The Pennsylvania State University

The Graduate School

IN THE SHADOW OF GREATNESS: WOMEN COMPOSERS AND THEIR

SONATAS AT THE PRUSSIAN COURT, 1730-1771

A Thesis in

Music

by

Sheila Joy Hornberger

© 2020 Sheila Joy Hornberger

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

May 2020

ii The thesis of Sheila Joy Hornberger was reviewed and approved* by the following:

Marica S. Tacconi Professor of Musicology Thesis Advisor

Mark C. Ferraguto Associate Professor of Musicology

R J David Frego Director of the School of Music

iii ABSTRACT

The Prussian Court at during the reign of (1740-1786) was well known as an epicenter of musical activity during the Enlightenment; it attracted many famed composers such as , Carl Philipp Emanuel Bach, and Johann Hasse.

Composers , CPE Bach, Johann Kirnberger, and Friedrich Wilhelm

Marpurg wrote their famous treatises while working at this court, which helped to further knowledge of music and music theory. Frederick the Great was also widely known for his musicality, and he left over one hundred compositions for posterity.

While historians have credited the flute-playing king for creating this musical renaissance in after the death of his philistinian father, the contributions of his musical sisters,

Wilhelmine von Bayreuth and Anna Amalia of Prussia have been largely ignored. The presence of a third woman composer, Anna Bon di Venezia, also remains largely unrecognized in musicological circles. It should be of little surprise, however, that this newly enlightened

Prussian court enabled the musical advancement of these talented women. Wilhelmine and Anna

Amalia developed strong familial bonds with Frederick due to their shared interests and abilities in music, and both sisters became devout patronesses of music in their own rights. It is through

Wilhelmine’s auspices that the sixteen-year old Anna Bon appeared at Bayreuth in the highly respected position of Virtuosa di Camera, after being trained in Venice’s famed Ospedale della

Pietà.

. In my thesis, I will review significant flute by each of these women with a detailed musical analysis, in order to call attention to their works while underlining their importance in the repertoire. I will also discuss circumstances at the Prussian court that allowed for the presence of three women of exceptional musical talent and discuss their exclusion from the canon. Finally, I will discuss why it would better serve the music community to incorporate

iv women composers, and especially early women composers back into the Western Music canon, and how this might be achieved going forward.

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures ...... vi

Acknowledgements ...... vii

Introduction ...... 1

Chapter 1 The State of Music in Prussia ...... 5

Chapter 2 Margravine Wilhelmine von Bayreuth ...... 17

Chapter 3 Anna Amalia, Princess of Prussia ...... 30

Chapter 4 Anna Bon di Venezia ...... 42

Conclusion ...... 56

vi List of Figures

1.1 Flute Concert at , by Adolph Menzel (1852) ...... 14

2.1 Manuscript, Flute in A minor, Wilhelmine von Bayreuth ...... 24

2.2 Opening, first movement, in A minor ...... 26

2.3 Opening, second movement, Flute Sonata in A minor ...... 27

2.4 Opening, third movement, Flute Sonata in A minor ...... 28

3.1 Opening, first movement, Flute Sonata in F major, Anna Amalia of Prussia ...... 39

3.2 Opening, second movement, Flute Sonata in F major ...... 40

3.3 Opening, third movement, Flute Sonata in F major ...... 41

4.1 Manuscript cover, Flute Sonata IV in D major, Anna Bon di Venezia ...... 51

4.2 Opening, first movement, Flute Sonata IV in D major ...... 52

4.3 Opening, second movement, Flute Sonata IV in D major ...... 53

4.4 Opening, third movement, Flute Sonata IV in D major ...... 54

vii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Dedicated to my husband Frank DuMont, who has always been my biggest fan and advocate, my parents David and Nancy, who never told me there was anything I couldn’t do, my colleague, Michael Divino, for always being supportive and commiserating with me, and to my advisors Dr. Tacconi and Dr. Ferraguto, for their valuable time, generous insight, and infinite patience.

1

Introduction

Frederick the Great of Prussia (1712-1786) has long been considered the “musical king”; his court at Berlin offered many opportunities for composers and performers seeking a royal appointment. A flute player, Frederick employed Johann Joachim Quantz, Carl Phillip Emanuel

Bach, Carl Heinrich Graun, and , all of whom contributed greatly to the . Frederick himself composed 121 flute sonatas, four flute concerti, four books of solfeggio, several marches, , and , as well as four symphonies.1 Also during this time, Quantz published his famous treatise on the flute and musical taste. Clearly, Frederick’s court was a hotbed of musical culture. Thus, it should be unsurprising that in this fertile environment, three women composers emerged with their own flute compositions.

Certain aspects of music, such as singing and playing keyboard instruments were long thought to be an acceptable activity for young women of stature. However, these activities were not the standard at Frederick William’s court; the family patriarch abhorred music and was indifferent to culture. Despite this, Frederick II began studying flute with Johann Joachim Quantz in 1728. When Frederick II succeeded the throne upon his father’s death in 1740, he was free to pursue music as he wished. Sharing his talents and interests, it is not surprising that two of his own sisters would become not only patrons of music, but also composers and performers. Anna

Amalia, his youngest sister, and eldest sister Wilhelmina, Margravine of Brandenburg-Bayreuth, were both drawn into Frederick’s musical world.

Princess Anna Amalia (1723-1787) began her musical instruction, encouraged by her mother after the death of her father, Frederick William I of Prussia, by studying with her brother.

1 Andrea Kapell Loewy, “Frederick the Great, Flutist and Composer,” College Music Symposium 20, No. 2 (1990), 118.

2 Later, she studied and composition with Johann Philip Kirnberger, who himself had been a student of J.S. Bach’s.2 She is now remembered as a composer in her own right, but mostly as a patroness of music;3 especially since having appointed C.P.E. Bach as her

Kapellmeister in 1767.4 In 1755 she was appointed Abbess of Quendlinburg, which greatly increased her personal wealth and allowed her to devote most of her time to music. As a gift for her brother in 1771, she composed her Flute Sonata in F major, a charming work that bears cadences reminiscent of J.S. Bach.5 During her lifetime, Anna Amalia amassed a large collection of literature and music which is still housed today at the Staatsbibliotek in Berlin.

Eldest sister Wilhelmine von Bayreuth (1709-1758) grew up alongside her brother

Frederick, and shared similar circumstances with her siblings in regard to her musical education.

Wilhelmine was a dedicated patroness of the arts. In 1728 she invited lutenist Sylvius Leopold

Weiss, along with violinist Johann Pisendel and flutists Pierre Buffardin and Joachim Quantz to her court at , where they remained for three months. During this time, her brother

Frederick would visit her court twice a week to study with Quantz. While Wilhelmine’s favorite instrument was the , which she studied with Weiss,6 certainly the influence of her brother and his favorites inspired her to compose for the flute as well. Her Flute Sonata in A minor, composed around 1730 was discovered only recently and is the second autograph manuscript of

Wilhelmine’s work known today.7

2 Jill Munroe Fankhauser, “Anna Amalie, Princess of Prussia (1723-1787),” in New Historical Anthology of Music by Women, ed. James R. Briscoe (Indiana University, 2004), 109. 3 Marc Serge Riviere and Annett Volmer, The Library of an Enlightened Prussian Princess (Berlin: Berlin Verlag Spitz, 2002), 11. 4 Jill Munroe Fankhauser, “Anna Amalie, Princess of Prussia (1723-1787),” in New Historical Anthology of Music by Women, ed. James R. Briscoe (Indiana University, 2004), 109. 5 John P Harthan, “Eighteenth-Century Flute Music” Music & Letters (vol. 24, no. 1, 1943): 38. 6 Constance Wright, A Royal Affinity (New York, Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1965), 61. 7 Adelheid Krause-Pichler and Irene Hegen, “Sonata per Flauto Traverso e a-moll” (Kassel: Furore Verlage, 2006)

3 Because of her role as a great patroness of the arts, many musicians passed through

Wilhelmine’s court at Bayreuth. Among them were Anna Bon di Venezia (1738-after 1769) and her parents. Little is known of the life of Anna Bon, beyond her time at the court at Bayreuth, and later at Esterháza. Daughter of singer Rosa Ruvinetti and artist Girolamo Bon, she was born in 1740 during her parents’ employ at the court in Saint Petersburg. In 1743, Anna was admitted to the Ospedale della Pietà in Venice, the institution where had taught until three years prior to her arrival. It is likely that much of her early musical training can be attributed to her instruction at the Pietà. From 1755 to 1759, Anna and her parents were employed by Wilhelmine at Bayreuth. During this time, at age 16, Anna composed a set of six flute sonatas, her first opus. She dedicated the collection to her patron, the Margrave of Bayreuth

(Wilhelmine’s husband), also an accomplished flutist who had studied with Quantz and Michel

Blavet.8 Toward the end of her time at Bayreuth, Anna’s last known published work was released: a set of six divertimenti for two and basso continuo. Dedicated to Carl Theodor,

Elector of Bavaria, it is likely that the divertimenti were written to be considered for employment at the Mannheim court after the death of Wilhelmine.9 While her works are mostly unknown today, during her lifetime, she was recognized by Johann Georg Sulzer in his Allgemeine Theorie der schönen Künste (Theory of Fine Arts) as a prominent composer of flute music, along with

Quantz, Telemann, Kirnberger, and Benda.10

By exploring the lives of these three fascinating women, tracing their social positions, impact, and relevance, it is possible to gain further perspective on women composers of the late

Baroque era. Biographical information, as well as an understanding of the political and cultural forces of the era will help to uncover what enabled these women to achieve success in music

8 Mary Matthews, “The Life and Flute Music of Anna Bon di Venezia,” The Flutist Quarterly 44, no. 1 (2018): 21. 9 Ibid., 22. 10 Ibid., 22.

4 composition at a time when this was not standard. The circumstances that culminated in their talents converging at the Enlightenment court of Frederick the Great are quite unique.

In order to understand these unique circumstances more clearly, it is necessary to understand the Prussian court; this will be the focus of Chapter One. It is also important to keep the effects of the Enlightenment in mind when considering Prussian court life; key details on this will be provided throughout. The following chapters will then examine the emergence of

Wilhelmine von Bayreuth, Anna Amalia, and Anna Bon in Prussia at the time of Frederick the

Great. A discussion on historical minimization of the role of women composers will follow, with the aim to provide insight on how music by women may be incorporated into the Western musical canon and classroom.

Primary focus will be on each of these three women by providing biographical information on their early lives and places within the Prussian court. Few modern biographical resources exist regarding these composers; German language sources are available, but are difficult to locate and may be inaccessible to many due to language. A flute sonata by each will be examined: the Sonata in F Major, by Princess Anna Amalia; the Sonata in A minor by

Wilhelmine von Bayreuth; and the Sonata IV in D Major by Anna Bon di Venezia. Each will be analyzed in terms of style, form, and other elements. This will provide insight into the place of each work in comparison to other contemporary works, as well as a comparison of the works of the three women themselves.

My thesis will conclude by noting the contributions of these women, their compositions, and will attempt to place them alongside their more well-known male counterparts. It is my hope that my study will shed more light on early women composers who have been so tragically overlooked for centuries.

5 Chapter 1

The State of Culture in Prussia

The Prussian court underwent many cultural changes throughout the eighteenth century due to two sovereigns with very different views on music and art. Under the reign of the soldier king, Frederick William I, spanning 1713-1740, the Prussian court was austere, without any excess, frivolity, or luxury. A regime change, along with the expanding effects of the

Enlightenment, seem to be the catalysts that helped to bring the Prussian court out of a cultural void to the forefront of European culture. After the accession of his son, Frederick II (Frederick the Great), the Prussian court became a cultural epicenter, with music, art, and philosophy taking center stage. In order to understand the particular circumstances that enabled such a cultural boom, we will examine the very different courts of Frederick William I and Frederick II.

Frederick William was born in 1688 into the lavish and sophisticated court of his father,

Frederick I. This was a court that “fostered the arts and made Berlin a showplace of the north

German , second only to Dresden.”11 Frederick I spent openly on building new palaces, grand boulevards, and lavish high baroque architecture; MacDonogh compares this to the nouveau riche desire for glitz and glamour. Frederick William’s mother, Sophia Charlotte, had a vested interest in the arts, particularly philosophy, music, ballet, and theatre. Despite having been raised in such an extravagant, culturally rich environment, Frederick William had no affinity for such trappings; instead he eschewed them entirely in favor of political and military strength.

Even his tutors found that he had no interest in learning unless it was framed in the context of

11 Giles MacDonogh, Frederick the Great. (New York, St. Martin’s Press, 1999), 14.

6 military terms.12 He was disposed to be parsimonious and petty from a young age. This predilection would set the cultural tone for his future rule.

When Frederick William succeeded the throne upon the death of his father, he is quoted as saying, “Gentlemen, our good master is dead, the new king bids you all go to hell.”13 With this, the court became an austere, militaristic regime. Turning against the elegant, French- inspired environment his father had sought to create, Frederick William simplified court drastically. Anything remotely French was shunned; he even forced his prisoners to wear French clothing (which he viewed as effeminate), as a sign of shame. The arts were greatly affected by the king’s spartan attitude; what had formerly commanded vast expenditures by his father now became neglected entirely. The theatre installed by his father was closed, and the court orchestra was fired.14 Prussia became known for its discipline, asceticism, strictness, and sober- mindedness.15

Frederick William’s greatest interest lay in strengthening his military. As he himself so succinctly put it, “my father found joy in splendid buildings, huge quantities of jewels, silver, gold and furnishings; in magnificent show. You will allow me to have my own pleasures, and that consists, above all, in having a sizeable body of good troops.”16 He built up a guard of lange

Kerls, exceptionally tall soldiers, who became the crowning glory of his military. Frederick

William was known to be vicious and cruel, and beatings were standard punishments for his army, as well as for his son, Frederick II, who felt the brunt of his father’s wrath as he began to explore his own artistic interests.

12 Ibid., 15. 13 MacDonogh, 17. 14 Ibid., 17. 15 Ibid., 21. 16 Ibid., 21.

7 Frederick William’s wife, Sophia Dorothea of Hanover, was nothing like her husband; she appreciated culture, loved music and art, and secretly encouraged her children to entertain these pursuits. MacDonogh suggests that out of revenge, she “brought her children over to her side and taught them to hate their father…what he forbade, she allowed, even if it ended up with them being beaten black and blue as a result.”17 During the absences of her husband, the queen gave concerts, and brought forth musicians of the highest quality18. Whatever her true purposes, she certainly succeeded in instilling her desired qualities in her two eldest children, which severely strained their relationship with their father.

Frederick II grew up very close with his elder sister, Wilhelmina; the two had many shared interests, particularly in music and philosophy. This closeness lead to a lifelong companionship and a mutual respect. Wilhelmine became his closest confidante and ally, someone with whom Frederick II could commiserate on their unfortunate circumstances and their tyrant father. Frederick William was concerned about his son’s liberal affinities as early as age six; he took action by banning young Frederick from seeing “, comedies, and other worldly vanities.”19

Frederick William wanted his son to be militaristic like himself, a quality that Frederick did in fact inherit from his father. Six-year old Frederick had his own company of cadets to run through military drills.20 Despite his father’s best efforts to remove anything cultural from him,

Frederick was an avid reader, thanks to Wilhelmine’s influence, and began to take his education into his own hands. He was not particularly interested in religion. As a teenager, Frederick II

“appeared to have lost interest in religion, and his father’s guru was dismissed as a ‘Pharisee.’”21

17 Ibid., 29. 18 Ernest Lavisse, The Youth of Frederick the Great, (London: Bentley and son, 1891), 177. 19 MacDonogh, 31. 20 Ibid., 31. 21 Ibid., 36.

8 He had a library of 3000 books installed, where he could study Descartes, Bayle, Locke, and

Voltaire; it is at this time he began signing letters as ‘Federic’ (sic) or ‘Frédéric le philosophe’, instead of the more Germanic ‘Fritz’ or ‘Frederic’”22.

At age sixteen, after seeing Johann Hasse’s opera, Cléofide at the court at Dresden,

Frederick II became enamored by the opulent surroundings and the florid music; he was then determined to bring this elegance to his own little court at Rheinsberg. He developed a taste for

French fashion, and held little musical evenings with Wilhelmine, where he would don his finest

French attire and curl his hair, petit maître style23. He had skill on , violin, and flute, however, he was most disposed to enjoy the flute. It is possible that this preference was due to the influence of Telemachus, an ancient Greek story that had great impact on young Frederick; in it, author Fenélon mentions the flute and its ability to charm listeners.24 Frederick also surrounded himself with likeminded friends, writing that “One learns after a long while to become free from care. I am in that condition at the present hour, and, in spite of all that may happen to me, I play the flute, read, and love my friends always more than myself.”25

If Frederick was concerned about “what might happen to him”, he still carried on in a way that he knew would displease his father. Frederick William grew increasingly more abusive, in a vain attempt to bend his son to his will. As their relationship grew more and more strained, and Frederick II grew more and more tired of reading or playing music in secret, he created a plan to run away. On August 5, 1730 he made his escape attempt; he appeared to his sister

Wilhelmine, dressed in French finery, and told her he “could not endure further ‘snubs’ or the

‘hateful yoke’ of his father any longer.”26 Unfortunately for Frederick, his plans were discovered,

22 Ibid., 36. 23 Lavisse, 425. 24 Ibid., 177. 25 Ibid., 181. 26 MacDonogh, 58.

9 leading to a catastrophic series of events: Frederick was arrested and imprisoned, Wilhelmine was quickly married off to the Margrave of Bayreuth for her part in the conspiracy, and Frederick was forced to watch the execution of his good friend, Hans Hermann von Katte, who had aided in his escape.

Throughout his imprisonment, young Frederick’s books, flute, and music were taken from him; he managed to sneak letters in invisible ink to his sister, lamenting how he missed music, and dreamed of playing together with her on the flute and lute.27 He received a royal pardon from his father later that year, however, he was still required to remain imprisoned at

Kürstin. He was permitted to study only matters that his father deemed important for a crown prince to know. Foreign languages, literature, and music did not make the cut.28 He was not allowed visitors, and could only receive two letters every three months, and those were only permitted to be from his immediate family members.29 According to MacDonogh, this formative time in his life is likely the catalyst that “drove him into the arms of the French Enlightenment.”30

Frederick learned to outwardly appease his father while still entertaining his own desire for a cultured lifestyle. He spent much time dreaming about how he would rule, once he inherited the crown; he wrote in a letter to Director Hille,

Do not say anything about it, but I assure you that reading is one of my greatest pleasures. I like music, but I am fonder of dancing. I hate the chase [hunting], but delight in horseback riding. If I were master, I would do all this whenever I chose; but I would employ a good part of my time in my affairs…And then, I would see that my table was properly and delicately served, although without profusion. I would have good musicians, but only a few, and never music during repasts, for it sets me to dreaming and keeps me from eating.31

27 MacDonogh, 70. 28 Ibid., 74. 29 Ibid., 74. 30 Ibid., 74. 31 Lavisse, 362.

10 While still at Kürstin, he managed to meet a great many people who would further influence him toward Enlightened thought. On a trip to Frankfurt just before his twentieth birthday, he met university students who entertained him with song and philosophical conversation. It is here that he met a local musician, Michael Gabriel Fredersdorf, who quickly became one of his closest friends and allies until Fredersdorf’s death in 1759. Fredersdorf played flute to Frederick’s delight, and was pressed into his service at Kürstin, and later at

Frederick’s Ruppin and Rheinsberg households32. Frederick remained at Kürstin until February

26, 1732, when he agreed to a marry, pleasing his father, and ensuring his freedom.

After Frederick’s marriage, his relationship with his father eased considerably. During this time, he wrote poetry, and took an interest in beautifying his estate at Rheinsberg and its gardens. He began taking drawing lessons with a trusted second lieutenant of his father’s army, an arrangement that was likely a compromise between father and son. Both Frederick and

Wilhelmine began studying flute with Johann Joachim Quantz in 1728.33 Quantz had also brought Franz and Johann Benda to Frederick’s attention. Franz Benda would serve Frederick for fifty-three years, eventually taking over the position of Konzertmeister.34 Frederick organized a proper, but secretive musical ensemble, consisting of violins, , a , horn, flute, harp, , , and harpsichord.35 It was a group effort to hide Frederick’s musical pursuits from the king, and they often performed in unusual venues where they were easily concealed and had ready access to a quick escape route.

By 1735, Frederick was still composing, and sending completed works to Wilhelmine for her enjoyment. In a letter from March of that year, he wrote to her

32 MacDonogh, 86. 33 Andrea Kapell Loewy, “Frederick the Great: Flutist and Composer.” College Music Symposium, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Fall 1990), 117. 34 MacDonogh, 95. 35 Ibid., 95.

11 In the adagio I was thinking of the long months since our parting and therefore found the tone of painful lamentation. In the allegro I indulged my hope for seeing [you] again, and in the presto I translated my warm conception of Bayreuth.36

Quantz carried correspondence between the siblings, as he was still serving as teacher to them both. Frederick’s little court became more openly liberal as his father aged; Frederick William appears to have become quite a bit more lenient in his old age.

Frederick took advantage of the opportunity to redecorate and rebuild at his Rheinsberg

Schloss, which reflected the elaborate Frederician rococo style for which he became known.

Frederick’s court at Rheinsberg embodied Enlightenment ideals. He did not care for old-fashioned courtly rules, and held everyone in equal esteem; MacDonogh says of the court that “it was a free society in the Enlightenment sense, a rococo court based on a cult of friendship”37 At this time, Frederick became a Freemason, further cementing his advocacy of equality. His days were divided into two categories of priorities, which were quite different from his father’s; those categories he called Useful things and Pleasant things. Useful things included the study of philosophy, history, and languages, all of which he had been denied by his father. Pleasant things included music, acting, and masquerades, which brought him great pleasure and served to keep his mind light after heavy philosophical discussions.38

Frederick corresponded extensively with François-Marie Arouet (better known as

Voltaire) for most of his life; in these letters, Voltaire made the comment to Frederick that “under your guiding hand, Berlin will become the Athens of , and possibly

36 Ibid., 102. 37 MacDonogh, 104. 38 Ibid., 109.

12 of Europe too.”39 This proclamation was finally realized in May of 1740, upon the death of Frederick William. In the new regime, all the things that Frederick II valued became prioritized. A new academy was quickly planned, and with Voltaire’s assistance,

Frederick made efforts to acquire the best and brightest minds of the time: Wolff,

Maupertuis, Algarotti, s’Gravesande, de Vaucanson.40 He ensured that his younger siblings received the education that he had been denied.

Frederick rebuilt his Berlin estates in the same rococo style that he had used at

Rheinsberg; MacDonogh says that this style appealed to Frederick due to its “graceful and jocular musicality.”41 Indeed, the lavish, highly ornamental style is reflective of the musical trends at the time. Frederick used this design aesthetic throughout Berlin; it is particularly noteworthy in its use at the State Opera House, which began construction in July of 1741, and held its first performance in December of 1742.42 Voltaire wrote of Frederick’s transformative work in

Berlin:

Now he turned his attention to embellishing the city of Berlin and building one of the loveliest opera houses in Europe and to bringing in artists of every sort…Sparta became Athens.43

The arts flourished; the opera and ballet experienced a resurgence, and of course, music took priority. Two opere serie were produced each carnival season.44 Frederick retained the services of Carl Philipp Emmanuel Bach, one of the brightest stars of the galant era, in his orchestra. That small ensemble he had gathered during his time at Rheinsberg was expanded to fifty members.45 During his time in Berlin, C.P.E. Bach wrote his famed treatise, Versuch über

39 Ibid., 117. 40 Ibid., 133. 41 Ibid., 137. 42 The inaugural performance was of Konzertmeister Carl Heinrich Graun’s Cesare e Cleopatra. 43 MacDonogh, 138. 44 Loewy, 117. 45 Ibid., 117.

13 die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen (1759). Even a young found himself present in this circle of great musicians.46 Frederick performed nightly concerts at his pleasure palace, Sanssouci, mostly of compositions by Quantz or himself, but also occasionally included works by the Graun brothers, Hasse, and C.P.E. Bach.47 The king was considered to be quite a skilled flutist, and the “general consensus among musicians of the King’s day was that he played considerably better than a dilletante and possessed a fine technique and tone.”48 Music historian

Charles Burney reported:

The concert began by a German flute , in which his majesty executed the solo parts with great precision…I was much pleased, and even surprised with the neatness of his execution in the allegros, as well as by his expression and feeling in the adagio; in short, his performance surpassed, in many particulars, anything I had ever heard among Dilettanti, or even Professors. His majesty played three long and difficult successively, and all with equal perfection…49

46 MacDonogh, 187. 47 Mary Oleskewicz, “The Flutist of Sanssouci: King Frederick “the Great” as Performer and Composer, The Flutist Quarterly, Fall 2012, 21. 48 Loewy, 118. 49 Loewy, 119.

14

Figure 1.1: A Flute Concert at Sanssouci, by Adolph Menzel, 1852. Figures depicted include Frederick the Great on flute, Quantz (standing, dark jacket, violin), Franz Benda (left fore, red jacket), Wilhelmine (on pink sofa), Anna Amalia (to the right of Wilhelmine), Carl Heinrich Graun (behind the princesses), CPE Bach (at keyboard).

Notably, in May of 1747, Johann Sebastian Bach visited , most likely at the behest of his son C.P.E. Bach. This meeting between J.S. Bach and Frederick lead to the creation of the Musical Offering, as the result of a challenge issued by Frederick. He had created a theme as a challenge;50 an “impossible sequence of twenty-two notes”51 upon which he asked Bach to create a six-part . After pondering on the theme, Bach produced the work we know today.

It is unknown if Frederick liked Bach’s work; it is not in the style that Frederick typically

50 Authorship of this theme is disputed; some sources say it was written by Frederick himself, some say by C.P.E. Bach (who would have been the most likely choice to write a foil to his father’s style), and some sources even suggest that the theme was Wilhelmine’s. 51 MacDonogh, 198.

15 enjoyed. The manuscript was eventually given to his youngest sister, Anna Amalia, and made its way into her personal library, where it is still held today.

For all the work that Frederick put into building a glorious cultural empire, it eventually began to stagnate; due to his military campaigning, he was eventually unable to devote as much attention to upgrading and improving the arts in Prussia. C.P.E. Bach eventually left Frederick’s service in 1767 for greener pastures in Hamburg52, recognizing that there was little room in Berlin for the changing musical tastes of the day. Music in Prussia lagged behind the rest of Europe, creating an environment that did not support forward thinking composers who were experimenting with new styles. Frederick was notoriously difficult to work with, as he was quite misanthropic, and often very rigid when it came to how he wanted his music composed and performed. Music in Prussia grew isolated, likely due to Frederick’s stubbornness, cutting off contemporary sources of development, and therefore, newer music.53 After the Seven Years’

War, he entirely rejected the new “Viennese Classical Style,” and limited his performances at

Sanssouci to only works by Quantz and himself.54 He was forced to stop playing flute by the early 1770s due to increasing infirmity, and confessed that losing the ability to play his flute was like losing an old friend.55

The Enlightened Prussian court at Berlin was certainly an epicenter of cultural life during its heyday, and thanks to Frederick’s successor, his nephew Frederick William II, it once again flourished. Under Frederick William II, the court saw the arrival of the likes of Beethoven and

Mozart, and culture continued to flourish.56 This golden age of Prussian culture might not have

52C.P.E. Bach relinquished his position at the Berlin court to succeed his godfather, as kapellmeister at Hamburg. 53 John P. Harthan, “Eighteenth-Century Flute Music”, Music & Letters, Vol. 24. No. 1 (Jan 1943), 38. 54 Oleskiewicz, 22. 55 Loewy, 119. 56 Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Frederick William II” January 25, 2002. Accessed March 15, 2020. http://www.britannica.com/biography/Frederick-William-II.

16 been possible, if it were not for the determination of Frederick the Great to pursue his true artistic nature. Despite a difficult upbringing with a despotic, philistine father, Frederick the Great and his followers managed to retain his Enlightened values and shared them with future generations, solidifying Prussia’s place in history as a shining beacon of art, design, philosophy and music.

17 Chapter 2

Wilhelmine, Margravine of Brandenburg-Bayreuth

Wilhelmine, Margravine of Brandenburg-Bayreuth (July 3, 1709-October 14, 1758), was the first surviving child of King Frederick William I of Prussia and Sophia Dorothea of Hanover.

She was the eldest of fourteen, ten of whom survived to adulthood; her closest sibling was younger brother Frederick, who would later become known as Frederick the Great. Due to their proximity in age, as well as the shared difficulty of growing up with a tyrant father, Wilhelmine and Frederick were close in childhood, and remained so their entire lives.

Like her siblings, Wilhelmine found growing up in the royal household to be an unhappy experience, which she recalled several times in her memoirs. She writes:

My brother and I were, however, in constant disgrace, but with this difference: that I was never allowed to appear before him [King Frederick I], while he [Frederick II] had to be constantly about him – a position which exposed him to constant blows and ill-treatment.57

In another instance, Wilhelmine relates an incident which occurred between her father and brother, wherein the king so severely beat young Frederick that he was driven to attempt running away. Such occurrences appeared to be commonplace in the royal household, and Wilhelmine’s writing frequently expresses fear of her father, and later in her life, fear of her mother and her younger sister, Friederike Luise. Music was important to Wilhelmine from a young age, as it provided a “form of escape during domestic disputes58, and is evidenced in her memoirs in the form of an anecdote in which Frederick comforts her with music:

57 Wilhelmine von Bayreuth, Memoirs of Wilhelmine, Margravine of Baireut, trans. Princess Christian of Schleswig Holstein (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1888), 117. 58 Adelhaide Krause-Pichler and Irene Hagen. Sonata per Flauto traverso e basso continuo a-moll. (Kassel: Furore, 2006), 4.

18 “Why do you cry?” he asked me. “Go along with you, you are depressed and in a melancholy humor, and require some distraction. The music is waiting for us. I will drive your sad thoughts away by playing to you on the flute.” With these words he gave me his hand, and led me into the other room. I sat down to the harpsichord, which I covered with my tears.59

It was through the auspices of her mother, Sophia of Hanover, that Wilhelmine had access to a musical education while young. MacDonogh notes that at age five, young Frederick began lessons on piano, violin, and flute with cathedral organist, Gottlieb Hayne.60 It is quite likely that Wilhelmine followed a similar plan of studies with Hayne. Wilhelmine became known as an excellent harpsichordist, and began performing at the Berlin court during absences of her father as young as age six.61 The two siblings often met clandestinely to play on their instruments, performing duets and entertaining other cultural interests in a French manner forbidden by their father. James Gaines writes about an infamous incident that occurred when such an evening was interrupted by the arrival of Frederick I:

The king came unexpectedly to Frederick’s apartment in the middle of one of his musical evenings, where Frederick was decked out in the red-and-gold robe he wore when he played duets with Wilhelmina. His hair was curled and puffed, and everything was just so, very French. There was a mad scramble when the lookout spotted the king coming. Frederick tore off the robe and stuffed it in a corner, the others, including Quantz, grabbed their instruments and found a firewood closet to hide in, but Frederick’s hair gave the game away.62

Hiding their musical activities was a serious risk for Frederick and Wilhelmine to take, but it was an endeavor that they both took refuge in; for them, it was crucial to their survival.

59 Wilhelmine, 366. 60 Giles MacDonogh, Frederick the Great. (New York: St Martins Press, 1999), 32. 61 Krause-Pichler, 4. 62 James Gaines, Evening in the Palace of Reason: Bach meets Frederick the Great in the Age of Enlightenment. (London: Harper Collins, 2005), 75.

19 Some historians believe that Wilhelmine’s memoirs might be somewhat embellished,63 perhaps due to distance in memory, or merely as a way to enhance the story. However, many of these instances of childhood abuse are corroborated in letters and court documents, lending credence to Wilhelmine’s perspective. Modern critics of the memoirs appear to take that stance, owing to one main source: an 1851 article by George Heinrich Pertz, a German state historian who lived from 1795-1876. Pertz’s article, Über die Merkwürdigkeiten der Markgräfin mainly denounced the memoirs as being unreliable and emotional, even slanderous. However, even in

Pertz’s time, historians questioned his view of the memoirs. An article in an 1852 periodical, The

International Magazine of Literature, Art, and Science, indicates that:

The revelations of the Princess, especially concerning the King of Prussia and his court, if true, are at least not flattering to the Prussian dynasty, and strenuous attempts have for years past been making to represent the ‘Memoirs of the Margravine of Bayreuth’ as a spurious work, concocted by the enemies of Prussia, for the express purpose of humiliating the descendants of Frederick William I.64

Pertz worked on behalf of the newly formed German government, which was placed under Prussian leadership; it would therefore have been in his best interest to attempt to place the former king in a positive light, and to discredit the woman who spoke so candidly about her experiences, both positive and negative. If this meant destroying Wilhelmine’s reputation in favor of Frederick’s, then so be it – from Pertz’s perspective, she was only a woman. A 1934 article by Veit Valentine reinforces this thought, helping to solidify for posterity that Wilhelmine should be largely discounted due to her feminine condition. He wrote,

It is a tragic fact that the memoirs of Frederick’s most beloved sister, the Marchioness Wilhelmina of Bayreuth, published in 1810, had a disastrous effect upon Frederick’s reputation. We now know that this book was written by Wilhelmina in her later, lonely, and bitter years, at a time of tension between her

63 In his book, Frederick the Great, Giles MacDonogh alludes to Wilhelmine’s memoirs as an “often untrustworthy account.” He indicates that in 1944, G.P. Gooch wrote that the memoirs were only between 25 and 75 percent trustworthy. 64 The International Monthly Magazine of Literature, Science, and Art, Vol. 5 (January to April 1852): 552.

20 and her royal brother. It was a very subjective, feminine revelation without any desire for historical justice or truth, a book that was worse, not better, than other memoirs of the eighteenth century.65

Wilhelmine later began studying lute with composer and lutenist ; she became quite a skilled lutenist and noted that it was her favorite instrument. Weiss had travelled to the Berlin court with flutists Johann Joachim Quantz and Pierre-Gabriel Buffardin in

1738. Of Weiss, Wilhelmine wrote:

To the memory of the famous Weiss, who excels so much in playing the lute that no one has ever matched him and that those who will come after him will only be left with the glory of imitating him.66

Indeed, Wilhelmine’s teacher was a notable musician; stories persist that Weiss challenged J.S. Bach to improvisation contests. Weiss “can be regarded as the greatest lutenist of the late Baroque and a peer of keyboard players such as J.S. Bach and

Domenico Scarlatti.”67 Stylistically, Weiss’s own compositions are similar to those of

J.S. Bach, fusing Italian and French influences with sophisticated harmonic usage and modulations.68 As was common at the time, many of his compositions are in the form of dance suites.

In 1731, despite her mother’s attempts to arrange a marriage with the Prince of

Wales, Wilhelmine was married to Frederick, the Margrave of Brandenburg-Bayreuth.

This marriage was the result of Wilhelmine’s presumed complicity in her brother’s failed

65 Veit Valentin, “Some Interpretations of Frederick the Great.” History, New Series, Vol. 19, No. 74 (September 1934): 116. 66 Laurent Duroselle and Markus Lutz, “SLWeiss – Life Biography” Sylvius Leopold Weiss, 1998-2020. Accessed March 10, 2020. http://www.slweiss.de. 67 Edward R. Reilly, Douglas Alton Smith, and Tim Crawford, “Silvius [Sylvius] Leopold Weiss”, Grove Music Online, January 20, 2001. https://doi- org.ezaccess.libraries.psu.edu/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.30065 (accessed March 10, 2020). 68 Ibid.

21 attempt to run away. Wilhelmine was sent off to the provincial town of Bayreuth where she could cause no trouble; her brother was imprisoned. The marriage was a disappointment to her, as she had been brought up thinking that she would become the

Queen of England. However, Wilhelmine does mention that the Margrave’s manner grew on her and that she came to love him. Her new husband was also a skilled flute player who had studied with Quantz, and she wrote in her memoirs that “the hereditary prince was devoted to music, and himself played the flute very well.”69 Her new father- in-law had already employed Georg Philipp Telemann as his court composer. At her own court in Bayreuth, Wilhelmine was much freer to create the artistic atmosphere that she desired. There, she “retained court composers, studied composition and various instruments, and wrote librettos and parts of opera scores.”70 As a true princess of the

Enlightenment, Wilhelmine invested herself in establishing philosophy schools, enriching the arts, and transforming Bayreuth into a “miniature Versailles”.71

At Bayreuth, Wilhelmine was extremely productive, and worked to build a brand-new Prussian cultural center in the provincial town. The designs of her gardens became world-renowned, and she devised an architectural style still known today as

‘Bayreuth Rococo.”72 Intellectual and curious, she was in close contact with Voltaire, who had become a good friend. The two set up a philosophical academy central to

Bayreuth,73 and even appeared in theater together in Bayreuth.74 Her considerable efforts at Bayreuth helped to establish a Prussian enclave in Bayreuth.

69 Wilhelmine, 293. 70 Anne Midgette, “Wilhelmine’s Bayreuth.” Opera News, April 13, 1996; 60. 71 Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Wilhelmina, Margravine of Bayreuth”. October 10, 2019. Accessed March 10, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Wilhelmina-margravine-of-Bayreuth . 72 Midgette 26 73 Ibid. 26. 74 “Bayreuth, City of Culture” Bayreuth. Accessed March 10, 2020. https://www.bayreuth.de/english/culture-edication/culture-everywhere/.

22 Along with many other buildings that make up Bayreuth, Wilhelmine built a beautiful opera house between 1745 and 1750, the Markgräfliches Opernhaus. This theatre is thought to be one of the greatest examples of Bayreuth Rococo architecture still in existence, and nearly the entire structure has been preserved.75 While exploring Bayreuth as a potential site for his opera festival in 1871, Richard Wagner wrote to his patron: “This theater is probably the most fantastic example of rococo to be found anywhere, and not the least thing in it may be changed.”76 It was named a UNESCO World Heritage Site in June 2012.

The opportunities afforded to her as Margravine of Bayreuth allowed her to put her considerable talents to good use. Her position, both as Margravine and as sister to the king, afforded her access to some of the greatest composers and performers of the day, including and her husband, Johann Adolf Hasse, whose works made regular appearances on the Bayreuth stage. Wilhelmine maintained correspondence and a close friendship with French writer and philosopher, Voltaire, and worked to set several of his writings to operas. She wrote the text for the opera, L’Huomo, which was set to music by composer Andrea Bernasconi and performed at her opera house in 1754 with her brother in attendance.

Wilhelmine’s own opera, L’Argenore, an opera seria in three acts was composed to be performed for her husband’s birthday in 1740. An interesting choice for a birthday celebration, the opera is a tragedy concerning the death of a ruler, in which all the main characters are killed by the final act. It is not clear if the opera was actually performed at that time. Long thought to be lost, the score of L’Argenore was discovered in 1957, and has since been staged several times, with its modern premiere taking place in 1993. It is

75 The only original item missing is a stage curtain, removed by Napoleon’s troops as a trophy in 1812. 76 Midgette, 30.

23 reasonable to believe that Wilhelmine wrote a great many works to be performed at her opera house, but that they have been lost over the years.

Like L’Argenore, most of Wilhelmine’s compositions have been considered “lost”.

Only a few chamber works are known to exist, including several arias from L’Huomo, and a keyboard concerto with obbligato flute, likely written to be performed with herself on keyboard, and either her brother or her husband playing the flute part. In this concerto,

Wilhelmine’s “love of the music of J.S. Bach is manifest in the vigorous first movement, while the second and third movements show that she could be equally expressive in the natural simplicity of slow music and the more artful ornamented style of French .”77 Indeed, her knowledge of the works of Bach appears to be on display in her flute sonata as well.

77 Diane Ambache and Martha Furman Schleifer, “Wilhelmine [Wilhelmina; Sophie Friederike Wilhelmine], Princess of Prussia, later Markgräfin of Bayreuth. Grove Music Online, August 17, 2006. https://doi-org.ezaccess.libraries.psu.edu/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.2022329. Accessed March 10, 2020.

24

Figure 1.1 Sonata for flute and basso continuo in A minor, Wilhelmine Von Bayreuth

The Margravine’s flute sonata, long thought lost, was re-discovered in 2003 in the

Jagdschloss Herdringen collection at the Bibliotheca Fürstenburgiana and verified by Nikolaus

Delius. It was labeled as “anonymous”, despite being clearly signed “Wilhelmine” in the upper right-hand corner of the manuscript (Figure 1). Based on an analysis of her handwriting, this work can be reasonably surmised to be the work of Wilhelmine of Bayreuth; handwriting samples

25 from the manuscript of L’Argenore as well as other signed documentation confirm this. Musical style and signature comparisons would indicate that this sonata was composed circa 1730;

Wilhelmine would have been no older than nineteen at the time she composed the work. This would strongly imply that it was written with the intention of her brother playing it. It is only the second manuscript of Wilhelmine’s to be discovered; her letters imply there were others, yet to be found.

The Sonata in A Minor is scored for flute, harpsichord, and basso continuo. It is a work in three movements, opening with an Affetuoso movement, followed by a Presto and ending with an Allegro. This is in accordance with the traditional slow-fast-fast format of the time period.

The key of A minor a particularly friendly one on the Baroque flute, as Wilhelmine would have known. Recurring stylistic idioms include traditional Baroque elements such as sequencing, echoed phrases, and cadential extensions. Smooth and simple thematic material allows for plenty of opportunity for improvisation by performers.

The first movement of the sonata, begins, as expected, in A minor. It is marked Affetuoso and is written in cut time. Phrasing is quite irregular, and it would appear Wilhelmine had a sense of humor while composing; she teases a C major cadence in measure 6, but prolongs the phrase, reaching the desired authentic C major cadence in measure eight (Figure 2). Transitional material through a developmental section leads to the dominant in minor, concluding on a perfect authentic cadence in that key. The following section recapitulates the opening thematic material in A minor, with an extension of the tonic. The movement ends on a half cadence and is marked

“Si Volti” to indicate that the performer should turn the page and move quickly onward.

26

Figure 2.2 Opening phrase of first movement (Affetuoso)

The second movement is Presto, is written in 2/4 time, and the form is rounded binary.

This movement shows evidence of Italian influence in its use of arpeggiated progressions and sequencing. Syncopated rhythms at the onset create a series of 4-3 suspensions (Figure 3), which provides tension against the running sixteenth note figurations in the continuo bass line. The movement quickly transitions from its A minor opening to the key of C major by measure eleven.

Phrases are frequently elided and cadences pass quickly, such as in measure 12. The first clear cadence point in measure 20 is a perfect authentic cadence in C major. The developmental section, beginning at measure 21, moves from one falling thirds sequence (mm. 23-26) to another

(mm. 33-36). This section makes use of repeated figurations, allowing for dynamic contrast and ornamentation. Wilhelmine uses a descending fifths sequence to transition from mm. 51-54; more sequential material appears over a superimposed A minor scale in the bass line (mm. 55-

58), reinforcing the key of A minor. The movement ends on an authentic cadence in that key.

27

Figure 2.3 Opening of movement two (Presto)

The final movement is a rounded binary, -like Allegro in triple meter, which once again begins in A minor. Descending fifths make an early appearance from mm. 5-8, propelling the motion to a cadence in E minor at measure 10 (Figure 4). The next section opens in measure

13 in C major, but returns to A minor by measure 16. Another line of descending fifths occurs in mm. 17-20. As in the second movement, a superimposed A minor scale in the bass line reinforces the key. Throughout this, the flute part provides echoes of thematic material from the opening of the second section, this time in A minor. The work concludes, as expected, in its home key.

28

Figure 2.2 Opening of movement three (Allegro)

This sonata, like nearly all flute music in Prussia, was written for Frederick the Great.

This work, however, holds personal sentimentality, in that Wilhelmine wrote it for the two of them to enjoy together. One can easily imagine the siblings, Frederick on flute, and Wilhelmine on harpsichord or lute, challenging each other with improvisation and technical ability. Although she composed this sonata as a teenager, Wilhelmine already showed great promise as a composer.

If having access to some of the greatest composers of the day was a major benefit, her own dedication to the craft was another. From what we know of Wilhelmine’s compositions, her work is sentimental and emotional; composition was a way to express her innermost feelings, something she could not do as a royal princess. Her memoirs and letters to Frederick are indicative of this.

Wilhelmine’s health was unstable for most of her life, and she died October 14, 1758. To date, few of Wilhelmine’s compositions have been discovered. Her opera, L’Argenore, the first of her works to be discovered in the 1950s. Her excellent harpsichord concerto was discovered in

29 roughly the same time period as L’Argenore; the flute sonata was undiscovered until the early

2000s. How many other works lie in Prussian state archives, gathering dust until someone acknowledges her authorship? Knowing Wilhelmine’s love of music, the solace that she took in composing, and the abundance of skilled performers at her command, it quite possible that, like the flute sonata, there are many more works hiding in plain sight, just waiting to be discovered.

30 Chapter 3

Anna Amalia of Prussia

Princess Anna Amalia of Prussia78 (November 9, 1723-March 30, 1787) was the twelfth of fourteen children (ten of whom survived to adulthood) of Frederick William I of Prussia and

Sophia Dorothea of Hanover. Despite her royal status, no official biography of Princess Anna

Amalia currently exists. According to Tobias Debuch, this is likely due to her birth order and her subsequent insignificance to Prussian political and social history.79 Unlike her eldest sister,

Wilhelmine, who kept meticulous records of her life and memoirs, Anna Amalia did not leave an extensive correspondence record. However, it is possible to piece her life together using snippets of documentation by contemporaries that surrounded her.

Wilhelmine’s memoirs suggest that Anna’s birth was a surprise; she writes:

…my mother had, for the last seven months, been in very bad health. Her condition was a strange one, and none of the doctors knew what was really the matter. However the evening before the King’s departure for Ghör, which had been fixed for the morning of the 8th of November, the Queen was suddenly taken ill, and before proper help could be obtained, gave birth to a princess, there being no one with her besides the King and the maid. There was no cradle ready, no baby clothes. There never reigned such confusion or consternation as during that night. Soon after the birth of the child I was sent for by the King and found him in high spirits, delighted at having officiated as both doctor and nurse.80

Wilhelmine goes on to detail that she, along with her brother (likely Frederick, as the oldest boy), and the Duke of Gloucester and Princess Amelia of England stood as sponsors to

78 She is not to be confused with the slightly more well-known Duchess Anna Amalia of Saxe-Weimar- Eisenach, also a composer. 79 Tobias Debuch. Anna Amalia von Preussen (1723-1787): Prinzessin und Musikerin. (Berlin: Logos, 2001), 1.1 80 Wilhelmine von Bayreuth. Memoirs of Frederica Sophia Wilhelmina, Princess Royal of Prussia, Margravine of Bayreuth, sister of Frederick the Great. ed. William D. Howells. (Boston: J.R. Osgood and Company, 1877), 47.

31 Anna’s baptism. While Wilhelmine indicates that at birth, the child was named Anna Marie, and her baptismal name, Amalia, was given to honor her sponsor, Princess Amelia of England.

Growing up in the royal household was notoriously difficult, as King Frederick was an abrasive and sometimes abusive man who despised all things cultural. In an early instance of this, it is recorded that after the surprise birth of Anna, the King became deeply suspicious of his wife, and enraged, showered her with “a flood of abuse, accusations, and insults.”81 An inquiry into her fidelity was launched. Queen Sophia’s reputation, however, was beyond reproach and

“one and all took part so vehemently [in the Queen’s favor] that his suspicions were set entirely at rest…He thereupon asked the Queen’s forgiveness and peace was re-established.”82

Wilhelmine’s memoirs contain many other episodes in which the King beat one or another of the children, more often than not, his eldest son Frederick. Frederick I ruled his household with fear; anecdotes recall that “the king treated all the children with great cruelty, and in his rages even dragged little Anna Amalia across the room by her hair.”83

These difficulties likely brought the siblings together. Anna Amalia and Frederick, despite an age difference of eleven years, were quite close, as she also was with her sisters; frequent correspondence with Wilhelmine and her elder sister Luisa Ulrike supports this. All the children were supported by their mother, Sophia Dorothea, who was “a cultivated and well-read woman who spoke French fluently and instilled in her children a love of the fine arts, music and above all, French culture.84 Their war-loving father was often gone for long stretches while campaigning, and the children were brought up as pleased their mother, in a “strong liberal

81 Wilhelmine von Bayreuth, 48. 82 Ibid. 83 Karin Pendle. Women and Music: A History. (Indiana University Press, 2001), 124. 84 Marc Serge Riviere and Annett Volmer. The Library of an Enlightened Prussian Princess. (Berlin: Spitz, 2002), 9.

32 French atmosphere [that] prevailed at Monbijou against the express wishes of an almost tyrannical father who mostly inspired fear and hatred in his children.”85

Officially, the Princess never married, although potential romances had been suggested by various sources. She was once considered as a potential bride to the prince of Sweden, however, her sister Luisa Ulrika was preferred by the Swedes. The Duke of Cumberland was another possibility, but Frederick disapproved of him immediately.86 Anna Amalia’s sisters enjoyed playing matchmaker, but to no avail. She was considered to be married to the widowed

King of Denmark, yet once again, Frederick felt that she was above that match.87 Many other potential suitors appeared, all of whom were turned down by her brother; it seems he felt that his sister deserved much better than what was presented and he was never satisfied. It was certainly not for a lack of appeal, by all accounts she was a “considerable beauty,” as well as highly intelligent.88

Debuch briefly references a potential flirtation between Anna Amalia and a French colonel, Baron Glaubnitz,89 but no further information is given. Rumors of a secret marriage and child between Anna and Baron Friederich von der Trenck appear to persist due to the 2003 television movie, Trenck – Zwei Herzen gegen die Krone, which explores a relationship between the two. A synopsis of the film indicates that the Anna character is Frederick II’s older sister, and that she was sent away to Quendlinburg to birth a secret love child. This appears to indicate a certain level of ‘artistic license’ and gives little credence to historical accuracy, while potentially continuing misconceptions begun by Trenck himself. Even Pendle writes that “[Anna] met a young army officer with whom she fell deeply and unwisely in love. Her brother was furious and

85 Ibid. 12. 86 Ibid, 13. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid. 89 Debuch, 18.

33 imprisoned her lover for ten years.”90 There appears to be no legitimate historical documentation of such an affair, aside from Trenck’s own memoirs, which discuss his imprisonment at length while making only an indirect mention of an affair with Anna Amalia.91 There is no further correspondence between the two, aside from letters indicating that the Princess would take sponsorship of Trenck’s daughter, and these are quite formal.92 According to Trenck himself, his imprisonment was due to his perception as a potential spy during the Silesian Wars. However, he does mention the following encounter:

Amid the tumult inseparable to occasions like these, on which it was my duty to maintain order, a thief had the address to steal my watch, and cut away part of the gold fringe which hung from the waistcoat of my uniform, and afterwards to escape unperceived. This accident brought on me the raillery of my comrades; and the lady alluded to thence took occasion to console me, by saying it should be her care that I should be no loser. Her words were accompanied by a look I could not misunderstand, and a few days after I thought myself the happiest of mortals. The name, however, of this high-born lady is a secret, which must descend with me to the grave; and, though my silence concerning this incident heaves a void in my life, and indeed throws obscurity over a part of it, which might else be clear, I would much rather incur this reproach than become ungrateful towards my best friend and benefactress. To her conversation, to her prudence, to the power by which she fixed my affections wholly on herself, am I indebted for the improvement and polishing of my bodily and mental qualities. She never despised, betrayed, or abandoned me, even in the deepest of my distress; and my children alone, on my death-bed, shall be taught the name of her to whom they owe the preservation of their father, and consequently their own existence.93

In this case, Trenck is implying that the “high born lady” is Anna Amalia, present at her sister Luisa Ulrike’s wedding. He goes on to suggest that she supplied him with “more money than I could expend.”94 This is questionable: Riviere and Volmer discuss Anna Amalia’s penchant for gambling and her frequent debts, for which she would often have to rely on

90 Pendle. 124. 91 Friedrich Freiherr von der Trenck. Memoirs of Baron Trenck, ed. Rev. Hugh Reginald Haweis. (London/New York: Routledge, 1886), 27. 92 Debuch, 30. 93 Trenck, 27. 94 Ibid.

34 Frederick the Great’s good graces to pay.95 Further, they note that “the cost of her entourage far outweighed her modest revenue.”96 What’s more, as Debuch indicates, is that his story of the affair gets no further mention after his imprisonment, and he discusses flirtations with several

Russian ladies.97 Trenck’s writings seem to hint that his imprisonment was due to their clandestine relationship, but under the pretext of trumped up espionage charges. Trenck’s memoirs are filled with such stories, and Debuch claims that the sensational effect of such a story would have sold many copies.98 As such, the authenticity of these romantic scenarios should be carefully considered.

Indeed, Anna was sent to Quendlinburg, a “secularized convent,”99 but likely not in pregnant exile. When she was aged thirty-two and still unmarried, Frederick II gave his sister the title of Abbess of Quendlinburg in 1755, effectively marrying her to Christ. Prior to her appointment as Abbess, she had served as an elected coadjutor of Quendlinburg since 1744, and she found peace and tranquility in the Quendlinburg countryside.100 As an unmarried woman, being Abbess gave her greater freedom, both emotionally and financially. This position provided her with a steady source of income, greatly freeing her from dependency upon her brother and enabling her to become a patroness of the greatest composers, writers, and artists of her time.

According to Volmer and Rivere, “musicians and literati gathered at her soirees at the royal palace.”101 The princess continued to make her home in Berlin, only visiting Quendlinburg three

95 Riviere and Volmer, 13. 96 Ibid. 97 Debuch, 25. 98 Ibid, 22. 99 Darrell Berg. “Anna Amalia [Amalie, Amélie], Princess of Prussia.” Grove Music Online, January 20, 2001. https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.00960. (accessed February 3, 2020). 100 Riviere and Volmer, 22. 101 Ibid., 39.

35 times during her thirty-one-year tenure.102 It was during this time that, as previously mentioned,

Kirnberger entered her service.

It is likely that Anna did have some sort of music education early in her life; a 1735 musical exercise book that she shared with her sister Luisa is indicative of this.103 These studies appear to have been taught by her older brother Frederick. Karin Pendle writes that “he

[Frederick the Great] gave his little sister Anna Amalia her earliest lessons, which she always remembered with great affection,”104 and Anna wrote frequently to Frederick about such times.

With Frederick, Anna learned flute, violin, and harpsichord. However, as their father, the king avowedly, disapproved of and disliked music, it was impossible for Anna to begin her formal musical studies until after his death in 1740.

The year of her father’s death, Anna began lessons with organist, Gottfried Hayne, which continued these over the next two years. It is most likely that she became most proficient on organ, but letters also suggest that she played lute, violin, and flute as well.105 In 1755, she had an organ built for her in the Berlin City Palace, which she had later moved to the Palais Unter den

Linden in 1767; after her death, the organ was moved to the Schlosskirche in Berlin, where it still remains.106

By 1758, at age thirty-five and now as Abbess, Anna began studies with Johann

Kirnberger, a violinist and student of Johann Sebastian Bach. Kirnberger was “among the most significant of a remarkable group of theorists centered in Berlin, which included Johann Joachim

Quantz, Carl Philip Emmanuel Bach, and Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg.”107 Usually described as

102 Ibid, 30. 103 Berg 104 Pendle, 124. 105 Ibid. 106 Quentin Faulkner. “The Amalia Organ: Royalty Reborn.” American Organist Magazine, Vol. 46 Issue 11, November 2012. 36. 107 Howard Serwer. “Kirnberger [Kirnberg], Johann Philipp.” Grove Music Online, January 20, 2001. https://doi-org.ezaccess.libraries.psu.edu/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.15061.

36 an uninspired (but technically proficient) composer, Kirnberger regularly wrote in the galant style, which likely had influence over Anna’s own compositions.

While in the employ of the princess, Kirnberger wrote nearly all of his published theoretical works, as well as several unpublished manuscripts which can now be found in the

Amalien-Bibliothek108. He was a major proponent of the works of Johann Sebastian Bach, who he regarded as “the supreme composer, performer, and teacher.”109 Kirnberger was well-versed in Fux’s indications for species counterpoint, and built upon these concepts to create a system more suitable to his own compositions. While he was known for being a disorganized instructor, his teachings would nonetheless have had considerable influence on his students, including Anna

Amalia.

Under Kirnberger’s influence, Anna built up an astounding collection of musical manuscripts. Volmer and Riviere quote Eva Renate Blechschmidt in an article for The Harvard

Biographical Dictionary of Music as writing, “it is reported that around 1735, she [Anna Amalia] established a private library, eventually amassing some 600 compositions (many autographs) by

J.S. and C.P.E. Bach, Handel, Hasse, Telemann, Kirnberger, and many others.”110 One of the most famed scores in her collection is J.S. Bach’s Musical Offering, which had been written for

Frederick and passed on to Amalia. Amalia began amassing her collection of scores as early as age 12, with works dating from 1735.111 A bit of an early musicologist herself, Anna Amalia’s studies led her to discover a lost early seventeenth century work112 by Hans Leo Hassler, and she asked Kirnberger to work on a new version.113

108 Currently, the library is housed in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preussischer Kulturbesitz Music Department. 109 Serwer. 110 Debuch, 40. 111 Ibid., 39. 112 Psalmen und christliche Gesänge, 1607. 113 Ibid., 40.

37 Anna Amalia died on March 30, 1787, after a “serious and painful eye operation.”114 and ongoing infirmity that hindered movement in her hands. She was buried April 6, 1787 in the

Berlin Cathedral.115 The Princess took great pride in her library, and ensured its safety in her last will and testament. In her will dated July 3, 1782, she left her precious library of books, musical scores, and paintings to the Joachimsthaler Gymnasium, with the express recommendation that the items be treated with great care.116 Less than a month after her death, the transfer of the library was begun.

Anna Amalia’s own compositional output included a wide variety of genres and styles; a brief listing of her compositions reveals a collection of oratorios, choral works, lieder, contrapuntal studies, and , including her Flute Sonata in F Major. Due to her library, it is likely that all, or nearly all, of her works are accounted for. She was known to be highly self-critical, and it is possible that works she deemed not up to her standards were lost or destroyed. Under the watchful eye of Kirnberger, Anna Amalia studied the works of masters to further her compositional skill; moreover, she had immediate access to the great musicians at

Frederick’s court, including Ludwig Christian Hesse, , and Johann Georg

Anton Benda.117 She also kept in close correspondence with C.P.E. Bach, who had left the

Prussian court “disenchanted and dissatisfied with Frederick’s dogmatic attitude toward music.”118 The Princess was clearly influenced by these composers in her own writing.

According to the autograph manuscript housed in the State Library of Prussian Cultural

Heritage119, Anna Amalia’s Flute Sonata in F major was composed in Berlin on January 16, 1771, sixteen years into her tenure as Abbess. It was scored for traverso flute with basso continuo; it is

114 Riviere and Volmer, 44. 115 Ibid. 116 Ibid., 45. 117 Ibid., 42. 118 Ibid., 42. 119 This is not a part of the Anna Amalia library itself.

38 likely that Anna Amalia would have played the harpsichord while her brother Frederick played the flute part. While the key of F major is not the most idiomatic on the flutes of the day (it is full of cross fingerings and shaded notes), it appears Anna composed with this in mind; it still lays fairly well under the fingers, and would have provided a bit of a challenge, which Frederick liked.

It is composed in three movements, Adagio, Allegretto, and Allegro ma non troppo, following the prescribed slow-fast-fast format for this period. The work is charming in its simplicity; there are no witty turns of phrase or surprise progressions throughout. All movements follow the same basic tonal plan and layout, with clearly defined phrasing. Completely in line with Prussian court culture, it is truly a Baroque sonata, with few galant elements. Volmer and Riviere consider her work to be not revolutionary, but rather, reactionary,120 and Debuch writes that “Amalia’s style of music was backwards.”121 Thus, the influences of the stylings of Bach and Kirnberger are fully on display.

The first movement, and -like Adagio, opens in F major with a simple quarter note motive that recurs several times through the remainder of the movement. It is in three-four (3/4) time. Four measure phrasing is clearly marked by cadences, and the thematic material differs in each. The overlying format of the movement is ternary. Ornamentation is minimal and few dynamic indications are given, leaving the performer to improvise at will. The harmonic rhythm is in time with the flute melody, which allows the melody to progress along nicely. After the F major opening, transitional material occurs at measure 21, leading to C major (the dominant) in measure 25. In measure 33, the opening thematic material makes its return, this time in the key of the dominant. Anna Amalia then transitions through D minor and A minor in a sort of mini development, before returning to the home key of F major in measure 51. Closing material is introduced in measure 55, and the movement ends back in F major.

120 Ibid., 39. 121 Debuch 42.

39

Figure 3.1: Flute Sonata in F major,opening material of first movement (Adagio)

The second movement, a dance-like Allegretto starts like the first, in F major. It is in common time (4/4), and follows a rounded binary form. This movement is likely based on an

Allemande, a German dance of moderate speed, often used by J.S. Bach. Anna Amalia’s use of ornamentation is characteristic of the empfindsamer Stil. Phrasing is consistent, as in the first movement, lending credence to the concept of a dance. Of the three, this movement is most evocative of J.S. Bach, with clear cut influences from his flute sonatas, particularly the E major sonata (BWV 1035).122 Like the first movement, after an F major opening, Anna Amalia transitions to the key of C major over several measures, beginning in measure 6. By measure 9, the movement lands solidly in the key of the dominant, where it stays through the end of the first

122 J.S. Bach’s Flute Sonata in E major was likely composed around 1741, at which time he was in communication with Frederick the Great.

40 repeated section. Moving ahead, the music enters a developmental section in measure 23, landing in D minor (the relative minor of F) by measure 25, where it remains for six measures before transitioning back to F major just ahead of the thematic recapitulation in measure 35. Closing material begins at measure 39, and the movement once again ends in F major.

Figure 3.2: Flute Sonata in F Major, opening of movement two

The third and final movement, marked Allegro ma non troppo, is stylistically a gigue, another dance form, also used frequently by J.S. Bach. This movement, like the second, is also in rounded binary form. It is in 3/8 time, and consistently, begins in F major. It transitions to C major (the dominant) by measure 17 and remains in that key through the end of the first repeated section at measure 30. Quickly after this, a modulating section begins, moving through D minor, like the previous movements. The theme recapitulates in F major in measure 47, and closing material begins at measure 54, ending the sonata in its home key.

41

Figure 3.3: Flute Sonata in F Major, third movement opening material

The sonata is clearly not a “masterwork,” yet its simplicity easily captures the imagination of listeners. It is highly characteristic of Prussian musical tastes, and it is easy to imagine this being performed in a Rococo setting. It is extremely evocative of an era, and the innocence of the sonata is disarmingly charming. Anna Amalia has never been considered a brilliant composer; however, her work should not be forgotten. It is extremely programmable and should be a welcome addition to any concert. As a product of her environment and era, Anna

Amalia’s work is not just a trifling work to be ignored or trotted out as a curiosity. Instead, it is a living piece of history, composed by a Prussian Princess who was surrounded by musical luminaries and left her legacy in her library.

42 Chapter 4

Anna Bon di Venezia

Details of Anna Bon’s life are spare, with few and disputed details of her birth. As the daughter of Italian travelling scenographer and librettist Girolamo Bon (also referred to in documents as Le Bon, Bonno, Bonn, and Hieronymus)123 and his wife, opera singer Rosa

Ruvinetti, many sources place Anna’s date of birth between 1738 and 1740. Mary Matthews suggests that from the front page of the publication of Anna Bon’s Opus 1, which gives her age as

16 in 1756, we can conclude that Anna was born in 1740.124 The Norton Grove Dictionary of

Women Composers lists her date of birth as unknown. However, it does indicate that it would fall between 1738 and 1739. More recently, author Michaela Krucsay indicates that Anna’s actual date of birth can be surmised from that given on a baptismal record of the Cattedrale

Metropolitana di San Pietro, in Bologna. An entry dated August 11, 1738 indicates that Anna

Ioanna Lucia, daughter of Hieronymi Boni and Rosa Ruinetti (sic) was baptized on that date, the day following birth, which took place on “Sunday morning, the tenth of the current month

(August), at the twelfth and a half hour”.125 It seems quite likely that this is indeed Anna’s baptismal record, and that she was born on August 10, 1738. The record also implies that Anna was not born in Venice as was widely believed, but rather in the birthplace of her father, Bologna.

Anna was born during her parents’ period of employment at the court of Saint Petersburg in Russia (1735-1746). There, they were employed by Empress Anna Ivanova to perform with an

123 Marina Minkin, “Anna Bon di Venezia: Life and Works with a Discussion of the Bon Family of Musicians (DMA diss., Boston University, 1998), 2. 124 Mary Matthews, “The Life and Flute Music of Anna Bon di Venezia,” The Flutist Quarterly (Fall 2018): 21. 125 Michaela Krucsay, “Zwischen Aufklarung und barocker Prachtentfaltung: Anna Bon di Venezia und ihre Familie von “Operisten.” (Oldenburg, Carl von Ossietzsky Universitat Oldenburg, 2015), 55.

43 Italian opera troupe, both as singers, and also with Girolamo serving as designer.126 A wealth of reviews of these operas reveals that the Bons were well regarded and very successful. Krucsay indicates that the family departed from this court for Italy in February of 1738, at which time

Rosa would have been roughly three months pregnant,127 if the baptismal record is correct. A mid-winter journey during this time period would have proved difficult; despite this, Krucsay reasonably surmises the Bons successfully arrived in Bologna about three months later.128 After

Anna’s birth, it is apparent that the Bons returned to Russia, since Rosa’s name appears in an operatic review in Saint Petersburg in 1744.129 It has been argued that Anna was actually born in

Saint Petersburg, which would fall in line with the estimated 1740 date of birth, however, it is unlikely that this is the case, given Krucsay’s recent evidence of baptism. It is likely that the return to Girolamo’s hometown enabled the Bons to leave Anna in the care his family, so that the couple could quickly return to their demanding court positions.

In 1743, Anna was admitted as a paying student to the Ospedale della Pietà in Venice at the age of four.130 The Ospedale della Pietà was the best known of four orphanages for girls in

Venice,131 in which music education was a core part of the curriculum. These institutions were vital to the Venetian community in providing services for the poor, the sick, and the orphaned children. The ospedali even continued to guide their charges beyond childhood, ensuring good marriages, and providing a position for those girls unable or uninterested in marriage within the institutions themselves.132 Denis Arnold indicates that since these institutions provided much of

126 Minkin, 3. 127 Krucsay, 51. 128 Ibid. 129 Minkin, 6. 130 Jane Schatikin Hettrick, “Boni [Boni], Anna (Lucia).” Grove Music Online, January 20, 2001. https://doi-org.ezaccess.libraries.psu.edu/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.47932. (accessed December 1, 2019). 131 The four orphanages were the Ospedale della Pietà, Ospedale degl’Incurabili, Ospedale di Santa Maria dei Dereletti, and Ospedale di San Lazzaro dei Mendicanti. 132 Arthur Kaptainis, "Musical foundlings: School for abandoned girls where Vivaldi was a music master is the departure point for a conference about child mistreatment and family support in the 21st century". The

44 their care for children, it was “natural that they should evolve a teaching function”.133 Students were guided to learn trades in which they could make themselves useful – lacework and weaving were common choices. Roughly ten percent of the student body pursued careers in music,134 and yet it is music for which the ospedali are most remembered.

Incurabili, another orphanage, set the standard for the ospedali and began teaching music to its students as early as 1568;135 the other ospedali followed suit shortly after. At that time, teachers were generally musicians working at Saint Mark’s Basilica, often in very important positions, which gave students access to musicians of the highest quality. Governors of the Pietà found that there was a clear connection between church revenue and the quality of music, which provided adequate cause to maintain a high standard of music and music education for these institutions.136 Due to this, the ospedali gained a reputation for excellence, not just in Venice, but throughout Europe.

Faculty at the Pietà included some of the top musicians of the day: Johann Joachim

Quantz and were among those faculty who would turn up later in Dresden and Bayreuth. Just prior to Anna’s admission, Antonio Vivaldi served as a violin teacher from

1703-1715 and 1723-1740. At the time of Anna’s arrival, served as maestro di coro, shortly thereafter to be replaced by Andrea Bernasconi in 1744. The quality of music training and performances at the ospedali were renowned, and over the years, many visitors wrote about their experiences of attending performances at the ospedali. In 1726, Johann Joachim

Quantz wrote that

Gazette (Montreal, Quebec). September 6, 2003 Saturday Final Edition. https://advance-lexis- com.ezaccess.libraries.psu.edu/api/document?collection=news&id=urn:contentItem:49G3-WRH0-01D6- N3CD-00000-00&context=1516831. (accessed January 2, 2020). 133 Denis Arnold. “Music at the Ospedali.” Journal of the Royal Music Association. Vol. 113, No. 2, 1988. 156. 134 Kaptainis 135 Arnold, 156. 136 Ibid., 159

45 “The best music in Venice is at performances by female musicians in the churches of the ospedali, especially at the Pietà.”137

Another positive review, which specifically points out the gender of the musicians, was given by

Frederick Christian, Prince Elector of Saxony in 1740.

“What makes the Pietà so famous is not just that all of the instrumentalists are truly excellent musicians, but an even rarer fact, which is that all of the instruments are being played by females without any males in the ensemble at all.”138

The famed early musicologist, Charles Burney said of his much later visit in 1771 that

“The Conservatorio of the Pietà has heretofore been the most celebrated for its band, and the Mendicanti for voices; but in the voices time and accident may occasion great alterations; the master may give a celebrity to a school of this kind, both by his compositions and abilities in teaching; and as to voices, nature may sometimes be more kind to the pupils of one hospital than another; but as the number is greater at the Pietà than at the rest, and consequently the chances of superior qualifications more; it is natural to suppose that this hospital will in general have the best band and the best voices. At present, the great abilities of Signor [Baldassare] Galuppi are conspicuous in the performances at the Incurabili, which is, in point of music, singing, and orchestra, in my opinion, superior to the rest. Next to that, the Ospedelleto takes place of the other two, so that the Pietà seems to enjoy the reputation of being the best school, not for what it does now, but for what it has done heretofore.”139

As well as catering to the poor and underserved, it became the custom of wealthy

Venetian and European families to entrust the musical training of their daughters to these schools.140 It is likely that Anna Bon was one of these, as opposed to a foundling. Several biographers (Minkin, Matthews, et. al) have suggested that due to her family’s status and her enrollment under her surname, Anna was admitted as a figlia di spese, a paying boarding student.

137 Edward R. Reilly, “Quantz, Johann Joachim.” Grove Music Online, January 20, 2001. https://doi- org.ezaccess.libraries.psu.edu/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.22633. Accessed December 5, 2019. 138 Ibid. 139 Charles Burney, An Eighteenth-Century Musical Tour in France and Italy: Being Dr. Charles Burney’s Account of his Musical Experiences as it Appears in his Published Volume With Which are Incorporated His Travel Experiences According to his Original Intention. (London: Oxford University Press, 1959.) 140 Minkin, 4.

46 However, Krucsay more accurately indicates that Anna was enrolled as a figlia d’educazi,141 and that this can be traced through enrollment records from the Pietà. This would indicate that Anna was not a boarding student, but rather lived outside of the school, possibly with her grandfather,

Stefano Ruvinetti.142 As a paying student, she would have been required to audition successfully to be granted admission. A letter of recommendation dated January 24, 1742 offers further insight to her circumstances. In this letter, a person by the name of Virginia attests for the admission of Anna to the Pietà, indicating that her family is well known to the letter writer, and that they are currently employed in the court at Moscow.143 Another internal letter of March 4,

1743 from the Pietà indicates that Anna was, at four years and seven months, younger than the typical age of admission, and that her parents, not being nobility, did not quite meet status requirements that would ease her admission.144 However, due to notable talent, a later letter confirms her admission and her assignment to study with Maestra Candida della (also known as Candida della Pietà, herself a former student of the Pietà). Anna’s name is further included on a list of current figlie di educazione from that year, thus making her admission status clear145. Anna’s enrollment as a student certainly would have enabled her parents to return to their lucrative positions at the St. Petersburg court while their daughter received quality education in ear-training, sight-singing, vocal technique, and counterpoint, as well as instrumental music.

Despite receiving instruction in music theory and counterpoint, composition beyond the school was not encouraged among the female students.146 Girls at the school were required to make an oath not to perform on stage after finishing their training.147 As students in a church-run

141 Krucsay, 56. 142 Ibid. 143 Ibid., 57. 144 Ibid., 60. 145 Ibid., 61. 146 Minkin, 11, 147 Mary Matthews, “The Life and Flute Music of Anna Bon di Venezia,” The Flutist Quarterly, Fall 2018: 21.

47 institution, modesty and morality were of the utmost importance; when it came to music, no risks were taken in how the students were presented. Performances were given behind a gauze curtain, which enabled viewers to see the female silhouettes of the players, but no distinguishing features beyond that. Charles Burney notes that few exceptions to this rule were granted, although he himself was given such an opportunity at the permission of the governors, to view a performance at the Mendicanti without any barrier.148

Between 1747 and 1752, Anna left the Pietà, joined her parents, and was performing at

Dresden. It is possible that the Bons arrived on an invitation from Hasse, whose operas Girolamo and Rosa had presented in Saint Petersburg; Hasse was also in the service of the Dresden court.149

Assuming a 1738 birth date, Anna would have been aged nine in 1747 and fourteen in 1752. The family later appeared at the court of Frederick the Great in Potsdam, himself a strong admirer of the work of Hasse.150 It is not known if Anna travelled with her parents during this time, however, if she did, it is possible she was able to further her musical studies in the great courts of

Europe. By 1756, the entire Bon family was employed in Bayreuth, at the court of Margrave

Frederick and his wife Wilhelmine, the eldest sister of Frederick the Great. Here, the Bons collaborated on operas, often ones for which Wilhelmine had written the libretti - Girolamo as artistic director, Rosa and Anna as singers. Girolamo was appointed as a Professor of

Architecture and Perspective at the Academy of Fine Arts, and Rosa served as a singer at the court opera; Anna herself was awarded the title of Virtuosa di Musica di Camera, along with a scholarship.151 The Academy of Fine Arts allowed a flourishing cultural community to blossom in Bayreuth, with some of Europe’s finest composers and musicians passing through. Certainly

148 Burney, 110-111. 149 Minkin, 11 150 Ibid. 151 Ibid.

48 this exposure would have had a significant effect on Anna’s work, which can be evidenced in her sentimental style.

In that same year, Anna composed her first opus, a set of six sonatas for flute and violoncello or harpsichord (Sei sonate da camera per il flauto traversiere e violoncello o cembalo.) This opus was dedicated to her patron, Margrave Frederick, himself a flutist who had studied with famed flutists and Johann Joachim Quantz. The dedication of her manuscript documents her name and title, Anna Bon di Venezia. She also identifies herself as

Virtuosa di Musica di Camera, and as a harpsichordist, and then gives her current age of 16. This title page has created confusion over her actual date of birth, with many scholars using this inscription to guess at a birth in 1739 or 1740. As previously mentioned, however, Krucsay has uncovered baptismal and enrollment records, which appear to clarify that Anna was born in 1738.

Knowing this, it is unclear why she gives her age as 16 in the inscription, making herself one or two years younger than she actually was.

Of her remaining works, only two are known. Her second opus was Sei Sonate per il

Cembalo, 1758, which was followed by her third opus, Sei Divertimenti a Due Flauti e Basso,

1759. The third opus was composed the year after the death of Wilhelmine von Bayreuth, and was dedicated to Karl Theodor, Elector of Bavaria. This composition may have served as an attempt to gain a position at the famed Mannheim court but no such position was offered.152 All three of these works were published by the widow of Balthasar Schmid, who also published works by Frederick the Great, Georg Philipp Telemann, Johann Sebastian Bach, and Carl Philipp

Emanuel Bach.153 However, instead of attaining a position at Mannheim, Anna is found to be at

152 Ibid., 14. 153 Krucsay, 92.

49 in 1760, when all the Bons appeared in Hasse’s operas Leucippo and Don

Calandrano.154

Documentation of their employment contract places the Bon family at Eisenstadt in May of 1762, after having accepted one year of service under Nikolaus I, Prince Esterhazy. Girolamo was commissioned as master of the theater, with Rosa and Anna employed as singers, in exchange for the very generous payment of 600 florin per year and ten buckets of wine.155 At

Esterháza, the Bon family collaborated on several operas by Franz . Krucsay suggests that the presence of the Bons may have influenced Haydn’s early works here; it is possible that he composed his first Italian incidental music for the Bons.156 On May 17, 1762, they were involved in a performance of Haydn’s La Marchesa Nespola (Napoli, in some sources), his first Italian comic opera.157 Likewise, the autograph manuscript of his C major (Hob.

XXIVa:3) notes that the two soprano parts in the chorus were specifically intended to be sung by

Rosa and Anna Bon.158

While Anna’s father continued in service at Esterháza until his death in 1773, we have no information regarding Rosa and Anna beyond 1767. In 1765, the contract for Girolamo and Anna was renewed for 400 florins. Both Anna and Rosa’s names appear on lists of chapel singers until

1767, in which year Anna was documented as living in Hildburghausen, in Thuringia, Germany, and married to a singer named Mongeri.159 Details of her life beyond this are unknown, and it is yet unclear if she continued to compose, although this seems likely. It is believed that Anna composed an opera of her own while at Esterháza; knowing of this potential lost work could be

154 Minkin, 16. 155 Krucsay, 103-104. 156 Ibid., 106. 157 Minkin, 16. 158 Krucsay, 106. 159 Hettrick

50 indicative of the presence of others. If so, those works have not yet been discovered, and scholars continue to search for evidence of further compositions.

In her first opus of flute sonatas, Bon typically composes in standard baroque form, following the slow-fast-fast configuration suggested by Quantz in his 1752 treatise, Versuch einer

Anweisung die Flöte traversiere zu spielen. However, Sonata IV in D major, Op. 1 disregards this suggestion, and instead orders its three movements as fast-slow-fast, as was typical of Italian sinfonias and sonatas.160 According to Minkin, all three movements have a common tonal plan and similar binary design, in which both sections are clearly articulated by cadences and repeats.161

Like the other sonatas in this collection, Sonata IV is typically Baroque in style, but also incorporates the newer elements of the empfindsamer Stil and galant style, such as “homophonic texture, predominance of the melody over the bass line, regular phrasing, periodic structure, and dynamic contrasts.”162 With Quantz and Benda, both advocates of the empfindsamer Stil, influencing the musical stylings of the Prussian court, it would logically follow that Bon’s aesthetics would fall into line accordingly. According to Minkin, the galant melody of Bon’s work is “usually based on chordal figurations, or short echoed phrases, interrupted by clear, lightly ornamented cadences.”163 The idea of these “short, echoed phrases” is evident throughout the entire sonata, with all three movements displaying this feature within their opening four bars.

Other concepts used by Bon that are indicative of galant influence include tuneful melodies, slower harmonic rhythm (than was used in the Baroque), and the sheer simplicity of the composition.

160 Minkin 31. 161 Minkin 21. 162 Minkin, 31. 163 Ibid.

51

Figure 4.1: Manuscript cover, 6 Sonate per il Flauto Traversiere Composte da Anna Bon di Venezia

The first movement of the work is presented in rounded binary form, has an indicated tempo marking of Allegro Moderato, and is in cut time. The opening two measures set up the pleasant, melodic theme, followed by a piano echo of the same. This is clearly indicated by Bon with dynamic markings in the manuscript, which she frequently uses to dictate distinct changes in character during repeated motives. The remainder of the A section of the movement consists of new ideas, both linked to the original theme and contrasting. This section closes out by establishing the dominant of A major as the tonal center for the following section, made evident through arpeggiations in the flute line, which centers around A. A deceptive cadence in measures

18-19 clearly identifies a new tonality and transition into the B section. The opening theme is repeated, in A major this time, but quickly shifts into a modulating section which develops

52 through B minor to F sharp minor (the key of the submediant),164 and brings us back to a recapitulation of the opening theme in D major. Thee movement ends in its originally established tonal center of D major.

Figure 4.2: Opening material, Sonata IV in D major, movement one

The second movement has an indicated tempo marking of Andante, opens in the key of D minor (the parallel minor of D major), and is in common time (4/4). In this movement, elements of empfindsamer Stil are fully engaged; as Minkin states, “its gentle, lightly embellished melody, built on two-measure phrase segments, is supported by a steadily moving continuo bass.”165 The harmonic progression is quite slow, and the theme is melodic and sensitive. Repeated sections allow ample opportunity for improvisatory work by the performer, and while no dynamic indications are given, the echo-like nature of the writing clearly implies that the performer should provide dynamic contrast.

164 Minkin, 35. 165 Ibid.

53

Figure 4.3: Sonata IV in D major, opening material of movement two

The Andante movement is in a binary structure. By the fourth measure, the movement has entered F major, and remains in that key through a perfect authentic cadence in measure 7.

The next four bars modulate through a series of secondary dominants, finally returning to D minor with a repetition of the original theme in measure twelve. A deceptive cadence occurs in measure 18, the phrase extends into its closing bars, and the movement ends in its original key.

The use of sequencing is quite prevalent in this movement, which Bon uses as a technique to build tension. Written ornamentation by Bon mostly includes appoggiaturas and other sigh-like figures. This is another tension building technique that brings drama to the movement with satisfying suspensions and resolutions. The emotional nature of the movement clearly reflects its galant influences.

The third and final movement of the work is a dance-like Allegro assai. The time signature is 3/4, and should be felt in one. The theme is simple, with many repetitions, once again allowing for improvisation. Dynamic contrast is not indicated, but may be deduced by observing the repetitive nature of the movement. The melody is constructed by use of outlined arpeggiations and scalar motives, with the movement organized in periods with antecedent and

54 consequent phrasing. The movement opens in D major, and reaches a half cadence in measure five. A repetition of the opening follows, and transitions over the next six bars to the key of A major. Minkin indicates that this developmental section is “based on material taken from the first theme and the transition and contains two sequential progressions.”166 The second period enters in C sharp minor, and transitions much like in the previous period, evolving into B minor and cadencing in this key in measure 53. A repetition of the opening theme follows; first in G major, then returns to the home key of D major where the movement finishes.

Figure 4.4: Sonata IV in D major, opening of movement three

It is evident in her use of sequencing that Bon’s writing was influenced by her Baroque predecessors and instructors. This appears to be a hallmark of Bon’s work, reflected not only in the Fourth Sonata (opus 1), but it is also prevalent in her other compositions. Bon’s writing is simple, yet refined, and very much in keeping with the Italian style that was so favored by

Frederick the Great. While not written for the king himself, it is certain that these sonatas were stylistically influenced by the royal preferences for French music. Bon’s works reflect a certain charm and character; they are both complex and simple. Her knowledge and skill is clear to see;

166 Minkin, 39.

55 her writing comes across much more mature than her presumed sixteen years of age, and stands up to sonatas written by her male contemporaries. While it is tragic that her work has been forgotten and potentially lost, a resurgence of interest in the work of women composers has led to the rediscovery of Bon’s music. It is to be hoped that this will lead to the recovery of further works, and that Bon may be restored to the renown that she deserves.

56 Conclusion

With a knowledge of the cultural circumstances in Prussia between 1731 and 1770, we gain much more insight as to how three women composers were able to flourish within the same court structure. Had Frederick the Great not had such interest in music and the flute, it is unlikely that we would have seen the prevalence of women composing flute music. However, the situation is not as clear-cut, and we cannot give all the credit to him; instead, a combination of environmental and cultural factors set into motion before his birth eventually led to the creation of such a fertile musical court. The long-term effect was that the enlightened Prussian court was the perfect environment to allow Wilhelmine von Bayreuth and Anna Amalia to pursue their favorite pastimes - namely, music performance and composition. The sisters’ relationship with their mother - a strong, defiant woman - likely spurred their own strength; that, in combination with their royal position, afforded them the ability and the will to openly pursue their musical activities.

Anna Bon is a different case. Her access to a musical education was afforded to her by the luck of having been born into a family of artists. In her situation, it was a true family matter, as the Bons worked together to secure court positions. That they ended up at Wilhelmine’s court at Bayreuth is serendipitous. Their employment, and especially Anna’s title of Virtuosa di

Camera reinforce the idea of an enlightened attitude at the Prussian court. The enlightened sense of equality, so closely held by the king and his sisters, truly did appear to be a factor in daily

Prussian court life.

Despite these fortunate circumstances in Prussia, the concept of equality did not last; women have been minimized, or entirely removed from the historical record in many areas.

However, there are an elite few who have beaten the odds and made it into the Western art canon, in some form or another. Of those who have, they are rarely credited on their own merit. Two of the most famed women composers are attached to men: Clara Schumann (1819-1896) to her

57 husband Robert, and (1805-1847) to her brother, Felix. As recently as 1986, the director of the Mendelssohn Archive at the Stattsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbeseitz dismissed Fanny’s work as “nothing”, criticizing it as the work of “just a wife”.167 Clara

Schumann doubted her own ability, simply because she had been taught that women do not compose, writing, “I once thought that I possessed creative talent, but I have given up on this idea; a woman must not desire to compose – not one has been able to do it, and why should I expect to?”168

Others have suffered a tarnished image, such as Barbara Strozzi (1619-1677) about whom it is often implied (without adequate proof) that she was a courtesan. Stories such as these appear frequently regarding women composers. Wood suggests that these talented outliers faced ostracization, being labeled as ‘freaks’ or ‘deviants,’ with their musical abilities seen as a metaphor for their sexual abilities and proclivities.169 A commonality among these situations is that women have repeatedly been relegated to being secondary, supporting actors. They appear as “wives of composers, lesser siblings, and as bearers rather than creators of musical traditions.”170 It is not until much later, in the mid-twentieth century that we begin to see women being acknowledged for their own merit.

The three women examined in this thesis - Wilhelmine von Bayreuth, Princess Anna

Amalia of Prussia, and Anna Bon di Venezia - are no exception; all of them have had their reputations called into question. Wilhelmine’s memoirs are generally presumed to be

‘unreliable’, largely due to the work of George Heinrich Pertz, a German state historian, who would have had a vested interest in discrediting her unsavory views of Prussian royalty.

167 Quoted in Anna Beer, Sounds and Sweet Airs: The Forgotten Women of Classical Music (London: Oneworld Publications, 2017) 13. 168 Ibid., 13. 169 Elizabeth Wood, “.” Signs, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Winter, 1980) 292. 170 Ibid., 287.

58 Wilhelmine’s supposed unreliability is often attributed to her typically feminine emotional state.171 Repeatedly historians (the majority of which are men) will pick and choose what parts of her memoirs are factual, and which are not. These decisions are rarely, if at all questioned. Men traditionally have held authoritative roles in society, so they are traditionally not to be doubted.

However, many of her stories are easily corroborated in other historical documents. It cannot be assumed that other parts of her memoirs that are not so easily confirmed are patently false. Such assumptions are akin to execution without a fair trial; it is likely that her memoirs paint a truer picture than Pertz would have us believe.

Similar to Wilhelmine’s story is her sister’s. Anna Amalia has been slandered for centuries due to the memoirs of Friederich von Trenck172, which have been shown repeatedly to be full of falsehoods. Trenck’s memoirs suggest that he and Anna Amalia had an affair, and that he got Anna Amalia with child which necessitated her exile to Quendlinburg to give birth.

Although Trenck’s memoirs have been shown to be inaccurate, these stories persist. It is interesting to note that his memoirs are often referenced as truth, while Wilhelmine’s are taken lightly. Indeed, many historians, authors, and filmmakers have fallen for this ‘romantic’ tale, proving again that a man’s word is worth more than that of a woman.

Anna Bon may not have suffered damage to her reputation as have the two others, but it may be a factor which prevents us from learning more about her. Most records assume that she stopped composing after her marriage; while this is certainly a possible, this assumption does her a great disservice. Relegating Anna to the secondary role of wife diminishes her in her own right,

171 Veit Valentin, “Some Interpretations of Frederick the Great.” History, New Series, Vol. 19, No.

74 (September 1934): 116.

172 Friedrich Freiherr von der Trenck. Memoirs of Baron Trenck, ed. Rev. Hugh Reginald Haweis. (London/New York: Routledge, 1886), 27.

59 even minimizing her earlier accomplishments as means to an end - that end being marriage. If we presume that she stopped composing, do we then stop searching for any further compositions, or are we content to assume that none exist?

It is easy to acknowledge that the works by these three composers are not masterworks; they simply don’t have the complexity or the monumentality of works by the likes of Bach,

Beethoven, and Mozart. It should go without saying that these women will not replace such giants, however, it is egregious that they are rarely noted. In A History of Western Music, a section dedicated to German composers of the late Baroque mentions Anna Amalia in passing:

His [Frederick the Great’s] sister Anna Amalia, princess of Prussia (1723-1787) played harpsichord and organ, composed vocal and instrumental music, and collected a large library of scores.173

Wilhelmine and Anna Bon are not acknowledged at all. Anna Amalia is relegated to that secondary position, as the lesser sibling of someone more important.

Music history textbooks have not kept pace with the expanding role of women composers. The 2001 edition of A History of Western Music mentions a total of sixteen women composers. This is up from ten in the previous 1996 edition, and up from two in 1988. Of the references in the 2001 edition, thirteen were considered ‘major’ references, with four musical examples provided. Exponentially, it would imply that this number has increased in more recent editions, however, is it enough? Are women composers being left out due to lack of information, or due to lack of interest? Certainly, if modern composers are accounted for, there are a great many more women composers who are worthy of study.

173 J. Peter Burkholder, Donald Jay Grout, and Claude V. Palisca, A History of Western Music. (New York: Norton, 2014) 433.

60 It is true that for decades, music history has been taught in a certain way; professors have been taught to teach what they were taught.174 This has left little room for change. Admittedly, many colleges and universities are now offering courses dedicated exclusively to women composers, but there may be a better way to address the historical exclusion of women from the

Western Music canon. Over the years, there has been much discussion as to how to increase students’ exposure to women composers. One primary concern is that by teaching courses on women composers as a separate group, it creates a sense of “othering”, or a “cultural ghetto” of sorts.175 While on one hand, it seems like an ideal way to increase awareness of women composers, it doesn’t truly create a sense of equality.

By including studies on the lives and works of women composers with general music education, students gain insight into a truer version of history. If we exclude the contributions of women, we are neglecting to acknowledge the reality of daily life in areas being studied.

Consider that brief reference to Anna Amalia in A History of Western Music. If we include the roles of Anna Amalia, Wilhelmine, and Anna Bon, it may help students gain further insight into the inner workings of a truly enlightened court. It would provide more in-depth information about the daily lives of court musicians and royal amateur composers. It would help tie in supporting characters who also worked at those courts. This inclusive approach seems to be the best way of incorporating such composers into the standard curriculum.

Perhaps Wilhelmine Von Bayreuth, Anna Amalia, and Anna Bon are not important enough to be included in the Western Music canon; however, they certainly serve as a reminder that women have long been neglected in the repertoire, despite wealth or status. Their music still merits recognition and deserves to be performed. Their flute sonatas are justifiably pertinent to

174 Peggy Vagts, “Introducing Students to Women Composers.” American Music Teacher, Vol 39, No. 1 (August/September 1989). 10. 175 Ibid., 10.

61 the Baroque flute repertoire. At the very least, they should be acknowledged simply to make it known that women could, and did, write for the flute as early as the mid-eighteenth century. Not only did they compose, but they composed well. Their sonatas are of a quality equal to many of their more famous male counterparts, with access to the same tutors. As such, women such as these should not fade forgotten into the shadows, but should instead be illuminated for posterity.

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