New Technology for NATO: Implementing Follow-On Forces Attack (Part 9 Of

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New Technology for NATO: Implementing Follow-On Forces Attack (Part 9 Of Chapter 7 Soviet Responses to FOFA CONTENTS Page Political Responses . ..... 103 Military Responses . ................105 Chapter 7 Soviet Responses to FOFA Soviet writings suggest that FOFA has be- This chapter examines what the Soviets are come an important issue in the U. S. S. R., one now saying about FOFA, what Soviet politi- that might generate important political and cal and military responses to FOFA may al- military responses. Soviet planners are clearly ready have been, and what possible responses concerned about FOFA, both as a strategy for we might see in the future. It is important to the West, and as a reflection of a new set of keep in mind, however, that the Soviets view NATO capabilities they call reconnaissance FOFA primarily against the backdrop of a big- (“recce”) strike complexes, or RSCs. The So- ger whole, as another piece in the overall U. S./ viets have launched a propaganda campaign, NATO military strategy. Soviet responses to at home and abroad, to counter FOFA and to FOFA, therefore, should be viewed as responses use the controversy FOFA has generated to to the whole changing nature of a possible drive a wedge into NATO. They have also dis- East-West confrontation, and not necessarily cussed changes in military operations that just to FOFA per se. could well change the threat that FOFA is re- sponding to. POLITICAL RESPONSES The Soviet political response to FOFA has military systems in response. Ultimately, the been strong since the U.S. Army’s adoption Soviets hope to use these arguments to delay of AirLand Battle in 1982 and the approval or prevent NATO from acquiring FOFA sys- of FOFA by the NATO Defense Planning Com- tems. Within the U. S. S. R., these arguments mittee in 1984. Although FOFA has not be- justify further military buildup as a necessary come as big a political issue in the U.S.S.R. defensive response to U.S. aggression, and aim as arms control or SDI, the Soviet press, both to rally domestic support behind the current domestic and foreign, has been replete with Soviet leadership. articles and statements about the destabiliz- Thus, the Soviet press consistently depicts ing effects of FOFA and its dangers for all FOFA as offensive and aggressive; as repre- mankind. senting an attempt by the United States to This portrayal addresses several Soviet goals gain conventional superiority and give NATO both abroad and at home. Abroad, it allows forces a “first strike” capability; and as hav- the Soviets to play on already existing Euro- ing the potential to lower rather than raise the pean apprehensions about the feasibility and nuclear threshold by bordering on the capa- cost of FOFA and the possible negative im- bilities of theater nuclear weapons. As dis- pact of FOFA for deterrence and arms control. cussed in the Soviet military newspaper Red By so doing, it works toward two ends: to drive Star, for example: a wedge between the United States and Europe; In a word, this weapon [recce strike com- and, by painting the United States as the clear plex] relates to the offensive with the goal of aggressor threatening world peace, to present achieving military superiority over govern- a more peace-loving image of the U.S.S.R. This ments of the socialist commonwealth, and se- “peace offensive “ is laced with threats that, curing with military strength a one-sided su- should such a clearly offensive and aggressive periority by the application of sudden strikes NATO strategy be adopted, the U.S.S.R. un- and the conduct of protracted military ac- fortunately would be forced to build yet more tivities. 103 104 ● New Technology for NATO: Implementing Follow-On Forces Attack The arguments of NATO leaders, that with Soviet Cartoon Depiction of the “Rogers Plan” the application of a new concept they would diminish the danger of nuclear war in Eur- ope, lack any basis and are deliberate lies. As shown by the press, the new forms and sys- tems of common types of weapons . ap- proach the destructive potential of low-yield nuclear munitions. Moreover, with the accept- ance of these concepts, Pentagon and NATO strategies do not at all reject the possibility of applying nuclear weapons first. Witness the deployment in Europe of American first- strike missiles.1 FOFA is also painted as a “provocative es- calation, creating a new and expensive arms race: Hiding behind false references to a “Soviet I *.J military threat, ” the U.S. administration is “They are taking aim ., .“ initiating a new, dangerous spiral in the arms A caption with the cartoon reads: “In Brussels, the Military race, of which the illusory objective is to Planning Committee of NATO has embraced a new aggres- achieve superiority over the armed forces of sive concept—the so-called ‘Rogers Plan’. The plan foresees the socialist fraternity. This is why the Pen- a strategy of striking deep into the territory of the enemy— i.e., the territory of the socialist countries—in the event of tagon foresees creating qualitatively new re- a ‘crisis situation ’.” sources of armed conflict, besides improving 2 SOURCE Krasrra/a Zvezda (Red Star), Nov 13, 19S4, p 3 Reprinted with permls. nuclear weapons. sion of the Embassy of the U S S R , Washington, DC It is painted as militarily dangerous and States to manipulate its NATO Allies into be- destabilizing, in that the Warsaw Pact would ing tied not only to a U.S. strategy, but to U.S. be unable to distinguish between a conven- technology: tional and nuclear strike and would be forced to respond with a nuclear barrage: Europe has been allotted the role of a fig- ure intended to be sacrificed in another proj- . But the main danger with which the im- ect . Rogers declares that this [equipping plementation of this concept is fraught for NATO with FOFA weapon systems] will re- Europe lies somewhere else: It is utterly im- quire from the European countries an addi- possible to tell the difference between cruise tional military spending of 30 billion dol- missiles with conventional warheads and cruise lars . The USA will naturally be the chief missiles with nuclear warheads. Therefore, purveyor of the new weapons systems.4 with the approach of these missiles to “second- echelon targets, ” the side subjected to an at- Ultimately, FOFA is presented as not just tack will have no other option than to launch militarily destabilizing, but politically coun- a retaliatory nuclear strike necessitating a 3 terproductive to the overall East/West rela- switchover to automatic well in advance. tionship. According to Mr. A. Kokoshin, of the And in economic terms, FOFA is painted as USA-Canada Institute in Moscow, “the imple- clearly American, an attempt by the United mentation of the Rogers Plan can undermine all chances for success of the negotiations on ‘Lt. Col. A. Sergeev, “Pazvedyvatel’noudarnye kompleksy: the reduction of armed forces and arms in cen- Rasskazyvaem po pros’be chitatelei” (“Reconnaissance Strike Complexes: Discussion at the Request of Readers”), Krmmu”a tral Europe and seriously hinder a construc- Zvezda, Feb. 14, 1986, p. 3. tive solution to the problem of confidence build- 2Maj. Gen. M. Belov and Lt. Col. V. Shchukin, “Razvedy- ing measures . ."5 vatel’noporazhaiushchie kompleksy armii S. Sh.A, ” (“Recon- naissanceFire Complexes of the U.S. Army”), VoennV” Vestnik, ‘Ibid. No. 1, January 1985, p. 86. ‘A. Kokoshin, “The Rogers Plan: Alternative Defense Con- ‘Nikolai Portugalov, “FOFA and Other Atlantic Monsters, ” cepts and Security in Europe, ” IWonomilm, Politikq 1deolo@”a, Moscow IVews, Dec. 30, 1984, p. 5. Aug. 13, 1985, pp. 3-14. Ch. 7—Soviet Responses to FOFA ● 105 MILITARY RESPONSES Beyond politics, the Soviets view FOFA as Indeed, FOFA might well force the Soviets to presenting real, if not potentially “revolution- mobilize earlier and more overtly. If the Soviets ary” military challenges. “Such a qualitative were convinced that the West had the capa- leap in the development of conventional weap- bility to attack their forces on roads and/or rail- ens, ” Marshal Ogarkov writes, “inevitably en- roads, it would force the Soviets to choose be- tails a change in the nature of preparing and tween surprise and an assured ability to bring conducting operations."6 their forces forward. Should they decide to bring them forward before the war starts, the Soviet concerns with FOFA are twofold: the West would be provided with a more unam- concept itself, and the development of new biguous warning of their mobilization and in- weapons systems associated with, but not nec- tentions. essarily restricted to implementing those con- cepts. The Soviet press indicates that Soviet Alternatively, the Soviets could attempt to responses are also twofold: to modify their tac- increase the strength of existing units already tics and field new weapons to lessen the vul- forward, such as through changes in organiza- nerability of their follow-on forces to attack— tion and equipment, or by placing more Soviet i.e., by increasing the combat power of the first (as opposed to East European) divisions up echelon, increasing protection of the rear troops, front.8 According to some Western observers, and focusing more attention in speeding up the the Soviets have already been doing the former command and control process; and to develop over the past several years and might well in- the capability to preemptively attack these crease their efforts. The U.S.S.R. has had a con- NATO reconnaissance (“recce”) strike com- tinuing program to modernize ground forces plexes, or RSCs. in Central Europe, apparently adding a new As a concept, the Soviets are concerned that generation of tanks and fielding new artillery, infantry combat vehicles, anti-tank weapons, FOFA will extend the battle into their rear: and close support aircraft and helicopter gun- The emergence in the armies of the devel- ships.
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