Zimbabwe Zimbabwe at a Glance: 2008-09
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
On the Shoulders of Struggle, Memoirs of a Political Insider by Dr
On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider Dr. Obert M. Mpofu Dip,BComm,MPS,PhD Contents Preface vi Foreword viii Commendations xii Abbreviations xiv Introduction: Obert Mpofu and Self-Writing in Zimbabwe xvii 1. The Mind and Pilgrimage of Struggle 1 2. Childhood and Initiation into Struggle 15 3. Involvement in the Armed Struggle 21 4. A Scholar Combatant 47 5. The Logic of Being ZANU PF 55 6. Professional Career, Business Empire and Marriage 71 7. Gukurahundi: 38 Years On 83 8. Gukurahundi and Selective Amnesia 97 9. The Genealogy of the Zimbabwean Crisis 109 10. The Land Question and the Struggle for Economic Liberation 123 11. The Post-Independence Democracy Enigma 141 12. Joshua Nkomo and the Liberation Footpath 161 13. Serving under Mugabe 177 14. Power Struggles and the Military in Zimbabwe 205 15. Operation Restore Legacy the Exit of Mugabe from Power 223 List of Appendices 249 Preface Ordinarily, people live to either make history or to immortalise it. Dr Obert Moses Mpofu has achieved both dimensions. With wanton disregard for the boundaries of a “single story”, Mpofu’s submission represents a construction of the struggle for Zimbabwe with the immediacy and novelty of a participant. Added to this, Dr Mpofu’s academic approach, and the Leaders for Africa Network Readers’ (LAN) interest, the synergy was inevitable. Mpofu’s contribution, which philosophically situates Zimbabwe’s contemporary politics and socio-economic landscape, embodies LAN Readers’ dedication to knowledge generation and, by extension, scientific growth. -
19 October 2009 Edition
19 October 2009 Edition 017 HARARE-Embattled‘I Deputy Agriculturewill Minister-Designate not quit’He was ordered to surrender his passport and title deeds of Roy Bennett has vowed not to give up politics despite his one of his properties and not to interfere with witnesses. continued ‘persecution and harassment.’ His trial was supposed to start last week on Tuesday at the Magistrate Court, only to be told on the day that the State was “I am here for as long as I can serve my country, my people applying to indict him to the High Court. The application was and my party to the best of my ability. Basically, I am here until granted the following day by Magistrate Lucy Mungwira and we achieve the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe,” said he was committed to prison. Bennett in an interview on Saturday, quashing any likelihood that he would leave politics soon. On Friday, Justice Charles Hungwe reinstated his bail granted He added: “I have often thought of it (quitting) and it is an by the Supreme Court in March, resulting in his release. easiest thing to do, by the way. But if you have a constituency you have stood in front of and together you have suffered, “It is good to be out again, it is not a nice place (prison) to be. there is no easy walking away from that constituency. There are a lot of lice,” said Bennett. He said he had hoped So basically I am there until we return democracy and that with the transitional government in existence he would freedoms to Zimbabwe.” not continue to be ‘persecuted and harassed”. -
The Week's Top Stories
The Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe Monday June 14th - Sunday June 20th 2010 Weekly Media Review 2010-23 Contents 1. The week’s top stories 2. Most popular voices 3. What they said… THE WEEK’S TOP STORIES THE launch of the long-awaited constitutional outreach consultation exercise after months of bickering among the coalition parties was the highlight of the week in all the media. The government-run media, however, simply endorsed this development as evidence of progress in the implementation of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) without questioning Zimbabweans’ ability to fully express themselves amid reports of intimidation by ZANU PF supporters, especially in rural areas. The private media continued to highlight the implications of this problem, alongside inadequate funding, logistical hitches and the ongoing information drought, reported to be more prevalent in rural areas. The operations of the inclusive government, particularly efforts to normalize relations with the West, and the controversial decision by Kimberley Process monitor Abbey Chikane to certify Chiadzwa’s diamonds, sparking international condemnation, competed for attention too. Fig 1: The most popular stories Media Constitutional Inclusive Chiadzwa Human reform process government diamonds rights State-run 33 28 15 0 media Private media 39 49 33 43 Total 72 77 48 43 COPAC’s outreach hit by fear and confusion CALLS by the coalition principals for Zimbabweans to desist from violence and allow others to express themselves freely during the constitutional outreach meetings were the focus of the media’s coverage of the constitutional reform programme. However, none of the government media reported that despite the principals’ appeals, political violence and intimidation continued to be reported across the country. -
The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution. -
China and Zimbabwe: the Context and Contents of a Complex Relationship
CHINA & ZIMBABWE: CONTEXT & CONTENTS OF A COMPLEX RELATIONSHIP OCCASIONAL PAPER 202 Global Powers and Africa Programme October 2014 China and Zimbabwe: The Context and Contents of a Complex Relationship Abiodun Alao s ir a f f A l a n o ti a rn e nt f I o te tu sti n In rica . th Af hts Sou sig al in Glob African perspectives. ABOUT SAIIA The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs, with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA’s occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policymaking; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website http://www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA’s work. ABOUT THE GLOBA L POWERS A ND A FRICA PROGRA MME The Global Powers and Africa (GPA) Programme, formerly Emerging Powers and Africa, focuses on the emerging global players China, India, Brazil, Russia and South Africa as well as the advanced industrial powers such as Japan, the EU and the US, and assesses their engagement with African countries. -
OTHER ISSUES ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & Mps, JUNE 2000
Zimbabwe, Country Information Page 1 of 95 ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT OCTOBER 2003 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VIA HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & MPs, JUNE 2000 & MDC LEADERSHIP & SHADOW CABINET ANNEX F: MDC POLICIES, PARTY SYMBOLS AND SLOGANS ANNEX G: CABINET LIST, AUGUST 2002 ANNEX H: REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF THE DOCUMENT 1.1 This country report has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The country report has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The country report is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the country report on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. -
Election Watch | Zimbabwe January 2012
Election Watch | Zimbabwe January 2012 MEASURING THE ZIMBABWEAN ELECTORAL ENVIRONMENT ACCORDING TO THE SADC GUIDELINES GOVERNING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS On the 17th of August 2004, the Southern African Development Commu- nity (SADC) leaders adopted the “SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.” As a member of SADC, Zimbabwe was a signatory to these benchmark principles, and therefore it is entirely fitting that Zimbabwe’s performance in relation to the future elections be measured against these principles and guidelines. The Electoral Institute for the Sustainability of Democracy in Africa presents a brief overview of Zimbabwe’s electoral system on their website. SADC principles for conducting democratic elections: Divergence/Obstructive Legislation Compliant 2.1.1 Full participa- • War veterans stormed the location at Vumba Mountains o Yes tion of citizens in where the Zimbabwe Constitution Select Committee S No the political process (COPAC) technical team has retreated for the drafting of the final document, demanding a halt in the constitu- tional drafting process • Citizenship of Zimbabwe Amendment Act, 2003 • Guardianship of Minors Act, 1961 • Broadcasting Services Act, 2001 www.idasa.org 2.1.2 Freedom of • Police defied a court order and disrupted an MDC-T rally o Yes association at Komayanga business centre in Nkayi, Matebeleland S No North • Public Order and Security Act, 2002, amended 2007 2.1.3 Political • A crackdown on Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s o Yes tolerance supporters has S No followed the bombing -
National Youth Service Training
National youth service training - “ shaping youths in a truly Zimbabwean manner” [COVER PICTURE] An overview of youth militia training and activities in Zimbabwe, October 2000 – August 2003 THE SOLIDARITY PEACE TRUST 5 September, 2003 Produced by: The Solidarity Peace Trust, Zimbabwe and South Africa Endorsed nationally by: Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition Zimbabwe National Pastors Conference Ecumenical Support Services Harare Ecumenical Working Group Christians Together for Justice and Peace Endorsed internationally by: Physicians for Human Rights, Denmark The Solidarity Peace Trust has a Board consisting of church leaders of Southern Africa and is dedicated to promoting the rights of victims of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. The Trust was founded in 2003. The Chairperson is Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube of Bulawayo, and the Vice Chairperson is Anglican Bishop Rubin Phillip of Kwazulu Natal. email: selvanc@venturenet,co.za or [email protected] phone: + 27 (0) 83 556 1726 2 “Those who seek unity must not be our enemies. No, we say no to them, they must first repent…. They must first be together with us, speak the same language with us, act like us, walk alike and dream alike.” President Robert Mugabe [Heroes’ Day, 11 August 2003: referring to the MDC and the possibility of dialogue between MDC and ZANU-PF] 1 “…the mistake that the ruling party made was to allow colleges and universities to be turned into anti-Government mentality factories.” Sikhumbuzo Ndiweni [ZANU-PF Information and Publicity Secretary for Bulawayo]2 “[National service is] shaping youths in a truly Zimbabwean manner” Vice President Joseph Msika [July 2002, speech at graduation of 1,063 militia in Mt Darwin]3 1 The Herald, Harare, 12 August 2003. -
Civil Society, the State and Democracy in Zimbabwe, 1988 –
COPYRIGHT AND CITATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. How to cite this thesis Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujcontent.uj.ac.za/vital/access/manager/Index?site_name=Research%20Output (Accessed: Date). CIVIL SOCIETY, THE STATE AND DEMOCRACY IN ZIMBABWE, 1988 – 2014: HEGEMONIES, POLARITIES AND FRACTURES By ZENZO MOYO A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Literature and Philosophy in Development Studies Supervisor: Professor David Moore August 2018 Declaration of originality I declare that Civil Society, the State and Democracy in Zimbabwe, 1988 – 2014: Hegemonies, Polarities and Fractures is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. Zenzo Moyo (Researcher) Signed: …… …… Date…23 July 2018…… ii ABSTRACT The post-independence ruling class in Zimbabwe carefully combined coercion and consent to assert its hegemony from the day it assumed state power. It implemented this through making use of both civil society and political society. -
Zimbabwe: Prospects from a Flawed Election
ZIMBABWE: PROSPECTS FROM A FLAWED ELECTION Africa Report N°138 – 20 March 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................i I. INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................................1 II. THE REGIONAL INITIATIVE: INSUFFICIENT RESULTS .................................2 A. PIECEMEAL REFORMS ...........................................................................................................2 1. Constitutional Amendment Eighteen.........................................................................2 2. Amendments to repressive legislation.......................................................................3 3. The Electoral Act.......................................................................................................3 4. Other agenda items ....................................................................................................4 B. DEAL BREAKERS ..................................................................................................................5 C. SADC AND SOUTH AFRICA’S FAILURE ..............................................................................7 III. THE ELECTORAL ENVIRONMENT ........................................................................8 A. A VIOLENT CLIMATE .............................................................................................................8 B. ABUSE OF STATE RESOURCES .............................................................................................10 -
Zimbabwe's Operation Murambatsvina
ZIMBABWE'S OPERATION MURAMBATSVINA: THE TIPPING POINT? Africa Report N°97 -- 17 August 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION: OPERATION MURAMBATSVINA.......................................... 1 A. WHAT HAPPENED .................................................................................................................1 B. WHY IT HAPPENED ...............................................................................................................3 1. The official rationale..................................................................................................3 2. Other explanations .....................................................................................................4 C. WHO WAS RESPONSIBLE?.....................................................................................................5 II. INTERNAL RESPONSE ............................................................................................... 7 A. THE GOVERNMENT: OPERATION GARIKAI ............................................................................7 B. ZANU-PF ............................................................................................................................8 C. THE MDC.............................................................................................................................9 D. A THIRD WAY?...................................................................................................................11