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On the Shoulders of Struggle, Memoirs of a Political Insider by Dr
On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider Dr. Obert M. Mpofu Dip,BComm,MPS,PhD Contents Preface vi Foreword viii Commendations xii Abbreviations xiv Introduction: Obert Mpofu and Self-Writing in Zimbabwe xvii 1. The Mind and Pilgrimage of Struggle 1 2. Childhood and Initiation into Struggle 15 3. Involvement in the Armed Struggle 21 4. A Scholar Combatant 47 5. The Logic of Being ZANU PF 55 6. Professional Career, Business Empire and Marriage 71 7. Gukurahundi: 38 Years On 83 8. Gukurahundi and Selective Amnesia 97 9. The Genealogy of the Zimbabwean Crisis 109 10. The Land Question and the Struggle for Economic Liberation 123 11. The Post-Independence Democracy Enigma 141 12. Joshua Nkomo and the Liberation Footpath 161 13. Serving under Mugabe 177 14. Power Struggles and the Military in Zimbabwe 205 15. Operation Restore Legacy the Exit of Mugabe from Power 223 List of Appendices 249 Preface Ordinarily, people live to either make history or to immortalise it. Dr Obert Moses Mpofu has achieved both dimensions. With wanton disregard for the boundaries of a “single story”, Mpofu’s submission represents a construction of the struggle for Zimbabwe with the immediacy and novelty of a participant. Added to this, Dr Mpofu’s academic approach, and the Leaders for Africa Network Readers’ (LAN) interest, the synergy was inevitable. Mpofu’s contribution, which philosophically situates Zimbabwe’s contemporary politics and socio-economic landscape, embodies LAN Readers’ dedication to knowledge generation and, by extension, scientific growth. -
19 October 2009 Edition
19 October 2009 Edition 017 HARARE-Embattled‘I Deputy Agriculturewill Minister-Designate not quit’He was ordered to surrender his passport and title deeds of Roy Bennett has vowed not to give up politics despite his one of his properties and not to interfere with witnesses. continued ‘persecution and harassment.’ His trial was supposed to start last week on Tuesday at the Magistrate Court, only to be told on the day that the State was “I am here for as long as I can serve my country, my people applying to indict him to the High Court. The application was and my party to the best of my ability. Basically, I am here until granted the following day by Magistrate Lucy Mungwira and we achieve the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe,” said he was committed to prison. Bennett in an interview on Saturday, quashing any likelihood that he would leave politics soon. On Friday, Justice Charles Hungwe reinstated his bail granted He added: “I have often thought of it (quitting) and it is an by the Supreme Court in March, resulting in his release. easiest thing to do, by the way. But if you have a constituency you have stood in front of and together you have suffered, “It is good to be out again, it is not a nice place (prison) to be. there is no easy walking away from that constituency. There are a lot of lice,” said Bennett. He said he had hoped So basically I am there until we return democracy and that with the transitional government in existence he would freedoms to Zimbabwe.” not continue to be ‘persecuted and harassed”. -
The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution. -
Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?
Notes de l’Ifri Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame? Vittoria MORETTI January 2017 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-663-2 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 Cover: © Barry Tuck/Shutterstock.com How to quote this document: Vittoria Moretti, “Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, January 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Brussels Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Vittoria Moretti holds a BA in Politics and International Relations and a MSc in Global Politics from London School of Economics. -
Election Watch | Zimbabwe January 2012
Election Watch | Zimbabwe January 2012 MEASURING THE ZIMBABWEAN ELECTORAL ENVIRONMENT ACCORDING TO THE SADC GUIDELINES GOVERNING DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS On the 17th of August 2004, the Southern African Development Commu- nity (SADC) leaders adopted the “SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.” As a member of SADC, Zimbabwe was a signatory to these benchmark principles, and therefore it is entirely fitting that Zimbabwe’s performance in relation to the future elections be measured against these principles and guidelines. The Electoral Institute for the Sustainability of Democracy in Africa presents a brief overview of Zimbabwe’s electoral system on their website. SADC principles for conducting democratic elections: Divergence/Obstructive Legislation Compliant 2.1.1 Full participa- • War veterans stormed the location at Vumba Mountains o Yes tion of citizens in where the Zimbabwe Constitution Select Committee S No the political process (COPAC) technical team has retreated for the drafting of the final document, demanding a halt in the constitu- tional drafting process • Citizenship of Zimbabwe Amendment Act, 2003 • Guardianship of Minors Act, 1961 • Broadcasting Services Act, 2001 www.idasa.org 2.1.2 Freedom of • Police defied a court order and disrupted an MDC-T rally o Yes association at Komayanga business centre in Nkayi, Matebeleland S No North • Public Order and Security Act, 2002, amended 2007 2.1.3 Political • A crackdown on Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s o Yes tolerance supporters has S No followed the bombing -
Civil Society, the State and Democracy in Zimbabwe, 1988 –
COPYRIGHT AND CITATION CONSIDERATIONS FOR THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original. How to cite this thesis Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujcontent.uj.ac.za/vital/access/manager/Index?site_name=Research%20Output (Accessed: Date). CIVIL SOCIETY, THE STATE AND DEMOCRACY IN ZIMBABWE, 1988 – 2014: HEGEMONIES, POLARITIES AND FRACTURES By ZENZO MOYO A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Literature and Philosophy in Development Studies Supervisor: Professor David Moore August 2018 Declaration of originality I declare that Civil Society, the State and Democracy in Zimbabwe, 1988 – 2014: Hegemonies, Polarities and Fractures is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. Zenzo Moyo (Researcher) Signed: …… …… Date…23 July 2018…… ii ABSTRACT The post-independence ruling class in Zimbabwe carefully combined coercion and consent to assert its hegemony from the day it assumed state power. It implemented this through making use of both civil society and political society. -
Are They Accountable? Examining Alleged Violators and Their Violations Pre and Post the Presidential Election March 2002
[report also available from: http://www.hrforumzim.com ] ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM Are they accountable? Examining alleged violators and their violations pre and post the Presidential Election March 2002 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum December 2002 Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Are They Accountable? The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (also known as the “Human Rights Forum”) has been in existence since January 1998. Nine non-governmental organisations working in the field of human rights joined together to provide legal and psychosocial assistance to the victims of the Food Riots of January 1998. The Human Rights Forum has now expanded its objectives to assist victims of organised violence, using the following definition: “Organised violence” means the inter-human infliction of significant avoidable pain and suffering by an organised group according to a declared or implied strategy and/or system of ideas and attitudes. It comprises any violent action, which is unacceptable by general human standards, and relates to the victims’ mental and physical well-being.” The Human Rights Forum operates a Legal Unit and a Research and Documentation Unit. Core member organisations of the Human Rights Forum are: · Amani Trust · Amnesty International (Zimbabwe) (AI (Z)) · Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) · Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ) · Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) · Transparency International (Zimbabwe) (TI (Z)) · University of Zimbabwe Legal Aid and Advice Scheme · Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender (ZACRO) · Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET) · Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) · Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) · Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA) Associate Member: · Nonviolent Action and Strategies for Social Change (NOVASC) The Human Rights Forum can be contacted through any member organisation or through: 1. -
EMMERSON MNANGAGWA Versus ALPHA MEDIA HOLDINGS (PRIVATE) LIMITED and DUMISANI MULEYA
1 HH 225-13 HC 8095/12 EMMERSON MNANGAGWA versus ALPHA MEDIA HOLDINGS (PRIVATE) LIMITED and DUMISANI MULEYA HIGH COURT OF ZIMBABWE MATHONSI J HARARE, 17 July 2013 & 25 July 2013 E.W.W. Morris , for the excipients (defendant) L. Uriri , for the respondent (plaintiff) Exception MATHONSI J: The defendants (who are the excipients in this matter) have excepted to the plaintiff’s (who is respondent) declaration and I have, to decide whether that exception has merit or not. The plaintiff is a government Minister, being the Minister of Defence, and a senior member of a political party known as the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (Zanu PF) which is one of the ruling parties in the current government of national unity. The defendants are the owner of a publication which is said to enjoy wide circulation in Zimbabwe, namely the Zimbabwe Independent, and its editor. In the Zimbabwe Independent edition of 11 May 2012, an article was published in the front page under the title “Mnangagwa Ready to Rule”. The article reads in pertinent part thus: “Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa (pictured) has for the first time openly declared his interest in taking over from President Robert Mugabe as the leader of Zanu PF and the country, in remarks showing the succession battle in the party is intensifying. Mnangagwa told the Zimbabwe Independent last Friday at Heroes Acre during the burial of Zanu PF politburo member Edson Ncube he was ready to govern if given an opportunity. This virtually confirmed he is positioning himself to succeed Mugabe, remarks which could anger senior Zanu PF officials and fuel factionalism and internal power struggles ahead of the next elections. -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 25 March 2011 ZIMBABWE 25 MARCH 2011 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN ZIMBABWE FROM 22 FEBRUARY 2011 TO 24 MARCH 2011 Useful news sources for further information REPORTS ON ZIMBABWE PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 22 FEBRUARY 2011 AND 24 MARCH 2011 Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Public holidays ..................................................................................................... 1.06 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.07 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 Remittances .......................................................................................................... 2.06 Sanctions .............................................................................................................. 2.08 3. HISTORY (19TH CENTURY TO 2008)............................................................................. 3.01 Matabeleland massacres 1983 - 87 ..................................................................... 3.03 Political events: late 1980s - 2007...................................................................... 3.06 Events in 2008 - 2010 ........................................................................................... 3.23 -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Zimbabwe April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the Document 1.1 –1.7 2 Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3 Economy 3.1 4 History 4.1 – 4.193 Independence 1980 4.1 - 4.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 4.6 - 4.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 4.10 - 4.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.12 - 4.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 4.14 - 4.23 - Background 4.14 - 4.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 4.17 - 4.18 - Election Results 4.19 - 4.23 - Post-election Violence 2000 4.24 - 4.26 - By election results in 2000 4.27 - 4.28 - Marondera West 4.27 - Bikita West 4.28 - Legal challenges to election results in 2000 4.29 Incidents in 2001 4.30 - 4.58 - Bulawayo local elections, September 2001 4.46 - 4.50 - By elections in 2001 4.51 - 4.55 - Bindura 4.51 - Makoni West 4.52 - Chikomba 4.53 - Legal Challenges to election results in 2001 4.54 - 4.56 Incidents in 2002 4.57 - 4.66 - Presidential Election, March 2002 4.67 - 4.79 - Rural elections September 2002 4.80 - 4.86 - By election results in 2002 4.87 - 4.91 Incidents in 2003 4.92 – 4.108 - Mass Action 18-19 March 2003 4.109 – 4.120 - ZCTU strike 23-25 April 4.121 – 4.125 - MDC Mass Action 2-6 June 4.126 – 4.157 - Mayoral and Urban Council elections 30-31 August 4.158 – 4.176 - By elections in 2003 4.177 - 4.183 Incidents in 2004 4.184 – 4.191 By elections in 2004 4.192 – 4.193 5 State Structures 5.1 – 5.98 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.5 Political System: 5.6 - 5.21 - ZANU-PF 5.7 - -
The President
3 2003 Compilation and Parts 100–102 Revised as of January 1, 2004 The President Published by: Office of the Federal Register National Archives and Records Administration A Special Edition of the Federal Register VerDate mar<08>2004 10:49 Mar 12, 2004 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 8091 Sfmt 8091 C:\CFRS\PRESDOCS\2004\203005F.XXX PRFM99 PsN: 203005F U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2004 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: (202) 512-1800 Fax: (202) 512-2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 ii VerDate mar<08>2004 10:49 Mar 12, 2004 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 8092 Sfmt 8092 C:\CFRS\PRESDOCS\2004\203005F.XXX PRFM99 PsN: 203005F Table of Contents Page List of Title 3 Compilations ................................................................. iv Explanation of the Code of Federal Regulations ................................ v Explanation of This Title ..................................................................... ix How To Cite This Title ........................................................................ xi Title 3 .................................................................................................... xiii 2003 Compilation—Presidential Documents ........................... 1 Chapter I—Executive Office of the President .......................... 359 Title 3 Finding Aids ............................................................................. 369 Tables ........................................................................................ -
Intelligence and the Politics of Zimbabwe's Presidential Succession
INTELLIGENCE AND THE POLITICS OF ZIMBABWE’S PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION BLESSING-MILES TENDI* ABSTRACT Since the late 1990s, Zimbabwean politics has been shaped by the political succession war raging within the ruling ZANU PF party. The internal fight to succeed President Robert Mugabe pitted a faction controlled by retired General Solomon Mujuru, who was fronting his wife Joice Mujuru, against another faction led by Emmerson Mnangagwa, a government minister. The competition between these factions reached a crucial stage in 2014, when Mugabe dismissed Joice Mujuru as vice president and purged her key allies in ZANU PF and the government. This article examines the role of state intelligence in this struggle, arguing that the Military Intelligence (MI) leadership, which supported Mnangagwa in the succession war, surveilled Joice Mujuru and constructed a controversial gendered case to destroy her bid to succeed Mugabe. In contrast, some elements in the principal civilian intelligence institution, the Central Intelligence Organization, surveilled the Mnangagwa faction in order to support Joice Mujuru’s power bid. Mugabe was persuaded by MI to purge Joice Mujuru because she posed a threat to his hold on power. This course of action was also given some impetus by Mugabe’s longstanding grievance against her faction. The article widens scholarship on the security sector’s political interventions in Zimbabwean politics, whilst emphasizing how the gendered dimensions of surveillance can reinforce patriarchal national politics. President Robert Mugabe has led the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) party and Zimbabwe since 1977 and 1980, respectively. Mugabe, a nonagenarian, is Africa’s oldest serving president.