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Dressing for the Times: Fashion in Tang Dynasty China (618-907)
Dressing for the Times: Fashion in Tang Dynasty China (618-907) BuYun Chen Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2013 © 2013 BuYun Chen All rights reserved ABSTRACT Dressing for the Times: Fashion in Tang Dynasty China (618-907) BuYun Chen During the Tang dynasty, an increased capacity for change created a new value system predicated on the accumulation of wealth and the obsolescence of things that is best understood as fashion. Increased wealth among Tang elites was paralleled by a greater investment in clothes, which imbued clothes with new meaning. Intellectuals, who viewed heightened commercial activity and social mobility as symptomatic of an unstable society, found such profound changes in the vestimentary landscape unsettling. For them, a range of troubling developments, including crisis in the central government, deep suspicion of the newly empowered military and professional class, and anxiety about waste and obsolescence were all subsumed under the trope of fashionable dressing. The clamor of these intellectuals about the widespread desire to be “current” reveals the significant space fashion inhabited in the empire – a space that was repeatedly gendered female. This dissertation considers fashion as a system of social practices that is governed by material relations – a system that is also embroiled in the politics of the gendered self and the body. I demonstrate that this notion of fashion is the best way to understand the process through which competition for status and self-identification among elites gradually broke away from the imperial court and its system of official ranks. -
The Khitans: Corner Stone of the Mongol Empire
ACTA VIA SERICA Vol. 6, No. 1, June 2021: 141–164 doi: 10.22679/avs.2021.6.1.006 The Khitans: Corner Stone of the Mongol Empire GEORGE LANE* The Khitans were a Turco-Mongol clan who dominated China north of the Yangtze River during the early mediaeval period. They adopted and then adapted many of the cultural traditions of their powerful neighbours to the south, the Song Chinese. However, before their absorption into the Mongol Empire in the late 13th century they proved pivotal, firstly in the eastward expansion of the armies of Chinggis Khan, secondly, in the survival of the Persian heartlands after the Mongol invasions of the 1220s and thirdly, in the revival and integration of the polity of Iran into the Chinggisid Empire. Da Liao, the Khitans, the Qara Khitai, names which have served this clan well, strengthened and invigorated the hosts which harboured them. The Liao willingly assimilated into the Chinggisid Empire of whose formation they had been an integral agent and in doing so they also surrendered their identity but not their history. Recent scholarship is now unearthing and recognising their proud legacy and distinct identity. Michal Biran placed the Khitans irrevocably and centrally in mediaeval Asian history and this study emphasises their role in the establishment of the Mongol Empire. Keywords: Khitans, Liao, Chinggids, Mongols, Ilkhanate * Dr. GEORGE LANE is a Research Associate at the School of History, Religion & Philosophy, SOAS University of London. 142 Acta Via Serica, Vol. 6, No. 1, June 2021 The Khitans: Corner Stone of the Mongol Empire The Turco-Mongol tribe that first settled the lands of northern China, north of the Huai River and adopted and adapted the cultural traditions of their domineering neighbour to the south, has only recently been acknowledged for their importance to the evolution of mediaeval Asian history, due in large part to the work of Michal Biran of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. -
TURKIC POLITICAL HISTORY Early Postclassical (Pre-Islamic) Period
HUMANITIES INSTITUTE Richard Dietrich, Ph.D. TURKIC POLITICAL HISTORY Early Postclassical (Pre-Islamic) Period Contents Part I : Overview Part II : Government Part III : Military OVERVIEW The First Türk Empire (552-630) The earliest mention of the Türks is found in 6th century Chinese sources in reference to the establishment of the first Türk empire. In Chinese sources they are called T’u-chüeh (突厥, pinyin Tūjué, and probably pronounced tʰuot-küot in Middle Chinese), but refer to themselves in the 7th - 8th century Orkhon inscriptions written in Old Turkic as Türük (��ఇ఼�� ) or Kök Türük (�� �ఇ �� :�� �ఇ �఼ �� ). In 552 the Türks emerged as a political power on the eastern steppe when, under the leadership of Bumin (T’u-men in the Chinese sources) from the Ashina clan of the Gök Türks, they revolted against and overthrew the Juan-juan Empire (pinyin Róurán) that had been the most significant power in that region for the previous century and a half. After defeating the Juan-juan and taking their territories, Bumin took the title of kaghan, supreme leader, while his brother Istemi (also Istämi or Ishtemi, r. 552-576) became the yabghu, a title indicating his subordinate status. Bumin was the senior leader, ruling the eastern territories of the empire, while Istemi ruled the western territories. Bumin died in 553, was briefly followed by his son followed by his son Kuo-lo (Qara?), and then by another of his sons, Muhan (or Muqan, r. 553-572). In the following decades Istemi and Muhan extended their rule over the Kitan in Manchuria, the Kirghiz tribes in the Yenisei region, and destroyed the Hephthalite Empire in a joint effort with the Sasanians. -
The Mongols in Iran
chapter 10 THE MONGOLS IN IRAN george e. lane Iran was dramatically brought into the Mongol sphere of infl uence toward the end of the second decade of the thirteenth century. As well as the initial traumatic mili- tary incursions, Iran also experienced the start of prolonged martial rule, followed later by the domination and rule of the Mongol Ilkhans. However, what began as a brutal and vindictive invasion and occupation developed into a benign and cultur- ally and economically fl ourishing period of unity and strength. The Mongol period in Iranian history provokes controversy and debate to this day. From the horrors of the initial bloody irruptions, when the fi rst Mongol-led armies rampaged across northern Iran, to the glory days of the Ilkhanate-Yuan axis, when the Mongol- dominated Persian and Chinese courts dazzled the world, the Mongol infl uence on Iran of this turbulent period was profound. The Mongols not only affected Iran and southwestern Asia but they also had a devastating effect on eastern Asia, Europe, and even North Africa. In many parts of the world, the Middle East, Europe, and the Americas in particular, the Mongols’ name has since become synonymous with murder, massacre, and marauding may- hem. They became known as Tatars or Tartars in Europe and Western Asia for two reasons. Firstly, until Genghis Khan destroyed their dominance, the Tatars were the largest and most powerful of the Turco-Mongol tribes. And secondly, in Latin Tartarus meant hell and these tribes were believed to have issued from the depths of Hades. Their advent has been portrayed as a bloody “bolt from the blue” that left a trail of destruction, death, and horrifi ed grief in its wake. -
The Tribute Trade with Khotan in Light of Materials Found at the Dunhuang Library Cave
The Tribute Trade with Khotan in Light of Materials Found at the Dunhuang Library Cave V ALERIE HANSEN yale university, new haven Historians have long been interested in the Chi- one jade tablet and one box.”3 This is but one of nese tributary system because of its importance a dozen instances on which Khotanese envoys to understanding China’s relations with other brought tribute to the Chinese between 938 and countries—both in the past and today. Many of 1009.4 In each case, the Chinese sources record today’s intractable foreign policy issues had their the date, the name of the country presenting trib- roots in the tribute system. One has only to think ute, the item presented, and occasionally the of Tibet—was it a part of China during the Qing name of the emissary heading the delegation. dynasty? independent? something in between?— None of these sources, though, records how the to grasp the importance of the topic. participants viewed these exchanges. Nor do we Most studies of the tribute system have focused learn what they received in return for their gifts. on periods like the Qing dynasty (1644–1911) For this information, we must look to the Chi- when China was united and its weaker neigh- nese- and Khotanese-language documents pre- bors presented gifts to the emperor in the capital. served in the library cave of Dunhuang (cave 17 Northwest China in the ninth and tenth centu- according to the numbering in use today) and ries offers a promising comparison because the taken to the United Kingdom, France, and Russia Tang central government, ravaged by the costs of in the early years of the twentieth century. -
Pādshāh Khatun
chapter 14 Pādshāh Khatun An Example of Architectural, Religious, and Literary Patronage in Ilkhanid Iran bruno de nicola In comparison to sedentary societies, women in the Turkic-Mongol nomadic and seminomadic societies showed greater involvement in the political sphere, enjoyed a greater measure of financial autonomy, and generally had the freedom to choose their religious affiliations.1 Some women advanced to positions of immense power and wealth, even appointed as regent-empresses for the entire empire or regional khanates. Such examples included Töregene Khatun (r. 1242–46), Oghul Qaimish (r. 1248–50), and Orghina Khatun (r. 1251–59).2 Other women such as Qutui Khatun (d. 1284) in Mongol-ruled Iran accumulated great wealth from war booty, trade investment, and the allocation of tax revenues from the newly conquered territories.3 Through their unique prominence in the empire’s socio-economic system, elite women had an active role in financially supporting and protecting cultural and religious agents. Our understanding of the impact that Chinggisid women had on the flourishing of cultural life in the empire as a whole, and in the Ilkhanate of greater Iran in particular, remains poor, however. The historical record tells us little about the role that Chinggisid female members played as patrons of religious and cul- tural life, especially when comparted to the relative wealth of references to female influence in the political and economic arenas. However, abundant accounts show that female elite members from the local Turkic-Mongol dynasties who ruled as vassals for the Mongols, or had been incorporated into the ranks of the ruling Chinggisid household 270 Pādshāh Khatun | 271 through marriage, played a pivotal role as cultural and religious patrons. -
Inner Asian States and Empires: Theories and Synthesis
J Archaeol Res DOI 10.1007/s10814-011-9053-2 Inner Asian States and Empires: Theories and Synthesis J. Daniel Rogers Ó Springer Science+Business Media, LLC (outside the USA) 2011 Abstract By 200 B.C. a series of expansive polities emerged in Inner Asia that would dominate the history of this region and, at times, a very large portion of Eurasia for the next 2,000 years. The pastoralist polities originating in the steppes have typically been described in world history as ephemeral or derivative of the earlier sedentary agricultural states of China. These polities, however, emerged from local traditions of mobility, multiresource pastoralism, and distributed forms of hierarchy and administrative control that represent important alternative path- ways in the comparative study of early states and empires. The review of evidence from 15 polities illustrates long traditions of political and administrative organi- zation that derive from the steppe, with Bronze Age origins well before 200 B.C. Pastoralist economies from the steppe innovated new forms of political organization and were as capable as those based on agricultural production of supporting the development of complex societies. Keywords Empires Á States Á Inner Asia Á Pastoralism Introduction The early states and empires of Inner Asia played a pivotal role in Eurasian history, with legacies still evident today. Yet, in spite of more than 100 years of scholarly contributions, the region remains a relatively unknown heartland (Di Cosmo 1994; Hanks 2010; Lattimore 1940; Mackinder 1904). As pivotal as the history of Inner Asia is in its own right, it also holds special significance for how we interpret complex societies on a global basis. -
Climate in Medieval Central Eurasia
Climate in Medieval Central Eurasia Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Henry Misa Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2020 Thesis Committee Scott C. Levi, Advisor John L. Brooke 1 Copyrighted by Henry Ray Misa 2020 2 Abstract This thesis argues that the methodology of environmental history, specifically climate history, can help reinterpret the economic and political history of Central Eurasia. The introduction reviews the scholarly fields of Central Eurasian history, Environmental history and, in brief, Central Eurasian Environmental history. Section one introduces the methods of climate history and discusses the broad outlines of Central Eurasian climate in the late Holocene. Section two analyzes the rise of the Khitan and Tangut dynasties in their climatic contexts, demonstrating how they impacted Central Eurasia during this period. Section three discusses the sedentary empires of the Samanid and Ghaznavid dynasties in the context of the Medieval Climate Anomaly. Section four discusses the rise of the first Islamic Turkic empires during the late 10th and 11th century. Section five discusses the Qarakhitai and the Jurchen in the 12th century in the context of the transitional climate regime between the Medieval Quiet Period and the early Little Ice Age. The conclusion summarizes the main findings and their implications for the study of Central Eurasian Climate History. This thesis discusses both long-term and short-term time scales; in many cases small-scale political changes and complexities impacted how the long-term patterns of climate change impacted regional economies. -
3.2.2 SR Trade Obstructed by Hostilities, but Arabs Transmit Key
66 3 From the Migration Period to the Pinnacle of Nomadic Power: The Mongol Eurasian Empire currency: The Muslim mints issued golden (dinars), silver dynasty reached out for its militarily superior Uighur allies, (dirhams), and bronze coins inscribed in Arabic on both who then intervened and crushed the rebellion. The two sides, which did not immediately replace or supplant local capitals of the Tang era, Changan and Luoyang, were bru- money in circulation, though. Moreover, the dinar (from tally cleansed of rebels. There was a high price for this help: denarius) imitated the respective Byzantine gold coins, and The Uighurs demanded and received the right to loot the the dirham (from drachma) rivaled the Sassanian silver captured cities. In 765 the Tang had to pay the Uighurs a money, which had been particularly highly esteemed in CA special subsidy of 100,000 pieces of silk to make them leave and China (Davidovich and Dani 1998, 391; Ponting 2001, the capitals. Under the guise of gift-giving and trade, Chi- 355). This bimetallism gave rise to the presence of money nese tributary payments to the Uighur Empire were ratcheted changers (djahbadh) across the empire, who often became up. A kind of asymmetric alliance emerged between the two real businessmen, sometimes bankers. Apart from Chinese players: China fulfilled lavish and increasing Uighur silk, which continued to function as money, the currencies of demands for payment of subsidies, in exchange for which the Islamic world started to dominate Eurasian trade (Burlot the nomads occasionally intervened to prop up Tang author- 1995, 79). ity in the Middle Kingdom (Barfield 1989/1992, 151–153; With the expansion and increasing economic integration Golden 2011, 44).21 of the caliphate, Muslim businessmen either introduced or At the Battle of Talas, the Arabs had gained lots of booty adopted and perfected a number of institutions and rules for and a large number of prisoners, among who were skilled silk accessing capital, for generating business partnerships, for weavers, papermakers, and gold- and silversmiths. -
Alien Rule Liao, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties 907-1368
Alien Rule Liao, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties 907-1368 Alien Rule The Song dynasty defeated by the Mongols in 1276. Alien Rule Mongolian Steppe Alien Rule Khitan were the first major nomadic tribe with which China had to deal. Abaoji created the Liao dynasty. The Jurchens lead by Aguda founded the Jin dynasty, ousted the Khitans and then went after the Song dynasty. Chinggis Khan unites the Mongol tribes, and then he goes off to conquer the world. Alien Rule Expansion of Liao Dynasty 907 to 960 Alien Rule Examples of Mongol warriors Alien Rule Chinggis Khan (ca. 1162-1227) was extremely aggressive in making war with massive areas surrounding Mongolia. You would be given an option to be with him or else…. It is estimated that nearly 20 million Asian share Chinggis’ Y-chromosome pattern because of his alleged policy of impregnating of conquered women. Two interviews with people looking for Chinggis Khan’s burial site: •http://www.wolverton- mountain.com/interviews/people/woods.htm •http://www.wolverton- mountain.com/interviews/people/maury__kratvitz.htm Chinggis Khan Alien Rule Khubilai named his dynasty, Yuan. He succeeded in conquering the Song dynasty with the help of a massive river siege. Khubilai Khan Alien Rule Life in China Under Alien Rule • Mongols didn’t force a new culture on the Chinese. It was a laissez faire attitude paralleling the way the north dealt with new ideas. • However, life for the ordinary peasant was often harsh—especially taxes. • Massive inflation resulted. • On the brighter side, the Mongols reunited the north and south. • The Mongol societal caste system was very elaborate with each level treated differently than the ones above or below. -
PACIFIC WORLD Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies
PACIFIC WORLD Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies Third Series Number 15 Fall 2013 SPECIAL SECTION: Graduate Student Symposium TITLE iii The Legendary Siege of Anxi: Myth, History, and Truth in Chinese Buddhism Geoffrey Goble Postdoctoral Fellow in East Asian Religions Washington University in St. Louis INTRODUCTION The figure of Vaiśravaṇa, the World-Protecting King of the North, is relatively familiar to scholars working in the field of East Asian Buddhism. He appears fairly early in the history of East Asian Buddhism and has played an outsized role throughout East Asia as a protector deity, often specializing in military conflict.1 The East Asian mythology of Vaiśravaṇa is often considered in relation to a rather well-known and widespread myth concerning the intervention of this deity on behalf of the Tang emperor Xuanzong (玄宗, r. 712–765) and at the command of the Esoteric Buddhist monk Amoghavajra (不空金剛, 704–774)—a tale that I refer to as the “Legendary Siege of Anxi.” In previous studies, the Legendary Siege of Anxi has been considered as an etiological myth ex- plaining practices contemporary with the source in which it appears, but bearing little if any relationship to actual historical events. The historical accuracy of the account is broadly rejected on the basis of discrepancies between the events it describes and those attested in in- dependent sources. Thus, rather than an accounting of events from the mid-eighth century, the tale has been read instead as evidence of practices current in China during the Song dynasty (960–1279).2 Here I would like to return to the Legendary Siege of Anxi and consider it anew by approaching the story as myth and as reflective of historical events, and by setting aside expectations and considerations rooted strictly in contemporary historiography, text-critical logical positiv- ism, and conceptions of genre literature. -
The Jin Revisited: New Assessment of Jurchen Emperors 345
7KH-LQ5HYLVLWHG1HZ$VVHVVPHQWRI-XUFKHQ(PSHURUV -XOLD6FKQHLGHU Journal of Song-Yuan Studies, Volume 41, 2011, pp. 343-404 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\7KH6RFLHW\IRU6RQJ<XDQDQG&RQTXHVW'\QDVW\ 6WXGLHV DOI: 10.1353/sys.2011.0030 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/sys/summary/v041/41.schneider.html Access provided by Universiteit Gent (6 Mar 2015 14:53 GMT) The Jin Revisited: N e w A s s e s s m e n t o f J u r c h e n E m p e r o r s Julia Schneider ghent university In scholarship specializing in the Jurchen (Nüzhen 女真 or Nüzhi 女 直)1 Jin dynasty (1115–1234), the prevailing trend is to draw certain lines be- tween the imperial reign times. The earlier Jin emperors beginning with the second, Taizong 太宗 (r. 1123–1134),2 Xizong 熙宗 (r. 1135–50)3 and Hai ling wang 海陵王 (r. 1150–61)4 are labelled as ‘sinicized’ emperors.5 The fifth, Shizong 世宗 (r. 1161–89),6 is seen as the emperor who tried to resist this sinicization by initiating a Jurchen ‘revival’ or ‘nativistic movement.’7 However, . 1 In modern academic literature the Chinese name of the Jurchen is mostly given as Nüzhen, but in older sources like the Jinshi Nüzhi is used more often. 2. Jurchen name Wuqimai 吳乞買. 3. Jurchen name Digunai 迪古乃. 4. Jurchen name Hela 合剌. 5. A family tree of the Jurchen emperors appears at the end of this article. 6. Jurchen name Wulu 烏祿. 7. The term ‘nativist movement’ is also used.