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Some Documented Cases of Linguistic Change
APPENDIX I SOME DOCUMENTED CASES OF LINGUISTIC CHANGE 1. Jinghpaw become Shan The first European to visit Hkamti Long (Putao) was Wilcox in 1828. He recorded of the Shan area that 'the mass of the labouring population is of the Kha-phok tribe whose dialect is closely allied to the Singpho'. Other non-Shan dependents of the Shans were the Kha-lang with villages on the Nam Lang 'whose language more nearly resembles that of the Singpho than that of the Nogmung tribe who are on the Nam Tisang'. The prefix 'Kha-' in Hkamti Shan denotes a serf: 'phok' (hpaw) is a term applied by Maru and Hkamti Shans to Jinghpaw. Kha-phok therefore means 'serf Jinghpaw'. In 1925 Barnard described Hkamti Long as he knew it. He noted that the Shan population included a substantial serf class (lok hka) divided into various 'tribes' which he supposes to have been of Tibetan origin, but he remarks: 'I have not been able to obtain even a small vocabulary of their language as they have been absorbed into the Shans whose language and dress they have completely adopted.' It would appear that Barnard's lok hka must include the descendants of Wilcox's Kha-phok and Kha-lang. The inhabitants of 'the villages on the Nam Lang' now speak Shan; but the Jinghpaw-speaking population on the other side of the Mali Hka-who call them selves Duleng-claim to be related to these 'Shans' of the Nam Lang. Of the Nogmung, Barnard recorded: '(They) are gradually being absorbed by the Shans . -
China, India, and Myanmar: Playing Rohingya Roulette?
CHAPTER 4 China, India, and Myanmar: Playing Rohingya Roulette? Hossain Ahmed Taufiq INTRODUCTION It is no secret that both China and India compete for superpower standing in the Asian continent and beyond. Both consider South Asia and Southeast Asia as their power-play pivots. Myanmar, which lies between these two Asian giants, displays the same strategic importance for China and India, geopolitically and geoeconomically. Interestingly, however, both countries can be found on the same page when it comes to the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar’s Rakhine state. As the Myanmar army (the Tatmadaw) crackdown pushed more than 600,000 Rohingya refugees into Bangladesh, Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi’s government was vociferously denounced by the Western and Islamic countries.1 By contrast, China and India strongly sup- ported her beleaguered military-backed government, even as Bangladesh, a country both invest in heavily, particularly on a competitive basis, has sought each to soften Myanmar’s Rohingya crackdown and ease a medi- ated refugee solution. H. A. Taufiq (*) Global Studies & Governance Program, Independent University of Bangladesh, Dhaka, Bangladesh e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2019 81 I. Hussain (ed.), South Asia in Global Power Rivalry, Global Political Transitions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7240-7_4 82 H. A. TAUFIQ China’s and India’s support for Myanmar is nothing new. Since the Myanmar military seized power in September 1988, both the Asian pow- ers endeavoured to expand their influence in the reconfigured Myanmar to protect their national interests, including heavy investments in Myanmar, particularly in the Rakhine state. -
Regional Reverberations from Regime Shake-Up in Rangoon.Qxd
Asia-PacificAsia-Pacific SecuritySecurity SStudiestudies RegionalRegional ReverberationsReverberations fromfrom RegimeRegime Shake-upShake-up inin RangoonRangoon Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Volume 4 - Number 1, January 2005 Key Findings The reverberations from the recent regime shake-up in Rangoon continue to be felt in regional capitals. Since prime minister Khin Nyunt was the chief architect of closer China-Burma strategic ties, his sudden removal has been interpret- ed as a major setback for China's strategic goals in Burma. Dr. Mohan Malik is a Professor with the Asia-Pacific Center for However, an objective assessment of China's strategic and eco- Security Studies. nomic needs and Burma's predicament shows that Beijing is His work focuses main- unlikely to easily give up what it has already gained in and ly on Asian Geopolitics through Burma. From China's perspective, Burma should be and Proliferation in Asia-Pacific region. His satisfied to gain a powerful friend, a permanent member of the most recent APCSS UN Security Council, and an economic superpower that comes publication is “India-China Relations: bearing gifts of much needed military hardware, economic aid, Giants Stir, Cooperate infrastructure projects and diplomatic support. and Compete ” The fact remains that ASEAN, India and Japan cannot compete with China either in providing military assistance, diplomatic support or in offering trade and investment benefits. With the UN-brokered talks on political reconciliation having reached a dead end, it might be worthwhile to start afresh with a dia- logue framework of ASEAN+3 (ASEAN plus China, India and Japan) on Burma. This would also put to test China's oft-stated commitment to multi- lateralism and Beijing's penchant for "Asian solutions to Asian problems". -
Myanmar's Security Outlook and the Myanmar Defence Services
CHAPTER 7 Myanmar’s Security Outlook and the Myanmar Defence Services Tin Maung Maung Than Introduction: Elected civilian government and the military in politics There were expressions of disappointment and even outright condemnation by the West and opposition groups that viewed the 7 November 2010 elections, held under the auspices of the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as neither free nor fair as well as lacking inclusiveness. Allegations of votes being manipulated in favour of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP that was transformed from the military-sponsored Union Solidarity and Development Organization, led by former prime minister and retired general U Thein Sein), the boycott of National League for Democracy (NLD, which convincingly won the 1990 election and whose leader Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was still under house arrest had refused to re-register for competing in the polls) and complaints of unfair election laws tarnished the victory of the USDP which won overwhelmingly. By winning over 79 percent of the contested seats in the Pyithu Hluttaw (People’s Assembly or lower house of parliament) and nearly 77 percent in the Amyotha Hluttaw (National Assembly or upper house of parliament) at the national level and substantially (majority party in all seven states and seven regions) at the provincial level, the USDP was in a position to form the Union Government as well as the respective Region/State Governments. Though the Chairman of the SPDC Senior General Than Shwe and the Vice Chairman -
THE STATE of LOCAL GOVERNANCE: TRENDS in KACHIN Photo Credits
Local Governance Mapping THE STATE OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE: TRENDS IN KACHIN Photo credits Mike Adair Emilie Röell Myanmar Survey Research A photo record of the UNDP Governance Mapping Trip for Kachin State. Travel to Tanai, Putao, Momauk and Myitkyina townships from Jan 6 to Jan 23, 2015 is available here: http://tinyurl.com/Kachin-Trip-2015 The views expressed in this publication are those of the author, and do not necessarily represent the views of UNDP. Local Governance Mapping THE STATE OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE: TRENDS IN KACHIN UNDP MYANMAR Table of Contents Acknowledgements II Acronyms III Executive Summary 1 1. Introduction 5 2. Kachin State 7 2.1 Kachin geography 9 2.2 Population distribution 10 2.3 Socio-economic dimensions 11 2.4 Some historical perspectives 13 2.5 Current security situation 18 2.6 State institutions 18 3. Methodology 24 3.1 Objectives of mapping 25 3.2 Mapping tools 25 3.3 Selected townships in Kachin 26 4. Governance at the front line – Findings on participation, responsiveness and accountability for service provision 27 4.1 Introduction to the townships 28 4.1.1 Overarching development priorities 33 4.1.2 Safety and security perceptions 34 4.1.3 Citizens’ views on overall improvements 36 4.1.4 Service Provider’s and people’s views on improvements and challenges in selected basic services 37 4.1.5 Issues pertaining to access services 54 4.2 Development planning and participation 57 4.2.1 Development committees 58 4.2.2 Planning and use of development funds 61 4.2.3 Challenges to township planning and participatory development 65 4.3 Information, transparency and accountability 67 4.3.1 Information at township level 67 4.3.2 TDSCs and TMACs as accountability mechanisms 69 4.3.3 WA/VTAs and W/VTSDCs 70 4.3.4 Grievances and disputes 75 4.3.5 Citizens’ awareness and freedom to express 78 4.3.6 Role of civil society organisations 81 5. -
Political Monitor No.6
Euro-Burma Office 1 to 11 February 2011 Political Monitor POLITICAL MONITOR NO. 6 THAN SHWE TO HEAD EXTRA-CONSTITUTIONAL “STATE SUPREME COUNCIL” Although the SPDC regime had indicated that it would hand over state power to President Thein Sein and his government, junta chief Senior-General Than Shwe has now revealed that he will personally lead a newly created council called the “State Supreme Council”, which, as its name implies, will be the most powerful body in the country, according to sources in Nay Pyi Taw. Two bodies have now emerged in the new government's administrative structure that observers say will have powers that reach—either directly or indirectly—above and beyond the powers of the new civilian executive and legislative branches. The first is the 8 member State Supreme Council, not mentioned in the 2008 Constitution. The second is the 11 member National Defence and Security Council (NDSC), which is in the 2008 Constitution and will be led by Thein Sein. “The State Supreme Council will become the highest body of the state. While it will assume an advisory role to guide the future governments, the body will be very influential,” says a source close to the military. The members of the State Supreme Council will include: 1 Sr-Gen Than Shwe former SPDC Chair (78) 2 V-Sr-Gen Maung Aye former SPDC Vice-Chair (74) Speaker, Pyithu 3 Thura Shwe Mann former SPDC member, General (64) Hluttaw 4 Thein Sein former SPDC Lt-Gen (66) President 5 Thiha Thura Tin Aung Myint Oo former General (61) Vice-President 6 Tin Aye former SPDC Member, Lt-Gen Ordinance A yet unidentified senior military 7 general A yet unidentified senior military 8 general As required by the 2008 Constitution, the NDSC will be made up of: 1. -
Acts Adopted Under Title V of the Treaty on European Union)
L 108/88EN Official Journal of the European Union 29.4.2005 (Acts adopted under Title V of the Treaty on European Union) COUNCIL COMMON POSITION 2005/340/CFSP of 25 April 2005 extending restrictive measures against Burma/Myanmar and amending Common Position 2004/423/CFSP THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, (8) In the event of a substantial improvement in the overall political situation in Burma/Myanmar, the suspension of Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in these restrictive measures and a gradual resumption of particular Article 15 thereof, cooperation with Burma/Myanmar will be considered, after the Council has assessed developments. Whereas: (9) Action by the Community is needed in order to (1) On 26 April 2004, the Council adopted Common implement some of these measures, Position 2004/423/CFSP renewing restrictive measures 1 against Burma/Myanmar ( ). HAS ADOPTED THIS COMMON POSITION: (2) On 25 October 2004, the Council adopted Common Position 2004/730/CFSP on additional restrictive Article 1 measures against Burma/Myanmar and amending Annexes I and II to Common Position 2004/423/CFSP shall be Common Position 2004/423/CFSP (2). replaced by Annexes I and II to this Common Position. (3) On 21 February 2005, the Council adopted Common Position 2005/149/CFSP amending Annex II to Article 2 Common Position 2004/423/CFSP (3). Common Position 2004/423/CFSP is hereby renewed for a period of 12 months. (4) The Council would recall its position on the political situation in Burma/Myanmar and considers that recent developments do not justify suspension of the restrictive Article 3 measures. -
Commission Regulation (EC)
L 108/20 EN Official Journal of the European Union 29.4.2009 COMMISSION REGULATION (EC) No 353/2009 of 28 April 2009 amending Council Regulation (EC) No 194/2008 renewing and strengthening the restrictive measures in respect of Burma/Myanmar THE COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES, (3) Common Position 2009/351/CFSP of 27 April 2009 ( 2 ) amends Annexes II and III to Common Position 2006/318/CFSP of 27 April 2006. Annexes VI and VII Having regard to the Treaty establishing the European to Regulation (EC) No 194/2008 should, therefore, be Community, amended accordingly. Having regard to Council Regulation (EC) No 194/2008 of (4) In order to ensure that the measures provided for in this 25 February 2008 renewing and strengthening the restrictive Regulation are effective, this Regulation should enter into measures in respect of Burma/Myanmar and repealing Regu- force immediately, lation (EC) No 817/2006 ( 1), and in particular Article 18(1)(b) thereof, HAS ADOPTED THIS REGULATION: Whereas: Article 1 1. Annex VI to Regulation (EC) No 194/2008 is hereby (1) Annex VI to Regulation (EC) No 194/2008 lists the replaced by the text of Annex I to this Regulation. persons, groups and entities covered by the freezing of funds and economic resources under that Regulation. 2. Annex VII to Regulation (EC) No 194/2008 is hereby replaced by the text of Annex II to this Regulation. (2) Annex VII to Regulation (EC) No 194/2008 lists enter- prises owned or controlled by the Government of Article 2 Burma/Myanmar or its members or persons associated with them, subject to restrictions on investment under This Regulation shall enter into force on the day of its publi- that Regulation. -
28 of 35 Are on EU Sanction List)
BURMA: COMPARISON OF NEW GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS WITH THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION LIST OF SANCTIONED REGIME MEMBERS1 1. New Cabinet Members2 (28 of 35 are on EU Sanction List) Position in Code on Name on Position & Department on EU No Name New Department EU List EU list Sanction List Government 1 U Thein Sein President Republic of the Union of A4a Lt-Gen Thein Sein “Prime Minister” of SPDC Myanmar 2 Thiha Thura U Tin Vice President Republic of the Union of A5a Gen (Thiha Thura) “Secretary 1” of SPDC, Chairman, Myanmar Aung Myint Oo Myanmar Tin Aung Myint Oo Economic Corporation, President of Union Solidarity and Development Association K23a Chairman, Lt-Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo, Myanmar Economic Corporation 3 Dr. Sai Mao Kham Vice President Republic of the Union of @ Maung Ohn Myanmar 4 Major General Hla Minister Ministry of Defense B10a Major General Hla Chief of Bureau of Special Operation (3) Min Min 5 Lieutenant General Minister Ministry of Home Affairs A10a Maj-Gen Ko Ko Chief of Bureau of Special Operations 3 (Pegu, Ko Ko Irrawaddy, Arakan). 6 Major General Minister Ministry of Border Affairs and E28a Maj-Gen Thein Htay Deputy Minister for Defence Thein Htay Ministry of Myanmar Industrial Development 7 U Wunna Maung Minister Ministry of Foreign Affairs Lwin 8 U Kyaw Hsan Minister Ministry of Information and D17a Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan Ministry of Information Ministry of Culture 9 U Myint Hlaing Minister Ministry of Agriculture and 115a Lt-Gen Myint Hlaing Ministry of Defence and USDA Member Irrigation 10 U Win Tun Minister Ministry -
Interpreting Myanmar a Decade of Analysis
INTERPRETING MYANMAR A DECADE OF ANALYSIS INTERPRETING MYANMAR A DECADE OF ANALYSIS ANDREW SELTH Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (print): 9781760464042 ISBN (online): 9781760464059 WorldCat (print): 1224563457 WorldCat (online): 1224563308 DOI: 10.22459/IM.2020 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph: Yangon, Myanmar by mathes on Bigstock. This edition © 2020 ANU Press CONTENTS Acronyms and abbreviations . xi Glossary . xv Acknowledgements . xvii About the author . xix Protocols and politics . xxi Introduction . 1 THE INTERPRETER POSTS, 2008–2019 2008 1 . Burma: The limits of international action (12:48 AEDT, 7 April 2008) . 13 2 . A storm of protest over Burma (14:47 AEDT, 9 May 2008) . 17 3 . Burma’s continuing fear of invasion (11:09 AEDT, 28 May 2008) . 21 4 . Burma’s armed forces: How loyal? (11:08 AEDT, 6 June 2008) . 25 5 . The Rambo approach to Burma (10:37 AEDT, 20 June 2008) . 29 6 . Burma and the Bush White House (10:11 AEDT, 26 August 2008) . 33 7 . Burma’s opposition movement: A house divided (07:43 AEDT, 25 November 2008) . 37 2009 8 . Is there a Burma–North Korea–Iran nuclear conspiracy? (07:26 AEDT, 25 February 2009) . 43 9 . US–Burma: Where to from here? (14:09 AEDT, 28 April 2009) . -
Phonological Inventories of Seven Jingphoish Languages and Dialects Author(S)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Kyoto University Research Information Repository <Article>Phonological inventories of seven Jingphoish Title languages and dialects Author(s) KURABE, Keita 京都大学言語学研究 = Kyoto University Linguistic Research Citation (2014), 33: 57-88 Issue Date 2014 URL http://dx.doi.org/10.14989/196278 Right © Department of Linguistics Graduate School of Letters 2014 Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University 京都大学言語学研究 (Kyoto University Linguistic Research) 33 (2014), 57 –88 Phonological inventories of seven Jingphoish languages and dialects∗ Keita Kurabe 1 Introduction The Jingphoish1 languages are Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in northern Burma and adjacent areas of China and India. Genetically, they belong to the Jingpho-Asakian (Jingpho-Luish) branch of Tibeto-Burman (Matisoff 2013). While the exact number of Jingpho speakers is unknown due to a lack of accurate census data, estimates range be- tween 630,000 (Bradley 1996) and 940,000 (Lewis et al. 2014). The Jingpho, together with such peoples as the Lhaovo, Lachid, Zaiwa, Rawang and Lisu, form an ethnic group in Burma called the “Kachin”. Although the standard dialect of Jingpho is widely used by both native and non-native speakers, many of the other Jingphoish languages and dialects are in danger of disappearing due to speakers shifting to the dominant languages in the area, such as Standard Jingpho, Burmese in Burma, Chinese in China and Assamese in India. This paper provides the phonological inventories and syllable structures of seven Jing- phoish languages and dialects from northern Burma, southwestern China and northeastern India. -
On 9Th March 2002, Major General Kyaw Win, Vice-Chief of Defence
3/2002 WILL THE FAILED COUP ATTEMPT DERAIL THE ONGOING NATIONAL RECONCILIATION AND POLITICAL TRANSITION IN MYANMAR? Maung Aung Myoe1 March 2002 On 7 March 2002, news came out from Myanmar that the government had arrested the son-in-law, U Aye Zaw Win, and three grandsons, Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win, and Zwe Ne Win, of U Ne Win, who ruled the country between 1962 and 1988. Many people believed that U Ne Win (or General Ne Win) continued to yield and exercise influence among top military commanders who formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), later transformed into the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in November 1997, after the military takeover in September 1988. Some analysts interpreted the event of 7 March as an indication of 'the end of the Ne Win era'. Two days later, on 9 March, at a special conference, Major General Kyaw Win, Vice-Chief of Defence Services Intelligence, explained that the four were arrested in connection with a coup attempt. Additional information on the event was given at special press conferences on 12 and 18 March. According to the information provided by Major General Kyaw Win, the coup plotters had planned to win over some military commanders and to use their troops to overpower and disarm security forces at the residences of the top three regime leaders – Senior General Than Shwe (Chairman of the SPDC and Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar Armed Forces), General Maung Aye (Vice Chairman of the SPDC and Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar Armed Forces cum Commander-in-Chief of Army) and Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt (Secretary-1 of the SPDC and Chief of Defence Services Intelligence Bureau).