sugges
tions on numerous occasions. Thanks also to Dr. Nancy MacGregor and
Dr. Robert Sutton, both of whom assisted in the development of this
study with positive ideas.
Special mention to Joyce Ann Ford, Karen Waugh-Howell, and Lee
Smith, who with skill and accuracy (and sympathy for my deadlines!)
typed the many letters and various copies of this study in its many
stages of development.
And to Skip Norman, whose time, efforts and professional skill
resulted in the photographed data presented in this study.
PLM
iii VITA
September 20, 1939...... Born - St. Louis, Missouri.
196 9...... B.F.A. (summa cum laude), California College of Arts & Craft's, Oakland, California.
197 0 ..... M.F.A., California College of Arts & Crafts, Oakland, California.
1968-1969 ...... Instructor of Art, Canterbury School, Walnut Creek, California.
19r69-1970 ...... Instructor of Art, San Francisco College for Women, Instructor of Art, California College of Arts & Crafts.
1970-1972 ...... Instructor of Art, Laney College, Oakland, California.
1972-1973 ...... Assistant Professor of Art, Indiana State University at Terre Haute.
1973...... Visiting Professor of Afro-American Studies, Vincennes University, Vincennes, Indiana.
1973-1977 ...... Associate Professor of Art & Department Chairman, North Carolina Central University, Durham, North Carolina.
1978...... University Fellowship, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.
1978-1980 ...... Professor of Art, Fisk University, Nashville, Tennessee.
1980-1982 ...... Graduate Administrative Associate, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Art Education Studies in Art Education Research. Professors Arthur Efland, Barbara Boyer, and Nancy MacGregor.
iv TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION,...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... iii
VITA...... iv
LIST OF TABLES...... vii
LIST OF FIGURES...... viii
LIST OF MAPS...... xiii
LIST OF CHARTS...... xiv
INTRODUCTION...... 1
CHAPTER I: THE PROBLEM AND SIGNIFICANCE...... 3
Purpose of the S t u d y ...... 3 Definition of Terms...... A Africanism...... A Acculturation ...... 5 Enculturation ...... 7 Enculturation among Slaves...... 7 Apprentice...... 9 Folk Art...... 9 Review of the Literature...... 10 Limitations of the S t u d y ...... 1A Research Procedures...... 15 Significance for Art Education...... 17
CHAPTER II: BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM...... 2A
African Background ...... 2 A The Slave T r a d e ...... 27 African Survivals in Afro-American Culture...... 29 Acculturation ...... 30 Slave Culture...... 32 Slave Crafts...... 33
v TABLE OF CONTENTS CONTINUED
CHAPTER IIT: RESEARCH FINDINGS ...... 59
Urban Craftsmen...... 62 Plantation Craftsmen...... 62 The Pioneer Artists— Free Blacks ...... 63 Woodcarving...... 6A Georgia Woodcarving: The Coastal Area ...... 6A Georgia Woodcarving: Inland Areas ...... 65 Woodcarving: Missouri ...... 66 Woodcarving: Northeastern Region...... 67 Basketmaking ...... 83 Cabinetmaking...... 97 Thomas Day...... 106 Quiltmaking...... 113 Harriet Powers...... 115 Strip Quilt ...... 118 Pottery...... 133 Dave the P o t t e r ...... 13A Afro-Carolinian Face Vessels...... 136 Monkey P o t ...... 138 Early Black American Painters...... 153 Scipio Moorhead...... 153 Joshua Johnston...... 15A Robert S. Duncanson ...... 158 Edward M. Bannister...... 16A Free Blac k s ...... 170 Metoyer Family Portraits...... 170
CHAPTER IV: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS...... 178
Purpose...... 178 Limitations and Procedures ...... 178 Summary of Research Findings ...... 179 Suggestions for Futher Research...... 182
BIBLIOGRAPHY 18 A
APPENDICES...... 19A
Explanation of Flow Chart: The Effects of Cultural Influences on Early Black American Art...... 195 Selected Listing of Visual Resource Centers...... 198
vi LIST OF TABLES
Partial list from the Census of Free Colored People in the Charleston, South Carolina, Directory of 1856 ...... LIST OF FIGURES
1* Egyptian wall painting from the Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia, about 1355 B.C. Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York City...... 39
2. Terra-cotta head, Nok Culture (900 B.C. - 200 A.D.) Nigerian Museum, Lagos, Nigeria...... 40
3. Ife» Bronzed head. Nigerian Museum, Lagos, Nigeria. .... 40
4. Ife, Terra-cotta head. Nigerian Museum, Lagos, Nigeria. . . 41
5. Ife, bronze portrait head. Nigerian Museum, Lagos, Nigeria. 41
6. Bronze tusk holder, Benin (17th century). The Museum of Primitive Art, New York C i t y ...... 42
7. Amistad Mural, Hale Woodruff, 1939, Panel One, The Mutiny Aboard the Amistad, 1839. Slavery Library of Talladega College ...... 43
8. Amistad Mural, Panel Two. The Amistad Slaves on Trial in New Haven. 1840. (1st half)...... 44
9. Amistad Mural, Panel Two. The Amistad Slaves on Trial in New Haven. 1840. (2nd half)...... 45
10. Amistad Mural, Panel Three. Return to Africa, 1842...... 46
11. Notice posted for a sale of slaves to be held aboard ship off Charleston, South Carolina. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C...... 47
12. Blue and grey striped dress (19th century). Anonymous slave seamstress. Index of American Design, Washington, D.C...... 48
13. Drawing of an African instrument discovered by Benjamin Latrobe in New Orleans, Congo Square, 1819. Collection: Maryland Historical. Society, Baltimore...... 49
14. Hand-carved wood shuttle, made by an Afro-American slave. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston,South Carolina...... 50
viii LIST OF FIGURES CONTINUED
Peter Alston, employee of the Old Slave Mart Museum with a slave-made rice scoop and rake. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina ...... 51
Slave made, Captain's chair with claw hand-grips. Collection: Paul B, Fuller, Montgomery, Alabama...... 52
Walnut ottoman made by slaves in the plantation cabinet-shop of Ephram Clayton (1804-1892). Collection: Julia A. Clayton, West Ashville, North Carolina...... 53
Corner china cabinet, made by slaves from Mount Hope Plantation ...... 54
Plasterwork from the stairway of the Dock Street Theatre, Charleston, South Carolina (ca. 1802) ...... 55
Hedge clippers made by a slave blacksmith at Fenwick Hall, John's Island, South Carolina. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina ...... 56
Heavy garden tool that is a cross between a hoe and a pitchfork made by a slave blacksmith. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina...... 56
Marble-topped washstand. Made by a slave cabinetmaker (1848). Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina . 57
Walnut sleigh bed made by slave cabinetmaker, and a slave-made quilt. Georgia Historical Commission ...... 57
Slave-made plantation rocker, with a woven corn shuck seat. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina . . 58
Right: Carving made by a slave in Missouri. Index of American Design, Washington, D.C...... 72
Left: Akuba, or Ashanti fertility doll. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina...... 72
Left: Detail, Afro-American walking stick (19th century). Collection: William Bascom, Berkeley, California. 73
Right: Lizard carved on Dan wooden effigy, Liberia. Williams (1971)...... 73
Top: Walking stick head (magnolia) ...... 74
ix LIST OF FIGURES CONTINUED
30. Bottom: Detail of walking stick. Collection: The John W. Stipe Family, Dixie, Georgia ...... 74
31. Top: Walking stick (ca. 1850-1860)...... 75
32. Middle: Detail of walking stick (hickory). Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina...... 75
33. Bottom: Walking stick. Grandfather of Harve Brown (1850-1860). Taliafero County, Raytown, Georgia ...... 75
34. Top: Carved wooden lizard on Yoruba door, Nigeria...... 76
35. Middle: Carved wooden headrest on Senufo sculpture, Ivory Coast/Mali/Upper Volta ...... 76
36. Bottom: Scraped lizard design on calabash lid, Dahomey. Williams (1971)...... 76
37. Hardwood stick by Henry Gudgell of Missouri (1863). Index of American Design, Washington, D.C...... 77
38. The Hen. Made of fitted cypress wood. Carved by a slave of the pirate Jean LaFitte. Index of American Design, Washington, D.C...... 78
39. Woodcarving of a youth by an anonymous slave artisan (ca. 1850). Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Center, Williamsburg, Virginia ...... 79
40. Yoruba offering bowl. Ladislas Segy Collection. New York City...... 80
41. Cigar-store Indian, said to have been carved by a slave named Job, in Freehold, New Jersey. (ca. 1825) New York Historical Society...... 81
42. Two Black figures. Wood and mixed media (ca. 1880). Collection: Michael and Julie Hall, Hamilton, Ohio ...... 82
43. Sweetgrass growing in wooded area in Charleston County, South Carolina. Yoder (1976)...... 85
44. Sweetgrass approximately 16" to 18" in length Yoder (1976) . 86
45. Tool used in punching an opening in coils for wefting in making baskets. Yoder (1976) ...... 87
x LIST OF FIGURES CONTINUED
46. Sewing of coils in basketry. Yoder (1976) ...... 88
47. Turning coils to form a basket bowl. Yoder (1976) ...... 89
48. Wrapping of overlap handle. Yoder (1976)...... 90
49. Overlap handle near completion. Yoder (1976)...... 91
50. Food storage basket, Senegambia. Indiana University Museum, Bloomington, Indiana ...... 92
51. Rice fanner basket, Senegal. Indiana University Museum, Bloomington, Indiana ...... 93
5.?. Rice fanner basket, Afro-American (ca. 1850). Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina...... 94
53. Freed slaves near Beaufort, South Carolina, harvesting sweet potatoes (ca. 1865). Photograph, Collection of The New York Historical. Society, New York C i t y . 95
54. Raffia Basket (19th century), Driskell (1976)...... 96
55. Slave-made desk and chair. The Elms Plantation near Millbrook, Alabama ...... 100
56. Four poster bed made by slaves of Waco, Texas (1840). Baylor University, Waco, T e x a s ...... 101.
57. Slave-made pine bureau with beaded mirror to match ...... 102
58. China cabinet. Anonymous slave craftsman...... 103
59. Secretary from the James Hurt Shorter Plantation at Summerville, Alabama (ca. 1850)...... 104
60. Side table (pine) with mahogany knobs on the drawers. Joins made with pegs. Melrose Plantation (ca. 1807-1872). . 105
61. Advertisement in the Milton Gazette and Roanoke March 1, 1827...... 107
62. Carved mantel. Thomas Day. Milton, North Carolina...... 108
63. Thomas Day, Bed, Milton, North Carolina (mid-19th century) . 109
xi LIST OF FIGURES CONTINUED
64. Newel Post, Thomas Day, Located in Paschal House, Caswell County, North Carolina. Photograph, collection of North Carolina Museum of History, Raleigh, N. Carolina. . 110
65. Thomas Day, Sampler Chest (ca. 1 8 4 0 ) ...... Ill
66. Pier Table, Thomas Day (c.a. 1850). North Carolina Museum of History...... 13 2
67. Akwete cloth. Chase (1971)...... 122
68. Appliqued Gown, Chana. R. Sieber (1972) ...... 123
69. Appliqued Textile, Dahomey. The Herskovitz Collection, Chicago, Illinois...... 124
70. Appliqued Textile, Dahomey. The Kerskovitz Collection, Chicago, Illinois...... 124
71. Quilt, Harriet Powers. The National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C...... 125
72. Bible Quilt, Harriet Powers (ca. 1886). The National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C...... 126
73. Top: Detail of Fon appliqued symbol of Kpengla (1774-1789), 18th century King of Dahomey. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts ...... 127
74. Bottom: Detail of Harriet Powers1 quilt. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C...... 127
75. Top: Detail of Fon appliqued symbol of Houegbadja (1654-1685), 17th century King of Dahomey. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts ...... 128
76. Bottom: Detail of Harriet Powers' quilt. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C...... 128
77. Top: Detail of Fon appliqued symbol for Ghezo (1818-1858), 19th century King of Dahomey. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts ...... 129
78. Bottom: Detail of Harriet Powers' Bible Quilt. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C...... 129 LIST OF FIGURES CONTINUED
79. Men’s Weave Textile. Upper Volta. The Katherine White Collection, Los Angeles, California...... 130
80. Blanket, Luiza Combs (ca. 1890). Collection: Kenneth Combs, Cleveland, Ohio ...... 131
81. Men's Weave Textile, Ghana. The Katherine White Collection, Los Angeles, California...... 132
82. Jug, Dave the Potter (1853). Collection: Dr. James T. Bryson, Washington, Georgia ...... 140
83. Jar, Dave the Potter (1859). Nicholson estate, Cedar Grove Plantation, Edgefield, South Carolina...... 141
84. Jar, Dave the Potter (1859). The Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina ...... 142
85. Jar, Dave the Potter (1840). The Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina ...... 143
86. Face vessel (ca. 1850). Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C...... 144
87. Effigy jug (ca. 1817). Augusta Museum, Augusta, Georgia . . 145
88. Bapende wooden cup. University of South Carolina Museum, Columbia, South Carolina ...... 146
89. Face cup (1850). Smithsonian Institutiona, Washington, D.C...... 147
90. Face jug (ca. 1840-1860). The Ferrell Collection, Easley, South Carolina...... 148
91. Nkisi Figure, Zaire. Collection: Dr. & Mrs. Anspach, New York C i t y ...... 149
92. Face vessel (raid-19th century?). The Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina ...... 150
93. Face vessel, Ghana, Akan people, Ashanti tribe? Museum of African Art, Washington, D.C...... 151
94. Face vessel (raid-19th century). John Gordon Gallery, New York City...... 152 LIST OF FIGURES CONTINUED
95. Joshua Johnston, Portrait of a Cleric. (Oil on canvas, ca. 1810). Bowdoin College Museum of Art...... 157
96. Robert Stuart Duncanson, Untitled Mural. (Oil on plaster, ca. 18A8). The Taft Museum, Cincinnati, Ohio . . . 161
97. Robert Stuart Duncanson, Uncle Tom and Little Eva. (Oil. on canvas, 1853). Detroit Institute of Arts, Detroit, Michigan...... 162
98. Robert Stuart Duncanson, Blue Hole, Flood Waters, Little Miami River. (Oil on canvas, 1851). Cincinnati Art Museum, Cincinnati, Ohio ...... 163
99. Edward M. Bannister, Landscape. (Oil on panel, 1882). Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design. Providence, Rhode Island...... 166
100. Edward M. Bannister, Driving Home the Cows. (Oil on canvas, 1881). Frederick Douglass Institute, Miller Collection, Museum of African Art, Washington, D.C. .... 167
101. Edward M. Bannister, Approaching Storm. (Oil on canvas, 1886). Museum of African Art, Washington, D.C...... 168
102. Edward M. Bannister, Street Scene. (Oil on panel, 1895). Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design ...... 169
103. Artist Unknown, Granddaughter of Marie Metoyer (1,830?). Melrose Plantation, Natchitoches, Louisiana...... 172
10A. Artist Unknown, Grandson of Marie Metoyer (1830?). Melrose Plantation, Natchitoches, Louisiana...... 173
105. Interior of Melrose House. Augustine, Madame Metoyer's eldest son, is the subject of the large portrait (signed Feuville, 1829) ...... 17A
106. Franklin stove (unknown Black artisan), in the main bedroom of Melrose Plantation, Metoyer Estate...... 175
107. Melrose Plantation, Natchitoches, Louisiana, Metoyer Estate ...... 176
108. "African House," Melrose Plantation, Natchitoches, Louisiana (early 19th century) ...... 177 LIST OF MAPS
Pre-Colonial Africa......
Important Pottery Sites in Greenwood, Edgefield, and Aiken Counties, South Carolina ...... LIST OF CHARTS
Flow Chart Showing the Cultural Influences on Early Black Art...... INTRODUCTION
Until the twentieth century, most people accepted the belief that
Black Americans had no past worth mentioning; that in any case their ancestors came from such widely scattered parts of Africa that none of their meager cultural inheritance could have survived. The anthropolo gist Melville J. Herskovitz, who called this misconception "the myth of the Negro past," did much to dispel it in his book of the same name
(1958); as did such Black scholars as W.E.B. DuBois (1902), J. Blas- singame (1972), and John Hope Franklin (1964). In spite of changing attitudes and an appreciation for African art forms, knowledge of Africa remains fragmentary, and there seems to be little understanding of the true relationship of Africa to Black American art and culture.
African influences on Afro-American art are sometimes difficult to discern and do not always appear obvious. Because no Benin bronze head has been found in a former slave cabin, no Bambara antelope discovered amidst the carved decorations of a southern planter's mantlepiece, one cannot conclude that Africa has not left its mark on America (Chase,
1971).
Although history has recorded few names of early Black American artisans, nevertheless the artisans were contributors to this nation's cultural development since the arrival of the first slaves in Jamestown in 1619. Early Black arts and crafts is a relatively unexplored area 2 in the study of art, especially the interrelationships of techniques and styles derived from Africa and impacting upon the European tradition in America (V'lach, 1978; Thompson, 1969).
For a full appreciation of the valuable contributions made by Blacks
to American culture, it is necessary to study the Afro-American back ground and trace the history and the cultural influences from ancestral beginnings in Africa. Out of this heritage, these early Black artisans
created works of aesthetic quality and beauty through a blending of
three cultures: African, European and American.
This study is an inquiry into the cultural influences on the arts and crafts of early Black American artisans (1649-1865) towards implica
tions for art education. It is an attempt to show the importance of
Afro-American art for inclusion in curriculum for art students. The
study researches the cultural heritage of Afro-Americans. Additional
investigation by later scholars will obviously lead to further discov
eries, and hopefully will help develop a more complete understanding
of Black American culture and its value in art education. CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM AND SIGNIFICANCE
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to examine cultural influences on the decorative arts (woodcarving, furniture-making, pottery, basketry, quiltmaking as well as painting) of early Black American artisans (1649-
1865) as a curriculum resource in art education. Artists of African descent in America did not begin artistic endeavors in a cultural vac uum. This study focuses on the work produced by these early Black artisans.
Most of the African traits have held over in Afro-American behav ior, often in an uninstitutionalized form. For example, in the retention of African cultural elements in the motor habits of Blacks, analysis has been made of motion pictures of such routine activities as walking, speaking, laughing, and sitting. Many Afro-American forms of dancing are essentially African, as evidenced in motion pictures taken of the
Kwaside Rites for ancestors of the chief of the Ashanti Village of
Askore. This dance rite is an example of the origin of the "Charleston"
(Herskovitz, 1958). There are also African suvivals in the music of
Afro-Americans. Jones (1963) found that when the early slaves sang or shouted in the fields, they did so in pure African dialect. 4
African suvivals thought to be much stronger in religion, music and dance, do not have (as do the plastic arts) artifacts as their end products and these non-material aspects of the African's culture were almost impossible* to eradicate. Nevertheless, survival of African ele ments will be shown to exist in the plastic arts as well.
The geographical source of slave importation also had an effect on the African elements which made their way to America. The West Coast of
Africa is the source for the major Black cultural contributions to
America. In the region of the West Coast of Africa the artist-craftsman was highly regarded. This region also produced some of the world's most significant art.
Definition of Terms
Africanism. The term "Africanism" in this study refers to African cultural survivals in the arts and crafts of Afro-Americans. Whenever elements of the slave's culture more closely resemble African than
European patterns, we can be relatively certain that we have identified
African survivals. Then too, since the slaves had to preserve many of the African elements in their masters language, many were too obscure for the modern ear to detect. On occasion the Africanisms can be esta blished because of the frequency of such elements in slave culture when compared to European culture (Blassingarae, 1972). The term "Africanism" was coined by Melville J. Herskovitz in 1958. In Myth of the Negro
Past (1958), one of Herskovitz' main points is that most of the atti tudes, customs and cultural characteristics of American Blacks can be traced directly or indirectly back to Africa. Acculturation. The term, "acculturation" in this study is defined as the impact of the West on tribal societies. Acculturation involves
the prolonged and large scale contact of peoples whose ways of life are distinct. A different order of social and cultural change comes into play when massive contact between peoples occur. Such massive cultural
change, usually termed acculturation, was first legitimized as a central
theoretical challenge to anthropology in 1936 by a committee of the
Social Science Research Council, consisting of leading theorists, Red-
field, Linton, and Herskovitz (1936). Acculturation involves direct and usually prolonged contact, and a cumulative process of culture transfer and reformation (Kessing and Kessing, 1971).
Acculturation in the United States involved the mutual interaction between two cultures, with Europeans and Africans borrowing from each
other. When the African stepped on board a European ship he left all of
the artifacts or physical objects of his culture behind him. In Africa,
as in most societies, these objects were far less important than values,
ideas, relationships, and behavioral patterns (Klassingame, 1972).
The similarities between many European and African cultural elements
enabled the slave to continue to engage in many traditional activities
or to create a synthesis of European and African cultures.
The degree to which the African slaves uprooted from their native
lands and set down in a radically different environment were able to maintain a measure of cultural continuity depended largely upon where
and under what circumstances they were sold. In Latin American coun
tries, where slaves were employed on sugar plantations in work forces
averaging 200 or more fellow tribesmen, there was ample chance for 6 sustaining cultural patterns. However, in North America, particularly in urban areas, the slave typically was sold as part of a small group or as an individual, so that cultural ties with Africa were difficult to maintain. North American slaves were more prone to be victims to the slave master’s desire to suppress all customs that did not conform to
the familiar patterns of Western tradition (Franklin, 1965; Davidson,
1961).
Unfamiliar Western culture was a source of cultural shock for newly
imported slaves but in addition, they often had to adjust to the cul
tures of other tribes as well. In Africa, the kinship of the tribe had been of prime importance; the extended family and the mystical divinity
of the king had helped to maintain cohesive tribal units. When this
system was forcibly interrupted, the need for religious ritual and re
lated art objects was soon wiped out (Lewis, 1978).
It is possible that the soufehern-planfration slaves, in general
fared somewhat better, and that their less drastic adjustment to a new way of life permitted more cultural continuity. Upon their arrival,
the southern plantation slaves often found members of their tribe al
ready in residence on the plantation. In addition certain parallels
existed between the plantation community and that of tribal Africa such
as the following:
1. Each was a self-contained unit with a rigid hierarchy of work
and behavior.
2. Each tribal member was required to work for the benefit of
the group.
3. Punishment for misdeeds was immediate and severe. 7
4. The community as a whole prospered when the crops were abun
dant and suffered together during lean years.
5. In both systems jobs were assigned according to age and social
stratum and parents jealously guarded the right of their
children to inherit their social and economic positions (Chase,
1971).
Enculturation. The term "enculturation" in this study is the pro cess of learning a culture. The dynamics of the process is best under stood as taking place in a community within a community (Keesing &
Keesing, 1971). For example, the child in the slave quarter community, probably within the first six years of his life, internalized an intui tive understanding of not only of what was, and was not, acceptable behavior, but also an understanding and acceptance of the system of the values by which life events take on meaning for those around him (Blas- singame, 1972; Webber, 1978).
Enculturation among Slaves. The world experienced and internalized by the slave child in his first years of life was a world largely con trolled and mediated by the members of his community. It is for this reason that the most crucial elements of slave thought and social organi zation, and of the interaction between slaves and whites and among slaves, can be understood only in the context of the slave child's pri mary enculturation within the slave quarter community and of his or her continuing participation in, and reference to, the persons and primary groups of that community in adult life. In other words this was the first socialization the slave children underwent in childhood through which they became members of society. 8
To be sure, slave children lived in a larger world created for and controlled by whites who had the power to profoundly disrupt the secur ity, comfort, and relationships of slave children to their families.
At the same time, however, it was their parents, older siblings, and other members of the slave community who, on a day-to-day basis, pro vided the behavioral standards and controlled the negative and positive sanctions most crucial to the happiness and positive self-image of slave children (Blassingame, 1972; Webber, 1978).
Adult slaves, whatever the nature of their individual attempts to proclaim and affirm their individual identity within their group, acted within a definite Black cultural context. Only the rare slave dared, or thought to dare, to step beyond the bounds laid down by slave quarter beliefs and community sanctions. To risk losing membership in the quarter community was to most slaves unthinkable; their primary encul
turation within that community had made it,so.
By the time plantation authorities seriously began their attempts
to influence the beliefs and values of their slaves, most slave children had already internalized the themes and behavior modes of the slave quarter community. They had learned the language, sung the songs, eaten
the food, attended the secret ceremonies (with their latent Africanisms), and stored away in their unconscious the imagery, the collective hopes and fears of their people.
Thus, to understand the nature of education in the slave quarter
community is to come to grips with the paradox of the "free slave."
Though the chains with which whites controlled Black bodies were very
real, try as they might, whites could not control Black minds. These 9 were molded from birth in an educational process created and managed by the quarter community. By passing their cultural values from generation to generation, the members of the slave quarter community were able to resist most of white teaching, set themselves apart from white society, and mold their own cultural norms and group identity. While still le gally slaves, the Black men and women, and children of the quarter com munity successfully protected their psychological freedom and celebrated their human dignity (Webber, 1978).
Apprentice. The term "apprentice" as used in this study means the slave who was bound by his master to serve with a view to learning an art or trade. In other words the indentured servant or slave learned his trade, art, or calling under his master, or under another slave who was a skilled worker.
In the late eighteenth century a system of renting and apprenticing talented Blacks to white craftsmen developed in colonial America. That a significant number of Blacks were so apprenticed, and in responsible occupations, is indicated by numerous advertisements in colonial news papers; for example, the Maryland Gazette (2 November, 1774) listed the sale of slave, a craftsman who understood all types of engraving and woodcutting. Similarly, Edward Peterson's History of Rhode Island
(1853) suggests that Gilbert Stuart, a white New England portrait painter, received his first lesson in drawing from Neptune Thurston, a slave employed in a Boston cooper shop (Lewis, 1978; Fine, 1973).
Folk Art. Is that art produced by untrained artisans that is ac cepted as a legitimate art form, but treated largely as a quaint 10 reminder of the nation’s manners and mores. The functional or purely decorative aspects of the work are stressed.
The reclusiveness of such folk art is one of its primary character
istics. By and large, they are produced by individuals or groups that are outside the mainstream of American life, outsiders who are free
from the dogmas and restrictions that the dominant culture (and its academic art world) imposes (Hemphill, 1976).
The folk arts are made by and enjoyed aesthetically by members of a society as a whole or by a recognized smaller group within that soci
ety. Based on shared philosophical concepts of life and bounded by
collective ethos, they represent the tastes and points of view of the
group. Individual expression per se is active only within bounds of
shared and accepted patterns. This definition does not classify ’folk’
according to economic or social levels, or geographical location (Davis,
1976).
An art form can be classified as folk art only when representing a
group within the matrix of a larger society having a complex structure
or a group that has had a prolonged contact with a complex society. For
example the art styles of eighteenth century European peasantry is an
example of folk art existing in societies where the baroque and other
court styles are also known (Efland, 1982).
Review of the Literature
There are significant expressions of Black American art that have
remained unrecognized by scholars of Afro-American art. These consist
of works set mainly in the realms of craft and skill. Traditionally 11 crafted artifacts— baskets, walking sticks, pottery jars, quilts— are commonplace items having not been areas for study in art. While the expertise of Black artisans, through seventeenth and eighteenth century newspaper accounts has long been acknowledged, it has not been exten sively analyzed. We have been given only cursory summaries and limited statements in passing. Cedric Dover in American Negro Art (1960), gives all of three pages to four centuries of what he calls manual arts.
James A. Porter, introduces his book Modern Negro Art (1969) with a chapter entitled "Negro Craftsmen and Artists of Pre-Civil War Days."
But here again the attention given to traditional creativity is minimal.
In fact, more than half of Porter's book is devoted to work done in the twentieth century. Emphasis on the modern and the elite is also found in recent studies by Fine, 1973, and Driskell, 1976. Driskell strongly underscores this trend of focusing mainly on contemporary Black artists by dividing two centuries of Black American art into two periods: the first, from 1750 to 1920; the second from 1920 to 1950. Even in so recent a work as Samella Lewis' Art: African American, 1978, there are only five pages that discuss and illustrate the work of the traditional artisan. There is thus a tendency in Afro-American art history to obscure the efforts of the early Black artisans.
The major cultural source that gives Black artisans their special identity is, of course, their African heritage. This cultural legacy, has long been the source of scholarly debate and social tension (Stampp,
1956; Blassingame, 1972; Bodkin, 1945). Generally its presence has been denied, and often the deep motive behind that denial was racial 12 exploitation. As Herskovitz (1958) has shown, a people bereft of a history— without a past— has no source of identity.
The survival of Africanisms in Black culture has long been noted
in areas of religion, music, oral literature, and dance. An Africanism
is not an isolated cultural element but an assertive proof of an alter native history. It is a link to an unwritten past; it is an index of
the existence of African influences (Herskovitz, 1958).
This African mentality even survived the plantation. Webber (1978) writing in Education in the Slave Quarter Community 1831-1865, viewed
the plantation as a vocational or industrial school. "From the point
of view of the slaveholder, the primary teaching task of the slave plan
tation was to train slaves to handle effectively all jobs relating to
the running of his plantation. Under slavery Blacks were trained in
everything from the technical skills of carpentry, masonry, blacksmith-
ing, shoemaking, to domestic service, to the less technical skills of
field labor." (Webber, 1978, p. 26).
With respect to crafts the continuation of African artistic tradi
tions under slavery had a somewhat secure base. As the colonies ex
panded, the demand for skilled craftsmen exceeded the supply. In 1731
there were reported only one potter in all of South Carolina. Conse
quently, slaveholders frequently found it worthwhile to use some of
their slaves as artisans rather than as domestic or field laborers
(Lewis, 1978).
Margaret Butcher's The Negro in American Culture, 2nd Edition
(1972) deals with history and a full range of expressive possibilities
of Black creativity in the chapter, "The Negro as Artist in American 13
Art." This work, is compiled from the unfinished manuscripts of the late
Black historian/philosopher Alaine Locke.
A valuable bibliographic source is the Subject Index to Literature on Negro Art, published in 1941 by the Illinois Federal Works Agency.
The main value of the index lies in its listing of possible subject headings for "Negro" art. However, one criticism of the index is that until about 1965, the heading of "Art, Negro" in this publication in
cluded African Art. In subsequent years a differentiation is made be
tween "Art, Negro (American)," and "Art, Negro (African)." The headings
"Art, African," or "Art, Afro American (or Black)" may also be listed, but invariably they are cross-referenced with "Art, Negro, etc." One must also look under such disparate headings as "Race," "Discrimination,"
"Minorities," and "Negro(es)" for additional material on Blacks in the
early visual and decorative arts (Sims, 1972).
James Porter's "Contemporary Black American Art," in The Negro
Impact on Western Civilization (1970) touches on the issue of mutual
influence between African and Afro-American art.
Robert F. Thompson, a Yale scholar, duscusses at length the work of
early Black craftsmen in an article titled "African Influence on The
Art of the United States," in Black Studies in the University: A Sympo
sium (1969). According to Hemphill (1976) this thesis has forced the
scholarly world to rethink the whole problem of Sub-Saharan Africa's
contribution to American art history.
Thomas L. Webber's book, Deep Like the Rivers: Education in the
Slave Quarter Community 1831-1865 (1978), mentioned earlier, gives an
excellent general analysis of the formal and informal education of 14 slaves. He provides an appendix that includes his methodology and identifies additional sources.
John W. Blassingame's, The Slave Community (1972) deals with the cultural lives of slaves on the plantation during the antebellum south.
It is a good general source for the study of Black cultural history.
Limitations of the Study
This study identifies the written and visual (photographs) sources related to the decorative arts and paintings created by early Black artisans with a view to constructing an account of how artistic work was accomplished by Blacks both slave and free. It also examines how these skills were learned and transmitted formally and informally to others in the Black community.
This research was limited to the period from 1649 to 1865 because
(1) that period has been neglected in the literature (as demonstrated earlier); and (2) that period covers the era from the earliest recorded material on Black artisans in the United States up to the time of eman cipation.
Categories for inquiry in this study will include only woodcarving, basketry, furnituremaking, pottery, quiltmaking and painting. These categories were selected because they provided a large enough framework to include African, European and American cultural influences on Afro-
American arts and crafts.
Woodcarving and basketry show heavy African cultural influences
(Davis, 1976; Day, 1977), furnituremaking, quilting, and pottery are influenced by acculturation (Ferrell and Ferrell, 1976; Fry, 1976; Hall, 15
1935; Barfield, 1975); and Afro-American painting is dominated by Euro pean influences (Bearden & Henderson, 1972; Lewis, 1978). (See Flow
Chart 1 in the Appendix).
Data, both written and visual, was taken from secondary sources including museum catalogs and brochues; textbooks, articles and photo graphic reproductions. Primary sources were not consulted since this would have required travel to such places as the Old Slave Mart Museum,
Charleston, South Carolina, Library of Congress, the Moorland-Spingarn
Research Center, Washington, D.C., and the Melrose Plantation in
Nachitoches, Louisiana to name a few. This limitation was dictated by time and financial considerations. This study is limited to the art forms of North American Blacks, to those who lived in the slave quarters and urban settings in the ante-bellum south, or who were influenced by the culture of the slave quarter community.
Research Procedures
This study made an extensive search of related literature on early
Afro-American (slave and free) from the years 1649 to 1865, in order to ascertain the influences of African, European, and American culture on their decorative arts and paintings. The research material is descrip tive in nature and identified photographed artifacts (decorative arts/ crafts and paintings) point out similarities of style, influences of acculturation, Africanisms, and other findings evident in the written and visual data. 16
Though the historical materials and the artifacts in photographic form have curricular implications for art education, this study does not develop these resources as curricula.
A hand search of the Dissertation Abstracts International and Art
Index were used as a basis for the selection of research journals in art education, Afro-American art history and Negro (Afro-American) his tory to aid in compiling descriptors to be used for computer searching of the research material. The research of R.F. Thompson (1969), T. Webber
(1978), J. Blassingame (1972), J. Chase (1971), and E. Grigsby (1977) was used as guides. The following three sets of descriptors were used in the computerized searches of ERIC and Dissertation Abstracts Inter national:
Art Black Terminology Cultural Terms
Art Afro-American Africanism Crafts African Slavery Decorative Arts Black Cultural Heritage Folk Art Negro Enculturation Woodcarving Acculturation Furnituremaking Apprenticeship Cabinetmaking Pottery Ceramics Basketry Quiltmaking
Book Catalogs and Humanities Citation Indexes were also searched by hand using names of researchers like S. Lewis, J.H. Franklin, R.F. Thompson,
J. McFee, E. Grigsby, R. Blassingame, J. Vlach, R. Sieber, J. Porter, and M.J. Herskovitz.
The literature was explored to identify stylistic affinities of
Afro-American art with both African and European art, as well as formal 17 and informal methods of teaching within the research findings that would have implications for art education. Support was sought within the current art education literature (books, articles and papers) between
1960 and 1982.
The research of Thompson and Chase helped to select criteria for determining African and European cultural influences. The criteria is:
(1) similarity of motif, (2) similarity of symbolism, (3) stylistic par allel. The research of Thompson and Chase was also useful in selecting categories and descriptors used in the computer search. The works of
Webber and Blassingame, for example, pointed out the significance of inquiry into the education and cultural history of early Black Americans.
McFee's and Grigsby's research, suggested this study’s focus regarding the significance of research into the cultural heritage of Afro-Ameri cans, for art education.
Significance for Art Education
In a democratic society, the power to determine the quality of life is shared by all people, not just one person or a self appointed few.
The need for enlightened citizens leads to three primary responsibili ties of general public education and, by implication, of art education.
General education provides for personal fulfillment, nurtures social consciousness, and transmits the cultural heritage to each generation
(Chapman, 1978).
Our schools are populated more and more by students who are aware of their divergent ethnic background, and educators are finding it 18 increasingly difficult to cope with these students who bring cultural attitudes different from those of the teachers. Schools should recog nize the need for cultural identification and build lessons around ethnic situations as much as possible (Grigsby, 1977).
The study of cultural heritage related to art education is the pri mary concern of this research. Black American culture has been a some what neglected area for research in art education. Knowles and Prewitt
(1969) have stated that as the situation now stands contemporary 'experts' in the educational system tend to give little consideration to the dis tinct culture and lifestyles of minority students.
McFee (1970) recommends that the functions of art need to be consi dered in developing art curricula for students from various subcultures as they are affected by social change. Some degree and combination of these functions of art are found in all cultures past and present. Art is used to maintain the values, attitudes, and sense of reality from one generation to another. It is used to give character, identity, and status to groups of people, individuals and institutions through mutually understood symbols, styles of architecture and costume. A symbol may have many meanings depending upon its variation. People with different backgrounds bring somewhat different sets of concepts into play when seeing it. The cross, for example,, has pre- and post-Christian meanings and many derivations— an Ethiopian Coptic cross, a Latin cross and a burning cross stimulate recall of different concepts and emotions. One responds to these symbols in terms of one's culture.
Culture is used to identify the values, attitudes, and acceptable behavior within a common heritage. Our classrooms are filled with 19 students from many cultures whose backgrounds have influenced the devel opment of quite different values, belief systems, and concepts of ac ceptable behavior. Cultures vary with different socioeconomic back grounds, urban or rural environment, and geographical culture, but it has many subcultures, which may be identified within large or small groups.
To those trained in education with the melting pot as an ideal, this pluralistic culture with multiple value systems may seem paradoxi cal. Even if we decide that the core culture of middle class culture should be the focus of education for all, we still need to re-evaluate our goals in terms of the ethnic and cultural diversity of society.
Education through art has been advocated for the minority child.
By cultivating and directing his talents, by achieving an identification with meaningful work, and by solving the problems involved in creating a work of art, the child is rewarded with a sense of satisfaction and fulfillment (Lalley, 1961). Through the arts, the minority child can overcome environmental barriers and achieve a sense of discipline, in volvement and confidence essential to all education pursuits (Bushnell,
1970).
The most important single factor emerging in the compensatory edu cation programs planned to stimulate learning in the minority group child is the teacher-student relationship, or the teacher’s attitude toward the child. Children who are treated as uneducable almost invar iably become uneducable. Pilot studies (Clark, 1965) have shown that if a teacher is told that a group of children have a high learning potential, the teacher expects them to learn and they so. Student 20 teacher relationships and most important, the teacher's attitude toward minority children— is a vital element in student retardation (Clark,
1965).
After reviewing the experimental compensatory education programs in Hartford, Connecticut, the coordinator of evaluation for Hartford schools, concluded that, whether in art or literature, in mathematics or science, it was the teacher's acceptance, respect, and warmth, rather
than operational designs that determined success or failure of a program
(Fine, 1973).
For the ghetto child acceptance means awareness of his individual needs and talents. There should be respect for his uniqueness and for
the group with which he identifies, and the creation of a tension-free environment in which the child can mature, develop and seek privacy and solitude needed to create. The teacher should be aware of the student's
cultural heritage and work with it, rather than trying to impose his own values on the child. The art lesson should be structured so that
the child can be motivated by his previous success experience.
The projects should be meaningful to the child and should start with what is familiar to him. The student can use art to communicate about himself, his clothing, his home, and his family (Hubbard, 1967;
McFee, 1966). A feeling of the worthiness of each individual's personal view of reality is vital and basic to having skills and materials to
carry out an idea (Armstrong, 1970).
A pilot study conducted by art educator Doris Barclay (1966) for
art teachers working among disadvantaged youth also suggested: 21
1. Encouraging the development of a curious, in quiring approach to the subject. 2. Planning individual rather than group activities to minimize distracting competitiveness. 3. Utilizing male teachers when possible. 4. Giving concrete rewards for work well done, at least initially, due to an apparent distrust of verbal praise.
Experience in the Teachers Corps led art educator Frances Heussenstamm to conclude that (1) concrete products, three-dimensional constructions, or craft items should dominate the art program, (2) guest artists of the same ethnic background as the students should be utilized, (3) after school activities should be available for students involved in their project, and (4) art as an aspect of the total community environment should be stressed (Heussenstamm, 1969).
Studies in art education are needed that focus on the art and cul
tural attitudes of Black Americans. McFee stated that,
a study of the functions of art in societies other than our own should give us insight into the way art forms, no matter how humble, operate in people's lives right now. We may have to be willing to look at these art-forms with a new sensitivity to see how they function to give a sense of continuity and belonging to a community. If their art forms are making this contribution, then our introduction of art to members of minority groups should include their symbolism. If not, we are in some degree teaching their children to devalue their own back ground. (McFee, 1970, p. 77).
This study will be useful to those teachers working in cultural heritage areas of curriculum content in art education. For example,
the material can be developed for instruction and would help Black students to better understand their cultural backgrounds. This material 22 should also be useful to those in elementary, secondary, and college programs as well as those persons interested in multi-ethnic, multi cultural research.
Chapters for the study are arranged into the following areas:
I. The problem and significance
This chapter states the purpose of the study, lists definitions of terms used within the study, reviews the literature, cites the limi tations of the study, identifies the research procedures used in the study, and points up the significance of the study for art education.
II. Background of the problem
This chapter gives an historical overview of the topic, discussing the illegal slave trade of Africans and the effects of acculturation and enculturation on the lives of slaves. Informal education of slave craftsmen is discussed and illustrations of ancient Africa and slave artifacts are presented.
III. Research findings
The decorative arts/crafts and paintings of early Afro-American artists are discussed in detail. The artifacts are looked at within the context of the slave system showing the strong presence of Africanisms in the wood carving and basketry of Afro-Americans. Furnituremaking, quilting and pottery are discussed, pointing out the influences of ac culturation upon the works produced by these early Black artisans.
Painting, the most "Europeanized" of all the early Afro-American arts, 23 shows the efforts of Blacks to move into the mainstream of American culture. These categories of data are accompanied by photographic re productions of the artifacts.
IV. Summary and conclusions
This chapter briefly summarizes the findings of the compiled data.
Conclusions involve discussing evidence of African cultural survivals, stylistic differences between work created by urban Blacks and rural
Blacks, the adaption of African techniques in textiles to the European quilting tradition and the European influences on early Black painting.
Areas for further research on the cultural heritage of Afro-Americans was suggested. CHAPTER II
BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM
African Background
There were many great cultures that existed from time to time in
ancient Africa. Ancient Egypt was, of course, one of the greatest and best known of the early civilizations— so well known, in fact, that it
need not be considered at length here (Figure 1). Egypt's outstanding
advancement is usually ascribed to its caucasion population, an assump
tion now being challenged. Probably founded by the same basic stock
that peopled the green Sahara, and fed by additional migratory waves
from Asia and the Near east, it is reasonable to assume that it contained
a large Black population as well. Also, it was in continuous contact with its neighbors to the south, a contact that took place by means of
either the Nile River or the caravan trails across the desert (Chase,
1971).
It is that area to the south that I want to focus on for the pur
poses of this dissertation. Negroes with considerable facility in iron-
working apparently moved into the area (west of the Niger Delta) over
2,000 years ago— just about the time that Bantu-speaking Negroes, east
of the Delta, began to expand— and established a number of small, inde
pendent societies. A remarkable facility to carve miniatures prevailed
24 25 around Nok, in the southern savanna, between 900 B.C. and 200 A.D. The
Nok society represented a transition from wood and stone to iron in
West Africa, and its motifs were the forerunners of art forms later adapted to terra cotta and bronze media in central and southwestern
Nigeria. One of Nok*s descendant cultures, that of Benin, developed ironworking to a remarkable level around 1400. The Benin artisans pro duced some human and divine figures that are prized for their esthetic qualities rather than their utility (Wiedner, 1961).
Though many scholars praise the African sculptural tradition, they remain relatively silent about African painting. African painting also has a long history, though it is comparatively unknown in the West. The earliest cave paintings go back several thousand years, but as yet have not been dated with any great precision. Some of the earliest are huge representations of human beings eleven feet high and animals as much as twenty-six feet long. Rock paintings have been found and studied
in most parts of the continent, but according to Bohannon and Curtis
(1971), it will be some decades before a real history of African paint
ing can be written.
In the Sahara, peoples of Negro type were painting men and women with a beautiful sensitive realism before 3000 B.C. and were, perhaps, among the originators of naturalistic human portraiture. The Nok dis
coveries add their confirmation. These pottery heads and figures from
central Nigeria stand much nearer to our own day, but they are nonethe
less very old. Thus four scraps of carbonized wood from these "Nok
levels" have yielded datings of about 3500 B.C. and 2000 B.C. as well as
the datings mentioned before. The Nok culture reached its full 26
development in the last two or three centuries B.S. Any doubt of the
authenticity of age of the Nok figurines is removed by the fact that
they were found, during tin-mining operations, at a level whose approxi mate age is fixed by other evidence. Nok sculpture is the oldest known
sculpture south of the Sahara (Figure 2).
Knowledge of its existence has already helped to revise many old
notions of the African past. Europeans had often thought, for example,
that Negro peoples possessed no native tradition of anthropomorphic
art— of the more or less naturalistic portrayal of humanity. When the
first astonishing heads and busts from Ife and Benin were brought to
Europe and were seen to be portraits, or very like portraits, they were
greeted with disbelief: surely they were Greek or Egyptian or even Por
tugese, for Negroes had never done anything like that (Davidson, 1959).
The bronze heads of Ife (Figure 3) are considered to be among the
finest pieces of measuredly naturalistic sculpture ever produced. They
date from about the twelfth century A.D. The fact that there was no
technique of this sort known to the Purtuguese at this time was not
allowed to intrude against the stereotype. Once carbon-14 dates made
the age fairly precise, it became necessary to admit that they could
only have been done by Africans (Bohannon & Curtis, 1971; Willet, 1968).
Most African sculpture appears to have been associated with reli
gion, which pervaded most aspects of African life. The religious genres
included votive figures which adorned the shrines, ancestral figures,
stools used in initiation to cults, the apparatus used in divinations,
dance staffs, musical instruments, and a variety of other ritual para
phernalia. 27
In African societies with centralized governments, art often served the purpose of enhancing and maintaining the status of the rulers.
Stools, swords, staffs, sceptors, state umbrellas, royal drums, crowns and other regalia were insignia of the King's status, and his palace might be distinguished by special architectural features or forms of decoration (Bascom, 1973).
African art is today widely acclaimed in its own right, and it will undoubtedly come to be recognized as one of the great contributions to the cultural heritage of mankind. Even though some art was reserved to a favored few, artistic expression was a vital part of the lives of everyone. In making the humblest or most utilitarian of articles, such as a hoe, an axe, a woman's comb, or a cooking utensil, the greatest pride and enjoyment was obtained from shaping it with care and beauti fying it with some kind of decoration.
The Slave Trade. It was from this background that the African was wrested and taken to a new land— a land with an entirely foreign culture, a foreign religion, foreign customs and laws. The Afro-American slave drew on his heritage to acculturate himself in America. With this in heritance from Africa, his skills, his approach to art and craft, and above all, with his intelligent adaptability, he managed both to survive and to grow, in spite of the stultifying handicaps of slavery. Thus he was able to contribute his own particular gifts to this new land he was to call his own.
It is difficult to calculate the loss in lives exacted by the slave trade. All figures are estimates, but it has been said that about one third of the Negroes taken from their homes died on the way to the coast 28 and at embarkation stations, and that another third died crossing the ocean and in the seasoning, so that only one third finally survived to become the laborers and colonizers of the New World (Tannenbaum, 1946).
Mutinies and suicides were common on slave ships (see Figures 7, 8, 9 and 10) and the brutal treatment and restrictions on the movements of
the slaves tended to increase their mortality (Williams, 1961; Kohn,
1971).
The Blacks who miraculously managed to survive the middle passage were deposited on the plantations and there they started without the
integrating benefits of their indigenous cultures, for they were either
distributed without regard for their origins or according to the old
principle of divide and rule.
The newly captured slave underwent a series of dehumanizing exper
iences and the total impact was immense and bewildering on those who
survived. The shocks neutralized the system of values and patterns of
culture from which these slaves had taken their identity as Africans.
Suddenly he found himself in a foreign environment, in psychological
limbo (Chace, Collier, 1970).
For example, the concept of a Yoruba captive from Dahomey, would
be that "the universe is ruled by fate and the destiny of each man worked
out according to a predetermined scheme." He would also conceptualize
that there were ways of escape through invoking the good will of the god.
After his enslavement, he began to be reshaped by a philosophy that
attributed all glory to the mind of man. What was the result? When the
concept of "deification of accident in a universe where predetermination
is the rule" is thrown against the concept of a world where all things 29 are explainable and the result of rational processes," something emerges that must contain both ideas. Not immediately, but gradually. It is absurd to assume that all traces of Africa were erased from the Negroes' mind because he learned English. One need only to consider the nature of the English that Black's spoke (Jones, 1963).
African Survivals in Afro-American Culture. The linguist J.L.
Dillard (1973) postulates that Negro Non-Standard English is different in grammar (in syntax) from the Standard American English of the main stream white culture. Like the West Indian varieties, American Black
English can be traced to a creolized version of English based upon a pidgin spoken by slaves and probably came from the West Coast of Africa.
I feel that Dillard's observation is worthy of serious considera tion in view of the discoveries made by the linguist, Lorenzo Turner of
Fisk University. Turner found in the vocabulary of the Negroes in r" coastal South Carolina and Georgia approximately four thousand West
African words, besides many survivals in syntax, inflections, sounds and intonation. He recorded in Georgia a few songs in the words of which are entirely African. In some songs both African and English words ap pear. This is true also of many folk-tales. There are many compound words one part of which is African and the other English. Sometimes whole African phrases appear in Gullah without change either of meaning or of pronunciation. Frequently African phrases were translated into
English (Turner, 1949).
Writing in Blues People, 1961, LeRoi Jones says that African speech,
African customs, and African music all changed by the American experience into a native American form. They changed, yes. But the Africanisms 30 remained. Joi goes on to point out that for example the popular Black expression "be cool," is a literal translation into English of an Ashanti
(Twi dialect) phrase meaning "to calm a person." The expression would be "cool he heart give him."
It is extremely important in a "study" of any aspect of the history of the American Negro to emphasize how strange and unnatural the initial contacts with Western slavery were for the African, in order to show how the Black man was set apart throughout the New World from the start.
This should enable one to begin to appreciate the amazing, albeit agoniz ing, transformation that produced the contemporary Black American from such a people as were first bound and brought to this country (Chase,
1971).
Acculturation. The most remarkable aspect of the whole process of enslavement is the extent to which the American-born slaves is the ex tent to which the American-born slaves were able to retain their ances tor's culture. The American slave was able to retain many African cul tural elements and an emotional contact with his motherland. This contact, however tenuous, enabled the slave to link European and African forms to create a distinctive culture (Blassingame, 1972).
When they left Africa the Negroes carried with them a knowledge of their own complex cultures. These surviving Africanisms were as stated earlier in this study, evident in their dances, their music, their folk lore, and in their religion as well as their speech.
Field-hands living on large plantations in isolated areas, such as the South Carolina and Georgia sea islands, doubtless preserved more
Africanisms than slaves who were widely dispersed in relatively small 31 holdings or who lived in their master's houses as domestics (Stampp,
1956).
Retention of African cultural elements depended on other factors also. For example, urbanized Northern slaves were imported in small numbers, usually from the West Indies rather than directly from Africa.
Thus, they were already somewhat accustomed to a European way of life, or "seasoned," as it was called. Representing many different tribal groups, and working either alone or with one or two others, the Africans became more quickly "acculturated," or accustomed to American life, than did most slaves in the South, where there was more opportunity to continue African customs (Chase, 1971).
The similarities between many European and African cultural elements enabled the slave to continue to engage in many traditional activities or to create a synthesis of European and African cultures. In the pro cess of acculturation the slaves made European forms serve African functions (Blassingame, 1972).
The very nature of slavery in America dictated the way in which
African culture could be adapted. Thus a Dahomey River god ceremony had no chance of survival in this country at all unless it was incorpor ated into an analogous rite that was present in the new culture— which
is what happened. The Christians of the New World called it baptism
(Jones, 1963).
In many areas, of course, the master tried to prevent the retention
of those African cultural forms which he felt were dangerous to his
existence. However, the Black man's cultural formal differed from those
of the White master and the more they were immune from the control of 32 whites, the more the slave gained in personal autonomy and positive self-concepts (Blassingame, 1972).
It is interesting to note that often, the white masters themselves absorbed more Africanisms than they themselves realized. An interesting example of this came to light in Augusta, Georgia. There it was found, with the help of anthropologists and linguists on three continents, that several generations of white people had preserved, orally, a song in pure African tongue! Sung originally by an African princess who had become a slave nurse called Tina, it had been crooned to generation after generation of white babies, yet "Tina's Lullabye" had survived the years in perfectly intelligible, translatable form! It was the same language spoken today by the African tribe from which Tina had come so many years before. Yet to the white people who preserved it, it was a meaningless rhyme (Chase, 1971).
Slave Culture. During the ante-bellum period, a distinctive slave culture began to emerge. It combined the slaves' vague memories of an
African past with the ethos which the white man constantly imposed.
Many of the institutions and folkways that resulted from this synthesis developed during this period.
The most important enemy of African cultural tradition was racism.
Artistic autonomy implies social autonomy. The suppression of all cus toms which did not conform to the dominance of the Westerner was more vigorously prosecuted in the British colonies than elsewhere in the New
World. Here the rationale was the notion of inherent superiority over
"dark peoples" (Thompson, 1969). 33
Some apologists for slavery insist that slavery in the South was primarily a matter of economics. There was more to the South's defense of slavery than economics; there was also race. All the profits of all the plantations cannot explain the tenacity, the passion, with which the little people of the South— the majority of the people who held no slaves— rallied to the defense of the slave system. Their stake in slavery is found in that institution's undoubted ability to prevent
Black domination and to provide psychological status where there was no other. For few Southerners hated Blacks so much as those whose economic position was almost indistinguishable from that of the slaves. Even non-slaveholders who happened to abhor the institution for moral or economic reasons were often silenced by slavery's undoubted ability to control Blacks (Degler, 1959).
Oppressive and dehumanizing as the plantation was, it was not severe enough to crush all of the slaves' creative instincts. Such an environ ment was hardly conducive to any serious pursuits of artistic creation.
And indeed such an environment was not suitable for encouraging the sur vival of Africanisms. But survive, they did. The suppression of the more public African influences, such as religious ritual and the use of subsaharan costume, did not still the voice of more intimate expressions.
Present to this day are African-influenced verbal arts .(Aunt Nancy tales), healing (conjuring), cuisine (soul food), singing (field hollers and work songs), and dance forms in considerable quantity (Thompson,
1969).
Slave crafts. The earliest recorded slave craftsmen were in Vir ginia, in 1949, where one planter had forty Black helpers whom he 34
instructed in spinning, weaving and shoemaking. By the eighteenth cen
tury, the Black artisan figured in the economy of every province in
colonial America, with the largest concentration in the Middle Atlantic
cities (Franklin, 1969; Porter, 1969).
One can assume that it did not take the slavemasters long to disco ver that many of the enslaved Africans were skilled craftsmen who could
be used more profitably turning out material goods than laboring in the
fields. Some slaves were encouraged to supply the growing varieties
of needs in ways that added aesthetic satisfaction to utility. Some
thereby found opportunities to pass into the rising group of free Black
artisans (Dover, 1960).
In assessing the work of these Black artisans, it is necessary to
have knowledge of African counterparts to recognize African influences.
There are few objects made by Afro-American slaves that can easily be
seen by anyone as carryovers from African culture, because we are not
apt to find any art form in this country identical to ones found in
Africa. Most of the early visual arts in America were intended for
Caucasian use, and the slave-craftsmen had to conform to European tastes
and ideas. No American slaveholder wanted to have his mantle carved
with stylized symbolic designs reflecting African concepts. He was
homesick for reminders of his mother country. Thus, the styles employed
were generally reflections of European ones— mansard roofs and Paladian
or Greek revival facades. Mantels and doorways were decorated with
figures from Greek mythology, or other neoclassical motifs (Chase, 1971).
Some examples of Africanisms may be found, however, in those arti
cles made for personal use by the slaves themselves. Often these were 35 strictly utilitarian in character and merely followed the shapes, mater ials, and techniques of the mother country. But occasionally an object was deocrated or embellished in some way that was reminiscent of Africa.
Among the utilitarian items were agricultural and domestic tools and utensils— rice fanners, weaving shuttles, rice scoops, hoes, rakes, articles of clothing, quilts, etc (Figures 15, 19, 20 and 27). Decora tive objects included small articles whittled for amusement or as gifts
— for instance, pipes, canes, or musical instruments (Thompson, 1969)
(Figure 13).
The slave did find various small ways to preserve remnants of his
African past, in spite of the fact that African motifs were superseded by European designs. The Afro-American slave's contribution to the visual arts in America came through his expert skills, and his familiar
ity with a variety of techniques. These skills, brought with him from his African homeland, were put to use from the very beginning.
Craftsmanship offered the Negro slave both a means of earning his
freedom and a way of supporting himself afterwards. The usual way for
a slave to earn his freedom was to persuade his owner to allow him to
"hire his own time." Whatever was earned over and above the payment
required by the owner could be credited to purchasing freedom. Since
the craftsman was in particular demand as a hireling, he held an advan
tageous position. Craftsmanship could lead to self-hire, and self-hire
was often a steppingstone to self-purchase (Chase, 1971).
Sometimes self-hire also aided a slave in making a dash for freedom.
Robert Smalls, a slave in Beaufort, South Carolina, first hired his own
time as a sail maker and rigger in Charleston, South Carolina. With 36 his skills as a harbor pilot, he seized The Planter, a confederate steamer and with his family escaped from the Rebels and turned the boat over to the Union Navy (Rose, 1964),
Whether slave or free, Blacks distinguished themselves in many highly skilled crafts and trades. African skills were taught under an apprentice system. The new African was apprenticed to an earlier arri val, who was already seasoned but who still recalled enough of his
African language to understand the newcomer. He served as interpreter and helped to accustom the new African to the strange way of life in
America. By careful selection, the new African could be assigned work with which he was already familiar; under the tutelage of the "country- born," he could apply his African skills to needs in this country. By preserving his techniques and pride of craftsmanship, the Afro-American was laying the groundwork for future contributions to American art and crafts (Chase, 1971).
Many plantations had their slave carpenters, masons, and mechanics.
Slave owners realized the wisdom of training their slaves in the trades, for their earning power would be greatly enhanced, and if the slave was ever offered for sale, he would perhaps bring twice as much as a field hand of a similar age would bring. Only the most demagogic of the
Negrophobes contended that it was not possible to train Negroes in artisanry. There were too many counter-examples that belied such a contention. No state and few communities were without highly skilled
Negro slaves (Franklin, 1964).
There are only limited reports and records available to provide in formation on the Black pioneer artists. We can only conjecture as to ' 37 how many more there must have been whose works are unknown. The follow ing information from a newspaper advertisement in the Boston News-Letter is typical of the scanty information one finds about Black artists of the colonial period:
Negro artist: At McLean's Watch-Maker, near Town- Hall, is a Negro man whose extraordinary genius has been assisted by one of the best masters in London; he takes faces at the lowest rates. Spe cimens of his performance may be seen at said place (Bearden & Henderson, 1972).
This article raises some interesting questions. What was the name of this extraordinary genius? How did he manage to obtain an art educa tion in London? What became of him? Where are his paintings now?
Probably we will never know. 38
Map 1. Pre-Colonial Africa. This map of pre-colonial Africa clearly shows hdv cultural ideas from other continents were funneled via caravan routes towards the great Black kingdoms on the west coast. Some were brought to east-coast ports from China, India, and Indonesia, and then across the northern or southern Savannas; others crossed the Mediterranean from north or east before following the trade routes south across the Sahara.
Dotted lines represent trade routes. The numbers indicate the four principal caravan routes across the Sahara, as follows: (1) Taodenia Trail, (2) Gadames Trail, (3) Bilma Trail, (4) Selima Trail. (Chase, 1971)
9t*.•1-1
NDONGO 39
Figure 1. Egyptian wall painting from the Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia, about. 1355 B.C. Represents a delegation of Nubians presenting tribute to Pharoah. Collection: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City.
ii ifc-rfi ii imMwaj 41 ~ V • - ' c— ‘ - . -
h M t a v AO
Figure 2 Terra-cotta Head, Nok Culture (900 B.C. - 200 A.D.)
Figure 3 Bronze Head, Ancient Ife-Nigerian Museum, Lagos, Nigeria. The holes around the mouth and hairline were either for ritual bead pendants or for human or animal hair. 41
Figure 4 Terra-cotta Head, Nok Culture (900 B.C. - 200 A.D.). Niger ian Museum, Lagos, Nigeria.
Figure 5 Bronze portrait Head, Ancient Ife (960 - 1160 A.D.). Niger ian Museum, Lagos, Nigeria. Executed by the lost wax process. • The longitudinal lines may indicate facial sacrifications. 42
Figure b. Bronze tusk holder, Benin 17th Century. The Museum of Pri mitive Art, New York City. In African sculpture the head is often judged more important than the body. It is considered the seat of intelligence, will, self-identity, and existence itself (Jahn, 1961; Leizinger, 1967; Griaule, 1950; Frazer, . 1982). Figure 7. Hale Woodruff, The Mutiny Aboard the Amistad, 1839. Panel One. Savary Library of Talladega College, Talladega, Alabama, 1939. Figure 8. Amistad Mural, Panel Two (1st half). The Amistad Slaves on Trial_in_New_Haven. 1840. Savary Library of Talladega College, Talladega, Alabama! .> Figure 9. Figure 10. Amistad Mural, Panel Three. The_ Return to Africa, 1842. Savary Library u Talladega College, Talladega, Alabama. 47
Figure 11. Notice posted for a sale of slaves to be held aboard ship off Charleston, South Carolina. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
'“p O BE SOLD, on board tbc ] ^ Ship Bance- Jfland^ on tuefday the 6th o f May next, at Jjhley-Ferry * a choice c.irgo of about 250 fine healthy J, NEGROES, ju ft arrived from rhe Windward & RiceCoaft. — The utmoit care has wl- -TTn—already been taken, and ____ _ fliall be continued, to keep them free from th*e Icaft* danger of being infedted with the SMALL-FOX, no boat having been on board, and all other communication with people fromCkarUs-Toivn prevented. • Aufiin^ Laurens, & dpplcby. FuM oneH a lf o f the above Negroes have had the SM ALL-FOX in their own Country. 48
Figure 12. Blue and Grey Striped Dress (19th Century). Index of American Design, Washington, D.C. Figure 13. Drawing of an African instrument discovered by Benjamin Latrobe in New Orleans, Congo Square, 1819. From the papers of Benjamin Henry Latrobe, Vol. IV, February 16, 1819 - February 26, 1819, p. 32. Collection: Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore.
A f & j£Ll
A A ' L 1 <1 A A 50
Figure 14. Hand-carved woodshuttle, made by an Afro-American slave. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. 51
Figure 15. Peter Alston, employee of the Old Slave Mart Museum with a slave-made rice scoop and rake. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. 52
Figure 16. Slave made, Captain's chair with claw hand-grips. Collec tion: Paul B. Fuller, Montgomery, Alabama. 53
Figure 17. Walnut ottoman made by slaves in the plantation cabinet-shop of Ephram Clayton (1804-1892). Collection: Julia A. Clayton, West Ashville, North Carolina. 54
Figure 18. Corner china cabinet, made by slaves from Mount Hope Plan tation. 55
Figui'e 19. Plasterwork from the stairway of the Dock Street Theatre, Charleston, South Carolina (ca. 18U2).
»* 1*' A A 56
Figure 20. Hedge clippers made by a slave blacksmith at Fenwick Hall, John's Island, South Carolina.
Figure 21. A heavy garden tool that is a cross between a hoe and a pitchfork. Both items, Collection: Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. 57
Figure 2?.. Marble-topped wash stand. Made by a slave cabinetmaker (1848). Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina.
Figure 23. Walnut sleigh bed made by slave cabinetmaker, and a slave- made quilt. Georgia Historical Commission. 58
Figure 24. Slave-made plantation rocker, with a woven corn shuck seat. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. CHAPTER III
RESEARCH FINDINGS
Black involvement in the visual arts can be traced back to Africa where art flourished long before Africans were enslaved and shipped to
this country. When European explorers invaded Africa during the last
half of the fifteenth century they wrote in their diaries about the
excellent craftsmanship among the Africans. Some Europeans took speci- ments of this native artistry back with them to Europe as souvenirs and
good luck charms. It was from the ranks of these African craftsmen
that the first Black slaves were to come to Colonial America (Driskell,
1976; Fine, 1973).
In many civilizations where oral, written, or visual history has
recorded man's ways of making art, the form called crafts has preceded
those of fine arts. Such a pattern of creative development held true
among people of African ancestry in the United States.
An apprenticeship in the crafts often served to prepare talent in
painting, drawing, or sculpture, and skilled Black artisans traditionally
moved up the scale from journeyman to master craftsman, then entered a
particular area of the fine arts. This system lasted well into the
late nineteenth century (Chase, 1971).
As previously stated, slavemasters deliberately sought to eliminate
any form of African culture that might have contributed to group
59 60 communication. Much of African art was either destroyed or condemned as pagan or sinful. This severance of ties with Africa meant a loss t not only of some traditional forms but of the status accorded the crafts man in various African societies where art was vital to community life.
In America there was no longer a need for the services of the skilled carver whose position in Africa had called for the making of musical instruments, ceremonial masks, and other sculptural works essential to art, dance, and music. Trained carpenters might have decorated architec tural interiors for their owners, but this was not accorded the same honor as creating a mask for the village chief.
As the prosperity of the developing White American middle class increased, they became more and more dependent on craftsmen of African ancestry to enhance the quality of post-colonial life and, though many buildings in the south were built entirely by slave carpenters, not surprisingly the slaves received little or no credit. In fact, there are few written accounts in which slaveraasters permitted their slaves to be identified by name, although the refinement and quality of slave- work was frequently stressed (Lewis, 1978).
Much of the information about the Black artisan from colonial times to 'the end of the nineteenth century has come to us through newspaper announcements of slave sales. Press accounts from as early as 1740 announcing the sale of slaves in Charleston, South Carolina provide evidence of Blacks working as silversmiths when America was still a
British colony. There were so many Blacks in this and other trades that whites often found themselves at a disadvantage. In 1755 the Provincial
Legislature of South Carolina was petitioned to pass a law that would 61 prevent the acceptance of Black craftsmen into trades where Blacks al ready outnumbered whites (Chase, 1971; Franklin 1969).
Black furniture makers (Figures 63, 65 and 66) were the master craftsmen among carpenters. Their shops coi,!^ be found in small inland towns and in every principal city along the East Coast. These artisans counted on the patronage of wealthy men of means, to support their pro sperous businesses.
In the early years of the Republic, the system of slavery, especi ally the domestic and rural form, forced rapid assimilation on the newly arrived African. The plantation created a social system all its own.
Both isolation and intimate contact with the master’s family compelled
American Blacks to adopt the white man’s language, religion, and values, though not without modification. Furthermore, the white man's blood was often forcibly mingled with that of Blacks, producing children of mixed
(offspring) origin. These offspring, who frequently served as "house niggers," became the elite of Black plantation society and scorned the boisterous common fieldhands (Franklin, 1969).
Imitating their masters' conservative standards and restrained manners, the domestic servants wanted to be as white as the people with whom they identified. The middle rank of slaves included the artisans, the cooks, and the gardener, who "knew their place" and enjoyed special privileges. It was not from those groups but from the fieldhands that the Black Folk Arts emerged. Enforced segregation helped to strengthen and enrich the Blacks' expressive style. 62
Urban Craftsmen
Most of the skilled Black craftsmen, both slave and free, were to be found in the cities. Information on them is rather meager. Much of it is statistical, obtained from city directories (see Table 2), adver tisements, or tax records. From these we can learn how many Blacks were employed in a given trade and gain some idea of the wide variety of their vocations. Unfortunately, in most cases, the Black craftsman worked anonymously for the most part and public records give us only scant in formation about specific artisans and their work. The records in South
Carolina show that the majority of the white artisans owned Black slaves and greatly valued their skills as assistant craftsmen (Franklin, 1969;
Driskell, 1976). An astute slave owner was unlikely to put a Black to the plow if it were learned through an interpreter that he already had extensive experience as a blacksmith. The returns on a trained crafts man were too high to waste such a man in the fields.
Plantation Craftsmen
In contrast to the material on urban craftsmen, there is a wealth of information available on plantation craftsmen. Most of the largest slave-holders left journals, diaries, or private letters describing life on their estates and these provide firsthand information. The works of slave craftsmen, both men and women, still exists. Many of the crafts men are remembered by name or were known personally by the present owners of their work (Figures 22, 23, 24, 57, 58, 59 and 60).
There were even slave inventors. In 1835 and 1836 one Henry Blair, designated in the records as a "colored man" of Maryland, received 63 patents for two corn harvesters which he had developed. By 1858, however, the Attorney-General ruled that since a slave was not a citizen, the government could not enter into an agreement with him by granting him a patent. It was not until after the Civil War that Blacks were able to secure patents for their inventions without any difficulty (Franklin,
1964).
Often the talents of slave inventors and artisans were greeted with a mixture of admiration and jealousy. And it was pride of craftsmanship, as well as monetary rewards, which gave most carpenters, blacksmiths, coopers, cobblers, and wheelwrights their incentive. The slave carpen ters on a North Carolina plantation must have gained additional satis faction from the knowledge that a white laborer had asked for permission
to work with them for the sake of instruction (Stampp, 1956).
Indeed the pride of the slave workman should be added to the complex of major causes which promoted artistic craftsmanship amongst Blacks.
The Pioneer Artists— Free Blacks
Art in America during the colonial era developed slowly. During
this period all artistic efforts had to be adjusted to the needs of the new land. The harships of pioneer life first had to be overcome in order
to produce the leisure and wealth necessary for art to flourish.
When the early Black artists began to develop in this country, most of them, both Black and White, obtained their training in Europe with
the help of the anti-slavery society where many established their repu
tations before they were accepted by the provincial colonists. As more
artists began to set up their own studios where others could be trained, 64
American art began to develop its own distinct characteristics. It was in this setting that we first distinguish one or two Black artists by name.
But until such patrons as the abolitionist groups and the Freedmen's
Bureau entered the picture in the 19th Century, aspiring Black artists had to depend on the enlightened attitudes of a few individuals. Even the talented free Black was subject to all the legal restrictions, and social ostracism of the slave system. During the colonial days the
Black artist was apt to be regarded as something of a curiousity; and since the nineteenth-century provincialism tended to regard art as the ultimate expression of a "civilized" people, it was looked upon as a pretension for a Black to identify himself with the creative arts (Chase,
1971). Only limited reports and records are available to provide infor mation on the Black pioneer artists and Blackfold artisans. We can
only conjure as to how many more there must have been whose works are unknown.
Woodcarving
Georgia Woodcarving; The Coastal Area. The coast of Georgia has
rich sculptural tradition in Afro-American folk art. The demographics
of the region tilt in favor of the Black population, and the marshy
geography provides isolation from the mainland— two basic factors that
encourage the survival of Black culture in this area (Georgia Writers
Project, 1940).
There were several classes of work in which a carver's talents
might be displayed. Some made walking sticks (Figures 30, 31, 33), 65 while others carved human figures (Figures 39 and 41) or animal forms
(Figure 38). Whittling skills could be used to fashion useful tools like forks and spoons, or whimsical objects— such as chains or balls,
-in-cages from a single block of wood. In each instance African antece dents can be suggested (Vlach, 1979; Thompson, 1969).
Walking sticks represent perhaps the most sophisticated sculptural form in the Georgia tradition. Afro-American artisans favored reptile motifs— snakes, lizards, turtles, and alligators. These motifs represent strong retention of African culture. Stylistically, the smooth lustrous surfaces, the use of diverse media, and the iconic renderings character ize this carving tradition, traits of which also occur in other forms of Afro-Georgian wood sculpture (Perry, 1976).
Georgia Woodcarving; Inland Areas. The Georgia carving tradition was not confined to the coastal areas. As Blacks moved on to new regions their talents went with them. During the nineteenth century, people from the swampy marshlands first made their way to the outskirts of
Savannah, then turned inland (Wadsworth, 1976).
The movement of carving traditions is also indicated by the history which surrounds a cane made by the grandfather of Harve Brown of Raytown, a small settlement in the Georgia Piedmont. This thin cane is decorated by a simple wooden head, crosshatching, and a snake that coils two times around the bottom of the shaft (Figure 33).
The combination of human and reptile forms falls well within the coastal tradition. Harve Brown, in fact, came from the coast in 1893 to work on the farm belonging to the Gunn family. Since he claimed that the cane was carved by his grandfather, we can safely project the date 66 of its creation to fall between 1840 and 1880. Even if it was made in the latter portion of the nineteenth century, it is still the oldest cane by a Black carver known in Georgia. If it was made before 1860, it is the oldest cane by a Black carver known anywhere in the United
States. Harve Brown carried this cane with him because it was an import ant momento belonging to an ancestor. Most probably the cane was not used to help an infirm person walk, for it is too thin to take much stress. Rather it was more of a piece of costume, a prop to show off or to carry when a bit of pomp was called for. In this walking stick we have evidence of both the diffusion and sustained appreciation of artis tic carvings— themes which are important for understanding woodcarving as it appears elsewhere in Afro-America (Vlach, 1979; Thompson, 1969).
Woodcarving: Missouri. The greatest piece of Afro-American walking stick sculpture was made in North-Central Missouri, in Livingston County, over a thousand miles from the geographic center of the Black carving tradition. It was here that Henry Gudgell, born a slave in Kentucky in
1826, made an extensively decorated cane for John Bryant in 1867 (Figure
37). Gudgell was known as a blacksmith, wheelwright, coppersmith, and silversmith, and so it comes as no surprise that he was adept at sculp ture as well. His walking stick can be separated into two sections by differences in the selection of motifs. The upper portion has serpentine fluting, raised bands, and diamond forms. These geometric motifs are followed by a series of naturalistic figures (Porter, 1969; Chase, 1971;
Vlach, 1979; Driskell, 1976).
These naturalistic figures are described by Thompson: 67
At the top appear a lizard and a tortoise, both carved as if seen from above. The figure of a man appears below. He is dressed in a shirt, trousers, and shoes. His knees are bent and the arms are extended as if the figure was embracing the shaft 'of the cane. On the opposite side of the cane be low the hands of the figure is a bent branch from which sprouts a single veined leaf. The fork of the branch mirrors the bending of the knees of the human figure. The lower register of the cane is embellished with an entwined serpent, an echo of the serpentine coil of the handle (Thompson, 1969, P. 135)
Gudgell*s work would appear to be the last development of a historical sequence. His one known cane is the oldest dated example of an Afro-
American walking stick. The skill and expertise of Gudgell is quite evident as are the strong African influences in his work. The whole composition shimmers with a metallic gleam due to the care and precision of his carving (Driskell, 1976). Not long after he made this cane, he was sold twenty-two acres of land by his master and father, Spence Gud gell. Was this transaction a recognition of talent? We can only wonder
(Driskell, 1976; Vlach, 1979).
Woodcarving: Northeastern Region. Most of the sculpture analyzed to this point, particularly the walking sticks, is close to the center of a Black woodcarving tradition. But there exists other works whose uni queness removes them from the realm of folk sculpture, though they re flect to some extent a distinct Afro-American aesthetic. Both European and African values are blended in these pieces, but this is to be ex pected. Sculpture made by Blacks in New Jersey and upstate New York would hardly be expected to conform to the same canons of creativity found in Georgia. Northern Afro-American sculpture has less Africanisms than Southern Afro-American sculpture. 68
A slave remembered only as Job is said to have carved a figure of a female Indian (Figure 41) for a tobacco shop, sometime around 1825
(Lipmann, Winchester, 1974). Vlach (1979) feels it would be more correct to say that Job "built" an Indian. The head is carved as one piece.
The trunk of the body consists of another piece of wood. Each arm is composed of two parts. The skirt is constructed of no less than thirteen tightly fitted sections. It would seem that the talents of carver and cabinetmaker have been happily united here. The figure is almost five feet tall and is set in a rather casual posture. This asymmetrical pose is quite common for the cigar store Indian genre, although it is out of character with Afro-American sculpture (Klamkin, Klamkin, 1974). From the shoulders upward Job's statue is symmetrical and rigid. It is as if the head belonged to a different body. The head has an iconic inten sity suggestive of a mask. Its powerful frontality does not fit the casual gesture of the body and also does not conform to the general feel ing of naturalism found in most cigar store Indians. The mixture of attitudes in this piece suggests a retention by the carver of alternative principals of design. Perhaps we have in this statue an example of the cultural equation that describes the merger of two ethnic groups. It product reflects both sources but is not quite like either. It may also be significant that Job chose to make the head more like an African sculpture rather than like the body. In African sculpture the head is often judged more important than the body, and so may be greatly enlarged
(see Figure 6, Bronze Tusk Holder). The head is the seat of intelli gence, will, self-identity, and existence itself (Jahn, 1961; Leuzinger,
1967; Griaule, 1950; Frazer, 1982). It is possible that Job carried 69 this belief to the task of making a trade sign for the local tobacconist of Freehold.
A figure of a Black youth holding a bucket (Figure 39) (compare with the Yoruba offering bowl, Figure 40) carved sometime about 1860 in
Fayetteville, New York, has also been attributed to a Black artisan.
The oral history that followed this piece as it passed from hand to hand claims that a mill owner named Hiram Wood gave this statue as a birthday gift to his daughter Martha, born 1842, telling her that it had been made by one of his mill hands (Thompson, 1969). The identity of the carver remains as yet unknown. It is thought that he was Black, for the subject is handled with a sensitivity and dignity uncommon in nineteenth centural portrayals of Blacks (Klamkin & Klamkin, 1976). Although a
European point of view is very strong in this statue, particularly with respect to anatomical proportion and details of costume, the posture of
the figure suggest what has been called a "dim memory of traditional
African sculpture" (Folk Art in America; Exhibition Catalogue, 1974).
As a figure there is much about this piece that is Western; as an icon
there is much about it that suggests African cult sculpture. Whether or not the maker was an Afro-American (and there were slaves in upstate
New York), the mixture of European content and African aesthetic priori
ties in this piece follows very much the same pattern seen in Job's cigar store Indian; the attempted merger of Euro-American culture with
African culture— one refusing to yield completely to the other.
The visual evidence at hand suggests that the carver was not trying
to caricature the Afro-American, but was trying to bring out the nobility in his presence for example. Thompson uses the following system to identify the hand that carved this sculpture. He writes
The attribution is based on the fact that no trace of caricature or social distance, between maker and subject, can be detected. This is extremely rare for a century when the Afro-American as grotesque was all the rage in the lithographs of Currier and Ives and black-faced performers in minstrelsy par odied a world they never understood. The manly dignity of the image at hand is removed from the half-apologetic, half-ingratiating smiles of this other world. (Thompson, 1969, p. 55) 71
Table 1
The following partial l.ist from the Census of Free Colored People in the Charleston, South Carolina, Directory of 1856 gives us a glimpse of the variety of trades practiced by them.
50 tailors 6 blacksmiths 1 molder 6 wheelwrights 2 cabinetmakers 1 tinsmith 65 carpenters 4 dressmakers or 1 sawyer 9 mantuamakers seamstresses 1 ship's carpenter 2 coopers 9 millwrights 3 mattressmakers 9 bricklayers 6 painters 1 jeweler 11 shoemakers 1 pumpmaker 1 silversmith 1 wharfbuilder 2 shipwrights 1 grist-miller 1 dancing master 2 locksmiths 2 cotton-menders 1 saddler 4 bootmakers 1 carpenter and 1 finisher 1 musician (leader coffin-maker of the Cadet Band) 72
Figure 25. Right: Carving made by a slave in Missouri. The head has a strong resemblance to portraits of George Washington. Note that it has no arms. Collection: Index of American Design, Washington, D.C.
Figure 26. Left: Armless Akuaba, or Ashanti fertility doll. Most of these dolls have vestigial arms, but armlessness per se is not in itself unusual in African figures. Collection: Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina (Chase, 1971). 73
Figure 27. Left: Detail, Afro-American walking stick (19th Century). Collection: William Bascom, Berkeley, California.
Figure 28. Right: Lizard carved on Dan wooden effigy. Liberia (Wil liams, 1971). Compare the stylistic reptillian motifs present in both the Afro-American and African artifacts. Figure 29. Top: Walking stick head (magnolia).
Figure 30. Bottom: Detail of walking stick. Collection: The John W. Stipe Family, Dixie, Georgia. Figure 31 . Top: Walking stick (ca. 1850-1860). Figure 32 . Middle: Detail of walking stick (hickory). Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. Ln Figure 33 . Bottom: Walking stick. Orandfather of Harve Brown (1850-1860). Taliafero County, Raytown, Oeorgia. 76
Figure 34. Top: Carved wooden lizard on Yoruba door, Nigeria (Williams, 1971). Figure 35. Middle: Carved wooden headrest on Senufo sculpture, Ivory Coast/Mali/Upper Volta (Williams, 1971). Figure 36. Bottom: Scraped lizard design on calabash lid, Dahomey (Williams, 1971). African and Afro-American carvers share these preoccupations with reptillian motifs on their artifacts.
t I
Figure 37, Hardwood stick by Henry Gudgell of Missouri (1863)• Index of American Design, Washington, D.C. 78
Figure 38. The Hen. Made of fitted cypress wood. Carved by a slave of the pirate Jean LaFitte. Index of American Design, Washington, D.C. An example of a slave-made, children's toy. 79
Figure 39. Wood carving of a youth by an anonymous slave artisan (ca. 1850). Abby Aldrich Rockeffeller Folk Art Center, Williams- bury;, Virginia. 80
Figure 40. Yoruba offering bowl. Ladislas Segy Collection, New York City. (Compare the stylistic parallel of this sculpture to Figure 39, the Youth Carving). 81
Figure 41. Cigar-store Indian, said to have been carved by a slave named Job, in Freehold, New Jersey (ca. 1825). New York Historical Society. 82
Figure 42. Two Black Figures. Wood and mixed media (ca. 1880). Collection: Michael and Julie Hall, Hamilton, Ohio. 83
Basketmaking
On the American plantations, basketry was preserved in purer form than most"other crafts. Shapes, uses, and technique of manufacture were similar to those of Africa. Adults taught this art to children exactly as it had been taught to them, so that the method continued without interruption. Coil basketry has survived in South Carolina almost un changed and was perpetuated by the same apprentice system as in Africa.
The materials used were the same as those used in Africa. Both are made of wild grass found on the edge of the marsh, and bound with strips of palm or its South Carolina relative, the palmetto. Herskovitz mentions in Myth of the Negro Past (1958) that the Sea Island basket-making techniques are also African in what he calls "motor habits" or the phy sical way of doing things. Both the African and the South Carolina baskets are laid on in a clockwise direction (Chase, 1971).
The coiled grass basket is known all across the continent of Africa, and although a similar technology is also found among Euro- and Native
Americans, the relationship between African and Afro-American examples is particularly striking. A unity of appearance links Black craftsmen from both sides of the Atlantic for example, compare the rice fanner basket from Senegal (Figure 51) with the rice fanner basket (Figure 52) from South Carolina (Davis, 1976).
The oldest Afro-American basket types were simple forms. The fanner (Figure 52) was very wide with a shallow splayed edge. Storage baskets also had the same wide, flat base, but the side walls were built up much higher, sometimes as much as a foot (Chase, 1971). While the sides of storage baskets tended to be more vertical than the edges of 84 the fanners, the two basket forms are so similar they can be considered as one type of the Afro-American coiled basket: the agricultural tool.
Since rice fanners and storage and carrying baskets were intended to be used primarily for practical ends, they had to be made with the stur diest fibers available. These "old time" Afro-American baskets were thus, both in form and content, functional items; they were, moreover, men's baskets (Crum, 1940; Perdue, 1968; Vlach, 1979; and Davis, 1977). 85
Figure 43. Sweetgrass growing in wooded area in Charleston County, South Carolina (Yoder, 1976). Both African and Afro-American baskets are made from wild grass and bound with strips of palm or palmetto. 86
Figure 44. Sweetgrass approximately 16" to 18" in length (Yodern, 1976). This wild grass is similar to the grass that grows in the marsh regions of West Africa.
fT t Figure 45. Tool used in punching an opening in coils for wefting in making baskets (Yoder, 1976). 88
Figure 4b. Sewing of coils. The "stitch" alternates a wrapping stitch (around the coil being worked) with a sewing stitch (Yoder, 147b). 89
...Figure 47. Turning coils to-form a basket bowl (Yoder, 1H76). Figure 48. Wrapping of overlap handle (Yoder, 1976). o Figure 49. Overlap handle near completion (Yoder, 1976).
VO f ’ V' , < Vi i Wi'
Figure 50* Food storage basket, Senegambia (grass, palm leaves). Collection: Indiana University Museum, Bloomington, Indiana. to 93
Figure 51. Rice fanner basket, Senegal (grass, palm leaves). Collec tion: Indiana University Museum, Bloomington, Indiana. (Rice fanner baskets are to be found throughout the conti nent of Africa. They are particularly common among the peoples of Angola, the ancestors of many Black Americans.) 94
Figure 52. Rice fanner basket (rush, split oak, ca. 1850). South Carolina, Low Country, between Charleston and Georgetown. Collection: The Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. 95
Figure 53. Freed slaves near Beaufort, South Carolina, harvesting sweet potatoes, ca. 1865. Note the large coil basket in the lower right corner. Photograph, Collection of The New York His torical Society, New York City. 96
Figure 54. Raffia basket (19th Century) (Driskell, 1976). 97
Cab ine tmaking
It is difficult to tell exactly how many slaves practiced the art of cabinetmaking, inasmuch as the owners were taxed according to their slaves’ particular trades. It is thought that many of them were listed as ’’carpenters," in order to avoid the higher tax required for "cabinet makers." For instance, the 1864 inventory of Dr. Robert Harllee lists
116 slaves on his extensive plantation, Melrose, at Mars Bluff, South
Carolina. Two of these were called "carpenters," but they were highly
skilled craftsmen who made many of Melrose's beautiful pieces of furni
ture, which are still treasured by Harllee's grandchildren. One of
these items was originally a built-in cupboard or china cabinet so large
it had to be cut in half in order to remove it from the house (Figure
58). Beautifully made of pine grown on the plantation, it is a piece
to be proud of, and certainly the maker was not a mere carpenter. Dr.
Harllee's slaves also made tables, corner cabinets, bureaus, and wash-
stands (Chase, 1971).
As was typical of American design during the period, the examples
of slave cabinetmaking were simpler than their European prototypes,
though they did call for some embellishments that had to be laboriously
handcarved into the wood. Some of the furniture made on the plantation
is so plain as to seem stark in its simplicity. Yet, simple though it
may be, it is undeniably beautiful. Tunis (1965) speculates that these
slave-made pieces had proportions and precise shaping of visible parts
like moldings and legs, and they they also had a perfect fitting of in
visible joinings and the use of the right kind of joint for each purpose..
These slave-made pieces no doubt benefitted from the African's propensity 98 to retain beauty through balance and proportion and interacting tensions while reducing his design to its ultimate simplicity.
An example of this is the desk made by a slave on The Elms Planta
tion near Millbrook, Alabama (Figure 55). It is a type often used in plantation offices by the master. In the office, the master, if he were a conscientious planter and not an absentee owner or a dilettante, worked over the plantation accounts and record books, all laboriously kept in longhand. It was a business office in every sense of the word, and its furniture was utilitarian. Nevertheless, even such pieces are quite beautiful (Vlach, 1976; Prine, 1929; Chase, 1971).
Many plantations, while not maintaining an actual cabinetship, had
slaves who built whatever was needed. Such items might include a built-
in china closet for the butler’s pantry or a large built-in bookcase or cupboard. When Dr. Harllee's daughter, Louisa, was married, he had his slaves build her a washstand as a wedding present (Figure 22). On the
grounds of the estate, Dr. Harllee and his slave cabinetmaker chose the walnut tree from which it was made. Similarly, when Samuel MacDonald
Carter of Carter's Quarters, in northern Georgia, wanted a couch on which to take his afternoon naps, he insisted on selecting the particu
lar tree from which his slave carpenter made an exceptionally lovely
sleigh bed (Figure 23). It is single-bed width and was furnished with
rope "springs" and a feather bed mattress. This bed was in use until
about 1961, when Carter's granddaughter, Mrs. Crowell, donated it to
the Georgia Historical Society. According to Mrs. Crowell there were
several slave cabinetmakers at Carter's Quarters, under the direction
of an older slave who was a master of the craft. They made many pieces 99 of furniture still cherished by Mrs. Crowell, including a heavy walnut lamp table and a walnut chest of drawers (Chase, 1971). 1 0 0
Figure 55. Slave-made desk and chair from The Elms Plantation near Millbrook, Alabama. Collection: Mrs. Alma Hall Pate. 1 0 1
Figure 56. Four-poster bed made by slaves of Waco, Texas (1840). Collection: Baylor University, Waco, Texas. A fine example of the artisanry of slaves from the Southwestern region of the United States. 1 0 2
Figure 57. Slave-made pine bureau with beaded mirror to match. Melrose Plantation (ca. 1807-1872). 103 >
Figure 58. China cabinet. Once a built-in cupboard, it was cut in half. The door has been reversed; the lack of a cornice on the upper right-hand corner shows where the division was made (Chase, 1971). 104
Figure 5y. Secretary from the .lanes Hurt Shorter Plantation at Summer ville, Alabana (ca. 1850). 105
Figure 60. Pine side table with mahogany knobs on the drawers. Joins made with pegs. Melrose Plantation (ca. 1807-1872). Thomas Day (? - 1861)
Thomas Day was an exceptional Black furnituremaker of Milton,
North Carolina, He was quite well known throughout the state of North
Carolina for both the quantity and quality of his production.
Even though Day had no apparent knowledge of African forms he did
implement an improvisational aesthetic system that has much in common with African art (Vlach, 1979; Barfield, 1975).
Day employed a white journeyman for years and was one of the best
antebellum craftsmen. His furniture, which as "bespoke" by the richest
clientele, was much sought after, even outside his own state (Fine,
1972).
Thomas Day was born a free Black, in the West Indies during the
late eighteenth century and educated in Washington and Boston. Records
show that Day's workshop was operating as early as 1818. Day found many wealthy customers, including the governor of North Carolina and a judge whose descendants still own a mahogany table signed by the craftsman.
Dated 1820, it is Day's earliest known piece. With the price of maho
gany rising in the Pre-Civil War economy, Thomas Day's business failed
in 1858. He died soon after (Fine, 1972; Lewis, 1978). 107
Figure 61. Advertisement in the Milton Gazette and Roanoke. March 1, 1827.
THOMAS DAY, CA B I K E T M A K E H, F. TURNS tiis thanks tor the patronage lie has received, and wishes to intoim K his friends and the public that lie haa on band* and intends keeping, a handsome sup ply of Mahogony, Walnut and Stain ed FURMITUHE, the mo«*t fashionable and common BED $ I £ \ I)S, &c. u liicli he would be glad to sell very low All orders in his line, in Repair, ing. Varnishing, &c will be thankfully re. ceivrd and punctuallo attended to. Jan. 17. 38 1 0 8
Figure b2. Carved mantel. Thomas Day. Milton, North Carolina. Day implemented an improvisational aesthetic system that has a stylistic affinity with African art (Vlach, 1979; Harfield, 1975). 109
Figure 63. Hed, Thomas Day. Milton, North Carolina (mid-19th century). 1 1 0
Figure 64. Newel post, Thomas Day, Located in Paschal House, Casx^ell County, North Carolina. Photograph collection of North Carolina Museum of History, Raleigh, North Carolina. iue6. ape hs, hmsDy (ca. 1840).DayChest, Thomas Sampler 65.Figure
[w^ it \\ ti* u Ill 1 1 2
Figure 66. Pier Table, Thomas Day (ca. 1850). North Carolina Museum of History, Raleigh, North Carolina. 113
Quilt Making
Aside from weaving, another important task for women slaves was making quilts. Quilting is a process of combining two or more fabrics with many tiny stitches. They fall into two general groups— the "pieced work" and the "patch-work," or "laid on." Quiltmakers argue hotly over which is older, more difficult, or more beautiful. The striking dif ference between the two is that in pieced work small scraps of cloth are sewn together to form the patterned top. Whereas in patchwork the design is appliqued on a solid cloth background (see Figures 71 and 72, the quilts of Harriet Powers) (Webster, 1929).
An old saying says, "A patch is a sure sign of poverty." A person might imagine a patchwork quilt to be made of leftover scraps patched together helter-skelter and used for economy's sake. Such quilts were made and were called crazy quilts, but were not introduced until the late Victorian period. A patchwork quilt, on the other hand, had no association with poverty. To make a patchwork quilt, the edges of tiny
"patches" of colored cloth were turned under and attached with minute hemming stitches to the fabric that formed the background. This "appli que," or "applied" work, is known to have been made by the early Egyp tians and rose to a high art in Europe, where it was used on the banners of the crusaders (Chase, 1971).
In a piecework quilt each integral part of the pattern is a sepa rate piece of material joined to the next part by a running stitch that makes a seam on the "wrong" side. Although these quilts were often made of bits and pieces of discarded or worn-out clothes, they were 114 always carefully matched for color and design and sometimes specially purchased fabrics were added to the scraps (Peto, 1949).
Quilting, a separate art, was born of a need to protect against bitter cold and was used for garments and wall hangings. It was first practiced in Europe by the peasantry, but later became a courtly art, when the term "quilt" was also given to the stitched, wadded lining used with body armor. In America usage has restricted the word so that now it is applied only to a lightweight, closely stitched bedcover, usually with an interlining of cotton or wool batting (Webster, 1929; Peto,
1949).
Many quilts made by Afro-Americans would seem to be examples of cultural surrender. The quilt is, after all, a European textile form, and quilted bed coverings are unknown and unnecessary in tropical Africa
(Holstein, 1973). Blacks encountered the quilt as part of the planta
tion experience.
When slaves stitched together quilts for their masters, it was perhaps more a task of drudgery than an opportunity for creative expres sion. Certainly in such circumstances there is not a very great possi bility for a quilt to reflect anything more than the deliberate instruc
tions of the slave owner. Yet, Afro-American quilting is not simply an acquired craft, a set of skills borrowed from the dominant Euro-American culture. The creative art involves at least two choices: the selection of a technical means and a selection of a design. Africans came to this country without knowledge of quilting, although they had extensive expertise with textiles (Sieber, 1972). For example, one of the great
textile traditions of the world is to be found in West Africa, e.g., 115
Kenti cloth and the strip loom forms found in Ghana, Ivory Coast and
Nigeria (Efland, 1982). The techniques of quilt construction, as men tioned earlier, were largely derived from Euro-American sources. The t choice of design for a quilt top, on the other hand, did not necessarily have European origins. Some of the geometric combinations of odd scraps of cloth that decorate American quilts have African analogs (Williams,
1971; Hall and Kretzinger, 1935). It is possible that some of the quilts made by slaves simultaneously served the requirements of their masters and preserved a cultural memory. The Afro-American quilt provides us with an example of how European artifacts may be modified by African canons of design and thus stand as statements of cultural survivial ra ther than surrender. What is most significant is not the degree to which Blacks have learned to replicate Euro-American quilts, but rather what African elements survive in their quilts and what unique Afro-
American forms may have developed as a result of the effort to render remembered designs with borrowed techniques. Hence, emphasis in this study is placed on quilt tops rather than on the selection of materials, types of stitching, amount of padding, paraphernalia such as quilting frames, or related social behaviors like quilting bees.
Harriet Powers (1837-1911). The applique quilts of Harriet Powers of Athens, Georgia are very special creations in which the memory of
Africa is sometimes exceptionally strong. Mrs. Powers is known to have sewn at least two pictorial quilts in 1886 and 1898 (Vlach, 1976).
The applique techniques used by Powers are generally similar to methods known both in Europe and Africa. Textiles in Europe have been decorated with appliqued designs since the medieval period and have been 116 reported from Africa since the seventeenth century (Kent, 1976). There are two simultaneous sources of support for Mrs. Powers’ creative effort.
Born in Georgia in 1837, Mrs. Powers should have received her heritage of Africa by example (the source of which is unknown) or by verbal des cription. Harriet Powers' ancestors apparently arrived in Georgia late in the eighteenth or early in the nineteenth century. By that time most slaves were being imported from the Congo-Angola region, although a steady trickle were still entering from West Africa (Curtin, 1969).
This is extremely important because the African traditions for appliqued textiles are practiced only by groups from that part of the continent.
The presence of West African slaves in Georgia makes it possible, then, to link Harriet Powers’ quilts to African aesthetic systems. The Ash anti, Ewe, and Fanti of Ghana and the Fon of Benin all use applique techniques in their textiles (Sieber, 1972). Although the overall ap proach of the Fon seems to correspond most closely to Mrs. Powers' work, her technique might represent more of an amalgam of African influences
than a single ethnic legacy from old Dahomey (Vlach, 1976).
Compare the Bible quilts of Harriet Powers to the appliqued "tapes
tries" of the Fon. Some of the Fon appliqued textiles represent ordinary moments in the lives of the persons for whom a cloth is sewn. They
function in a manner not unlike the local panels in Harriet Powers' second Bible quilt.
The figures of Dahomean appliqued textiles are based on patterns cut from cloth or paper. These applique' templates are standardized
elements of the tradition and are repeated from generation to generation. 117
Like the Fon appliques, the figures on Harriet Powers' quilts also show little variation. Her approach to the technical problems of appli que design is similar to the Fon makers of appliqued textiles. The similarities involve even the selection of specific motifs. Mrs. Powers' depiction of the whale that swallowed Jonah (Figure 76) is very similar to the fish which the Fon use to represent Houegbadja (Figure 75), a seventeenth-century ruler (Kent, 1976). The placement of one ventral and two dorsal fins, plus the indication of gills are identical. The large standing birds that depict the kings Gangnihuesso and Kpengla resemble the birds in six panels of the second Bible quilt (Figures 73 and 74) (Kent, 1976; Vlach, 1976). Though similarities in birds and animals may be due more to general accuracy in anatomical detail than to cultural memory, nevertheless, there is ample precedent in Dahomey (Fon) for the menagerie found in Harriet Powers' work. The background motifs in Fon appliqued items include crescents, short-armed crossed, and ro settes (Herskovitz, 1938). All of these signs appear in the Bible quilts
— most notably the crosses and rosettes (Figure 72).
A stylistic affinity may also tie Harriet Powers' work to African textiles. Her figures— whether of human, animal, boat, clock, or house
— are very simple, direct, and minimal. They express the essence of a being or object; they are icons. With this quality of presentation her work differs markedly from Anglo-American appliqued quilts (Lipman and
Winchester, 1974).
Mrs. Powers created symbols while the Anglo-American appliqued quilts used shapes to form literal representation. Euro-American folk artists were capable of creating iconic statements, but they tended not 118
to use the appliqued quilt in such a manner. Fon, Fanti, Ewe, and
Ashanti appliqued textiles, however, trade heavily in symbolic presenta
tion. Most figures embody power and authority. They are immediately
identifiable; their meaning is unquestioned (Vlach, 1976). Also European
peasant designs are often starkly geometric designs with no figurative
references.
Since Harriet Powers' pictorial quilts compare closely with African
appliqued cloths in terms of function, technique, content and style, the
claims of African influence in her work are not without support. In
fact, since her quilts are less like Euro-American a-plique quilts and more like African prestige cloths, we might even postulate West African
ancestry for her aesthetic sensibilities. All of the similarities be
tween her work and that of Fon applique sewers cannot be explained by
serendipitous accident. Since it seems doubtful that the ethnic identity
of Mrs. Powers' ancestors will ever be discovered, we must depend on
the visual evidence before us.
Strip Quilt. The strip quilt, sometimes called a "string quilt,"
is a form of the pieced quilt that is particularly favored by Afro-
American quilters. In this type of quilt the scraps of cloth are first
sewn into strips, which are then assembled into various patterns. Usu
ally the strip element runs the entire length of the quilt top so that
it is a complete structural unit as well as a design element. Although
Black quilters have made all manner of pieced quilts, often using the
same approaches as Euro-American quilt makers (Holstein, 1973), the
strip technique is the method found most frequently in Afro-America.
It has been observed in Black communities in coastal South Carolina, 119
Southwestern Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, Southern Maryland, and in Washington, D.C. and Philadelphia. This wide distribution makes the strip quilt the most commonplace domestic example of Black material culture in the United States. Why a single approach to the task of quilting should be so dominant among Afro-American quilt makers may be traced to the retention of design concepts found in African textiles
(Perry, 1976; Vlach, 1976).
Unlike the appliqued quilts of Harriet Powers, whose ethnic analogs are limited to a small geographic area of Africa, the strip quilts may reflect a heritage of textile making which extends across all of Western
Africa. Throughout West Africa men weave cloth on small horizontal looms with very narrow warps, usually between four and ten inches in width. The long strips of cloth produced on these looms are cut into usable lengths and edge-sewn together to form a larger textile (Sieber,
1972; Lamb and Lamb, 1975). Hence the strip is a basic structural unit in many West African textiles. It may also figure as a prominent design unit, since strips with uniformly decorated banding, when placed next to each other, may be manipulated to produce either checkerboard or hori zontal stripe designs (Vlach, 1976; Sieber, 1972). Although it is only a simple concept, the strip pattern is a basic decorative motif for
African textiles throughout the source area for slaves. If we are to expect any survival of African influences on Afro-American textiles, it would most likely be in a basic motif rather than an esoteric one, and it would likely be a design familiar to Euro-Americans. The corre lation between strip patterns in African textiles and Afro-American 120 quilts may then reflect a transatlantic continuity of aesthetic prefer ence (Vlach, 1977; Holstein, 1973).
The deliberate retention of the strip pattern is seen in a wool blanket (Figure 80) made by Luiza Francis Combs of Hazard, Kentucky.
An African-born Black woman who died in 1943 at the age of ninety, she was totally in command in the making of this textile. She raised the sheep from which the wool was sheared. She carded the wool and spun it into thread. After dying the thread red-orange, orange, lavender, and blue, she wove it into strip pattern. Both the color scheme and the strip design can be counted as African features. This strip blanket gives an indication of the significance of strip quilts; both are based on African memories.
It should be pointed out that strip patterns are not the exclusive property of Black peoples. They certainly occur in Euro-American quilts
— for example, the quilts made by Pennsylvania Germans in the nineteenth century (Holstein, 1973; Vlach, 1976). The quilts made by Blacks, how ever, would never be mistakenly identified as the work of Amish or
Menonite sewers. Euro-American quilters tend to draw their designs into a tight and ordered symmetry. When strip designs are used they are the same size and are pieced together in an orderly manner. Moreover, geo metric motifs set in blocks constitute the core of the Euro-American quilt design tradition. The strict formality of these works is only slightly relieved by a few instances of the "crazy" quilt. Rigid, uni form repetition and predictability are definite characteristics of
Western folk art, and the same is true of the Euro-American quilt (Glas- sie, 1972). By contrast, Afro-American strip quilts are random and wild, 121 seemingly out of control (Vlach, 1976). Sieber (1972) points out that, even though controlled geometric motifs are a standard element of Afri can textiles. Improvisational cloths are also part of the tradition and actually, the accidentals in such cloths are not unanticipated, but are allowed for if not calculated (Sieber, 1972).
These African qualities are analogous to the spirit sensed in Afro-
American strip quilts. In both cases there is a use of formal design motifs but not a submission to them. There is a shared stylistic affin ity between African textiles and Afro-American quilts. There is in both a commitment to a deeply imbedded sense of improvisation.
Although the applique and strip forms have been selected most often as a mode of African inspired creation, even pieced quilts may suggest an African feeling. Harriet Powers' achievement recalls a single ethnic source. The strip quilts, in form and particularly in style, reflect the widespread heritage of African textiles. What may in the end be regarded as the most important feature of Afro-American quilting is the apparent refusal to simple surrender an alternative aesthetic sense to the confines of mainstream expectations. Euro-American forms were converted so that African ideas would not be lost. 122
Figure 67. Akwete cloth. Made of cotton, gets its name from the town Akwete in Eastern Nigeria, where it is handwoven on looms that produce a cloth measuring 48 by 72 inches, called a "fathom,” It takes a weaver about ten days to make a fathom (Chase, 1971). 123
Figure 68. Appliqued Gown, Ghana (Sieber, 1972). 124
Figure 69. Appliqued Textile, Dahomey. The Herskovitz Collection, Chicago, Illinois.
Figure 70. Appliqued Textile, Dahomey. The Herskovitz Collection, Chicago, Illinois.
K t 125
Figure 71. Quilt, Harriet Powers. The National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
;»*i o * k r,vr» !* m'*J r . Vtf
*
\ 126
Figure 72. Bible Quilt, Harriet Powers (ca. 1886). The National Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution, Washing ton, D.C.
v 127
Figure 73. Top: Detail of Fon Applique. Symbol of Kpeng.la (1774-1789) 18th century king of Dahomey. Collection: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts.
Figure 74. Bottom: Detail of Harriet Powers' quilt. Collection: Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
-M *
\ 128
Figure 75 Top: Detail of Fon appliqued symbol of Houegbadja (1654- 1685), 17th century king of Dahomey. Collection: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts.
Figure 76 Bottom: Detail of Harriet Powers' quilt. Collection: Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 129
Figure 77 , Top: Detail of For. appliqued symbol for Ghezo (1818-1858), ]9th century king of Dahomey. Collection: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts.
Figure 78 Bottom: Deatil of Harriet Powers' Bible quilt. Collection: Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
i 130
Figure 79. Men's weave textile. Upper Volta. The Katharine White Collection, Los Angeles, California. 131
Figure 80. Blanket, Luiza Combs, (ca. 1890). Collection: Kenneth Combs, Cleveland, Ohio. 132
Figure 81. Men's Weave textile, Ghana. The Katharine White Collection, Los Angeles, California.
010100000100000200010200000200238902020201000200010102010201 133
Pottery
Blacks were involved in all major craft activities in the United
States from the early colonial period up to aind through emancipation.
This is not surprising when we understand that Black people constituted half, if not more, of the labor force for many southern states. A
British traveler in 1759 remarked: "The number of Negroes in the southern colonies is upon the whole nearly equal, if not superior to that of
White men." (Burnaby, 1960, p. 111.) In Louisa County in central Vir ginia the number of Blacks was just slightly above the white population in 1790, but by 1880 their margin of dominance increased to more than
4,000 (Conrad and Meyer, 1954; Genovese, 1974; Starobin, 1970). The daily chores which were essential to the maintenance of life in rural eighteenth and nineteenth century America included many tasks other than field labor. There were houses and barns to build, tools to make and repair, grain to mill and store, cloth to weave and tailor. Although most Blacks toiled their lives away under the sharp eye of the field foreman, some had to be placed in the workshop, forge, mill and loom house (Vlach, 1979).
None of the historians of slavery ever fails to note the involve ment of Blacks in the skilled trades. In the Carolinas the overwhelming majority of artisans were "Negro" slaves (Newman, 1974; Thompson, 1969).
Circumstances such as these give rise to a Black American tradition in pottery, a craft most often practiced in this country by whites.
That Blacks did not dominate American ceramics is understandable, given the distinctly European technology and materials involved: treadle- operated wheels, wood-stoked kilns, decorative slips and glazes. Even 134 if an African slave had known something of his own pottery traditions of hand built, open field-fired earthenware, he still would have been inadequately prepared to "turn and burn" stoneware jugs and crocks.
Furthermore, pottery as practiced throughout Africa is mainly a woman’s craft (Newman, 1974; Thompson, 1969). Early Black male artisans who became potters had to break sharply away from their past as they entered into their new trade.
Consequently the rift between a possible memory of an African aes thetic and the demands of the American experience could only be closed when Black craftsmen were able to work in groups. This kind of situation was prevalent in the Edgefield district of west-central South Carolina
(see map of the area). This area was a primary area throughout the early nineteenth-century for the production of Alkaline-glazed stoneware
(Burrison, 1975), much of which was made by Black labor. Lewis Miles of Edgefield, for example, owned forty slaves, many of whom were em ployed in his pottery works (Vlach, 1979). The Afro-American tradition in ceramics thus began in South Carolina, and it is here that we can expect to find a distinct Black achievement.
Dave the Potter. The most accomplished Afro-American potter of the period was a slave who was owned by Abner Landrum. Landrum established the first pottery in the Edgefield District sometime between 1810 and
1820, named appropriately enough, Pottersville (Ferrell and Ferrell,
1976). In 1827, the Pottersville manufactory passed out of Landrums hands, but he had a major influence on subsequent developments, and Dave was taught to read and write by Landrum and was later given over to
Lewis Miles, Landrum’s son-in-law, and owner of Miles Mill. 135
Dave's verbal training was useful to him in his pottery career, for he often inscribed his works with rhymed couplets. These poetic pots are among the outstanding achievements of Afro-American folk craft.
Ceramic historians consider his work a delight, for not only did he sign his name with a distinctive script, but he also recorded the name or initials of his owner, Lewis Miles, the date of the manufacture, and occasionally the name of the customer. A stoneware jug splashed with white Kaolin slip (Figure 82) bears a typical inscription: "Lm/Oct. 25
- 1853/Dave." This is minimal information, but it is enough (Burrison,
1975).
Dave's career in pottery was quite long, and consequently he must have made hundreds of clay objects. Almost fifty have been discovered so far (more are sure to turn up). Roughly one-forth of Dave's known repertoire carries a verbal message, a sign of his education and verbal skills. His themes tend to describe the function of his large jars, and often his rhymes were unique compositions, the couplet, "Made at
Stoney Bluff/For making lard enuff," occurs on two pots (Charleston
Museum Collection). Sometimes Dave's verbal skills were directed to wards monetary matters: "this noble jar will hold 20 (gallons)/fill it with silver then you will have plenty" (Ferrell & Ferrell, 1976); patriotism: "The Fourth of July is surely come/to sound the fife and beat the drum" (Folklore Museum, Georgia State University, Atlanta);
and even his own enslavement: "Dave belongs to Mr. Miles/wher(e) the
oven bakes and the pot biles (boils)."
These verses are somewhat reminiscent of blues poetry (Jones, 1963), although what can clearly be defined as the blues was still half a century away at the time of Dave's career. Dave's work consists mostly of very large open-mouth jars, usually about two feet high, with slab handles around the rim. His largest piece stands twenty-nine inches high. This jar, which may hold more than forty gallons, is the largest piece of stoneware known in the south. Another characteristic of Dave's work is the scale of his pieces; his pots tend to be very wide at the shoulder. Their bases conform to the usual dimensions (around twelve inches), but the walls flair boldly to the shoulder, near the top of the vessel. Above the shoulder of the jar, the walls break sharply inward to the mouth, leaving a distinct ridge (Vlach, 1979; Ferrell and Ferrell
1976).
Dave's works are largely renderings of an Anglo-American form. It may be possible to think of Dave's pieces as modifications of the Ameri can norm, in the same manner that Afro-American quilts are renderings of Euro-American designs, but it is more appropriate to view his pottery as a heroic accomplishment. He threw larger and heavier ware than any one else, sometimes requiring a mound of clay weighing more than forty pounds. Great strength and skill were required to turn such pots. He knew it and his owner knew it. Perhaps in his way he sought to throw off the shackles of bondage and gain a measure of respect. He was eight three years old when he died (Vlach, 1979).
Afro-Carolinian Face Vessels. In the literature of folk art, the ceramic vessels created by Afro-American artisans have been variously called "grotesque jugs" (Figures 86, 89 and 90) "voodoo pots," "monkey pots" (Figure 87), and "monkey jugs." There has been speculation that this genre of artistic expression had its origins in South Carolina 137
(Fine, 1973; Driskell, 1976; Chase, 1971). The scholars Cox (1970),
Stow (1925), and Vlach (1979), disagree. Face vessels, the latter group argues, were made in every pottery region of the United States. Cox cites examples by an anonymous potter from Montgomery County in Pennsyl vania around 1805; Stow gives the example of E.G. Grafts of Whatley,
Massachusetts around 1833, and the Smithsonian Institution displayed vessels by Henry Remmy of Philadelphia whose work dates about 1838.
Vlach states that even in Edgefield there is evidence of ceramic sculp ture before 1840 (fragments of a portrait bust— not a vessel— have been recovered from a site in the area).
The decoration of pottery with faces had been established much earlier in Europe. In fact, British face vessels date from the period of Roman domination. This mode of decoration which became part of the
British tradition of folk pottery around AD 200, emerges again in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By the eighteenth century the face vessel form had matured into the comical Toby jug (Taggart, 1967), how ever, as Thompson (1969) points out, the Afro-Caroli’nian Face vessels are quite different stylistically than the Toby jug.
The face jugs made in Edgefield around 1850 are thus preceded by an extensive tradition in Euro-American pottery. Moreover, the making of pots with faces was so widespread by the late nineteenth century that it would be a mistake to consider all late nineteenth century face ves sels as necessarily tied to South Carolina vessels tradition— obviously other pertinent sources of inspiration were also available. Although
Edgefield face vessels are neither the oldest nor the most influential expression of this type of ceramic sculpture in the United States, they 138 are, nevertheless, stylistically distinct. Because of this, and because they were made by Black potters, we may view them as an important achieve ment in Afro-American decorative art and worthy of inclusion in this study.
Some have questioned whether or not Blacks ever made face vessels at all. We have already seen that they were deeply involved in the mak ing of utilitarian ware. Thomas Davies, owner of the pottery at Bath, said that his slaves made face vessels in 1862 (Barber, 1983, reprint ed., 1976).
Face vessels are unique in that they represent the transference of a familiar African form to another material. In this case Afro-American ceramics that resemble wooden cups, on one level; and direct transference on another leve, that of using Africanisms and superimposing them on an American tradition.
Monkey Pot. The term "monkey pot" has an authentic origin. The name is not a derogatory or descriptive one. It derived from the old- time expression, "I see a monkey," which was exclaimed by slaves working in the fields when dizzied by the heat. The pots were used to prevent the "monkey" by bringing water to thirsty slaves working in the fields.
There are definite resemblances between these jugs and African effigy pots (Barber, 1976; Chase, 1971; Vlach, 1979).
It has been pointed out that one of the most distinctive and unique features of the Afro-Carolinian effigy vessels is the way in which white china clay was used to inset eyes and teeth. Thompson has made the fas cinating observation that this feature has no European precedents, but seems to relate in its aesthetic to Kongo figural carving in wood (Thomp son, 1969; Kan, 1969). 139
Map 2. Important pottery sites in South Carolina. Edgefield and Aiken Counties are roughly equal to what was known as the Edgefield District in the 19th Century (Vlach, 1976).
South Carolina
i _ Ninety-six •
G r e e n w o o d ' COUNTY / • Kirksey's Crossroads
EDGEFIELD COUNTY
• Miles Mil!
AIKEN COUNTY
Augusta •
25
miles 140
Figure 82. Jug, Dave the Potter (1853). Height 16 inches, Diameter 12 inches. Collection: Dr. James T. Bryson, Washington, Georgia.
\ 141
Figure 83, Jar, Dave the Potter (1859). Collection: Nicholson Estate, Cedar Grove Plantation, Edgefield, South Carolina. 142
Figure 84. Jar, Dave the Potter (1859). Height 29 inches, Diameter 26 inches. (Stoneware, ash glaze.) Collection: The Charle ston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. This is thought to be the largest stoneware jar ever made, in the South. Its capacity is estimated at forty-four gallons (Vlach, 1978). 143
Figure 85. Jar, Dave the Potter (1840). Height 15 inches, Diameter 13 inches. Collection: The Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina, 144
Figure 86. Face Vessel. Stoneware, kaolin, ash glaze (ca. 1850) 4 inches. Collection: Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 145
Figure 87. Effigy jug, called a monkey pot. Made in Bath, South Caro lina (ca. 1817). Collection: Augusta Museum, Augusta, Georgia. Note the strong African stylistic influence. 146
Figure 88. Bapende wooden cup. Collection: University of South Caro lina Museum, Columbia, South Carolina. It is not surprising that the Bapende cup and the monkey pot (Figure 87) bear such a strong resemblence. In America men were the potters, though in Africa this was women's work. Therefore a man would likely use designs he was accustomed to making in wood (Chase, 1971). 147
Figure 8^. Face cup. Stoneware, kaolin, ash glaze (ca. 1850). Bath, South Carolina. Height 4 inches. Collection: Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
) 148
Figure 90. Face jug, attributed to Lewis Miles Pottery, Stoneware, slip glaze, Height 7 inches (ca. 1840-1860). Collection: The Ferrell Co]lection, Easley, South Carolina. 149
Figure 91. Nkisi Figure, Zaire. Wood, knives, nails, mirror, bone, leopard tooth. Height 12 inches. Collection: Dr. and Mrs. Anspach, New York City. There are linkages between Afro- Carolinian face vessels to the Zaire-Angola region of Africa. For example, the use of pin-point pupils within white eyes, the use of long, hooked noses, and open mouths with bared teeth (Thompson, 1969). 150
Figure 92. Face vessel, South Carolina (mid-19th century ?). White clay. Height 1-3/16 inches. Collection: The Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. Compare the stylistic affinity of this face to the face of Figure 91. 151
Figure 93. Face vessel, Ghana, Akan people, Ashanti tribe? Earthen ware, cowries. Collection: Museum of African Art, Wash ington, D.C. Compare the similarity of these facial features with Figures 90 and 94. 15
Figure 94. Face vessel. Bath, South Carolina (mid-19th Century). Redware, ash glaze. Height 5 inches. Collection: John Gordon Gallery, New7 York City. 153
Early Black American Painters
Throughout the colonial period, the Black artisan was never really integrated into American society. Even the talented Black was subject to all the legal restrictions, social opprobrium, and caprice of slav ery. Yet often his priviledged position as a liberally treated house- servant, the awakening of an anti-slavery sentiment in some northern localities, and the fact of the small number of Blacks in the New England
Colonies enabled the urbanized Black to approach closer to the status of true citizenship and to find patrons of his creative ability. But this was not true of Blacks in the South before 1871. From the gener alization of course, are excepted those Blacks who are themselves members of the master class.
Scipio Moorhead (active around 1773). Before emancipation in Massa chusetts, Blacks there had commonly enjoyed the ordinary rights of free laborers. The classic example of a slave who received paternalistic treatment from a genteel bourgeois culture is the poet Phillis Wheatley.
In a poem, "To S.M., a Young African Painter, on Seeing His Works," she mentions a Black contemporary painter-slave, one of the first Black artists of the servant class in America. A manuscript note penciled at the end of the contents of a 1773 London edition of her volume,
Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral, in which the above title appears, identifies S.M. as "Scipio Moorhead, Negro servant to the Rev.
John Moorhead of Boston whose genius inclined him that way." (Porter,
1969; Chase, 1971; Fine, 1972; Dover, 1960).
None of the artist's works has ever come to light, but we are told that his talent was recognized and cultivated by Sarah Moorhead, wife 154 of the minister, who was herself a teacher of art and expert in the techniques of drawing and painting on glass. There is unfortunately, no sound evidence that Scipio was the author of the unsigned portrait of Phillis Wheatley that is used as a frontispiece for several of her published works, but it affords interesting speculation. It is known that Phillis was acquainted with Scipio’s owners and the conjecture that he made the portrait is strengthened when we realize that both the en graving for the first time in the same 1773 edition of her work (Chase,
1971; Fine, 1973; Dover, 1960; Porter, 1960; Driskell, 1976, Lewis,
1978).
Joshua Johnston (1976 - 1803). Although he is the best documented of all the eighteenth century Black artists, Joshua Johnston remains a shadowy figure at best. He was listed in the Baltimore Directory as a portrait painter, or limner, from 1796-1824, but following his death his works were often attributed to other artists. It has taken intensive research over the years to uncover some two dozen or so of his paintings.
Thanks to the efforts of the late Dr. J. Hall Pleasants of the Maryland
Historical Society, we can draw a vague portrait of Joshua Johnston.
That he was a "Free Householder of Colour" we know, and it appears likely that he was first a slave, or house servant, who later obtained his freedom, perhaps earning it through his labor as a painter (Chase, 1971).
Johnston's work strongly suggests the direct influence of Charles
Peale Polk, a relative of Charles Wilson Peale a very active portrait painter in Baltimore in the 1790s. Tradition in the Moale family, whose portraits he painted makes him the slave of Colonel John Moale, who lived on German Street in Baltimore and at one time the artist is 155
listed as residing on the same street, which seems to lend credence to
this story. Perhaps he was given a studio on Colonel Moales property
(Bearden & Henderson, 1972).
Johnson was the first artist of Black ancestry to gain public re
cognition in the United States as a portrait painter. While the majority
of his subjects were members of wealthy slave holding families, his
Portrait of a Cleric is a painting that depicts a Black man; J. Hall
Pleasants has estimated its date as between 1805 and 1810. It is also
possible that Johnston produced other paintings of Blacks. Lewis (1978)
feels that his sensitive handling of Portrait of a Cleric (Figure 95)
suggests that it was not his first attempt at depicting a.Black subject.
She suggests that close examination of the portrait also reveals a re
laxed approach not evident in any of the artist's other surviving works.
None of the paintings attributed to Johnston are signed or dated,
but all bear similar stylistic traits. The portraitures are neatly
rendered and the works are distinguished by an unusually flexible treat ment of hands. The faces are usually shown in three-quarter view, with
the glances of elliptical eyes directed straight forward. Mouths are
drawn in a linear style typical of the period. The paintings reveal no
physical or psychological relationship between figures, which, in most
cases suggest the stiffness and lack of personality characteristic of
many works done earlier in the eighteenth century. The tightly set
lips, staring eyes, and seemingly inflexible bodies aptly illustrate
that these were posed works, not the products of momentary impression.
The backgrounds suggest only a partial knowledge of vanishing points;
and often no single area of a painting is made dominant, either through 156 color, placement of figures, or rendering of detail (Lewis, 1978; Bear- don & Henderson, 1972).
Because brass-studded Sheraton sofas and chairs are used frequently in Johnston's portraits, it has been conjectured that his "metallic rhythmic use of nails" is an Africanism, Chase (1971) holds these con jectures as far-fetched. "Had the actual nails themselves been in serted into the canvas," she postulates, "there might be a clearer re lationship; but since they are merely painted on, it is more likely these are, like the other artist's props, merely studio furnishings that were used because of their popularity at the time" (Chase, 1971, p. 98). 157
Figure 95. Joshua Johnston, Portrait of a Cleric. (Oil on canvas, ca. 1810.) Collection: Bowdoin College.
Sir 158
Robert S. Duncanson (1821 - 1872). After the Civil War the Anti-
Slavery Society relaxed its effort to nurture Black talent. Then the
Society's cause was taken over by new groups which sought to justify
the freedom that had been bestowed on Blacks. The Freedmen’s Aid Soci
ety, founded after the war, was one of these patron groups of culture
among the liberated Blacks.
Duncanson was one of the youthful artists who, prior to the Civil
War, received help from the Anti-Slavery League. An article in the
New York Age for March 17, 1928, recounts that he was sent abroad by
that organization for study. As his early years in Cincinnati were marked by struggle and disappointment, it is likely that such conditions
led him to seek permanent residence in Europe (Porter, 1969).
As stated earlier, Duncanson was the son of a Scots-Canadian and a
free Black woman. He spent his early years in Canada and later moved
with his mother to Mount Healthy, a small Ohio community about fifteen miles north of Cincinnati. A border city between the North and the
South, Cincinnati in the early ]880s was a center of controversy over
slavery and the rights of Blacks who had escaped from southern states.
Ohio's Black Laws, passed in 1804, prohibited settlement in the state without proof of freedom; however, repressive measures resulting from
these laws did not directly affect resident Blacks, nor prevent those in
Cincinnati from sharing in the city's program of fine arts for the masses (Lewis, 1978).
Duncanson was a resident in the Cincinnati area at a time when art was considered an important aspect of education. Cincinnati was a pros
perous, frontier city and it maintained a society in which Black and 159
White artists mingled freely and shared ideas about their work (Dris- kell, 1976).
By 1842 Duncanson was exhibiting in the Cincinnati area. The cata log of an exhibition sponsored in that year by a local group (The Soci ety for the Promotion of Useful Knowledge) listed three of his works.
The other artists in the exhibition were primarily local residents who painted in the style of the Hudson River School, the romantic-naturalis tic tradition of which Duncanson was to become a follower. During the subsequent years, references to Duncanson’s work appeared in numerous newspaper reviews and articles. Among these, the Detroit Dailey Adver tiser (2 February 1846) made reference to Duncanson's work and described him as a portrait painter who had "designed and finished several histor ical and fancy pieces of great merit" (Lewis, 1978).
Officially a Cincinnati resident, Duncanson also had a long associ ation with artistic activities in Detroit. Duncanson's abilities as an artist are best demonstrated in landscape painting, in which he excelled and in which he was probably influenced by several outstanding American landscape artists, among them Thomas Cole and Asher B. Durand. Duncan son's landscape style exhibits the broad range of atmospheric and emo tional elements typical of works of the Hudson River School. It often utilizes such striking atmospheric effects as wind and rain storms to give increased drama to the work; at other times, however, it very ef fectively conveys the qualities of a calm pastoral setting. Whatever their mood, Duncanson's paintings, like Durand's, involve a more intimate scale than do the paintings of Cole and many comparable landscape artists
(Driskell, 1976; Porter, 1969; Lewis, 1978). 160
In 1848 Nicholas Longworth, a lawyer turned realtor, commissioned
Duncanson to do a series of murals for his Cincinnati residence. (This house, an excellent, example of nineteenth century American architecture, had been purchased by Longworth in 1829 and is now the Taft Museum.)
Completed over the next two years, the series consists of eight composi tions that, because of their highly poetic quality, suggests the tradi tions of French landscape painting (Lewis, 1978).
Duncanson had the opportunity to study in Edinburgh, Scotland at the expense of the Anti-Slavery League. There, he created painting based on Alfred Lord Tennyson's poem, completed in 1861, The Lotus
Eaters, which received great acclaim from British art critics, though all attempts to locate it have failed (Chase, 1971; Fine, 1973; Driskell,
1978; Porter, 1960; Lewis, 1978).
The only known painting by Duncanson in which the special concerns of Blacks are the central subject matter is one that illustrates an incident from Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852), by Harriet Beecher Stowe (Figure
97) (Driskel], 1976).
Duncanson returned to the United States possibly in the late '60s, but was not in good health and is believed to have died in 1871 while a patient in a Detroit hospital (Fine, 1973; Porter, 1969; Driskell, 1976).
Present-day critics disagree in evaluating both Duncanson's artis tic ability and his character as a person, but there is no doubt that
Duncanson's career is a milestone in the history of Afro-American art, for he was perhaps the first Black American artist to receive widespread recognition both at home and abroad (Chase, 1971). 1 6 1
Figure 96. Robert Stuart Duncanson, Untitled Mural. (Oil on plaster, 109 3/8 x 91 3/8 inches, ca. 1848). Collection: The Taft Museum, Cincinnati, Ohio. 162
Figure 97. Robert Stuart Duncanson, Uncle Tom and Little Eva, 1853. (Oil on canvas, 21\ x 38b; inches.) Collection: Detroit Institute of Arts, Detroit, Michigan. Figure 98. Robert Stuart Duncanson, Blue Hole, Flood Waters, Little Miami River, 1951. (Oil on canvas, 29-s x 42-5 inches.) Collection: Cincinnati Art Museum, 163 Cincinnati, Ohio. 164
Edward M. Bannister (1828-1901). Porter (I960) feels that the work of Edward M, Bannister is the most objective and free from racial influ ence of all the early Black painters. Bannister's work represents a conscious effort on the part of early Blacks to move into the "main
stream" of American society. In a biographical sketch of Bannister in
William J. Simmon's Men of Mark, it is recounted that he began his stu dies with the determination to disprove a statement in the New York
Herald in 1867 that "while the Negro may harbor an appreciation of art, he is unable to produce it." And it is probable that Bannister regarded
such criticism of art by Blacks as a challenge to his own best efforts.
Born in Nova Scotia, Bannister was the son of a West Indian and a native of St. Andrews, New Brunswick. In his youth Bannister worked as a cook on a coastal trading vessel, and later much of his leisure time was spent sailing Narragansett Bay and studying its water and cloud
formations (Dover, 1960).
Unlike most nineteenth-century Afro-American artists, Bannister
enjoyed an excellent art education without ever going abroad. At bowell
Institute in Boston, he studied under the noted anatomist, Dr. William
Rimmer, and throughout his life he enjoyed stimulating and helpful asso
ciation with other artists (Driskell, 1976).
Bannister first supported himself in Boston by making prints, which
sold well, and gave him the necessary leisure to sketch and paint scenes
throughout the city. It was not long before he opened a studio and
installed himself as a professional artist. By 1855 Bannister had pro
duced his first commissioned work, The Ship Outward Bound (Chase, 1971). 165
Although Bannister's life and work as an artist goes beyond the time period covered in this study his is included because his ealry works fall within the scope of this dissertation. Also, he was the first Black artist to earn recognition as an American regionalist painter and more importantly, Bannister became one of the three founders of the Providence
Art Club, which later inspired the Rhode Island School of Design (Por ter, 1969; Fine, 1973; Dover, 1960; Lewis, 1978; Driskell, 1976).
In 1876, at the Centennial. Exhibition in Philadelphia, Bannister received national recognition when he was awarded a bronze medal for a painting titled Under the Oaks (1875). The painting was purchased for
$1,500. When the artist presented himself for the award he was insulted by the gallery guards who did not know that the Black was a guest of the exposition (Porter, 1969).
There is nothing in Bannister's work that shows that he identified with social causes or themes related to Afro-Americans. Most of Bannis ter's landscapes are bucolic, and he avoided the overt intrusion of grandeur into his pictures that was popular in the Hudson River School, which glorified and romanticized nature. Although Bannister obviously * enjoyed the picturesque, he did not look at nature merely as a pleasing setting for idyllic scenes. Rather, he strove to paint what he saw, so the picturesque quality of his work is not contrived, but natural.
Bannister's continual study of skies and clouds during his sailing days enabled him to capture the changing moods of weather, especially the moments he liked to depict— twilight, coming storm, or the aftermath of a storm— which imbued his landscapes with a mysterious, uncertain light and created an impression of grave tranquility (Chase, 1971). 166
Figure yy. Edvard M. Kannister, Landscape, 1882. (Oil on panel, 16 x 22 inches.) Collection: Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design, Providence, Rhode Island. 167
Figure 100. Edward M. Bannister, Driving Hone the Cows, 1881. (Oil on canvas, 32 x 50 inches.) Collection: Frederick Douglass Institute, Miller Collection, Museum of African Art, Washington, D.C.. 168
Figure 101. Edward >1. Bannister, Approaching Storm, 1886. (Oil on canvas, 40 x 60 inches.) Collection: Museum of African Art, Washington, D.C. 169
Figure 102. Edward M. Bannister, Street Scene, ca. 1895. (Oil on can vas, 8 9/16 x 5 3/4 inches.) Collection: Museum of Art, Rhode Island School of Design, Providence, Rhode Island. .170
Free Blacks. Because they were generally offspring of aristocratic white men, free Blacks in both the North and the South in the early nineteenth century enjoyed a measure of freedom uncommon to most Blacks at the time. Those who were acknowledged by their fathers were fre quently provided with opportunities for education, generally including study abroad, and with a social life based upon the standards of their white contemporaries. Those who were not sent elsewhere for an educa tion usually received special training and privileges as servants in the homes of their fathers (Lewis, 1978).
Metoyer Family Portraits. A contasting view of Black life in the
New Orleans area during this period is provided by the Metoyer family, descendants of one Marie Therese, who had been freed from slavery by the French commandant at Fort Natchitoches, and her husband, a Frenchman named Thomas Metoyer. This family maintained a way of life that re flected the elegant taste of the period. The mansion Metoyer ordered built for Marie Therese in 1750 is the oldest surviving dwelling con structed in the United States both by and for Blacks* it is also one of the oldest buildings in Louisiana. The famous African House, a two- story building on the Metoyer grounds, has features reminiscent of the constructions found in West African villages. Built of brick and cy press, the house is an impressive structure that stands as a monument to the ability of early Black architects and builders.
Still remaining in the mansion today are three interesting paint ings of Metoyer family members. One is a portrait of Augustine, Marie
Therese's eldest son (Figure 105), that was painted in 1829 and signed with the name Feuville. The two others are undated and unsigned 171 portraits of a grandson and a granddaughter (Figures 103 and 104). All three paintings are assumed to be the work of Black artists.
In the mid-1800s, as a result of difficulties stemming from threat ened slave insurrections, the Metoyer family and many other Blacks became victims of white reprisals; for the Metoyers in 1847, these re prisals included the takeover of their home (Dover, 1960; Lewis, 1978). Figure 173
Figure 104. Grandson of Marie Metover, (1830?). Artist unknown. Col lection: Melrose Plantation, Natchitoches, Louisiana. 174
Figure 105. Interior of Melrose. Augustine, Madame Metoyer's eldest son, is the subject of the large portrait (signed Feuville, 1829.) He is pointing to St. Augustine's Church which, as the leader of the mulatto community, he built for his people in 1829. 175
Figure 106. Franklin stove (unknown Black artist), in the main bedroom of Melrose Plantation, Metoyer Estate. 176
Figure 107. Melrose Plantation, Netchitoches, Louisiana. It was built of earth, mixed with moss and deer hair packed between cypress planks by unkown Black carpenters. 177
Figure 108. "African House." Melrose Plantation, Natchitoches, Loui siana (early 19th century). This slave-built house of Mme. Metoyer is reminiscent of the Bamalike houses of the Cameron, West Africa (Thompson, 1969; Vlach, 1968). CHAPTER IV
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Purpose
The purpose of this dissertation was to examine the influences of
African, European, and American culture on the arts and crafts (wood- carving, basketmaking, furnituremaking, quilting, pottery and painting) of early Black American artisans who lived and worked between 1649 to
1865, and to demonstrate the implications of these findings as a curri culum resource in art education.
The research was descriptive in nature and identified photographed artifacts (decorative arts, crafts and painting) pointing out stylistic similarities, influences of acculturation, Africanisms and European culture on the arts produced by early Black American artisans. Litera ture in Afro-American art, and art education, was reviewed to focus on specific writings of scholars concerned with the cultural heritage of
Blacks.
Limitations and Procedures
The examination of Afro-American art research was limited to such secondary sources as museum catalogs and brochures, textbooks, articles, and photographic reproductions of artifacts produced by early Afro-Ameri can artisans. Though the historical materials and artifacts in
178 179 photographic form have curricular implications for art education, this study does not develop these resources as curricula.
Financial considerations precluded on-site visits to such visual resource centers as the Old Slave Mart Museum (Charleston, South Caro lina), Museum of African Art, Smithsonian Institution, and the Library of Congress (Washington, D.C.), Oxford University (London, England),
The Nigerian Museum (Lagos, Nigeria) and others; however, this disser tation has synthesized materials from diverse sources on the cultural heritage of Afro-Americans and has constructed a thematic framework
(see flow chart) for understanding of cultural influences on that crea tive body of works produced by early Black American artisans.
Materials were collected on woodcarving, basketmaking, cabinet- making, quilting, pottery and painting. Comparisons were made between these objects made by slave artisans with objects originating in various
West African cultures. The criteria included similarities of motif, symbolism, and stylistic parallel.
Summary of Research Findings
This dissertation considered six of the decorative arts, crafts and paintings of early Afro-Americans largely from the perspective of what Webber (1978) called "cultural history." As a consequence of the analyses made the following conclusions can be stated:
1. By creating and controlling their own education instruments,
Blacks in the slave quarter community were able to pass onto their children a set of unique cultural themes and aesthetics. 180
2. There is ample evidence of the survival of African culture in the decorative arts of early Afro-American artisans, especially in basketmaking. The techniques of manufacturing Afro-American baskets are similar to African baskets. Black adults taught this skill to their children exactly as it had been taught in Africa, so that the method
(via the apprentice system) continued without interruption.
3. There were stylistic differences between works created by urban Blacks and southern plantation Blacks. This can be accounted for because urban Blacks created artifacts for use by Whites who wanted
Europeanized reminders of "home." This influence of acculturation di luted or almost obliterated the Africanisms in the artifacts created by urban Black artisans. Conversely, the artisans of the slave quarter community, under the heavy influence of enculturation, feeling less of a sense of isolation from other Blacks, created works closer to African forms. One may for example compare the work of Dave the Potter (Figures
82 and 83) with the face vessels (Figures 87 and 90) of plantation slaves, or the woodcarving of the grandfather of Harve Brown (Figure 33) with the furniture of Thomas Day (Figure 65).
4. (Juilting shows moderate influences from both African and
European culture. Though quiltmaking is a European form, Blacks brought to it the tradition of African appliqued techniques and textile design.
Therefore quilting done by Black artisans such as Harriet Powers (Fig- • ures 71 and 72) can in no way be thought of as "cultural surrender."
The motifs employed by Powers were stylistically similar to African forms
(Figures 73, 74, 75, 76, 77 and 78). 181
5. Afro-American painting shows heavy European influence. There is no reference to African symbolism such as reptillian motifs, etc., as manifested in the slave-made walking sticks. The period that produced the early Black painters is a period that was characterized by the ef forts of Blacks to move into the "mainstream" of American society.
Another factor to consider is the education of the early Black artists, both formal and informal. For example, Joshua Johnston was self-taught but was influenced in his work by his exposure to the work of Charles
Peale Polk. Other early Black painters were educated formally either in Europe or in the United States— another consideration that accounts for this medium's overhwelming European influence. Moreover, these works were produced exclusively for Whites. Only on rare occasions did these Black artists concern themselves with themes relating to Blacks
(comapre Figures 95 and 97 and Figure 1); the approach, aesthetically, was decidedly European.
6. The conclusion of numerous scholars that American Blacks lack a visual legacy is totally unfounded. Recently uncovered evidence like the Nok and Benin findings, as well as the material presented in this dissertation suggest contrary conclusions.
7. Though the illustrative materials and text are not a curricu lum in the ordinary sense of the term, the materials fill in an import ant missing link between the African and European heritage as they evolved into the Afro-American heritage. This will enable curriculum and textbook writers to discuss this heritage with increased understand ing and appreciation. In particular, visual teaching aids could be 182 developed for teaching drawing, sculpture, design, crafts and criticism based on the photographic record provided by this dissertation.
Suggestions for Further Research
Further research needs to be conducted in the area of Black cultur al heritage curriculum for art education. In spite of the dramatic
increase in the number of exhibits and publications devoted to works of artists who are Black, little attention has been given to them in texts used in school art curricula. Victor Lowenfeld included works by John
Biggers and Samella Lewis in Creative and Mental Growth, published in
1947, as examples of mural painting. These illustrations have been
omitted in editions published since Lowenfeld's death. In addition these artists were not identified as Black, but their work was used as examples
of design or mural painting (Grigsby, 1977, p. 12).
Students of African descent need "representative models" to emu
late. Students attending majority schools, predominantly Caucasian, are constantly presented models with whom they can identify geographically
and ethnically. Most art classes, whether studio or art history, will
touch upon European art and artists; English, French, German, Spanish and so forth, whose backgrounds will be similar to many members of the
class. Reference to African art is usually made in the context of
"primitive, exotic, or strange" in the sense that these are interesting but not works to be used as models to emulate. Few historical or con
temporary examples of American artists of African background are in
cluded in the average class, because few are readily available in gen
eral texts (Grigsby, 1977, p. 36). 183
Further research is needed in the categories already touched on in this study. Other categories requiring research are (1) Musical instru ments: There is no doubt that Black American music derives its identity from an African heritage. (2) Blacksmithing: Except for woodworking there is no other trade in which Black American talent was expressed more often than in blacksmithing. The beautiful wrought-iron works in New Orleans and Charleston attest to this. (3) Architecture: Far too often our view of architecture focuses on huge public buildings and grandiose monuments. Dwellings are usually ignored by scholarship. In the slave narratives are abundant references to slave-built cabins and houses (see the Matoyer-African house). (4) Graveyard Decoration: Throughout rural Afro-America the cemetery has special significance. In this area,
Herskovitz (1958) and Bastide (1971) have documented a complex set of
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APPENDIX
Cultural Influences on Early Black American Art (1649-1865)
This flow chart was designed to show the cultural influences on
early Black American arts and crafts (1649-1865). Data indicates that
the strongest African influences were found in woodcarving and bascket- making. Slaves carved African motifs on walking sticks; these symbols
included lizards, tortoises, alligators and serpents. In Africa, the
reptile is endowed with magical and mythical qualities (Vlach, 1979;
Thompson, 1969); Basketmaking was taught by slave parents to their young
exactly as it had been taught in Africa. The materials were the same
as those in Africa and the techniques were identical. Both African and
Afro-Carolinian baskets are laid out in a clockwise direction (Hersko vitz. 1958; Chase, 1971; Davis, 1976); Furnituremaking, quilting, and
pottery were influenced by acculturation (the merger of African and
European culture). The slave artisans furniture tended to show more
African influence than the work of Thomas Day. This is explained by the
fact that Thomas Day's work was intended for use by whites (Barfield,
1975; Driskell, 1976), whereas the slave artisans primarily created
artifacts for personal use on the plantation (Chase, 1971; Fine, 1973).
Harriet Powers' quilts are examples of European forms being modified
to fit African sensibilities (Kent, 1976; Vlach, 1976; T.ipman & Winches
ter, 1974); The Afro-Carolinian face vessels and monkey pots are closer
to the African cultural tradition while the pottery of Dave is in the
European tradition. Dave's work (like Day's) was created exclusively
for Whites, while the face vessels and monkey pots were for the use of
slaves (Thompson, 1969; Kan, 1969; Barber, 1976; Taggert, 1967); 196
Afro-American painting manifests the strongest European influences.
There is nothing in the data gathered to suggest influences from either
African culture or acculturation in the paintings of Afro-Americans.
Painting represents attempts by Blacks to enter the mainstream of Ameri can cultural life. These painters were primarily Free-Blacks supported by Anti-Slavery sentiment. Training was provided in either American art schools or Europe. These painters were, therefore, influenced by their white American contemporaries or the canons of European taste.
There was no indication in the data that these Black painters had any knowledge of African tradition in painting. The work they created was, of course, exclusively for Whites (Porter, 1969; Chase, 1971; Dover,
1960; Lewis, 1978). Chart 1
CULTURAL INFLUENCES ON EARLY BLACK AMERICAN ART (1649-1865)
ACCULTURATION AFRICAN INFLUENCES p- Blend of African and European EUROPEAN INFLUENCES Culture
HOODCAKVING FIIRNTTUREMAKING PAINTING Georgia Northeast Slave artisans Thomas Day and Missouri Area
BASKETMAKING QUILTING
POTTERY
Face vessels Dave the Potter 198
SELECTED LISTING OF VISUAL RESOURCE CENTERS
Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Collection, Williamsburg, Virginia. Anacosta Neighborhood Museum, Washington, D.C. Atlanta University, Atlanta, Georgia. Augusta Museum, Augusta, Georgia. Baylor University, Waco, Texas. Boston African American National Historic Site, Boston, Massachusetts, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts. Bowdoin College Museum of Art, Brunswick, Maine. Chape.l of the Cross, Chapel Hill, North Carolina. Charleston Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. Chicago Art Institute, Chicago, Illinois. Cincinnati Art Museum, Cincinnati, Ohio. Convent of the Ursuline Sisters, New Orleans, Louisiana. Cornell University, Ithaca, New York. Detroit Institute of the Arts, Detroit, Michigan. Du Sable Museum of Black History and Art, Chicago, Illinois. Elms Plantation, Millbrook, Alabama. Field Museum, Chicago, Illinois. Gordon Gallery, New York City. Hampton University, Hampton, Virginia. Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Historical Pictures Service of Chicago. Index of American Design (National Gallery of Art) Washington, D.C. Indiana University Museum, Bloomington, Indiana. Institute University Museum, Bloomington, Indiana. Institute Ethnologie, University of Paris, France. Ladislas Segy Collection, New York, New York. Library of the Boston Athenaem, Boston, Massachusetts. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Museum of Primitive Art, New York City. Louisiana State Museum. Lowey Museum of Anthropology, The University of California at Berkeley. Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, Maryland. Melrose Plan-ation (Metoyer Estate), Natchitoches, Louisiana. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City. Mississippi State Historical Museum, Jackson, Mississippi. Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University, Washington, D.C. New York Historical Society. Nicholsen Estate, Cedar Grove Plantation, Edgefield, South Carolina. Nigerian Museum, Lagos, Nigeria. North Carolina Museum of History, Raleigh, North Carolina. Ohio Historical Society, Columbus, Ohio. Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina. Oxford University, London, England. Paints Division, New York Public Library (Aster, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations), New York City. 199
SELECTED LISTING OF VISUAL RESOURCE CENTERS
CONTINUED
Rhode Island School of Design, Providence, Rhode Island. Schoraberg Collection of Negro Literature and History, New York City. Taft Museum, Cincinnati, Ohio. The Herskovitz Collection, Chicago, Illinois. University Museum, University of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina. Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, Virginia. Yale University Library (Rare Books & Manuscript Division), New Haven, Connecticut.